Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 ISSN 0974-5653

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The J&K Stories
Jammu, May 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 5 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

Assortment of Ideas
Abdul Rauf Mir
Anil Dhar
Choudhary Ilyas Jammu
Ejaz Ahmed Khan
Ershad Mahmud and
Ezabir Ali
Gul Wani Kashmir
Sardar Amjad Yousuf
Tahir Aziz Moving
Tashi Gyalson
Uzera Shah Forward
Zafar Choudhary

LS ELECTIONS 2009 VIEW POINT

Separatists Swear by India Balancing Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh
Economic Reconstruction Agency under the financial assistance of Asian Development Bank has
launched several schemes to augment the water supply in Srinagar city. The various schemes with a
cumulative storage capacity of 39 MGD include Rangil water supply scheme, Nishat-Doodhganga
water supply scheme and Nishat-Dalbund water supply scheme which will cater to the drinking
water needs of the population of about 10,93,995 souls of Srinagar city.

Scope of Works Total Storage Capacity Population to be benefitted (souls)

Rangil water supply Scheme 10MGD 294000

Areas to be benefitted
Khulmulla, Zakura, Owantabavan, Bakshipora,Tengpora, Muj-Gund, Parimpora, Lawayopora, Shalteng,
Colonies on Right and Left side. National Highway, Left side of National highway Bypass (Bemina,
Muminabad, Firdousabad, Tengpora(left), Right side of National highway Bypass(Hamdania colony,
Khumani colony (partly), Nundreshi Colony, JVC)

Nishat Doodhganga water supply Scheme 21.5 MGD 614132

Areas to be benefitted
Jawahar Nagar, Kralpora, Natipora, Rambagh, Nowgam, Rajbagh, Gulshan Nagar, Gogji Bagh, Solina,
Chanapora Colony, Budshah Nagar, Allochi Bagh Part, Bagh-e-Mehtab, Tulsi Bagh, Wazir Bagh, Lal Mandi,
Hazuri Bagh, Amira Kadal, Shivpora, Rajbagh and Magarmal Bagh, Lal Chowk, Maisuma, Abiguzar, Kral
Sangri, Karapora, Brein, Patnta Chowk, Sonwar, Buchwara, Gupkar Road, Ram Munshi Bagh, Athwajan,
Mahraja Bazar, Sari Payeen, Lal Mandi, Jawaharnagar (partly), Basant Bagh, Bar Bar Shah.

Nishat Dalbund water supply Scheme 7.5MGD 185863

Areas to be benefitted
Saida Kadal Bridge, Zinsha Masjid, Rainawari Chowk, Soorateng Chowk, Shiraz Chowk, Nowhatta,
Naidyaar, Hasibhat, Chowdary Bagh.
B R I D G I N G T H E I N F O R M A T I O N D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World

Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue
because there is more to know

29
F O R T H E
Volume : 3, Number : 5
ISSN : 0974-5653
RNI : JKENG/2007/26070
www.epilogue.in

M O N T H O F M A Y 2 0 0 9

The present issue is a summit of

ideas originating from all regions of
J&K. Writers decided to share their
opinions at a workshop they
attended together at Bangkok in
ending March.

Epilogue Ø
1×
May 2009
 ELECTIONS: CHALLENGE 2008

W e have brought out three issues on assembly elections 2008 and the November
issue was first in the series. Elections were being held in the backdrop of a worst
separatist and communal agitation in state. With a commentary on the prevailing
political and security atmosphere, the November issue carried a complete
backgrounder on the past elections.

Nov. 2008
HUNG ASSEMBLY

I n the middle of elections our small team of staffers along with some 30 volunteers
traveled across the length and breadth of Jammu and Kashmir to gauge the public
mood. The conclusion was that there will be a hung assembly with NC as largest party,
PDP second and Congress third. Looking at the pages of our December issue one can
see all parties have come up with same number of seats as we had predicted except
the BJP.
Dec. 2008
MANDATE :

A collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest
possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare
on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks.

trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.
A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

Jan. 2009
AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :

T he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by

Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a
shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning
people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government

For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

Feb. 2009
CONNECTING J&K

C onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the
government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because
they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads,
rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links.

Mar. 2009
TREADING FAILURE

A s world watches keenly the new unfolding developments in Pakistan, our

Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travelled to the troubled country to
bring fresh perspectives for our readers in April Issue.

Apr. 2009
 Epilogue
because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in Assortment of Ideas CONTENTS

Prologue 5
Editor
Zafar Iqbal Choudhary
Jammu
Note Book
Consulting Editor
and 7 Essential Entries 6
D. Suba Chandran Kashmir Opinion

Associate Editors Moving Taliban Terror

B. Raman
10

Irm Amin Baig

Tsewang Rigzin Forward LS Elections 2009
Hanging around same issues 12
Art Editor Maulvi v/s Abdullah : Action Replay 12
Keshav Sharma IN FOCUS By India, these separatists Swear 14
Ladakh's smallest and 15
J&K Moving Forward highest polling stations
Research Officer
Raman Sharma Politics : from streets to ballots we 16
must tolerate the change of hearts
18 J&K Moving Forward
Sushma Mahajan
Mailing Address ...but there are Wheels within Wheels
Zafar Choudhary
PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, War on Terror
Jammu 24 A frame work for conflict
New Af-Pak Strategy : 48
Resolution in Kashmir
Tahir Aziz Old Wine in a New Bottle
Phones & email M Shamsur Rabb Khan
Office : +91 191 2493136
26 Revisiting General Musharaf’s Ideas
Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Dr. Gul Mohammad Wani
View Point
Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh 51
Administration: +91 94190 00123 29 A New Hope
Anil Dhar
In Quest of Regional Balance
editor@epilogue.in Sahil Showkat
editor.epilogue@gmail.com 30 Keeping hopes alive for Kashmir settlement
Ershad Mahmud
subscription@epilogue.in Column
32 Images of Kashmir in Pir Pangal Region Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation 54
Abdul Rauf Mir
Edited, Printed, Published and ‘...I forgot what fear is’
Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. 35 Peace via voiceless people; Manisha Sobhrajani
Published from : Ibadat House, A Northern Areas Perspective
Ejaz Ahmed Khan
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Special Stories
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 38 Remember Past only to Focus on Future Must See in Jammu 56
180012 and Printed at : DEE Tashi Galyson
Sheikh Noor-ud-Din Noorani Museum
DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta 39 Peace in South Asia : A. K. Khanna
Ashram, New Rehari Jammu Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak
(J&K) Sardar Amjad Yousaf Khan Stories of Change
41 Unheard Traumatized Voices Financing Transport Sector 59
Disputes, if any, subject to Let’s pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas Sajjad Bazaz
jurisdiction of courts and and Shafiqa are added to painful history of
competitive tribunals in Jammu Kashmir Ladakh
Ezabir Ali Unemployment on the Rise 61
only.
43 Kashmir Conflict and its Impact Tsewang Rigzin
Ilyas Choudhary
RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 Media
ISN : 00974-5653 45 Sufferers must play their roles
The Kashmir Jigsaw 62
Uzera Shah
Price : Rs 30 Sevanti Ninan

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May 2009
 Epilogue
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MUMBAI NEW DELHI, MUMBAI, KOLKATTA, NEW DELHI
CHENNAI, BANGALORE & GOA

J&K : Simple in 30 Minutes
Zafar Choudhary
I
t is often said that the solution of
Kashmir issue should better be
left to the people of Jammu and
Kashmir alone. But is there any
idea of what the people of Jammu
and Kashmir want. This can be known
only when they have the opportunities
to meet and talk. While there are
barbed barriers and limited
opportunities of contacts between two
sides of the divide, the channels of
communication are not so free even on
the either sides. There are
psychological barriers. Differences
within the regions are fast widening and
there are no attempts to bridge them
up. Perhaps this suits the official
establishment but this can't bring any
peace. Peace, it is again said, is too
important an end to be left to the
governments alone to achieve. There
has to be an initiative by the people to
guide a way to their destiny. Here again
is an important question. Can
governments, in New Delhi and
Islamabad, leave the destiny of Jammu
and Kashmir to the people alone? No.
There has to be an official conflict
resolution and reconciliation process in
place but necessarily supplemented and
guided by aspirations of the peoples.
Peoples on both sides of the Line of
Control had always wanted to meet
each other but a communication link
(bus services) was established only
when the governments agreed for that.
Peoples want many things more but that
does not mean that governments are
ready to settle down for anything or
every thing for peace. While
understanding these limitations in view
of the geo-political realities that shaped
up in the six decades after partition
there has to be an initiative driven by
the people to guide the governments.
With regional differences running deep
into blood of the people such initiatives
and the desired common approaches
are often difficult but not impossible.
Many of us had heard that when two
natives of J&K, one belonging to Indian
side and other from Pakistani side are
allowed to sit together for half an hour
it takes a maximum of 30 minutes for
them to conclude that there is conflict
at all. At a small scale this phenomenon
has been seen after launch of the trans-
Kashmir-LoC bus service. Many myths
fell and realities took over the thinking.
It was a similar experiment at a recent
workshop on Kashmir organized by a
London based institute Conciliation
Resources at Bangkok. The beauty was
that participants were picked up from
all regions of state on both sides of LoC
with a 'scientific balance' of regions,
sub-regions, faiths, cultures to
accommodate as many identities as
possible in J&K. there were absolutely
no lectures at all. Participants were
made to interact with each other in a
proper framework of interaction. As the
Epilogue Ø
5×
May 2009
P R O L O G U E
From the Editor
legend has it, the difficulties in coming
to terms with each other's perceptions
did not last for more than 30 minutes.
Towards the end of workshop each
participant appeared eager to go home,
expand the constituency of
reconciliation and have lines of divide
blurred –as soon as possible.
Unfortunately the situation is not as
simple as that but it can be made one.
The workshop was in a close room.
Participants are back home and coming
across obvious difficulties in
implementing ideas they conceived and
agreed upon with their colleagues in
Bangkok. But there is no question of the
urge slowing down. The present issue of
Epilogue is a reflection of that strong
urge of cooperation and friendship as
participants of the workshop drawn
from all parts of Jammu and Kashmir (on
both sides of LoC) have made a
beginning by contributing their articles
to this special issue. This is just a
beginning. In coming months and years
the magazine will go on to expand and
strengthen this constituency of forward
looking people to inspire those who are still
caught in the web of a flawed history.
Meanwhile, my thanks are due to the
Conciliation Resources for such a
meaningful exercise of bringing Jammu
and Kashmir together –though a small part
of it. I am sure this constituency grows.
Feedback :
zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

ECONOMY

Crafts, industries crying for help

S everal reasons debase the state
economy mainly includes
setback in tourism due to terror
threats and apprehension of
Taliban presence in valley. The
local handicraft industry like;
Paper Mache, Carpet Weaving,
Namda Sazi, Wooden Crafts and
other technical trade have been
worst affected by the non-
availability of sales outlets, latest
technology, marketing scenario,
packing problems and many more.
People prefer to leave all these
trades choice to do something new
of which they could earn livelihood smoothly.
Not only this but the industrial sector of the entire state has
reached to halt as industrial policies lack, loan facilities,
subsidies electricity and outside state investors. Besides 90%
of manpower is unskilled and the skilled staff is being
imported from other states on high rates.
Fruit industry is also suffering for one or the other reason
every year. Militancy and Regional clashes forced fruit
growers to suffer huge losses and the people dealing with
the trade are highly disappointed, cold storage facilities,
road connectivity, agents who lack marketing skills and
neglect by the Govt. to extend helping hands to fruit
growers.
Special Economic Zone (SEZ) remains the only way out to
save these industries. The Direct marketing at National and
International markets could also provide sign of relief to the
business cadre of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Govt. of India
taking back its promises announced earlier in favour of
industrialists had also added salt
to the wounds of Industrialists.
“Industries could only survive
when Govt, offers incentive to it
as man power, raw material and
almost everything has to be
imported from outside the state”,
said industrialist and president
industries association Jammu Anil
Suri. He said that goods ones
deliver are not getting expected
package causing disappointment
to the industrialists.
Initiating trade across LOC with
not proper homework to facilitate
industrialists with the banking and the currency provisions
finally turned out as a mockery. “Govt. does not show keen
interest to back state industries as exported goods could not
fetch adequate returns” said president chamber of
commerce and industries (CCI) Ram Sahai.
Transport industries which are directly dependent upon the
Tourism Sector has suffered a lot last year due to two
months long agitation. The Apprehension of Taliban
presence in Valley force Tourists to cancel their bookings,
which cause serious concern to transport operators,
hoteliers and other allied traders. Govt. has to do a lot to
develop confidence among all the sectors involved in
Business and trade as already it (Govt.) is under the
influence of Code of Conduct and did nothing for the last
more then four months. People Expect that young Chief
Minister Mr. Omar Abdullah will open Pandora box soon after
the electioneering ends on May 16th, provide Sign of relief
for which they waited a lot.

WILDLIFE

Endangered stag population on the rise

T here is good news for Jammu and
Kashmir - an increase in the
population of the endangered stag
called hangul. According to a census
conducted by the state wildlife
department, the estimated population
is now between 201 and 234, compared
to 117 and 199 in March 2008.
The census has been conducted in
collaboration with the Wildlife
Institute of India, Dehradun, and the
Wildlife Trust of India, New Delhi.
Hangul is an endangered species of
deer found in Jammu and Kashmir,
mainly in the Dachigam National Park
and adjoining areas.
The census was initiated to identify
threats to the species and formulate a
strategy to save them. The hangul is
characterised by impressive spreading
antlers of the adult male and its rich
brownish red coat. Female hangul do
not have antlers.
The estimated population is now

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May 2009
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

CONNECTING J&K

Rs 22,000 Cr rail project for Leh

T he ambitious and strategically crucial project to link
mountain-locked Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir
with the rest of the country by train has moved a step closer
Manali, Mulden, Pang
and Jarapa.
The rail link is
to fructification with the Railways finalising the feasibility crucial for the
report in this regard. country's defence
The first rail link is proposed to be between Leh and security. India has
Bilaspur in Himachal Pradesh and six passenger trains and been beefing up
nine goods trains are planned on the 498 km-long section. infrastructure along
"The feasibility report of Leh-Bilaspur rail link project is the Chinese border
almost ready and it will be submitted to Railway Ministry in Ladakh region and
shortly for scrutiny. After the scrutiny, the report would be has reopened several
sent to the Planning Commission before being sent to forward landing
Parliament for final approval," said a senior Railway Ministry bases to ensure
official involved with the feasibility study. faster supply lines
The project is strategically crucial as it is part of India's for troops posted in
efforts to improve infrastructure in the border region difficult terrain.It is
considering that China has already built a rail link to Tibet. estimated to cost
China has also improved connectivity with Pakistan via the about Rs 45 crore per
Karakoram highway which runs close to the Indian border. km to construct the
The proposed Leh rail project came up for discussion at the rail line in the
Army Commanders' Conference here recently in the context section. There would
of improving supply lines along the border like China has also be provisions for
done. attending to any
According to the study, the Leh-Bilaspur project, which is accident along the
estimated to cost about Rs 22,000 crore, 6,000 passengers route.
are expected to travel daily in the section, once the line is Two sites have been proposed along the 498-km long route
operational. for setting up facilities for accident relief trains.
On the freight front, the feasibility report has taken into Trains are expected to run at 65 km per hour in the section,
account the possibility of carrying 3.92 million tonnes -- according to the study.
mostly food grains, steel, sugar, oil, iron and cement -- in a Beside troop movement, the rail link would give a boost to
year. tourism in the area.However, only two passenger trains are
The proposed Leh-Bilaspur rail project will have 20 stations expected to run during the winter since the mountainous
including Chhibbrin, Sundar Nagar, Bhangrotu, Mandi, Kullu, area sees heavy snowfall in the season, said the study.

between 201 and to an official statement. great significance as this is the only
234, compared to "The increase in population is being survivor of the red deer group in the
117 and 199 in attributed to the effective measures Indian subcontinent. The species is
March 2008. The which include protection and control placed under Schedule I in the Jammu
male-female ratio on poaching taken by the department, and Kashmir Wildlife (Protection) Act,
and female-fawn besides the involvement of 1978, and the Indian Wildlife
ratio have also independent volunteers, researchers, (Protection) Act, 1972. It is also listed
shown an upward students and NGOs," the statement in on the International Trade in
swing in the current said. Endangered Species of Wild Flora and
census, according Conservation of this species assumes Fauna (CITES).

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May 2009
 NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories

ENVIRONMENT

Climate change warning from Ladakh

A n Asian regional seminar at Leh, has
warned of adverse effects of
climate change in cold regions. The
four-day seminar was organised by the
Group Energies Renewable,
Environment Solidarities, a recognized
international French NGO, in
partnership with the European Union,
G T Z ( t h e G e r m a n Te c h n i c a l
Cooperation), ADEME (the French
Environment and Energy Management
Agency), and the Foundation Ensemble.
It was attended by representatives from
India, Afghanistan, China, Tibet,
Tajikistan and Bhutan. The conference
focused on issues concerning
adaptation strategy choices, which
have become important for people
living in mountains areas.
"Its important because these glaciers
will melt within 20 years, and people's
livelihood will collapse. This seminar
aims to share this information with
people from Central and South Asia, to
improve livelihood for people from
Hindukush, Himalayas and Pamir," said
Vincent Stuffer, Country Director,
GERES, India.
The objective of the seminar was to share
strategies, expertise and field
experience on energy and climate change
issues to formulate a series of concrete
recommendations in terms of policy and
methodology and to initiate a community
of practice among the key players of the
region. Scientists predict that at the
present rate glaciers in the Himalayas
will shrink within the next 50 to 60 years.
"Ladakh region has many glaciers and
they are feeding many of our rivers like
the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. If
these glaciers melt due to climate
change during summer seasons, there
could be unexpected floods. And when
the water is needed, water will not be
there, there will be drought. Even the
UNDP report and reports of other global
agencies say that the Himalayan
glaciers will shrink in the next 50 to 60
years if we keep polluting the
environment," Dr. Balaji, District Forest
Officer, Leh and a participant at the
seminar.
Global warming could wipe out large
areas of glaciers in the Himalayas and
surrounding highlands, threatening
livelihoods across much of Asia.
Ladakh is geographically important
because, when the glaciers start
melting areas such as these would be
first affected. Mountain areas are
particularly affected by climate change
as relatively small changes in
temperatures have severe impact on
water supply, agriculture-based
livelihood and infrastructure.

REPORTS FROM LADAKH

Ambedkar remembered in Leh

O n the initiative of Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA)
Youth wing, under its newly elected president Mr.
Tsewang Thinles, a grand celebration of the 118th Birth
Anniversary of Bharat Ratna Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
was held at the historic Leh Pologround on April 14 to pay
homage to the Architect of the Indian Constitution.
With enthusiasm and devotion thousands of people and a
galaxy of prominent personalities including the heads of
different religious and social organizations, the
intelligentsia, members of LBA and students of various
institutions took part in the Ambedkar Jayanti and paid rich
tribute to Babasaheb by offering white scarf khatak to his
portrait.
Speakers on the occasion highlighted the role of Dr.
Ambedkar to bring about reforms to uplift the weaker
sections in India who were suffering from caste
discrimination.
LBA has constituted Bharat Ratna Dr. Ambedkar Awards to be
conferred to organizations and individuals having excelled in
contributing towards betterment of the society through
social works and activism. This year the awards were
conferred among one individual and two societies. Among
them are Lama Sangha Sena, President Mahabodhi Society,
Leh for his contributions for the people of Ladakh specially
the underprivileged ones through various humanitarian
projects, the Lamdon Social Welfare Society for having
excelled in education for the last nearly three decades and
the Ladakh Vision Group for producing feature films based
on relevant and prevailing social issues such as preservation
and promotion of cultural values, eradication of social evils,
and helping poor and needy people.
MC Bhagat, District Superintending Engineer Leh who is also
the President of Ambedkar Foundation J&K State was the
chief guest on the occasion while the President LBA, Mr.
Lobzang Rinchen was the guest of honor.
It is pertinent to mention here that Ambedkar was born into
a poor untouchable family of Hindu community in 1891.
Having spent his whole life fighting against social
discrimination, Ambedkar 1950s converted his faith into
Buddhism.

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May 2009

GOVERNANCE
Omar's 100 days lackluster Mumbai attack
F irst day in top chamber of civil secretariat, on January 9 when the
youngest Chief Minister Omar Abdullah talked about his '100-day'
planned to
model to set tone for governance in next 69 months, his plain, crisp and
sweet talk was highly appreciated by his bureaucrat audience but the 100-
capture Kashmir?
day model still remain an illusion as the National Conference-Congress
coalition completes three months in office.
Widely respected and read London based Sunday Observer has noted that
39 years old Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister has a vision though he has
had only 100 days in office. When Omar Abdullah moved into office of
Chief Minister there was very little to doubt about his experience as he
was a Union Minister ten years ago but the difference millions, particularly
youth, had hoped is yet to show though hopes are still intact as its been
just 100 days.
Jammu and Kashmir is a difficult state to keep the promises and translate
the visions, the one like Omar has, but there are few things which need to
come from top and percolate down to bottom. Vision and agenda is one
such thing which the leadership sets and team follows.
In his first meeting with the administrative secretaries on January 9, Omar
Abdullah told them “to formulate agenda for the first 100 days of the
coalition Government to set the tone for the governance for the six years
of its tenure”. Bureaucracy in Jammu and Kashmir is quite obedient and
faithful to the political leadership but talk in the secretariat next day was
audible: “if bureaucrats had to set agenda in 100 days to be followed for
next six years then they were doing it well in the Governor's
administration”.
This is nothing to dispute the Sunday Observer's opinion that Omar
Abdullah has a vision but if he had wanted to put in place in 100 days a
model of governance for next six years then Jammu and Kashmir probably
lacks the climate for such an experiment. Administrative secretaries are
still sifting through the previous files to formulate a plan which they or
their predecessors did years back.
A handout issued by the National Conference has today listed a dozen odd
projects –like Srinagar airport and the Kashmir rail-line –to underscore
efficient governance of the coalition but understandably some of these
projects were initiated during the times of previous generation. Omar
could have done wonders but if the operational conditions were out of
Jammu and Kashmir.
The first and foremost spoiler in the way of Omar translating his vision was
apparently an uncomfortable alliance with an arrogant partner and wide
gaps between party and the government. Chief Minister's first month in
office (or out of office) went off in generating appreciation of people and
places in the new system and the second month got consumed up in
managing the Rajya Sabha elections. The third month saw huge politics of
Legislative Council elections and then came the Lok Sabha elections which
currently have the dust kicking in the air. The National Conference
handout rightly puts it: “and this is just a beginning…”
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
NO T E BOOK
7 Essential Stories
TERRORISM
O pening the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attacks
case in court, special public prosecutor Ujwal
Nikam said there was a clear indication that the
strike was a criminal conspiracy hatched in
Pakistan with the help of experts, aimed at
capturing Jammu and Kashmir.
Nikam said before designated court judge M L
Tahilyani that the attack was launched under a
criminal conspiracy to wage a war against the
country and weaken it economically by targetting
the financial capital.
Nikam said that the findings were based on
confessional statement of Mohammad Ajmal Amir
Kasab, the lone Pakistani terrorist captured during
the attack, recorded by additional chief
metropolitan magistrate, and the investigations
conducted in the case.
Nikam said that Kasab's confession clearly shows
that that the attack was absolutely impossible
without involvement of some trained
professionals.
''According to Kasab's confessional statement, he
and the nine other terrorist, who were killed
during the attacks, had first undergone arms
training, including handling of AK-47, for 21 days.
Then they had again undergone a 15-day arms
training at Muradabad hills in Pakistan by Abu
Hamza, which also included ways of deceiving the
intelligence agencies. In September 2008, during
ramzan, they were taken to Karachi by rail and a
Hakeem (Muslim physician) trained them on sea
transportation, maps, Global positioning system
and also how to misguide the Navy officials,'' Mr
Nikam said.
He said, ''They were trained about rocket
launchers and satellite phones. The whole training
was done to make them ''Jihadis''. During their
training in Karachi, an unknown person came to
oversee the preparations and Rehman Lakhvi
introduced him as Major General, but did not
disclose his name. The terrorists were also told
that the people training them were the Major
General's men.'’

The 'Taliban' Infiltration
The goal would be to strengthen those experts close to Obama who have been saying that a
solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should be the starting point of any effective fight against
terrorism emanating from the Pakistani territory
B. RAMAN
Author is Additional Secretary
(retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of
India, and, presently, Director,
Institute For Topical Studies,
Chennai
T A L I BAN
“The heavily-forested Kupwara is not the
sprawling urban Mumbai. Encounters
within forests have nothing in common
with encounters with terrorists
entrenched inside urban buildings and
going on a shooting spree in crowded
public places in a big city such as Mumbai.
But there are disconcerting similarities
between what happened in Mumbai
between November 26 and 29, 2008, and
between what has happened during the
last five days in the Kupwara area--
simultaneous, well-orchestrated attacks
on multiple targets, whether static or
moving army patrols, a skilful use of hand-
held weapons and gadgets such as GPS
systems, suicidal and not suicide
terrorism, strike, stay and fight tactics
instead of the hit and vanish tactics and an
ability to keep the encounters with the
security forces going for a long time in
order to make an impact on the local
population and the international
community through dramatic media
reports."
-- Extract from my article dated March
25, 2009, From Mumbai To Kupwara
W
hile the Government of Dr
Manmohan Singh has maintained
its usual silence on what has been
going on in Northern Jammu & Kashmir
(Kupwara, Uri and Baramulla areas), there
have been worrisome reports in the media
about the infiltration of one more group of
Epilogue Ø
10 ×
May 2009
T E RROR
Opinion
30 well-trained terrorists-cum-insurgents
from the Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (POK)
into J&K. This group, which has been
described as a "Taliban group" to
distinguish it from the earlier infiltrators
who belonged to the Lashkar-e-Toiba
(LET), is well-trained and has shown a
capability to keep our security forces
engaged in conventional style battles.
If the media reports of the way the new
infiltrators are fighting are to be believed,
what we are seeing is reminiscent of the
infiltration of a re-trained and better-
trained Neo Taliban of Mulla Mohammad
Omar into Afghanistan in 2003. The re-
trained Neo Taliban showed a remarkable
capability for mixing conventional style
stand and fight battles and suicide or
suicidal terrorism. The US-led NATO forces
in Afghanistan are still struggling to
grapple with the re-trained Neo Taliban
infiltrators from their sanctuaries in
Pakistan.
The use of the word Taliban in describing
the new batch of infiltrators into Northern
J&K can be confusing. The Pakistani media
refer to the anti-India terrorist
organisations, which consist largely of
Punjabis and Punjabi-speaking Kashmiris
(Mirpuris) from Pakistan-Occupied
Kashmir (POK), as the Punjabi Taliban and
to the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP),
which consists largely of Pashtuns, as the
Pashtun Taliban. The TTP consists largely

of the Mehsud and Wazir sub-tribes of the Pashtuns. Next to
the Punjabis, who constitute about 75 per cent of the Pakistan
Army, the Pashtuns constitute the second largest number in
the Army-- about 20 per cent. They are recruited from both the
North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the Federally-
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA)-- with the Mehsuds and the
Wazirs constituting the largest single group of Pashtun tribals
recruited into the Army from the FATA.
When the Pakistan Army tried to annex J&K after Pakistan
became independent in 1947, it first sent into J&K Mehsud and
Wazir tribals who projected themselves as local Kashmiris.
Initially, the Pakistan Army totally denied any responsibility
for their depredations, but ultimately it accepted that the
tribal infiltrators were from the army. These infiltrators
managed to occupy some parts of J&K which were constituted
into the POK.
As a reward for their services, many of these Mehsuds and
Wazirs were allowed to settle down in the POK after their
retirement from the Army. When Ayub Khan wanted to occupy
J&K in 1965, he again sent the Mehsuds and the Wazirs into J&K
and tried to project them as indigenous Kashmiris. If Lal
Bahadur Shastri, the then Indian Prime Minister, had not
retaliated by ordering the Indian Army to enter the Lahore
area thereby creating panic in the Pakistani army, these tribals
from the Pakistani Army posing as indigenous Kashmiris would
have probably occupied Jammu and even Srinagar. After the
war was over, Ayub Khan had these Mehsuds and Wazirs from
the Pakistan Army re-settled in POK. During the military
confrontation between India and Pakistan after the foiled
terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13,
2001, Pervez Musharraf used to say that there were 150,000
ex-service-men re-settled in the POK, who would put up a
fierce resistance to any forays by the Indian Army into the
POK. These ex-servicemen largely consist of Punjabis,
Mehsuds and Wazirs.
Against this background, the new group of infiltrators into
J&K could be either members of the so-called Punjabi Taliban
or members from the families of Mehsud and Wazir re-settlers
in the POK who are being referred to by the locals as the
Taliban, meaning the Pashtun Taliban. In the past--in 1947-48
and in 1965-- the infiltration of the tribals was a prelude to a
regular invasion by the Pakistan Army. This time, the objective
of the infiltration seems to be to strengthen the claims of
some non-governmental and governmental experts close to
the administration of President Barack Obama, who have been
saying that a solution to the so-called Kashmir problem should
be the starting point of any effective fight against terrorism
emanating from the Pakistani territory by the Pakistan Army.
Epilogue Ø
11 ×
May 2009
T A L I BAN T E RROR
Opinion
TERRORISM
Captured ultra takes
Taliban buzz out
S yed Moinullah Khan, a Pakistan-based militant who was
arrested by the Indian Army, disclosed that militants
operating in Jammu and Kashmir have no links with the
Taliban. “People of Taliban are in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
They don't come to this side. Each outfit a has separate
training centre of their own. Nobody belongs to Taliban in
this, they have their own training centre and setup and those
organisations, which work in Kashmir have their own setup.
These setups in Kashmir have nothing to do with the Taliban
and they don't work along with the Taliban," Syed claimed.
Syed, Hizbul Mujahideen terrorist, was brought before the
media for the first time.
Shah confessed how he received imparted intense training
before infiltrating into India from the Gurez Sector along with
30 others.
"I was trained in a jungle in a place called Mansehra in Jammu
and Kashmir. There is a place named Sunar in the border area
of Kashmir and we entered via that route. In totality there
were people belonging to four terrorist organisations, who
infiltrated Kashmir, including Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-
Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and PPR," Shah said.
When asked about the motive behind him becoming a
terrorist, Syed said, "Kashmiris come to Pakistan and claim
that they are being illtreated, they are not given passports,
the Indian Army has captured their houses and that they are
misrespected. So they tell us to come along with weapons and
we come here in the name of jihad. This is my motive behind
becoming a terrorist."
However, he added that on arriving he saw there was no kind
of disrespect towards Muslims.
"On arriving here, I realised that people are involved in their
own work and I did not see any kind of restrictions in the lives
of Kashmiris. Everyone is living their lives in full freedom and
is doing their own work. There is no need of jihad as such over
here," Shah said.
Shah informed there was not a set target or mission for any
outfit.
"There was not set target or mission given to us. We were just
sent to attack. It depends from the commanders as to where
they send us and for what; we have no say in it. We have three
types of training. One is for 21 days, one is for 30 days and the
third one lasts for 3 months."
Syed also informed that he had met the Hizbul Mujhahideen
commander.
"The commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, who came to Gurez
Sector, to talk about jihad, from that time onwards I, wanted
to get into this. I met that person and took the address of the
training centre and landed myself there. The one who
becomes a commander is the person who spends almost 4-5
years in the area," Syed added.

DISCOURSE
Hanging around same issues
R aising the same issues in almost the
same pitch in their election
campaigns, the National Conference and
the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) are
busy accusing each other of deceiving
the people of Jammu and Kashmir.
The rival parties are promising greater
devolution of powers to the state
through the autonomy slogan of the
National Conference and the self-rule
slogan of the PDP.
'They have copied our autonomy
document and are now calling it self-
rule which is meant to deceive the
people,' says Farooq Abdullah, the
National Conference president and
former chief minister, who is contesting
from Srinagar.
Abdullah's long time political rival Mufti
Mohammed Sayeed, the PDP patron,
unequivocally criticises him.
'He (Abdullah) passed the autonomy
resolution in the state assembly and
then allowed it to be trashed by the
central government in 2000. The
National Conference has never been
serious while fighting for the rights of
the people here,' Sayeed said at a rally in
south Kashmir's Anantnag district, a
strong bastion of his party.
Voters feel confused, says the editor of a
leading daily newspaper here.
'They are confusing the voters on all
fronts. But what the voter does would be
known only after the results are out,' he
said, not wishing to be identified.
The rival parties also speak of
withdrawal of armed forces from the
populated areas and repeal of the Armed
Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), but
continue to blame each other for having
done nothing concrete towards
achieving this.
'We got an army camp removed from
Bomai village near Sopore town within
less than a month of coming to power.
The PDP always made emotive issues of
army withdrawal from populated areas,
but actually did nothing on the ground to
LS E L E C T I ON S
achieve it,' senior National Conference
leader Ali Mohammed Sagar said at an
election meeting here.
But PDP president Mehbooba Mufti holds
the National Conference responsible for
the invocation of the AFSPA in the state,
which has since 1989 been battling
terrorism which has left over 47,000
people dead.
'It is the National Conference which in
the very first place got the AFSPA to
Kashmir. Now they are talking of its
repeal to deceive the voters,' Mehbooba
Mufti told an election meeting of her
party in Anantnag.
The India-Pakistan peace process is
another issue which tops the election
campaign of the two parties in the
valley.
'In our rule, there was a general sense of
security among the people. The cross-
border bus was started and the India-
Pakistan peace process began to ease
tensions between the two neighbours,'
Mehbooba Mufti said.
The National Conference counters by
saying very few people even today use
the cross-border bus service to
Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-administered
Kashmir and the pace of cross-border
trade between the two parts of Kashmir
has not picked up at all.
'How many people have actually used
the bus or traded goods across the
border? These still remain photo
opportunities which the PDP wants to
encash,' said a senior National
Conference leader here.
Both parties are promising roads,
healthcare, employment and economic
packages to boost the valley's shattered
economy.
'They (National Conference) didn't do it
then, they shall not do it now,' said Mufti
Sayeed.
'How much did he do during his tenure?'
pat comes the retort from the National
Conference's south Kashmir candidate
Mirza Mehboob Beg.
Epilogue Ø
12 ×
May 2009
2009
Campaign Trail
BATTLE FIELD SRINAGAR
Maulvi v/s
W hen Sheikh Mohammad
Abdullah bulldozed his political
opponents with the Indira-Abdullah
accord in 1975, his Plebiscite Front
rebel Sofi Mohammad Akbar vanished
into oblivion in hometown Sopore
and the Jamaat-e-Islami veteran
Syed Ali Shah Geelani had already
neutralised his own image of a
revolutionary leader by participating
in the dubiously held Assembly
elections of 1972, Shia Muslim cleric
Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari had
little competition to grab the
opportunity of emerging as Sher-e-
Kashmir's arch rival in Kashmir's
political landscape. Over two other
competitors---Shameem Ahmed
Shameem and Abdul Gani Lone---
Ansari had the advantage of hailing
from the core of Central Kashmir as
also being the spiritual leader of a
sizable votebank. Thus, he qualified
well for an attack by Sheikh's cubs
while filing his nomination papers as
an Independent candidate against
Begum Akbar Jehan in February 1977.
Maulvi had remained a Member of
Legislative Council since 1973 but he
shot into veritable prominence when
National Conference (NC) jihadis
roughed him up and snatched away
his Qarraquli on occasion of filing his
nomination for Srinagar-Budgam in
the Lok Sabha elections of March
1977. Then widely circulated
Srinagar Times carried one of Bashir
Ahmed Bashir's popular cartoons on
Ansari's headgear next day. In a few
days, Ansari put up a 30,000-strong
show on the spacious Gole Bagh---
where High Court and Legislature
Complexes came up years later---in
front of the Civil Secretariat. He
slammed Kashmir's legendary
political icon with his loud roar and
gave his widely revered spouse a
tough fight. Still, he had to be
content with just 87,000 votes

Abdullah: Action Replay
against Begum's whopping 2.10 Lakh.
Alongwith all of his ilk---Maulana
Masoodi, Ghulam Mohiuddin Qarra,
Mirwaiz Farooq, Abdul Gani Lone etc
etc---Ansari joined Murarji Desai's
ruling Janata Party next month. At the
end of an electrifying campaign in the
Assembly elections of June 1977, only
two of JP candidates---Lone in
Handwara and the Mirwaiz-nominee
Abdul Rashid Kabuli---were returned
in the Valley as NC swept the polls. It
was obviously in recognition of his
defeating Ansari in Pattan that Sheikh
Abdullah inducted Abdul Rashid
Shaheen as a junior Minister in his
government.
As his vengeance refused to die down,
Ansari successfully uprooted the NC
candidate and romped home in Pattan
in the Assembly elections of 1983. In
league with his former patrons in
Congress---notably Mufti Mohammad
Sayeed--- he played a key role in
engineering a split in NC, dismissing
Farooq Abdullah as Chief Minister and
getting Ghulam Mohammad Shah
installed as head of the government in
July 1984.
In the backdrop of Rajiv-Farooq
Accord, Ansari made a dramatic
somersault and outsmarted all in the
state politics in becoming Farooq
Abdullah's bosom friend. This
association showed spectacular
resilience in surviving
all kinds of hostile
w e a t h e r. E v e n a s
Ansari won as an
Opposition Congress
candidate in Pattan in
1996, Farooq Abdullah
inducted him as a
Minister in his Cabinet.
In 2002 he was once
again returned from
Pattan, though NC lost
the power to Mufti's
PDP.
LS E L E C T I ON S
Nobody had an inkling of the split when
Ansari made another dramatic
turnaround and returned to his much
abused detractor Mufti Sayeed's camp
in 2005. He resigned as NC's MLA and
contested the by-elections in 1996 but
lost to Farooq Abdullah's brother, Dr
Mustafa Kamal. In 2008, he, however,
managed his victory from the same
segment by defeating NC's Abdul
Rashid Shaheen.
Even as nobody from NC removed
Ansari's Qarraqulli in ensuing polls his
election fighting came full circle after
32 years in April 2009 when, for the first
time, he jumped into the arena to
directly take on Sheikh Abdullah's son,
Farooq Abdullah. Still suffering the jolt
of the defeat of the Assembly elections
of 2008, PDP and Mufti are obviously
banking on Ansari's sectarian base in
Srinagar-Budgam in the current Lok
Sabha elections.
The Central Kashmir constituency of
Srinagar-Budgam-Ganderbal has been
NC's invincible bastion whether in
power or in opposition. While Dr Farooq
Abdullah scored his first victory here
when nobody stood against him in the
Lok Sabha elections of 1980, NC's Abdul
Rasheed Kabuli slammed a crushing
defeat on then Chief Minister Ghulam
Mohammad Shah's son, Muzaffar Shah,
in 1984. With all available resources,
Shah got a paltry 61,000 votes against
Kabuli's 2,64,000. Again in 1989, NC's
Mohammad Shafi Bhat went
uncontested.
In 1996, Ghulam Mohammad Mir
Magami, a Shia leader from Budgam
district, managed a victory over JD's
Farooq Andrabi with a margin of less
than 2,000 votes, thanks to a sectarian
divide in the low turnout polling. His
real advantage was NC's absence from
the Lok Sabha elections. Thereafter,
NC's Omar Abdullah has continuously
retained this all-important seat for his
party in 1998, 1999 and 2004 elections.
Epilogue Ø
13 ×
May 2009
2009
Campaign Trail
Even as NC lost some segments in the
Assembly elections in 2002 and later
PDP's Tariq Hameed Qarra dealt it the
first major blow in Batmaloo in 2004-05,
it has swept the polls fully in the
Assembly elections of 2008 in Srinagar
and lost only three of the 15 segments.
In 1998, Congress candidate Aga Syed
Mehdi (also an influential Shia leader)
secured only 74,000 against Omar
Abdullah's 1,45,000 votes. In 1999, then
Independent Mehboba Mufti got just
18,000 votes in Srinagar-Budgam
against Omar Abdullah's 55,000. And
notwithstanding its loss of power in
2002 Assembly elections, NC's Omar
Abdullah trounced PDP's Ghulam Nabi
Lone Hanjoora with a margin of 23,000
votes.
With the big fight unfolding between
Farooq Abdullah and Maulvi Iftikhar,
both have certain advantage in the
current elections. PDP has managed to
get back its estranged Shia leader, Aga
Syed Mehmood, who has functioned as
a Minister in Dr Abdullah's government
for two terms, last fortnight. However,
given his second successive defeat in
Budgam, his base is no match to that of
the NC MLA Aga Ruhulla who has been
returned for his second term with a
massive vote of nearly 20,000. Both
have influence of varied proportions in
five other segments of Shia base in
Srinagar-Budgam.
Even as Ansari is
expected to get the
lion's share of Shia
vote, PDP can
obviously find an
advantage in
nothing less than a
turnout of around
20 to 25 percent as
a sectarian divide
could benefit it
only in that
situation.
- AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
 LS E L E C T I ON S 2009
Campaign Trail

CHANGE OF STRATEGY ?

By India, these Separatists Swear

C hampions of 'Azadi' in yesteryears,
Sajjad Gani Lone and Ghulam
Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi, are among
percent people participated in the
Assembly elections in J&K---71% in
Jammu and 51% in Kashmir valley.
in the last over two decades include
Maulvi Iftikhar Hussain Ansari,
Muzaffar Hussain Baig, Nizam-ud-din
13 candidates of different political Sajjad's own sister, advocate Shabnam Bhat, Abdul Haq Khan, late Bilal Lodhi
affiliations in fray in the North Kashmir Lone, as also a senior ideologue in the (all PDP), Mohammad Akbar Lone (NC)
Lok Sabha constituency of Baramulla- PC, Engineer Sheikh Abdul Rasheed, and former Forest Minister Ghulam
Kupwara while swearing by God to contested the Assembly elections from Mohi-ud-din Sofi. Sofi was among over
uphold India's sovereignty and integrity. Kupwara and Langet segments a dozen members of PC who had
Chairman of a faction of late Abdul Gani respectively. Even as Ms Lone lost to contested Assembly elections of 2002
Lone's mainstream-turned-separatist the NC candidate, Mir Saifullah, and came to be widely known as
Jammu & Kashmir Peoples Conference Engineer Rasheed defeated all of his Sajjad's “proxy candidates”.
(PC), Sajjad Lone, took oath in the rivals including NC's incumbent, It was Sofi's and his other colleagues'
name of God for bearing true faith in Sharief-ud-din Shariq, and PDP's participation in the elections that
the Constitution of India and upholding former MLA, Mohammad Sultan caused the first split in Hurriyat in
the sovereignty and integrity of this Panditpuri. 2003 when hardliner Syed Ali Shah
country. After PC's 19-year-long struggle Those who have earlier deserted late Geelani took a tough stand and sought
for Kashmir's 'Azadi' (freedom from Mr Lone's PC and become MLAs or MLCs PC's ouster from the amalgam.
India) and seven years after his father's
assassination over the speculations of
his participation in the Assembly
elections of 2002, Sajjad Lone has
finally stood up as a candidate in the
Indian Parliamentary elections in
Jammu & Kashmir.
In a news conference on April 11th,
Sajjad had announced his participation
in the elections with his argument that
Kashmir's separatist leadership could
not afford to continue as a slave of its
ostrich-like stand on the democratic
exercise in which majority of the
Kashmiris had participated by choice.
He had, nevertheless, sought to justify
it as “a change in strategy” and claimed
that his ideology (of Azadi) was not
going to change. Interestingly, Sajjad
had outsmarted all of the Kashmiri
separatist leaders and taken the lead
role in running the anti-election
campaign in an attempt to ensure “total
boycott” to the Assembly elections in
October-December 2008.
However, in total rejection of the
separatist leadership's call, nearly 61

Epilogue Ø
14 ×
May 2009
 LS
Creation of the Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar factions in
Hurriyat was the result of this particular development.
A prominent constituent of the separatist conglomerate,
Hurriyat Conference, since 1993, PC has been struggling
for J&K's separation from India and creation of an
Independent, sovereign state. Al-Barq came to be known
as PC's “guerrilla wing” in 1990 as most of its cadres had
been late Mr Lone's associates.
Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election
bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked bitter
reaction from several militant and separatist political
groups, his elder brother, Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing
as Chairman of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat
(Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.
Even after Sajjad has jumped into the election
bandwagon and his turnaround has evoked
bitter reaction from several militant and
separatist political groups, his elder brother,
Bilal Gani Lone, is continuing as Chairman
of the PC faction which has been a Hurriyat
(Mirwaiz faction) constituent since 2003.
Those who filed their nomination papers in Baramulla
today, included Ghulam Rasool Shah alias Imran Rahi of
J&K Awami National Conference (ANC), who had
operated as a senior commander with Hizbul Mujahideen
for several years before his historic meeting with then
Home Minister of India, S B Chauhan, in March 1996. A
resident of Diver Anderbug village of Lolab valley in
Kupwara district, Rahi was functioning as Hizbul
Mujahideen's “Deputy Chief” when he had initiated a
dialogue process with the Goverenment of India
alongwith nine other militant leaders, notably late Bilal
Lodhi (then Chief Commander of Al-Barq), Firdaus
Sayeed alias Babar Baddar (then Chief Commander of
Muslim Janbaz Force) and a Muslim Mujahideen leader,
late Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Lone.
Rahi had later participated in the Assembly elections of
2002 from his home segment of Kupwara but got only 366
out of 34,093 valid votes polled in the constituency.
Firdaus Sayeed was inducted as MLC when he joined Dr
Farooq Abdullah's NC. However, he has not remained
associated with any party politics after his term ended
several years back. - AHMED ALI FAYYAZ
Epilogue Ø
15 ×
E L E C T I ON S 2009
Campaign Trail
ELECTIONS 2009
Ladakh's smallest
and highest polling
stations
T he 4- Ladakh Parliamentary constituency, comprising of
Leh and Kargil districts, is going to poll in the last
phase of Lak Saba elections on May 13th 2009. A total of
1,52,391 voters would exercise their franchise in the
forthcoming Lok Saba Election in Ladakh of which 74,475
are male voters, 73,922 are female voters and 3,924 service
voters.
According to the Returning Officer, 4-Ladakh Parliamentary
Constituency, Mr. Ajeet Kumar Sahu, 239 Polling stations
have been set up in Leh district while as 237 Polling stations
established for Kargil district. Polling Station No: 157-
Chuchot Gongma having 1324 voters is the largest polling
stations and Polling station No: 171 Thukjey Gonpa having
only 6 voters is the smallest polling station of Ladakh
Parliamentary Constituency. The Polling Station No: 181-
Anlay Fu situated at a height of 15,000 ft above sea level is
the highest polling station of this constituency.
The Kargil Assembly segment has 57,105 voters with 28,629
male, 28,476 female voters and 348 service voters.
Likewise, the Zanskar Assembly Segment has 20,397 voters
including 10,258 male voters, 10,139 female voters and 259
service voters.
Similarly, Leh Assembly Segment has 62,504 voters including
30,281 male voters, 29,566 female voters and 2657 service
voters. The Nubra Segment has total of 12,373 voters which
include 5,909 male voters, 5,804 female voters and 660
service voters.
For Ladakh Parliamentary Constituency 158 Polling
Stations set up in Kargil, 79 Polling Stations in Zanskar,
183 Polling Stations in Leh and 56 Polling Stations in
Nubra segment.
Sources say that 7 Polling Stations in Karigl Segment
would be covered through Helicopter service, 7 Polling
Stations in Zanskar segment and 6 Polling Stations in Leh
segment would be provided Helicopter service to lift
Polling Staff and Polling Materials. In case of non
clearance of Kargil Padum road, Elections materials and
Polling staff for 49 Polling Stations of Zanskar segment
would be airlifted. From Kargil, likewise in the case of
non clearance of road another 6 Polling Stations of Leh
segment would also be provided Helicopter service.
May 2009
 LS E L E C T I ON S 2009
Opinion

Politics: from streets to ballots

We must tolerate the change of hearts

Separatist leader Sajjad Lone's participation in the ensuing Lok Sabha (Indian Parliament) elections in
Jammu and Kashmir may have raised many eyebrows but it should be seen as a welcome step towards
better way of understanding and achieving goals. The political space Sajjad will get after the results,
would be the right democratic platform to express his voice. He would be able to represent his 'class
of nation' and see the compatibility of his dreams in the Indian setting.

W hen Peoples Conference Masoodi, Afzal Haq, Ghulam Qadir and

SUSHMA MAHAJAN
Author is a Research Scholar at
University of Jammu
leader Sajjad Lone, son of
widely respected moderate
separate late Abdul Ghani Lone filed
nomination papers for Baramulla-
Kupwara Lok Sabha segments, it was
like politics of streets, ultimately,
coming to the politics of ballot. After-
reactions should never be, in any way, a
reflection of the pattern followed by
co- separatists and others including the
Centre and the State Government
during the days of Plebiscite Front
(1955-1975). It was a group led by Ali
Mohammad Naik –the general secretary
of the Plebiscite Front, Kh. Mubarak
Shah, Haji Subhan, Ghulam Mohd. Bhat
who broke away from the party and
successfully contested the state
assembly elections of 1967. Ali Mohd.
Naik and Ghulam Mohd. Bhat were the
members of working committee of the
Plebiscite Front. The total number of
the expelled group was 40 (members)
and the leader of the expelled group
had expressed hope of the revision in
the stand of rank and file of the
Plebiscite Front vis-a- vis elections.
Others breaking away from the party
were Abdul Rashid Kabli, Shabbir
Mir from Pulwama. According to Ali
Mohammad Naik, only question of
boycotting or contesting elections was
whether the party members should take
oath of Indian Constitution or not. The
plea in favour of contesting the
elections, in words of Ali Mohammad
Naik was that the party leadership
should not hesitate taking oath or
allegiance to the Indian Constitution
considering the historical fact that the
leadership –Mohammad Afzal Beg –when
did not hesitate to take the oath of
allegiance to the Maharaja during days
of diarchic system, then, why to
hesitate to do the same few years later?
The Plebiscite Front leadership in fact,
had condemned the contesting of
elections as 'contrary to the
fundamental principle of the Front' and
had 'exhorted those who had any idea of
entering the election arena, to revise
their decision and keep away from
elections. It was only by boycotting the
elections that Indian Government. be
made to understand that Kashmiris
demanded an urgent solution to the'
future status of Kashmir'. But

Epilogue Ø
16 ×
May 2009

apprehending more cracks in the party
arising out of the 'once for all' attitude
on the part of the leadership and after
being convinced of the futility of
boycotting the elections, the Plebiscite
Front decided to contest the elections
to 'prove to the world how popular the
Plebiscite Front was in Kashmir' It may
be noted that it was after the collapse
of the civil authority in Pakistan that
Beg announced at a press conference in
Srinagar that the Plebiscite Front would
reconsider its decision to boycott
elections if dates were extended by
three months in 1969. But the election
commission turned down the request.
'An election within the framework of the
Constitution', po i n t e d o u t t h e
commission in its reply to Beg,
'cannot be used as a device to subvert
that constitution. A candidate who
has made and subscribed an oath of
allegiance to the constitution to
uphold the sovereignty and integrity
of India, and the party by whom he
has been set up, cannot
constitutionally, legally and morally
say or do anything in the course of an
election campaign and propagate
which may tend to disrupt the
sovereignty and integrity. It was
however, on June 14, 1969 that the
Plebiscite Front declared formally
that it would take part in elections.
In the subsequent presidential poll of
August 1969, the Front members took
a different stand and announced
their decision to participate in the
elections. But, the Front sought to
introduce extraneous issues and
raised religious slogans to disrupt the
age-old unity of villages whereby
several Front leaders and supporters
sought to intimidate their opponents
through violence and rowdyism. And the
results show that the Front lost heavily
to the Congress. Of 2361 seats for which
LS E L E C T I ON S
contests were held, the congress
secured 61.5 percent, the Front 27.2
percent and others three percent. In
the uncontested seats numbering 2309,
the Congress got 73.9 %; the Front 23.9
% and others 2.3%
When Indira Gandhi dissolved
Parliament in December 1970 and called
for elections in March 1971. Sheikh
Mohd.Abdullah decided to stand and
advised the Plebiscite Front to contest
the elections. When he was about to
leave New Delhi for Srinagar on 8
January 1971, a bomb was allegedly
The political space Sajjad will
get after the results, would be
the right democratic platform
to express his voice. He would
be able to represent his 'class of
nation' and see the
compatibility of his dreams in
the Indian setting.
discovered on his plane and the flight
was cancelled. The next day, he and
Afzal Beg were served orders
prohibiting them from entering Jammu
and Kashmir. Then the Plebiscite Front
was declared unlawful; many of its
members were arrested and offices
were closed. To make doubly sure, the
State Assembly passed a law declaring
that members of the Front could not
stand for elections. With no opposition
in the field, the Congress did well in
Kashmir, helping Indira Gandhi to gain a
two-thirds majority in Parliament The
ban on his entering Kashmir was lifted in
June, well after the elections were
over. The Congress government did not
want to take risk considering the bad
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
2009
Opinion
plight the Congress supported
candidate had to face at the hands of
the Plebiscite Front supported- Shamim
Ahmad Shamim-as independent
candidate during Parliamentary
elections a year ago. The nomination
papers filed by the supporters of the
Plebiscite Front were rejected on the
ground that they were 'anti-national'.
But the 'expelled group' of the
Plebiscite Front had six nominees in
the field. A few candidates enjoying
the support of the Plebiscite Front
contested the elections. This included
Mirza Arif Beg; a close relation of the
President of the outlawed Front, Afzal
Beg, Mufti Mehraj-ud- din and aged
Syed Afzal Jalali. Even the party was
reported to have stretched
clandestine support to the Jamaat-e-
Islami candidates. The fact, however,
cannot be denied that the local papers
had carried last minute appeals from
Mirza Mohd Afzal Beg and Ghulam Mohd
Shah for 'non-involvement in the
elections which went unheeded
Although, the Plebiscite Front could
not participate formally in any of the
elections the state conducted, its
massive victory in the civic polls gave
legitimacy o the stand of the Front that
it had stronghold over the minds of
Kashmiri people.
The political space Sajjad will get after
the results, would be the right
democratic platform to express his
voice. He would be able to represent his
'class of nation' and see the
compatibility of his dreams in the Indian
setting. The amalgam of Hurriyat
Conference including both 'the
moderates' and 'the extremists' and the
political representatives of different
streams should learn to tolerate his step
in the right direction. Violence is never
a tool to resolve any issue.
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

J&K Moving Forward

…but there are Wheels within Wheels
ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

Towards lasting peace and stability in Jammu and Kashmir, it is very important to move
forward and keep moving on. But which way to move is the most important question.
The official establishment often gets complacent by leaving things around status quo as
the best possible way of moving (in fact, not moving, at all) forward. This approach has
proved most perilous. There is a fresh and live example which strongly suggests all the
reasons for concerted, serious and sustained engagement on Kashmir. In 2007 and till
early 2008, Jammu and Kashmir appeared close to any of the most peaceful,
progressing and politically stable places in India or anywhere else –militant violence
lowest in 20 years, senior separatists and Pakistan's leadership talking of creative and
out-of-box solutions, dozens of second rung separatists formally joining the
mainstream ranks in view of upcoming assembly elections, lakhs of domestic and
foreign tourists overcrowding the hotels and meadows of Valley, chieftains of Indian
industry rushing in huge investment proposals –with all these developments, the
Kashmir policy desks (wherever they are) had enough reasons to have the course of
bilateral dialogue between New Delhi and Islamabad nearly abandoned or slowed down
and those elements in Kashmir (and elsewhere) who believe there is a conflict,
isolated. The peaceful and promising political environment in Jammu and Kashmir
literally suggested a lull before the storm. But it all crumbled at the spur of a moment. A
small and completely misunderstood administrative order on a piece of land (for a
Hindu shrine) had the State on fire as much as the United Nations Secretary General
remarked: “we are watching the situation with concern”. (For years all diplomatic
energies are pumped in to prevent such statements.) The distance between New Delhi
and Kashmir appeared longest of the history and the gulf between Srinagar and Jammu,
perhaps, widest ever. Keen observers of Kashmir expressed their fears, in newspaper
columns and TV debates, of Valley slipping out of (Indian) hands and Jammu replaying
holocaust of 1947. As a 'deeply concerned' Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed in
an all-party team of top Indian political leaders to pacify the situation (which they were
not able to) there was a sudden realisation that conflict in Jammu and Kashmir was
much more serious than viewed at from policy desks. Moving forward is therefore most
important for peace in South Asian region and effectively tacking the scourge of
terrorism also.

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

Kashmir issue: Any definitions
I t wont be an overstatement to say
that Kashmir conflict is today one of
the most complex living conflicts in
the world. And what makes it more
dangerous is the official conflict
resolution mechanism which overlooks
a range of dimensions while engaging in
one aspect. As a result the offshoots of
the main problem keep on assuming
AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
dangerous proportions. Civil society Jammu and Ladakh (on Indian side) and
engagements have not brought any Pakistan administered Kashmir and
significant results for two reasons: the Federally Administered Northern Areas
civil society institutions are not very (on Pakistani side). Over past six
vibrant in J&K and wherever they are, decades aspirations and identities have
the engagements and discourses are shaped in a definite manner and
sub-regional specific while the fact is adopted rigidity. The state response and
that Jammu and Kashmir is a mosaic of approaches too have remained
multi-cultures and multi-aspirations different to individual areas on both
where differences in sides. What can be seen as an important
opinions and aspect of the dangerous complexity of
aspirations run deep Kashmir issue is the fact that there are
into blood. Taking a at least five sets of well shaped up
ringside view shows opinions and aspirants and may be five
Jammu and Kashmir a times more loosely knit stands –all rigid
large homogenous and driven by own reasons. Kashmir
mass embroiled in a conflict is not limited to the Kashmir
historical conflict. At Valley alone. There is no way of looking
a closer look one gets at the conflict by seeing just one or two
to see a multitude of of the five regions in isolation. It is the
conflicts within the question of ultimate destiny of all five
region. regions; the level of sufferings in one
region may though be more or lesser
Looking at Kashmir than the other.
issue only in context
of partition of India For arriving at an understanding of
and related events Kashmir issue so as move for a course
from 1947 to 1952 of reconciliation it is important to
will not serve as any know the dominant aspirations. This is
guide to the the most difficult part. There may be
understanding of some elements of shared interests
issues in the present between Kashmir Valley on Indian side
environment. At the and Pakistan administered Kashmir on
time of division, the other side but this is not what the
there was a princely other three regions –Jammu, Ladakh
State comprised of a n d FA N A – a g r e e w i t h . A n y
several sub-regions majoritarian solution based on the
having little in dominant aspirations in any particular
common with each region will find resistance from the
other but strongly others. Things can be easily
knit together under understood on the Pakistani side but
Maharaja's autocratic there is a dangerously complex sub-
and sole authority. regional scenario on the Indian side
Post-division, these which is largely dealt with in this
regions shaped into article to understand deep running
five –Kashmir Valley, differences between three regions.
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

Perceptions and
Sensitivities
T
ourism is one of the mainstays of
Jammu and Kashmir economy
and a majority of tourists are
actually pilgrims (visiting two leading
Hindu shrines of the country) who break
off to the hills and slopes after paying
obeisance at the shrines. Months of
summers see an increased influx of
tourists as lakhs from the Indian
mainland head towards Jammu and
Kashmir to escape the summer heats. It
has often been seen in the months of
June and July when temperature in
Jammu is usually between 42 and 46
Degrees Celsius and in Valley it is well
below 30 Degrees Celsius the tourists
take out warmer clothes as they reach
closer to Jammu knowing little that
Jammu in this season is as hot as any
other part of Indian mainland is. This is
how Jammu and Kashmir is known to a
majority beyond its boundaries.
Geography and whether apart, people
outside have very little knowledge of the
emotional diversities. A peep inside tells
a different story. Two years back when
first shopping mall came up in Jammu, it
was named as 'Kashmir Square'. The idea
was to attract a part of the average daily
influx of around 30,000 pilgrim tourists
who come to visit the Mata Vaishno Devi
Shrine. Around same time a first ethnic
Kashmiri restaurant came up in the
town which was named as Kashir
Lounge. Last year when Amarnath land
row agitation broke out, the Kashmir
Square owner had to rename his mall as
'City Square' and the Kashmir Lounge has
been renamed as 'Jammu and Kashmir
Lounge'. Movement is still on for
changing name of 'Radio Kashmir', the
official broadcaster and the last thing
named after Kashmir where Jammu is
not there as prefix.
AS SOR T ED
What should be the exact framework of
seeking a resolution of the Kashmir
issue? Should it (the formula and
solution) come from New Delhi and
Islamabad or the people of Jammu and
Kashmir? India and Pakistan deciding
the destiny of Jammu and Kashmir in
one of their ongoing closed door
meetings can never resolve anything. Of
course it has to be worked out by New
Delhi and Islamabad but a way forward
has to come from the people of Jammu
and Kashmir. And a solution coming from
Jammu and Kashmir can be a 'Jammu
Formula', a 'Kashmir Formula' or a
'Ladakh Formula' as in the given regional
differences it cant be a formula for
resolving Jammu and Kashmir which is
endorsed by any significant number of
people in all regions. People in three
regions of the State (on India side) do
not look at anything with the same
angle.
In November 2002, a new government in
Jammu and Kashmir headed by Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed convened first
session of the legislative assembly.
Muzaffar Hussain, the new Minister for
Law and Parliamentary Affairs, grabbed
all attention of legislators and press
with his eloquent speeches laced with
deep sense of history and vision. In an
atmosphere of pin-drop silence in the
House, Legislators would love to listen
to Baig with rapt attention and end up
convinced with his arguments 'for the
moment'. Such was the prowess of Law
Minister's oratory skills backed with
knowledge. That was Baig's first
experience in legislative assembly. An
Oxford graduate, Baig was until then a
leading a lawyer at the Supreme Court
of India. As he would often refer to the
approaches of Nehru and Patel (Sardar
Vallabh Bhai, first Indian Home Minister)
to underline sensitivity of Kashmir
issue, few members from Jammu could
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
not resist interrupting him as they
lodged a strong protest with the
Speaker. “This is not Kashmir Assembly.
Why is the Minister obsessed with
Kashmir? He should properly name the
state as Jammu and Kashmir”,
lamented the members. “I correct
myself, honourable Spaeaker”, said a
taken aback Baig as he continued his
speech with an added emphasis on
'Jammu' while referring to Jammu and
Kashmir State. A little later in the hour,
a member from Nobra constituency,
sitting in the last row, invited Baig's
attention to Ladakh. Seven years down
the line, Baig is found getting extra-
cautious while talking about Kashmir or
Kashmir issue. Now he always says the
State of 'Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh'.
Differences between three regions of
the state on Indian side of Line of
Control are much deeper than this.
Jammu and Kashmir is perhaps a classic
case of wheels within the wheels.
Issues and
Engagements
W
hen Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh convened third
roundtable conference on
Jammu and Kashmir (first two were held
in 2006) on April 24, 2007 to discuss the
recommendations of the Working
Groups constituted by him, the
separatists and many others trashed the
whole exercise. They had a reason to do
so. The people who sat with the Prime
Minister around the roundtable were all
those who, more or less, endorse New
Delhi's view point on Kashmir. There was
no voice from those who have
reservations with the present system
and have sought to challenge the same
on various grounds. The exercise
without participation of separatists can
be described as incomplete but not
meaningless. Interesting were the view
points when recommendations of four
of the five working groups made public.

"Eyewash", this is the one word most of
the Kashmir experts and the people who
have reservation with the system used
to describe voluminous reports.
They are right in doing so. The most
important of the five working groups
studying the Center-State relations is
yet to submit its report to the Prime
Minister. The four working groups which
have finalised the reports have nothing
specific in their recommendations
which can become part of the larger
Kashmir solution. There is nothing at all
which can satisfy, even by a smaller
extent, the separatists or Pakistan on
Kashmir resolution. A document which
does not address the larger political
issue is often trashed. However, seen
with the eye of a common man, the
working groups, perhaps, have been the
first ever organised study to understand
the prevailing issues which concern the
majority in Jammu and Kashmir. Even
though many of the issues have not been
dealt with deeply and implementation
of the recommendations still can be
seen with doubt (as recommendations
of many empowered groups are still
gathering dust) an analysis of the
smaller but serious problems have for
the first time taken shape of an official
document for consideration at the
highest level.
Alternative
Understanding
T
he problem in Jammu and
Kashmir has often been described
as the one with two dimensions:
internal and external. Having
understood that the conflict involving
Kashmir is live and present, now is
perhaps the time to understand that it is
a three dimensional issue: With
External, Federal and Internal
dimensions.
AS SOR T ED
The External dimension involves the
engagement between New Delhi and
Islamabad, inter alia Pakistan's
diplomatic offensive, export of the
elements of terrorism into Jammu and
Kashmir, covert as well as overt political
support to separatist sentiments in
Valley, lobbying in Islamic world etc.
The Federal dimension, which is often
described as international dimension as
situation actually prevailing within
Jammu and Kashmir is grossly ignored,
is about the spirit of the instrument of
accession, autonomous status of the
state of Jammu and Kashmir, provisions
of the Article 370 of the Constitution of
India, Delhi Agreement of 1952 and
Indira Sheikh Agreement of 1974/75.
The third, most critical and
continuously ignored aspect of the
conflict in Jammu and Kashmir is its
internal dimension. In fact the peoples
are continuously in conflict among
themselves and with the state.
Regional and sub-
regional unrest
I
t will be no exaggeration to say that
the regional conflict within Jammu
and Kashmir is far more serious than
the level of conflict between state and
the centre. Even after the State of
Jammu and Kashmir is granted greater
autonomy as advocated by the largest
political party of the state -the National
Conference or Self Rule as demanded by
the Peoples Democratic Party the
conflict will not end. Rather, settling
the power conflict between New Delhi
and Srinagar will bring to the fore the
underlying conflicts among the regions
and sub regions.
Jammu and Kashmir is comprised of
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
three distinct regions clearly identified
and separated on the basis of
geography, topography, demography,
culture, language and aspirations. The
most unique region in this state -Ladakh
has never been at ease with Kashmir and
therefore a demand for separation from
Jammu and Kashmir and independent
status of Union Territory has been there
since 1947. The movement for
separation from Jammu and Kashmir
state and creation of a Union Territory
reached a all time high in 2002, when
Leh units of all political parties were
unanimously dissolved and the local
leadership cutting across the
ideological and party affiliation formed
the Ladakh Union Territory Front
(LUTF). The LUTF candidates won
assembly elections unopposed and
uncontested as there was complete
unanimity for the creation of Union
Territory. In a bid to arrest the
sentiment of separation from Jammu
and Kashmir, the state government, in
consultation with New Delhi,
empowered the Ladakh Autonomous
Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to
the extent that LAHDC Chief Executive
has more financial powers than the
Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. A
classic case of a "State within a State".
The J&K CM has authority of sanctioning
a project or contingency to the upper
limit of Rs two crores. But that too has
to be ratified by the cabinet when it
meets next. However, the LAHDC chief
has the powers to sanction a project of
Rs five crore without any administrative
approval from the state government.
With this huge empowerment and
political concession it was thought that
the sentiment of separation from the
state has been arrested. Interestingly
the LAHDC administration and the LUTF
leadership says that empowerment of
the LAHDC is the first step towards
creation of Union Territory for Ladakh.

This throws an important question on
the regional and sub-regional conflict.
Ladakh region again is comprised of two
distinct areas identified as two
different districts and administered by
two different authorities. LAHDC-Leh
and LAHDC-Kargil. It is only the Budhist
dominated Leh district which is
spearheading the demand for Union
Territory. The Shia Muslim dominated
Kargil district has been opposing this
vehemently. Both districts together
constitute the Himalayan cold desert of
Ladakh, they remain isolated from rest
of the country for nearly eight months a
year due to hostile whether and
geographical conditions but people
from each entity do not see each other
eye to eye for their differences on the
Union Territory status.
The third distinct region and country's
gateway to Jammu and Kashmir -the
Jammu region comprising six districts
has always opposed autonomy and is
now protesting against the demand of
self rule. In this region, for several
decades there has been campaign
against autonomy and a demand for
abrogation of Article 370 of the
constitution of India through which
Jammu and Kashmir enjoys special
powers in the Indian Union. However,
since mid 1990s, voices are being raised
in Jammu region for a separate
statehood. A Jharkhand type of
movement is taking shape here with the
formation of parties and groups like
Jammu Mukti Morcha, Jammu and
Kashmir Nationalist Front and Jammu
Statehood Front. The BJP and its allied
groups are fully supporting such
movements.
The conflict at the sub-regional level is
too sharp. Cutting across the political
and ideological differences, there is a
strong movement in Doda district for
AS SOR T ED
creation of Chenab Valley Autonomous
Hill Development Council. The twin
frontier districts of Rajouri and Poonch
too have been campaigning for separate
development council as the fruits of
infrastructure and industrial
development are concentrated around
the capital cities of Jammu and Srinagar
alone. As already explained above, if
three distinct regions of the state do not
find a common ground with each other,
the conflict can never find a resolution.
Identity and
Cultural Conflict
F
or understanding Jammu and
Kashmir the identities and
aspirations will have to be
understood first. The discourse of
separatist politics exists only in parts of
Kashmir valley while the state extends
to vast regions of Jammu and Ladakh as
well. Issues and aspirations in Jammu
and Ladakh regions have never been the
same as those in Kashmir Valley.
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IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
Therefore, there has to be a different
treatment for different identities.
The kind of identity crisis and ethnic
conflict that prevails in Jammu and
Kashmir is arguable nowhere else in the
country. There are five major cultural
and linguistic identities in the state -
Kashmiri Muslims, Hindu Dogras, Gujjar
Muslims, Pahari Muslims, Kashmiri
Pandits and Budhists. In a population of
ten millions, the Kashmiri speaking
Muslims constitute less than one third.
Ironically in the political description at
national and international level every
one belonging to Jammu and Kashmir is
described as a 'Kashmiri'. In this
backdrop there is a strong movement
for identity across the state, as people
in Jammu and Ladakh refuse to identify
their interests and aspirations with
Kashmir alone. Then there is a serious
identity conflict between Gujjars and
Paharis of Jammu region and two
districts of Kashmir Valley -Baramulla
and Kupwara. Caste based and ethnic
conflict has become an order of the day
in these areas. The list of identity

conflict here is not exhaustive as there
are other smaller conflicts also.
Different ethnic and cultural groups in
Jammu and Kashmir have their own
definite identities and aspirations. The
separatist sentiment, that now has not
only the national but also international
concerns, prevails among a particular
cultural and linguistic group that does
not make the majority. With a focus on
this particular sentiment, the
aspirations of the majority are not only
completely ignored but they are also
not recognised and identified. This
trend has a potential for alienation
among those who form the mainstream
groups and such alienation is now
showing. Thus, there is an imminent
need of making a detailed account of all
ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities
in Jammu and Kashmir, discuss their
issues and aspirations. Recognition of
different identities will help understand
the core issues and can actually simplify
the process of conflict resolution.
Denial of Powers
to People at
Grassroots
A
lienation of masses from the
mainstream system has its roots
always in the denial of
democratic rights. A denial of right to
franchise to some in Kashmir valley
makes the protest audible at
international level. But looking deeper,
it comes out that the State has no
mechanism at all for involving people in
a democratic decision making process.
There is a big distance between the
State and the people. Left unattended,
this accumulating dissidence can
rupture for the worst.
A major cause of discontent in Jammu
AS SOR T ED
and Kashmir is the centralisation of
powers and administrative authority.
While Srinagar's unease with New Delhi
over more autonomy has been an
evident "struggle" for fifty years but
little is known about the quantum of
power the State shares with the people.
In fact, the majority in Jammu and
Kashmir has no role at all in the
development process.
At present, Jammu and Kashmir
presents the worst case of
extermination of grassroots institutions
of governance. For example, the
Panchayats were dissolved in 1977 as
the government wanted to empower
them through a constitutional
amendment and therefore fresh
elections were proposed to be held.
That process could not take place for
next 24 years. It was in 2000-2001 that
National Conference government
headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah
conducted the Panchayat elections. It is
important to note here that the despite
state-wide violence, killing of over a
hundred political activists and chopping
off the ears and noses of eight women
who were contesting the elections, the
Panchayat polls held after a staggering
gap of 24 years saw massive public
participation. Such huge public
participation and enthusiasm
underlined the urges and aspirations for
restoration of powers to the people
through grassroots democratic
institutions of governance. Ironically,
however, seven years down the line, the
Panchayats were never formally
constituted and powers were never
devolved to the democratically elected
bodies. This can be seen as derailment
of democracy and has created deep
alienation among the masses.
The mainstream political leadership in
Jammu and Kashmir, from time to time,
has underlined the need of restoration
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
of greater autonomy, which means
devolution of more powers from New
Delhi to Srinagar as a means of conflict
resolution. But if conflict has to be
resolved honestly, this power, or the
existing powers, need to travel to the
people in regions and sub-regions from
Srinagar. If power remains concentrated
in few hands, as it is today, the conflicts
will never be resolved.
Moving Forwards
D
espite all the historical
differences and conflicts of
opinion, there are strong basis
for moving forward. The framework of
moving forward has to be evolved like
climbing a ladder. Instead of jumping to
the top for an eventual fall down, the
need is to make well defined steps from
the bottom. The first step can be
initiation of dialogue at the regional
level and resolution of those smaller
issues which do not have to be
necessarily put to final resolution of
Kashmir issue. Dialogue between
Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh
regions in first phase and the Pakistan
administered Kashmir and Northen
Areas in the subsequent phase is
important for treating Jammu and
Kashmir as a single entity with shared
aspirations. Until these distinct regions
draw closer, settle their differences and
agree to operate as equal partners,
there will never be a stable basis upon
which relations with rest of India, or on
other side of the Line of Control, can be
satisfactorily tackled. More than it is
required between New Delhi and
Islamabad; there is an urgent need of a
sustainable dialogue between all five
regions of Jammu and Kashmir. To begin
with, there should a multi-level
initiative of interactions between three
regions on Indian side of Line of Control
to generate some tolerance and
regional understanding of aspirations.

A framework for Conflict
Resolution in Kashmir
The Kashmir situation deserves consistent and concerted engagement to gradually contain and
ultimately eradicate the cycle of the political violence perpetrated by the state authorities and the
militants. Building peace in Kashmir will enhance regional stability and help address the conditions
that incubate terrorism.
TAHIR AZIZ
Author is a consultant with
conciliation Resources based in
London. He originally belongs to
Pakistan administered Kashmir.
AS SOR T ED
L ike many other protracted
conflicts in the world, the conflict
in Kashmir has taken almost every
possible dimension. The long history as
well as the ethnic, linguistic, religious
and geographical diversity of the
stakeholders living in various regions of
the disputed territory make it difficult
to comprehensively capture the
complexity of the Kashmir issue. From
a conflict resolution point of view,
however, there are certain bigger
aspects that are fundamental to the
contemporary analysis of Kashmir and
therefore must form the basis of any
framework of peacebuilding in this
region. For the reasons of brevity, this
article briefly outlines some of these
aspects below:
Noviolence as a political tool:
All stakeholders must realize that the
use of violence has not worked in
Kashmir. It has in fact brought more
miseries. The only way forward in
resolving Kashmir is through a non-
violent approach. Until and unless the
protagonists completely reject violence
as a political tool, any hope for peace
will remain elusive. The rejection of
violence and pursuing political goals
through peaceful negotiations and
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
processes are the principles that are
equally applicable to Kashmiris and the
governments of India and Pakistan.
An inclusive framework:
The stakeholders in Kashmir – broadly
the people of Jammu and Kashmir and
the states of India and Pakistan - are yet
to articulate a broader framework that
accommodates diversified and
competing claims. In other words there
is a need in Kashmir for a common moral
vision. This does not mean that all
should agree on one particular political
solution, rather it means that the
process of achieving differing political
aspirations in Kashmir should be
inclusive and democratic, where
diverse groups feel that they have equal
opportunities for achieving their
desired goals.
Non-zero-sum understanding:
People of Jammu and Kashmir need to
realize that in order to achieve their
political aspirations they need the
support of the people of India and
Pakistan. In other words the resolution
of the Kashmir issue should not be seen
at the expense of the interests of the
Indians and Pakistanis. It should be a
win-win for all.

Faith in internally-driven change:
This is by far the most important aspect
that needs constant emphasis. It is a
wide held perception among Kashmiris
that the situation will only change when
Pakistan and India will change it or when
the world powers (especially the U.S.)
will facilitate this change. While the
importance of all these actors cannot be
overlooked, the truth is that more than
anybody else Kashmiris are
fundamentally relevant to their
situation and hence it is they who need
to have the confidence of initiating and
leading a change to their problems.
But this understanding of public peace
activism is not meant here to undermine
the primacy of the official peace
process between India and Pakistan; it
must be seen in the spirit of
complementing these official talks.
The insights from contemporary peace
processes show that sustainable peace
can only be achieved through involving
wide sections of society, thus
broadening public stake in the peace
process. This is because, quite often,
when the agreements transpire after
the official peace negotiations, that
mostly take place in a secret and
closed-door environment, the public
masses watch in a daze of disbelief as
they learn of the concessions their
leaders have made which they, the
constituency, will be obliged to fulfil.
While the leadership is highly involved
in the creation of shared space
(sometimes having years of confidential
talks to adjust to the idea of
cooperation with “the enemy”), the
people are expected to shift
instantaneously from a mentality of
defensive victim to peace-loving
citizen.
The Kashmir situation deserves
consistent and concerted engagement
AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
to gradually contain and ultimately conflict. In other words, the
eradicate the cycle of the political stakeholders will need to get
violence perpetrated by the state empowered with a vision of making the
authorities and the militants. Building change possible. Nothing can be more
peace in Kashmir will enhance regional relevant to capturing this vision than
stability and help address the the civil society in Kashmir.
conditions that incubate terrorism.
The above mentioned principles seem
easy on paper but their practical Now
achievement is a gigantic task.
However, the overall situation basically Telling
The insights from The J&K Stories
contemporary peace processes
show that sustainable peace
can only be achieved through
involving wide sections of
Epilogue
society, thus broadening public because there is more to know
stake in the peace process. This
is because, quite often, when
Contact
the agreements transpire after
the official peace negotiations,
that mostly take place in a ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY
secret and closed-door Lal Chowk, Srinagar
***
environment, the public masses
RAINA NEWS AGENCY
watch in a daze of disbelief as Residency Road, Jammu
they learn of the concessions ***
their leaders have made which ABC STATIONERS AND
they, the constituency, will be DISTRIBUTORS
obliged to fulfil. Leh
***
SHAHEEN NEWS AGENCY
points to one thing: without a broader Kargil
vision and without change in people's ***
hearts and minds, peace is not possible CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
in Kashmir. Fundamental change in the
New Delhi
approach of all stakeholders (the
***
Kashmiris, Pakistanis and Indians) is
necessary to incrementally achieve
OXFORD BOOK STORE
peace in Kashmir. There is no simple New Delhi, Mumbai,
magic that can make the whole Calcutta, Bangalore,
situation change and bring about a Chennai & Goa
political settlement to the Kashmir
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

Revisiting General Musharaf's Ideas
Formulations on Jammu and Kashmir
General Musharaf's formulations on Kashmir need to be studied in the proper context of global
architecture of power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11. It also needs to be analyzed in the context of
changing power dynamics in South Asia.
Dr. GUL MOHAMMAD WANI
Author is a Political Scientist teaching
in the department of Political Science
University of Kashmir
AS SOR T ED
T his year's theme at 8th India
Today Conclave was “Challenges
of Change”. General Musharaff
former President of Pakistan, in his
dinner keynote address spoke on “The
LOC must be torn down like the Berlin
wall”. He believed that 21st century is
the century for Asia but the question is
can we South-Asians be part of it? He
attributed his pessimism to continued
India-Pakistan hostility. He felt
confident that we moderates must
guide the events and not allow
extremists to create obstacles in the
way of peace. We have to head for a
solution on Kashmir. I had given a
formula which could form the basis for
moving forward and taking it towards a
solution. It is in this sense that a need is
felt to revisit his formulations after
General Musharaff has vacated the
political scene in Pakistan. Needless to
mention all conflict resolution
formulations in any part of the world
are contextual and grounded in existing
realities. The Jammu and Kashmir
constitutes no political exception.
When dogs from different
neighborhoods meet they smell each
others tail. India and Pakistan have
done it so often in the post-partition
era. One of the great puzzles of India –
Pakistan relations is not why smaller
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
Pakistan feels insecure but why the
larger India does so. Prof. Stephen
Cohen – widely respected expert on
South-Asia argues that the world's most
intractable disputes are psychologically
paired minority conflicts. It is only for
this reason that earlier on in a seminar
on South-Asia in the University of
Kashmir; I had argued that South – Asia
needs to be looked at more as region of
regions rather than as a region of states.
Regions are more natural and
historically more deeply planted. The
state–centric paradigm with excessive
obsession with national interest has
vandalized the social and economic life
of the people of sub-continent in
particular and that of South–Asia in
general.
General Musharaf's formulations on
Kashmir need to be studied in the
proper context of global architecture of
power evolved in the aftermath of 9/11.
It also needs to be analyzed in the
context of changing power dynamics in
South Asia. The formulations also
evolved in a bilateral context. The
composite dialogue began and back
channel diplomacy was in operation. In
April 2005 Delhi summit declared peace
process as irreversible. Further the
unilateral cease fire was declared on

the line of control. In a way these
formulations were also the by–products
of Indian states inflexibility purely
because of the fact that India has never
suffered defeat on the Jammu and
Kashmir issue. This notwithstanding the
fact that Indian state's moral position is
seriously compromised on Kashmir. In a
fundamental way Khan Gaffar Khan's set
of questions raised earlier after India's
independence are as provoking today as
these were then. He wanted to know as
to “whether Indian leadership has
fulfilled all the promises it made to the
people of Kashmir and also whether
people of Kashmir have abided by the
promises they made to India”.
In the immediate analysis what had
prompted General Musharaf to put forth
the set of formulations on Kashmir is to
look for an explanation both within and
without South Asia. South Asia and more
particularly indo-Pak equation is a
strategic microcosm of clash of
emotions. In the contemporary world
order the western world displays a
culture of fear, the Arab and Muslim
world are trapped in a culture of
humiliation and much of Asia displays a
culture of hope. In its approximation to
South Asia one can suggest only one
change—a culture of fear and arrogance
that the Indian state displays in its
dealings with Kashmir. Having said all
this I have no intention to join the
category of prophets of doom. There is
an articulate yet small section of people
in India's security and strategic
establishment which believes in
meaningful engagement with Pakistan.
They argue that ignoring Pakistan is
neither desirable nor feasible. No
country can really be great if its
backwater is in mess. Pakistan has
proved to be a bold bulwark for the
defence of India from the North West
from time to time. Even the Prime
AS SOR T ED
Minister also endorsed it when he stated
that a strong Pakistan is in India's
interest. For India the only way to
engage Pakistan and to emerge as a
major regional power is to consolidate
the region and emerge from it. Deeper
engagement with Pakistan is a political
investment for India. Lately Stephen
Cohen has advised India to liberate
itself both from Kashmir as well as
Pakistan in order to stake claim for a
regional power status. This has become
important for another reason also as far
as China's observer status in the South
Asian regional Co-operation framework
is concerned. Be it noted that China's
trade with SAARC countries is more than
that of India.
The above context does provide a wider
perspective in which one can examine
four components of General Musharaff's
formulation i.e., de-militarization;
self-rule; porous borders and joint
management.
De-militarization will take the army to
the 1989 position i.e., back to the
barracks. General Musharaf believed
that the military should be out, security
should be done by the people and
military should be garrisoned in a few
places. He also claimed that de-
militarization can be done by steps.
Earlier he talked of some good image
projection in a few districts of the
valley. Some political groups within
Kashmir ranging from main-stream to
the separatists have over a period of
time taken strong position on excessive
presence of security forces in Kashmir.
It also becomes clear if we only look at
the disproportionate presence of forces
on the ground which of course is an issue
not of consensus but subject to varied
assessments. There are round about 45
brigades of army which means
anywhere between 160,000 to 180,000.
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
As per estimates provided by Gautam
Navalkha sometime back there are: 66
bns of RR, 56 bns of BSF, 50 bns of CRPF,
30 bns of CPMF, 5 bns of Ladakh Scouts,
15 bns of J&K Light Infantry, 25 bns of
J&K Rifles, 7 bns of Territorial Army, 1
bn of Ikhwanis, 64,000 JKAP, 23,000
SPOs, 25,000 Home Guards and 200
Village Defence Members. The socio-
economic implications of the huge
presence of the state too have been
examined by experts and government
authorities. Officially 681,839 Kanals of
land have been occupied by security
forces, out of which 3,10,184 Kanals are
un-authorized. In view of the fact that
de-militarization is a very sensitive
issue and very important from the point
of view of human security certain
sensible suggestions have emanated
which should factor into any decision
taken on it. First, de-militarization as
an issue should not be politicized by
groups and political parties. Second,
independent voices like that of
Mubashir Hassan and Kuldeep Nayer,
that India and Pakistan need to reduce
the trust deficit should also be taken
into account. More importantly civilian
spaces having no militant presence
need to be immediately vacated. Half a
dozen innocent people having fallen to
the bullets of CRPF or police men in
recent weeks at Bomai and Haigam
suggest that AFSPA needs to be scraped
and accountability of forces ensured.
The Omar Abdullah government needs
to fulfill the promise of strengthening
the State Human Rights Commission.
Self-rule:
Self-rule too like de-militarization is
subjected to many interpretations and
explanations in and outside the state.
General Musharaf claimed that while
autonomy creates confusion self-rule
means people will govern themselves.
He said let the people on both sides
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

meet and debate. The Indian position is
that self-rule will be considered when
Pakistan presents it in a format. Within
the J&K state the National Conference
claims that self-rule is akin to its
greater autonomy formulation. The
Peoples Democratic Party which
recently presented its report on self-
rule feels that Art. 370 as adopted in
1949 is self-rule in essence. It also talks
of a grand reconciliation between India
and Pakistan on issues of self-rule. Prof.
Abdul Gani Bhat of Hurriyat Conference
(M) says that “we interpret the proposal
in the context of sentiments that are
fast changing”. He said that
“Kashmiries will have their own prime
Minister, President, Supreme Court and
Election Commission”. Needless to
mention that both autonomy and self-
rule are most sought after and resisted
devices for conflict resolution world
over. Self-rule becomes contentious
where it is associated with assertions of
or qualifications of state sovereignty.
Many conflicts in the world are
themselves about the demand for and
resistance to self-rule. Though self-rule
is the way-out that would eliminate the
sources of ethnic, territorial conflicts
entrenched into notions of sovereignty
yet the challenge is how successfully
sovereignty is fudged, diffused and
fragmented. It is only for this reason that
A.G.Noorani claims that, “experience
has amply demonstrated the futility of a
New Delhi-Srinagar accord without a
prior India-Pakistan accord on it.
The joint management mechanism is
ultimately dependent upon how much
distance India and Pakistan are able to
travel together. Unless trust deficit is
not transformed into trust surplus the
chances of a grand reconciliation are
minimal. It is only for this reason that
one can safely conclude that greater
people to people contacts and porous
borders need to be given preference till
peace constituencies in all parts are
expanded and people develop a vested
interest in peace. Porous borders and
more confidence building measures are
necessary in view of the fact that
historically Indo-Pak relations have
been quite accident prone. Musharraf
claimed in his speech that during his
time the trade list of importable items
to Pakistan increased from 200 to 1400
which had equal beneficial impact. He
also believed that sincerity, flexibility
and boldness are needed to improve the
environment. He hoped that India has to
show magnanimity and humility as the
major power in the region. Let no one
ignore the sane words of Charles
Darwin: it is not the strongest species
that survive the most intelligent but the
most responsive to change.

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May 2009

A New Hope
ANIL DHAR
Author is a Kashmiri Pandit
Political and Social Activist
now based at Jammu
AS SOR T ED
T
he valley of Kashmir which was
described as the “High School of Hindu
Science” by eminent Islamic Scholar, Al
Beruni, in early eleventh century & of which a
renowned linguistic expert & writer, Sir
George Grierson writes that “from this valley
have issued masterpieces of history,
romance, philosophy & fable”, and also most
eloquent teachers of Saivism & Sufisism”.
Today it is known as the valley of turmoil and
has been so for nearly two decades now.
It is a pathetic perversity of history that the
descendants of the ancient architects of the
Kashmir's universally acknowledged
multifarious glory are today witnessing the
disintegration and dematerialization of their
own century's old inheritance & ethos some of
them the destruction of their own roots in
their soil of ancestors.
The turmoil in the valley has engulfed the
whole state and even the part of it on the
other side of the divide. Kashmiris in general
have felt alienated, the Pandits uprooted and
the people of Jammu discriminated. Even
their bretheren on the other side of the line
are aggrieved. All this has resulted by what
has been happening between India and
Pakistan from the bloody days of partition and
continues even today, only changing the
patterns with the changing times.
Even though the people of the state in all
walks of life yearn for peace, yet it is a little
far away. The people of Jammu and Kashmir
on the Pakistan side also want more
interaction and exchanges in trade, cultural
activities and people to people contact.
The positions of the Govt. at every level have
been dismal. No attempt has been made to
end the mental distances between the people
and the communities, physically living apart.
No sincere attempt, by the Govt. has ever
been made to create a congenial environment
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
for larger people to people contact, and
larger interaction been the civil societies and
primarily the youth.
Time has come to move forward. A
multipronged strategy based on innovative
planning and broad based execution is
required at present. The winds of change
have made their impact. People of Jammu
and Kashmir especially the separatist
elements have begun realizing the futility of
protracted violence and indifference. The
recent happening in Pakistan is an eye-opener
for one and all, especially for those who have
been abdicating peace and advocating
violence for the last two decades.
What people of Jammu and Kashmir need
today is economical freedom and not political
independence. The Govt. both at the Centre
and the State and moreover the Govt. of India
and Pakistan need to take a lead in promoting
infrastructure investment and economic
development.
In a recently concluded international
workshop for conflict resolution in Jammu
and Kashmir, held at Bangkok and attended by
a cross section of civil society of Jammu and
Kashmir on both sides of the divide, it was felt
that return of peace and conflict resolution in
Kashmir is of utmost importance.
On a broader scale it was felt that any action
to bolster democracy in Kashmir would also
help to undercut the rationale of unrest in
Kashmir and thereby help to rid Pakistan of
the incubus of religion-based terrorism.
The civil society in the sub-continent should
make significant contributions to the process
of restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir and
ultimately help the Govt. of India and
Pakistan to find a lasting solution to their
conflict over Kashmir.
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

Keeping hopes alive for

Kashmir settlement

Despite height of tourism between India and Pakistan, a key confidence building measure - Cross-LoC
bus and truck service - in intact. While New Delhi and Islamabad deserve credit for restraint, the
people of Jammu and Kashmir have strongly conveyed that they would like to continue their efforts
for peace and cooperation.

T he Mumbai carnage reversed the solution of Kashmir problem. Both the

5-year old composite dialogue
process between India and
Pakistan. Conversely, the Bus Service
between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad
and the trade route across the Line of
Control (LoC) have not only been intact
but also making some progress.
Amazingly, local authorities decided to
open Poonch-Rawalakot route for two
days a week instead of once a week
recently. Despite the lack of adequate
trade facilities this move has the
potential to double the ongoing trade
between two parts of the divided
Jammu &Kashmir state.
ruling and major opposition parties of
Jammu and Kashmir used every
occasion to impress upon New Delhi to
resume the stalled talks with Pakistan
over Kashmir.
The mainstream parties also realized
that without addressing the broader
dispute over the future status of Jammu
and Kashmir lasting peace and stability
could not be achieved. This political
consciousness bridged the ideological
gulf between separatists and the
mainstream parties to a greater extent.

In past, both Islamabad and New Delhi

ERSHAD MAHMUD
Author is Islamabad based security
analyst and hails from the Poonch
district of the Pakistan administered
Kashmir. He can be reached at :
rawalakotjk@gmail.com
used to suspend progress on Jammu and
Kashmir whenever any tension rose. The
inhabitants across the 740 km long LoC
had invariably been worst victim of this
rivalry. Fortunately, this time it remains
largely peaceful. Isolated events of
skirmishes along LoC were not allowed
to spawn constant occurring. Islamabad
and New Delhi deserve credit for
showing remarkable restraint even
during the height of hostility.
The last year state elections in the
Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir
also underlined the significance for the

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009

The widespread desire to seek early
solution of the conflict is considered as
a positive sign to restart triangular
negotiations between New Delhi and
Islamabad, Delhi and separatists and
finally between Islamabad and Kashmiri
stakeholders.
On the other side, the ongoing national
elections in India also lured major
contestants particularly the Congress
and BJP to adopt a tough line about
Pakistan to grab Hindu extremists' vote
bank. The competitive Indian politics
scuttled the progress achieved during
the last five years. In the 2004 Indian
national elections both Congress and
BJP were championing India-Pakistan
harmony and cordial relations but now
their election's flagship is to fight
against terrorism or Pakistan.
Relations with the Pakistan also figures
in the Indian political parties' election
manifestoes. The key opposition party
BJP says that if it gets power it will
resume peace talks with Pakistan only
after Islamabad dismantles the
'terrorist infrastructure' on its soil.
Without that there can be no
comprehensive dialogue with Pakistan.
The BJP leadership has persistently
been accusing the ruling alliance and
particularly the Congress for being soft
on Pakistan and making unnecessary
concessions to Islamabad.The ruling
Congress party also appears tough
towards Pakistan. It demands that
Pakistan has to come up clean on
Mumbai before the resumption of Pak-
India peace process. Recently Pakistan's
foreign minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi
offered the resumption of peace
process with India but the later declined
the offer and said that until Mumbai
attackers were not brought to justice
India would not restart the dialogue.
Likewise, Indian Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh also said that if his
AS SOR T ED
people were being killed he could not
resume the dialogue process between
two countries.
Some observers believe that after
elections the Indian government may
restart peace process and particularly
refocus to expand the scope of
confidence building measures in Jammu
and Kashmir. However, the increasing
diatribe against the 'dubious' role of
Pakistan's secret services in 'war on
terror' and Washington's ever-increasing
thickness with New Delhi offset
Pakistan's security establishment.
It is time for this lobby (people-
to-people) to come up with new
ideas and redirect the Pakistan-
India relations immediately after
the Indian national elections. A
section of the media and several
political actors had done a great
deal of damage to the peace
process. It can be undone with the
greater civil society intervention
and the positive media role.
Additionally, the India Afghanistan
proximity and Washington' complicity
with it also sent negative signals to
Islamabad.
Traditionally, the Kashmir issue had
been the bone of contention between
the two neighboring countries but now a
number of other issues have come in the
way and rather have taken the center
stage. The alleged Indian support for
Baloch insurgency and terrorist
networks in Pakistan's tribal areas has
pitted both the countries against each
other. It also has put a dampner on
Pakistan-US relations and has the
potential to wrest the stability of
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May 2009
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J&K Moving Forward
Afghanistan. Kashmir has been linked
with other conflicts in the region
particularly with the Afghanistan and
terrorism at large.
A number of negative and positive
developments are taking place in the
region in tandem. The robust people-to-
people contacts and other socio-
political ties between Pakistan and
Indian had created a large constituency
and to some extent had transformed the
traditional discourse over Pak-India
relations from zero sum game to
cooperative mode in recent years. In
wake of the Mumbai attacks the peace
lobby has been marginalized and hawks
took the centre stage at the two side of
Wahga border.
It is time for this lobby (people-to-
people) to come up with new ideas and
redirect the Pakistan-India relations
immediately after the Indian national
elections. A section of the media and
several political actors had done a great
deal of damage to the peace process. It
can be undone with the greater civil
society intervention and the positive
media role.
Fortunately, both India and Pakistan had
arrived a broader understanding over
Kashmir settlement and had already
garnered the support inside Jammu and
Kashmir. Besides, both the governments
have proposed a number of positive
steps for building cooperation between
two countries. The bus service and
opening trade routes are the bench marks
of the positive forward movement.
Further, institutional cooperation
between two parts of Jammu and
Kashmir was also envisaged and, in fact,
some good news was around the corner
but tragic attacks of Mumbia seized the
opportunity. Now, Srinagar and
Muzaffarabad can again try to capitalize
on these available avenues.

Images of Kashmir in Pir Panjal Region
ABDUL RAUF MIR
Author is a peace and development
activist associated with Action-Aid
International. He works in Banihal
area of Jammu
AS SOR T ED
F
ew people living in Jammu and
Kashmir know about the
hardworking, skillful and simple
Kashmiri people living across Pir Panjal
range in Jammu region. But besides the
National Highway and some broken
forgotten roads and linkages, which
connect the valley of Kashmir with
these regions, there is a much stronger
bond which, many don't seem aware of,
that connects the people across. This
bond lies in the shared similar culture,
tradition, practices and language which
makes all the hearts beat in unison.
Presence of Kasmhiri people across the
Pir Panjal range can be seen right from
Poonch, Rajouri, Doda, Ramban,
Kishtwar up to Tehsil Billawar, Basohli
and Ramnagar areas. Not only this, but
across the borders of J&K, 60 to 70
villages of Himachal Pradesh are
Kashmiri populated.
District Pooch:
Twenty miles from Poonch is located
Mandi Sarai where 80% of local
population are Kashmiris and are
considered as colourful centre of
Kashmiri culture. About four miles from
Mandi is located Qila loher kote, a
historic place where the famous
Mohammed Gaznavi was defeated by
Kashmiris now known as Lohran. In
Surankote, half of the population is of
Kashmiris. It borders with Uri,
Baramulla and Budgam and is at a
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
distance of only one or half day. But due
to clousure of Haji Pir and Soi Maidan
roads, people now have to travel
hundreds of kilometers to meet their
own relatives on other side of the range.
So it seems that the provincial
boundaries have become a barrier
between them and mother Kashir
(Kashmir) and they are now distanced
from their language & culture.
District Rajouri:
In 1965 Rajouri was made a separate
district. It is of great importance due to
passage of the historic Mughal Road
though this district. Cahng Sarai,
Fatehpur Sarai, Suz Sarai, Thon Sarais of
Mughals are some historic places here.
Cahng Sarai is 22 km from Rajouri
where Mugahal Emperor Jahangir died
while coming from valley and some
mortal remains of his body are buried
here. Thanamandi here is considered as
centre for Kashmiri culture. Tehsil
Buddhal and Darhal which are
connected to Banihal, Kulgam and
Shopian though Mong hal and Hoon hang
passes are also considered rich in
Kashmiri culture. Although there are
less Muslims in Noushehra tehsil, still
there is cultural dominance of Muslims
and Kashmiris in the district. More like
other areas of pir panchal except some
areas of Banihal and Bhaderwah there is
less or no cultivation of Rice as
compared to potato, beans, maize etc,
So at some places people take rice only

once a day, usually at dinner time.
Kashmiri tea is common among the
Kashmiris and Gujjars of the areas.
More like Kashmir valley there are a
large number of famous and holy shrines
of Sufis and saints in the whole Pir
panchal area region. Rajouri is famous
for holy Shardra shrief Shrine, Kishtwar
famous for Hazrat Shah Asrar sahib's
shrine similarly there are many more
holy shrines in the entire pir panchal
region. It is noticed that the way people
practice their religion is more like that
of people doing the same on holy shrines
in Kashmir valley. Common link
between Kashmir's Baba Reshi shrine in
Tangmarg and holy shrines in this Pir
panchal region can be seen by the way
people practice their religion in these
holy shrines. Moreover the langar khana
(mess) arrangement in Baba Ghulam
shah sahib shrine is all made on Kashmiri
pattern.
Chinab Valley:
Without consideration of three
districts, Doda, Ramban and Kishtwar
the imagination of a complete Kashmiri
culture is incomplete. Majority of
Kashmiri population of Pir Panjal range
live here. Banihal and other areas like
Gool, Marwah and Warwan etc are more
close to Kashmir valley and thus
AS SOR T ED
influenced by the life style of the
people of valley. Nature has made
Banihal a cold desert and handed it to
fast blowing chilly winds and in the
name of the state same wind has swept
Doda district is another
example of Kashmiri culture in
the region, Bhaderwah which
is called as Chotta Kashmir is
very closely related to Kashmiri
culture. There is very large
number of Kashmiri speaking
people in the whole district
who also speak their regional
languages like Bhaderwahi etc.
Hindus living in this area very
simple and hardworking most
of them can speak or
understand Kashmiri
language.
away the identity of this region and
restricted it between Jammu and
Kashmir by the name of “and” 90%
population of Banihal Tehsil living in
more than 85 villages speak either only
Kashmiri or both Kashmiri, Poogli and
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J&K Moving Forward
Gujjri. Similarly Gool area is 80%
Kashmiri speaking. More like other PPR
areas there are lot of shrines of Sufis
and saints in this district also. Moulana
Syed Abdullah, Alam Shah Sahib, Shah
Asra and many more. The same
practices are followed by the devotees
which are seen in the valley like
organizing Khatme Sharif (special
prayers) on special days, Shab Khwani (
full night prayers), celebrating Urs, tying
threads of faith on the window sills and
rejoicing in the spiritual aura and seeking
fulfillment of both worlds. The faith is
unflinching and strong which helps the
people endure the hardships in life and
seek the true meaning of existence.
Doda:
Doda district is another example of
Kashmiri culture in the region,
Bhaderwah which is called as Chotta
Kashmir is very closely related to
Kashmiri culture. There is very large
number of Kashmiri speaking people in
the whole district who also speak their
regional languages like Bhaderwahi etc.
Hindus living in this area very simple
and hardworking most of them can
speak or understand Kashmiri language.
Bhalesa area of Doda is considered as
rich center for Kashmiri culture in this
district.

Kishtwar:
Kishtwar another district of this region
is also very rich in Kashmiri culture.
The district is very rich in Sapphire.
Kishtwar is an example of brotherhood
and harmony between the people of
this region and Kashmir region,
evidence of which are fond in the
history when after leaving Kashmir,
Yaqoob Chak was helped by Raja
Bahadur Singh of Kishtwar and later
married his sister Shankar Devi with
Yaqoob Chak giving him the status of
brothr in law. Kishtwar is also famous
for its hot springs like Atpaddar,
Chatroo, Marwah, Dacchan and Polark.
As I have the privilege to travel to all
the blocks of these three districts from
Dacchan to Paddar and from Gandooh
to Ukheral and Gool. Dacchan, Marwah
and Kishwar are nowadays being
connected to Kokernag from Margan
Top and Sinthan Top respectively which
is at a very small distance. Ishrat
Kashmiri (writer) has described
following regions of Kishtwar where
Kashmiri culture is still very rich, these
are Dacchan, Nagsaini, Dryal,
Kishtwar, Sarwa Sarthal khas Kishtwar,
M a r w a h , Wa r w a n , Pa d d a r a n d
Bonzwah. It is famous for the presence
of various Sufis and Saints and the holy
shrine of Hazrat Shah Asrar Sahib is
very famous.
Although casts of Kashmiris in whole Pir
Panjal region right from Poonch-Rajouri
to Kishtwar and Banihal are more or the
less same. Except a few almost all the
casts are present in Kashmir valley eg.
Wani, Mir, Khan, Sihekh, Lone, Rather,
Nayak, Giri, Shan, Malik, Bhat, Tantry,
Parray, Ganaie, Khanday, Manhas,
Katoch, Gang, Goni, Mugahal, Tak,
Beigh, Lohar etc are found in this region
and more or the less same casts are
found in Kashmir valley also.
AS SOR T ED
Kashmiri culture is also found in large
number of villages in Ramnagar like
Panara, Lodra, Bandool, Jakher,
Basantgarh, Chanter, Kadu, etc. Same
is the case with Malhar area of Tehsil
Billawar. In Basooli Tehsil there are
various examples of Kashmiri culture
in following villages of Bugan,
The reason for detailing the
above facts is to bring to light
the commonalities in the
culture and lifestyle of the
Kashmiri people across the
state of Jammu & Kashmir,
many of whom now live a
scattered existence. Much has
been talked about people to
people interaction, and sharing
of cultures and knowledge etc
across- LOC & countries. But
it is very ironic indeed that we
often forget to know more
about people within the same
State, who are so close to us
both geographically and with
whom we share a common
identity. There is a need for
more interaction and
communication amongst these
people.
Fatehpur, Dlang, Dohty, Dagar, Badra,
Bikhai, Tappar, Poad and Banjal. There
are some great poets and writers who
have contributed to the Kashmiri
culture across the Pir Panjal region and
their contribution is everlasting
towards the development of Kashmiri
language and culture. Not only in
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J&K Moving Forward
Jammu region but all over Jammu and
Kashmir some prominent names are
Rasa Javidani, Kamgar Kishtwari,
Jabaz Dolwal, Margoob Banihali,
Tavoos Banihali, Waif Bhaderwahi,
Shahbaz Rajouri and Mushtaq Faridddi
there are many more who have worked
and who are working toward
upliftment of Kashmiri language and
culture in the region.
The reason for detailing the above
facts is to bring to light the
commonalities in the culture and
lifestyle of the Kashmiri people across
the state of Jammu & Kashmir, many of
whom now live a scattered existence.
Much has been talked about people to
people interaction, and sharing of
cultures and knowledge etc across-
LOC & countries. But it is very ironic
indeed that we often forget to know
more about people within the same
State, who are so close to us both
geographically and with whom we
share a common identity. There is a
need for more interaction and
communication amongst these people.
This would generate increased
awareness and facilitate better
interaction amongst them which will
eventually go a long way in developing
and seeking issues of common interest
and survival in the long run. For the
conservation of the fast diminishing
cultural ethos and identity, a renewed
interaction and opening/renewal of
the connecting linkages with the
people of the Pir Panjal and the people
of the valley is essential. This would
generate more sensitivity and sense of
belongingness among these Kashmiris
as for them it is really high time to stop
ignoring each other , or stigmatizing
and start embracing one another with
the common bonds of brotherhood,
spiritualism and love.

Peace via voiceless people;
A Northern Areas perspective
Strategically most important region in context of Greater Jammu and Kashmir, the Northern Areas is
not finding due space in any dialogue.
EJAZ AHMED KHAN
Author is Media & Development
Communication Expert associated with
(PEN/Publishing Extension Network)
Gilgit, Northern Areas, Pakistan. He can be
reached at pen_gilgit@hotmail.com
AS SOR T ED
T he Northern Areas is situated in
the extreme north of Pakistan. It
is the most glaciated area in the
world - outside the polar caps. Having a
rich but distinct culture in its lap,
Northern Areas is inhabited by five
major ethno-linguistic communities,
and three different Muslim sects (Sunni,
Shia, and Ismaili). Administratively, this
region falls under the administrative
control of the Federal Government of
Pakistan. It is a landscape dominated by
high rising mountains, plateau, glaciers
and valleys, with the Hindu Kush, lesser
Himalaya, Karakoram and Pamirs
converging to form a huge mountain
mass.
Strategically the region is one of the
most important units in the context of
greater Jammu and Kashmir, bordering
both China and Afghanistan. Northern
Areas – with a population of around 1.5
million people – is scattered over a
territory of 72,496 square kilometers. It
presents a rich mix of cultures,
languages, plants, animals and
habitats. In the recent times
comparatively easy access to the region
has brought about dramatic changes in
social, economic, and political fields of
the region. As a result the realization for
still-illusive constitutional status has
accentuated.
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Neither Kashmiri nor South Asian
Prior to the British colonization of the
Gilgit region in the late 1800s, the
people of the western Karakoram
Mountains had closer social and cultural
linkages with the people of Central Asia
and Afghanistan than with the vale of
Kashmir or the Punjab.
Only with the establishment of the
Gilgit Agency, did the British construct
the Gilgit Road, linking the town of
Gilgit with Srinagar. The British also
constructed the Indus Road, linking the
region with the Northwest Frontier and
the Punjab. However the political
representatives of the region had
submitted legal petition in AJK High
court about constitutional status to
become either part of AJK or Pakistan
but in vail. The political leadership has
the view that at least they should be
given representation at any forum like
Kashmir committee, Kashmir council
and in the process of dialogue on
Kashmir dispute.
Neither Part of Azad Kashmir nor
Pakistan
NA is historically comprised little kingdoms
ruled by Rajas, Mirs and Chieftains; it was
partially annexed by the Dogra regime
of Kashmir by middle of the 19th
century. In 1935 the British acquired

Gilgit Wizarat for 60 years. However, in
November 1947, the people liberated
the area and acceded to Pakistan.
F o l l o w i n g 1 9 4 7 , t h e Pa k i s t a n
Government through the various local
rulers administered the Northern Areas,
formerly known as the Gilgit Agency.
Only in the 1970s were the local rajas
and mirs retired and formal Pakistani
bureaucratic agencies established.
In Azad Jammu and Kashmir the
government of Pakistan established a
quasi-independent government,
including a president and prime
minister. The Northern Areas was never
included in such an arrangement nor has
the region ever had its own
democratically elected political
representatives.
In compliance with the UN resolution on
Kashmir and as per the constitution of
Pakistan, the Northern Areas is a disputed
AS SOR T ED
region and is not officially recognized as
part of the constitutional territory of
Pakistan. As such, the region does not
have any representation in the National
Assembly nor does it have a democr-
atically elected leadership, as in AJK.
In addition, the Northern Areas has
limited local governance. The Federal
Minister for Kashmir Affairs and the
Northern Areas, who is appointed by the
Prime Minister of Pakistan, rules the
region. In the 1990s, a Legislative
council was created, that is known
today known as the Northern Area's
Legislative Assembly. However, the
Assembly has no independent
legislative power.
The Karakoram Highway and
Integration into Pakistan
For a long time the ancient Silk Route
provided the only significant link to the
outside world. In the 1970s the
government of Pakistan upgraded the
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J&K Moving Forward
old Indus Road and transformed it into
the Karakoram Highway, with extensive
technical, financial, and construction
assistance from China. With the opening
of the KKH in 1978, dramatic changes in
the region have occurred.
During the 1990s, the region witnessed
a huge increase in tourism, providing
many economic opportunities to the
people of the region. However, since
2001 tourism to the Northern Areas has
all but disappeared.
One of the biggest impacts on the
economy of the region is the “China
Border Trade” – many local traders
travel back and forth to the western
Chinese province of Xinjiang importing
a variety of Chinese manufactured
goods into the Northern Areas and to the
rest of Pakistan.
The KKH also provides an avenue of
trade with the rest of Pakistan,

intensifying cash crop production and
the providing of forestry products
(leading to serious problems of
deforestation).
A Civil Society Perspective:
Emerging Civil Society
Only since the 1978s has the Northern
Areas been connected with the rest of
Pakistan through the construction of the
Karakoram Highway. Following the
opening of the highway a number of
international NGOs started working in
the region. The Aga Khan Development
Network is the largest organization with
dramatic impacts, particularly within
the Ismaili community.
Since the 1990s many other
international NGOs have been working
in the region, including IUCN, WWF,
European Community, and various UN
agencies including UNDP, UNICEF,
UNFEM, and UNAIDS. As a result, many
local NGOs have come up to facilitate
development work, capitalizing on the
investment of funds from international
donor agencies.
NGOs are having both a positive and
negative impact on the region.
NGOs have made significant
contributions in the fields of health,
education, and general social
development. Some districts in the
Northern Areas are the most literate
with female literacy rates around 70%
(though female literacy rates in other
districts, namely Diamer, remains
significantly low at about 4%)
NGOs have also left significant
economic impact by providing
employment opportunities to the
educated youth of the region. Very few
employment opportunities exist for the
people of the region outside the trade
AS SOR T ED
and earlier tourism (which since 2001
has deteriorated). These NGOs offer
lucrative packages for a good number of
people working for the uplift of their
communities.
One of the negative impacts has been
the creation of economic disparities in
the region, creating a class of
development professionals who are
separate from the mass rural
population.
The second negative impact has been
the pacification of what was a very
vocal and active movement in the 1970s
for the right of self rule. NGOs provide
an economic path, distracting people's
attention from the issue at hand. The
ultimate result was that no real
leadership could emerge and prosper as
the gap was filled in temporarily by the
NGOs, offering religious figures to step
in. A sectarian strife then turned into a
deep-rooted issue of the region,
undermining any collective move for
the rights.
A Civil Society Perspective:
Sectarian Issues and the
Prospects for Local Peace
Over the past decade, the Northern
Areas has witnessed unprecedented
violence between the followers of Sunni
and Shia sects, particularly in the
administrative capital Gilgit.
During the period of intense violence in
2005, various civil society organizations
maintained their neutrality and
interacted with the people at a
comparative ease.
The organization I represent, PEN –
Publishing Extension Network –
established in 1997, was founded on the
principle of bridging divides between
communities. Our Board of Directors
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J&K Moving Forward
belonging to different religious and
ethnic groups in Gilgit have successfully
worked in different ethnic communities
in the Northern Areas.
Prospects for Peace
The current status of the Northern Areas
is in limbo, having weak voice in
political processes. The continued
conflict between India and Pakistan has
very detrimental impact on the people
of the region who are operating without
basic rights.
From the perspective of the people of
the region, there are few possible
solutions offering alternatives to the
current situation.
Representation like FATA within
Pakistan' National assembly and Senate.
Annex to Azad Jammu and Kashmir.
Setup like Azad Jammu and Kashmir,
with own President and Prime Minister
At least representation in the Kashmir
Council, chaired by PM Pakistan
One of the challenges of identifying
prospects for peace for greater Jammu
and Kashmir is the recognition of the
radically distinct histories and cultures
of the region. The affect on local
communities is different, and each
community must be taken into
consideration. No peace settlement can
be made without the voice of the
different people being represented.
Civil society organizations such as PEN
will play an important role in the peace
process by working with local
communities, strengthening their
voices, and sensitizing them to the
political realities. A forum such as this
will offer avenues for people to raise
their voices for a peaceful solution to
Jammu and Kashmir conflict.
 AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward

Remember Past only to Focus on Future

Considering Jammu and Kashmir in one side or other of Line of Control will not lead us to anywhere.
The problem has be seen in entire area that formed the Princely state and a solution has to be sought
accordingly.
''We are made wise not by the recollection of our Pakistan went through four wars which brought
past, but by the responsibility for our future.'' no solution but pain and suffering to human being
- George Bernard Shaw at large. Also positive efforts have been made in
recent times for reconciliation from both sides
Kashmir problem is with the world since 1947, the with active participation from civil society as
year of the partition of India. Over these sixty three well as political leaders. But could not come to a
years, flashes of intensified conflict and bouts of consensus, may be because of not having a
negotiations have followed one another with balanced and harmonious proposal to discuss.
monotonous regularity in Kashmir. Media
manufactures predictable binary images of conflict – For more than six decades by now one has to talk
angry men and weeping women, misguided seriously about the conditions for the
innocents and fundamentalist separatists, victims implementation of peace to protect the interest
and aggressors. of people at large and finally reach the stage of
an actionable program. Should there be any hope
The Problem: for a solution?
Problem started in 1947 when British were dividing
India into two parts to separate out Muslims, who There is no problem without a solution, at least
had demanded a separate homeland for themselves for those which are engineered by human
and the non-Muslims. whether consciously or unconsciously. The
criteria of a best solution must meet the standard
Pakistan had refused to give a chance to the old of a reasonable prudent man test. I feel the most
princely state of Jammu and Kashmir and attacked in appropriate solution to the problem of J&K or we
the guise of tribal Pathans on October 1947. The could say the alternative solution which is
Maharaja asked India for help and joined India on proposed by the Jammu and Kashmir Peoples
26th October 1947. However, by that time Pakistan Democratic Party, which I feel is a good
had already occupied about half of the Kashmir. The arrangement by maintaining the status quo in a
U.N Security Council resolution of April 1948 had harmonious way, and it reflects the essence of
suggested a plebiscite for the people of Kashmir our secular culture and making its preservation is
after it would be vacated by Pakistan; India would be of the outmost importance.
allowed to maintain some forces to maintain the law
and order. Pakistan never vacated the area and as a Since, the resolution proposal documents is long,
result, the referendum could not happen. I cannot wholly share its essence here (chapter – 3
of self – rule), but will advice to visit
UN declaration of 1948: The UN declaration, on 13th www.jkpdp.com to understand the concept of
TASHI GYALSON August, 1948, in the chapter for the 'TRUCE self-rule proposed as an alternative solution to
Author is a student and AGREEMENT’ (refer to UN declaration of 1948) the core issue and to provide equal
political activist proved unsuccessful and week, which arise a representation to the entire three regions of J&K.
associated with PDP. He question that, is international law is a law? Since since within the state, there are certain regional
works and lives in Leh, Pakistan failed to fulfill its obligation suggested by issues and occasionally, voices are raised from
Ladakh the UN declaration. Since then both India and Ladakh and Jammu for trifurcation of the state.

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Peace in South Asia:
Kashmir can be Bridge between India, Pak
For decades Kashmir remained a source of conflict between India and Pakistan. It seems so today also
but is actually not. A strong urge for peace coming from the people of Jammu and Kashmir has largely
changed the scenario. People on both sides of Line of Control have the potential for making Kashmir a
bridge between India, Pakistan. They must seize the opportunity for peace in South Asia.
SARDAR AMJAD YUSUF KHAN
Author, Executive Director of
Islamabad based Kashmir Institute of
International Relations, is a resident of
Pakistan administered Kashmir. He can
be reached at ed@kilr.org
AS SOR T ED
S
outh Asia is a most complex,
volatile and politically explosive
region and it remains the most
enigmatic and baffling in the world.
South Asia has been a region of great
importance to the industrialize
democracies and specifically the United
States. The region has always been an
arena where great power competition
has been played and managed. It is, of
course, possible to argue that the
primary significance of the states of
South Asia lies in their role in the
competition between the United
States, the Soviet Union and China for
global and regional influence.
Russian interest
The Soviet Union was a Eurasian empire
since its formation and before
Continuous with czarist Russia. In the
recent past, Soviet concern with Asia
dates, however, only from the post
World War II, when the communist
leadership adopted a “forward”
strategy in Asia and this region became
an Arena for Moscow's global
competition with the United States and,
later, for regional competition with
China. During the19th century, Russia
and the other great power in the area,
Britain, played a great power chess
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J&K Moving Forward
game with Afghanistan as the board
which separated their spheres of
i n f l u e n c e . Ru s s i a n i n t e r e s t i n
Afghanistan in the first half of the19th
century was concerned primarily with
security and economic, as a result of
British activities in the region. The
Soviet leadership showed their will in
South Asia to limit the US and China
influence in the region. India
cooperated with the Soviet Union and
they moved from non-alignment to a
kind of bi-alignment with the Soviets to
counter Chinese influence. Both
conducted long friendship and become
an important symbol in world politics
In the cold war era international system
was bipolar. India joined the USSR and
Pakistan built tie with USA. The Cold
War lasted for over 50 years and ended
with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1989.
With the disintegration of the USSR; the
new independent states (Central Asian
states) took full responsibility for their
desertification control. Central Asian
states have started to explore their own
ways to deal with the catastrophe. This
emergence gave a new hope to the
occupied territories. Perhaps this is one
of the sources of motivation for
Kashmir's as well.

American interest
Since 1945 the region of South Asia had
no valuable importance for the United
States but in the absence of the US the
Soviet Union had taken full advantage
to expand its influence in the region.
For the US region was neither Crucial to
its neither economy nor vital for
investment and trade relations. It
always had shown their interest in the
region from global pursuits disregarding
the aspiration of regional actors. Thus,
the US never introduced long-terms and
Well-calculated policy for the region
but it was more interested to prevent
the flood of communism and
determined to contain the Soviet
expansionism in the Persian Gulf region.
After the cold war USA didn't show any
deep concern toward theses states but
after the 9/11 USA tilt toward this
region.
9/11 war on terror:
In war against terrorism the south Asian
region was again badly affected. The
immediate consequences of the attacks
of September 11 particularly for
Pakistan were clear and profound. The
campaign in the name of Operation
Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan made
Pakistan a frontline state in the US led
counter terror campaign. Pakistan
shared a border with Afghanistan and
was among the few countries which had
a formal diplomatic relationship with
the Taliban regime.
Now this prolonged war on terrorism has
drawn number of the negative impact
for Pakistan. Pakistan is one the biggest
sufferer of this war against terrorism.
Being a front line state in this war the
country becomes the victim of terrorist
activities.
Now the Americans wants that Pakistan
and India must aside their 62 years of
AS SOR T ED IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
the enmity and join their hands some stereo type mindset in New Delhi
together for stabilizing the Afghanistan. still expecting that Pakistan may be
Now they really want that these two declared as failed state. And they
states should work together on the same always try to create hurdles in the
grounds. They should leave all processes of dialogue.
animosities. For that purpose they must
have to build a very good relationship.
But this is not possible yet, until or
unless the Kashmir issue is not resolved,
they won't keep the good relationship.
Epilogue
because there is more to know
Now the Americans top most priority
should be the Kashmir issue. Because if
they want Pakistan and India should join
Monthly Magazine
Extensively Researched
Suggestion:
Kashmir is no more bone of
Written with Clarity
contention between two and Insight
countries now it would play
the role of bridge.
Covers Four Key Issues
Politics
Kashmiris should have to pay
Economy
the leading role and they can
also give the win-a-win Culture
situation. For that purpose
Strategic Affairs
they should forget about their
ethnical issue.
Unlike the General run of the
their hand together for stabilizing the
Afghanistan so firstly they have to have
Mill News Magazine
resolve their own issue and than they
can go for any other thing else.
Now this is the time that Kashmiris can
Epilogue
play a very affective role in harmonizing Has a shelf life That Extends
the relationship between two
countries. Both these states must Far Beyond the
consider the Kashmir’s in dialogue News Period Covered
processes. Kashmir issue was bone of
contention earlier now it will play the Unlike the General
role of bridge. Run of the Mill News Magazines
There is also an impression in Pakistan,
Epilogue
Epilogue Ø
40 ×
May 2009

Unheard Traumatized Voices
Let's pray no more Khatoons, Naseemas
and Shafiqa are added to painful history
of Kashmir
It is a known fact that people on both sides of Line of Control have suffered enough pain and the
coming generations are going to echo it. This pain resonates in the sufferings of women and children.
The situation demands to opt to silence the guns regardless of the identity of perpetrators.
EZABIR ALI
Author is a Peace Activist and a Mental
Health Honorary Counselor for Jammu
and Kashmir Voluntary Health
Association, who has trained
Community Health Workers in Budgam
and Pulwama districts as “bare foot
counselors”. She can be reached at
........
AS SOR T ED
K hatoon, 75 years old, a resident
of Budgam has almost lost
eyesight longing to see her
disappeared son. Her abject poverty
and old age did not dampen her spirits
to continue search for her son. Her tale
is not very different from hundreds of
mothers whose sons have vanished
without a trace in custody of security
agencies.
Khatoon's predicament started in 1995
when troops allegedly picked up her
youngest son Bashir. She kept looking
for him for many years, going from pillar
to post but “had to return empty
handed”. Her younger son Muzamil,
unable to see his mothers suffering took
up arms “to avenge the disappearance
of his brother” As if this shock was not
enough for the wrinkled old woman,
Muzamil died in an encounter with troops.
Khatoon had no tears… She said, “I have
wept enough for years waiting for
Bashir… Now the tears have dried up…
but my heart always weeps. I don't want
money or compensation…. I only want to
know the whereabouts of my beloved
son ”
Naseema, 25 years old, was cooking her
father's favorite dish, Nadroo … when
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J&K Moving Forward
suddenly she heard her mother burst
into loud wails and screams... An IED
(Improvised Explosive Device) blast had
taken place in Pattan where a
prominent religious cleric had to
address a mass gathering. The cleric
escaped miraculously but Naseema's
father along with many other victims
fell prey to the IED blast. The bodies of
the victims could not be identified
amongst the various pieces of flesh that
lay hanging on trees and bushes around
the areas. A small bag containing some
unidentified parts of human flesh is all
that was brought back home for last
rites and burial. Naseema could never
deal with this loss and trauma. The
shock rendered Naseema in a state of
disturbed bereavement and PTSD ever
since.
Shafiqa, 18 years old was at home along
with her mother and grandmother when
their village was cordoned for search
operation by the security forces. The
men in the village were taken away
from their homes to assemble in an open
field for identification parade and
interrogation. Shafiqa was among the
30 women who were raped on the night
of February 23, in a small village in
Kashmir. The ages of other women
raped ranged from 13 to 80 years.

Shafiqa has lost the will to live. She has
attempted suicide several times.
Haseena, 37years old, is a “half
widow” from Kupwara. More than a
decade back the security forces picked
up her husband. She has gone from
pillar to post searching for him but to
no avail. She only wants the
authorities to give his whereabouts…
She says, “If he has been killed please
hand over his body to me...I can't take
this uncertainty anymore.. How am I
supposed to take care of the family? I
have no source of income. The Govt.
also does not provide relief in such
cases. I want to ask the Govt. why the
widow of a slain militant is treated
different from other widows. Why are
our problems and status so different? ”
The above cases are just a tip of the
iceberg of the effects of the armed
conflict on women in Kashmir. Countless
widows, “half widows”, rape victims
and orphans have been added to our
society during these last 20 years. Most
of these cases remain unreported as
they continue to suffer in silence either
due to ignorance, social taboo,
conservative attitude of society, or
because they lack the will to go through
the tedious process of getting the guilty
punished.
There are many untold and unreported
cases - Most of the cases reflect that the
people, especially women in Kashmir
are undergoing psychological problems
as a consequence of tension increasing,
both at an individual level as well as
community level. These cases give an
insight that Kashmir not only presents
many traumatized individuals but that
there is a collective trauma that the
society has suffered. Thus, the
implications for healing are obvious.
AS SOR T ED
The Valley's lone psychiatric hospital
is overwhelmed by the sheer numbers
of patients presenting themselves for
the psychiatric problems termed as
“Post Traumatic Stress Disorders
(PTSD) that the Kashmiri community
is undergoing due to the prolonged
violent armed conflict prevailing in
the area for the last two decades
There are many untold and
unreported cases - Most of the
cases reflect that the people,
especially women in Kashmir
are undergoing psychological
problems as a consequence of
tension increasing, both at an
individual level as well as
community level. These cases
give an insight that Kashmir
not only presents many
traumatized individuals but
that there is a collective trauma
that the society has suffered.
Thus, the implications for
healing are obvious.
now. This has resulted in deep
wounds to the community such that
they go well beyond the socio-
economic problems of neglect and
poverty.
At the moment the support system for
the recovery of the society stands
damaged and instead elements like
fear, distrust, anger, impatience,
cynicism, sense of loss, hopelessness
and powerlessness have found their
way in the society which has led to
many social changes making the
people insensitive to situations. To add
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
to all this, there has been a complete
breakdown of traditional and
community support and instead there
is pervasive insecurity and fear all
around.
It is a known fact that the people on
both sides of LOC have suffered enough
pain and the coming generations are
going to echo it. This pain resonates in
the sufferings of women and children.
The situation demands to opt to silence
the guns and say no to violence,
regardless of the identity of the
perpetrators. Efforts are required to
desist that this kind of history should
not be handed over to the younger
generation to remember.
It's high time that the dialogue between
India and Pakistan, with representation
from Kashmir is resumed to help to
reach a consensus to resolve the
outstanding issues.
It is also very important that the role of
women as Peace builders is recognized
and women are made part of the
resolutions, negotiations and
reconstruction phases.
Women know what it takes to rebuild a
society as they have “seen and braved it
all”.
The issue of Jammu and Kashmir affects
the lives of many people; as such
representation of all sections/
communities /societies is important, to
have lasting Peace in the region.
So let's not put dialogue on hold any
more - let's give Peace and Dialogue a
chance, with a prayer and hope that no
more Khatoon's, Naseema's, Shafiqa's
and Haseena's are added to the already
painful history of Kashmir.

Kashmir Conflict and its Impact
Civil society can plays their role in conflict prevention and peace building. There is a popular desire to
normalized relations between India and Pakistan. The key actors India and Pakistan have gradually
shown more flexibility in their rigged and traditional stand.
ILYAS CHOUDHARY
Author is a peace activist and Lawyer.
He lives and works in Kotli, Pakistan
administered Kashmir.
AS SOR T ED
T he persons who are living in
Jammu & Kashmir are defined as
state subjects notification
through dated 20th April 1927. That all
persons who were born within the state
before the region of Maharaja Gulab
Singh and those who settled therein
before 1942 (Bikrami) and resided
permanently, were state subject of
class-I. Those who settled in the state
before the close of 1968 (Bikrami) and
resided permanently, on acquisition of
immovable property enjoyed the status
of state subject of class-II. All those who
acquired immovable property under a
rayatnama (Urdu words) or Ijazatnama
(Urdu words) and resided in the state
continuously, were placed in class-III as
state subject, class IV pertains to
registered companies in the state”.
The dispute of state of Jammu &
Kashmir is single most contentious issue
between Pakistan & India and it is still
unresolved. After 1998, 1999 issue is
nuclear flash point. Historically India –
Pakistan relations have never been
friendly. Both are neighbour but living
as enemy of each other. This issue
directly or indirectly linked several
India – Pakistan wars and crises. After
9/11 and after 13/12 attacks on Indian
parliament, India mobilized its military
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
troops on International border and Line
of control (LOC). Situation was alarming
and International Actors had involved
for normalisation. A new hope and
positive step began in the year 2005
when Bus Service launched from
Muzaffarabad to Srinagar route,
through this confidence building
measure (CBM) new face of confidence
and interaction started.
Victims of Conflict
Kashmir issue affected the lives of
millions people of Jammu & Kashmir.
Most effected peoples are widows,
victim of violence rendered and their
houses, other victims are children who
have deprived from development,
education, protection, survival and
their participation in various activities,
youths are other effected lot who have
been deprived of employment. They are
facing Physico Social Trama, missing of
identity and falling addicted. Other
victims are those persons who have got
completely or partially disabled and
facing physical, mental and spiritual
illness.
Migration Impact
Migration started from 1947-1948 till
date, the majority of people who have
migrated initially living and facing with

inhuman conditions. The migration
from AJK to J&K and from J&K to AJK,
many families have divided, the person
who have migrated to Pakistan, some
are living into refugee camps and some
or out of camps. Many of migrated
peoples migrated within state these are
Pundits from valley. Majority of these
people transferred to refugee camps in
Jammu and other who were in
economical stable choices to travel
inside India, where they started to
rebuild their lives. In 1947,1965 and
1971 some migrants peoples who have
scattered throughout India and Pakistan
now are more powerful and holding
powerful positions in civil and military
bureaucracy but they identify
themselves as Ex-Kashmiris. Other
migrants peoples are those who can be
called as economical migrant, most of
them are from AJK, particularly, Mirpur
and Kotli Districts. These economical
migrant people shifted the UK and other
European countries.
In the UK these economical migrants
people started their lives in miserable
conditions but now they are taking
interest in local politics, few of them
become as Local Councilors,
Community Mayors, Lord Mayors and
even contesting parliament elections.
In Bradford UK where 72% are Pakistan
living and among them 80% are Kashmiri
from Mirpur District of AJK, similarly
Birmingham UK 32% are from Pakistan
and among them half population is from
Mirpur District AJK. The people who are
living in the UK they have introduced
themselves as Kashmiri Ethnic Group
(not as a Kashmiri race). These peoples
developed their relations with
influential Hi-Ups in the UK and they
have maneuvering and managing to
introduce themselves Kashmiri identity
group. They have launched private TV
Channel and Radio programs, where
different identity peoples programs are
broadcast. A sense of Kashmiriat has
AS SOR T ED
promoted and introduced these
peoples.
Role of Civil Society Actors
Civil society can plays their role in
conflict prevention and peace building.
There is a popular desire to normalized
relations between India and Pakistan.
The key actors India and Pakistan have
gradually shown more flexibility in their
rigged and traditional stand.
The organizations of civil society and
overall general public are prepared to
engage in peace making process. It can
create a climate conducive to
negotiation and help to ensure that the
social infrastructure is developed for
their voices to be heard at formal talks.
Mechanism for public participants in
peace process can be extremely
i m p o r t a n t . Pa r t i c i p a n t s f e e l
comfortable and are able to participate
fully and effective contributions.
Alienation and frustration can
otherwise set in quickly. No doubt there
is a road map, which shows us how to
drive and where to drive, without map
cannot understand where we are and
where we may be going. We have
distinguished what is important from
and from what is not important. What
path we should take to achieve our
goals. Civil society actors play their
roles to normalize the situation. Process
of reconciliation among different
identity groups not resisted, even some
feel it is too late. Civil society actors
from J&K and AJK sides are going to
construct bridge building among diverse
people groups.
URGENT STEPS
People to people contacts
People to people contact means not
only developing relations between
divided families, but whole the peoples
who are living with J&K irrespective of
religion and region.
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
Crossing Points
India and Pakistan opened five foot
c r o s s i n g p o i n t N a u s e r i - Ti t w a l ,
Chakothi-uri, Hajipur-uri, Rawalakot-
Poonch and Tattapani-Mehnder but
more new crossing point Khuiratta-
Noshera, Samani-Noshera required to
be opened.
Road Links
Kargil-Skardu, Jammu-Sialkot, Turtue-
Khapuly, Chamb Jaurian-Mirpur, Gurez
Astore-Gilgit, Titwal-Chilhan, Jhangar
(Noshera)-Khuiratta Kotli, Tattapani-
Poonch, Nakyal-Mehndar and Rajori,
Karakram Highway-Ladakh,
Linkage of civil society:
Civil society actors can play their role in
peace process and conflict resolutions.
Hence, all special interest groups,
professional groups need to be
encouraged.
Telecommunication
Restoration of telephonic landline
network cut in 1965 war and provision of
facilities of mobile telephonic service
across the L.O.C.
Disasters Management:
Sharing information on whether
conditions, flow of waters in rivers,
floods and other information.
De-mining:
Joint efforts could be mounted to locate
and remove land mining that have been
planted on both side of L.O.C over the
year.
Sports
Hockey, Cricket, Polo, Football,
volleyball, Basket Ball and Kabadi
matches can be organized at between
both sides of L.O.C, relationship
improved and exchange of teams
defiantly charge the mindset of people
and misconceptions removed.

Sufferers must play their roles
Conflicts around the world do not get resolved until the sufferers are ready to play their role in
resolving the conflict. What we are lacking in Kashmir conflict is the combined efforts to act together.
We are still divided in our thoughts.
UZERA SHAH
Author is Director, Human Rights,
Kashmir Institute of International
Relations, Islamabad. She belongs to
Pakistan administered Kashmir and her
family had migrated from Srinagar
AS SOR T ED
H istory has seen such times, when
the crime was committed by a
moment, but the punishment
was suffered by centuries.
Sheikh Abdullah, 1981
Kashmir conflict is one of the most
complex conflicts of the world. There
are three parties to the conflict, India,
Pakistan and the people of Jammu and
Kashmir. It is now one of the dangerous
conflicts, not so much because of the
situation itself but because of India and
Pakistan's failed relationship in dealing
with it. Both the countries are standing
on their stated positions and the
sufferers are the people of region
especially the people of Jammu and
Kashmir. Any terrorist act whether in
India and Pakistan, which causes a delay
in composite dialogue between the two
countries puts a nail in the coffin of
kashmiri's hopes.
We , K a s h m i r i s h a v e s u f f e r e d
tremendously whether it's physical,
emotional and economical. Kashmiris
migrated to India, Pakistan, AJK and
around the world. There are more than 2
million living in Pakistan and AJK,
Kashmiri Pandits in India, and about 1
million around the world. Kashmiris are
scattered and when communities are
scattered they are divided. We are a
divided nation.
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May 2009
IDEAS
J&K Moving Forward
Kashmiris has given lives whether it is
the blood of a Kashmir Muslim or
kashmiri pandit they were all the
people of Jammu and Kashmir. Our
fathers, brothers and sons are missing.
Our children are orphans. Our sisters
and daughter are widowed and half-
widowed. Our sisters and daughters
were raped. Our people were subjected
to forced migration.
Why do we often debate about which
community suffered more? When will
kashmiri muslims start talking about the
miseries of kashmiri pandits and when
will kashmiri pandits start speaking on
behalf of kashmiri muslims?
Conflicts around the world do not get
resolved until the sufferers are ready to
play their role in resolving the conflict.
What we are lacking in Kashmir conflict
is the combined efforts to act together.
We are still divided in our thoughts. To
get there, we have to first start having
dialogue amongst ourselves. Mindsets
will have to be altered and historical
baggage will have to be jettisoned for
start of the process.
I know and do believe peace will come. I
have firm believe that we will live in
peace but the question is how much
pain we will have to go through to get
there.
Towards Blurring Radcliff and Other Unwanted Lines
Epilogue I S S U E S
Of our 29 issues since January 2007, 12 were exclusively dedicated to the most
pressing cause of peace in Jammu and Kashmir and bridging divides between
various regions on both sides of the Line of Control.
The Promises Ahead
Y ear 2007 began in Jammu and
Kashmir really on a promising note.
There was a huge push to the peace
process and the talk of Cross-LoC trade
gained currency. We interviewed
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq a day before left
for Pakistan and the Pak administered
Kashmir tour. He talked of 'imaginative
solution' to Kashmir issue. Almost same
sentiment was echoed by Syed Ali Shah
Geelani in another exclusive interview.
State budget advanced by two months
promised a massive employment
program to take the youth out of
quagmire.
Billion Dollar Question for Peace
F ormer Finance Minister of Pakistan,
Shahid Javed Burki had written a
paper for United States Institute of
Peace. The study suggested an
investment of US Dollar 20 billion for
infrastructure development on both
sides of J&K and argued that
subsequent stakes in economy will
overrun politics to pave way for Kashmir
becoming conduit of peace between
India and Pakistan. Our analysis of this
research endorsed the argument but
with an addendum: emphasis on
economic development is good but
political aspiration can't be overlooked.
This issue also carried an interview with
J&K Finance Minister and President of
THAT MAKE CHANGE
The present issue is a
summit of ideas originating
from all regions of J&K.
Writers decided to share
their opinions at a workshop
they attended together at
Bangkok in ending March.
Baglihar and other Chestnuts
I n the backdrop of World Bank
appointed neutral expert Prof
Raymond Lifette's award on Baglihar
hydro-electric project on Chenab, our
March issue focused on management
and resolution of conflicts between
India and Pakistan. Indus Water Treaty
one such agreement between both
countries which withstood all harshest
tests of the times since 1960 and this
was first time ever that both countries
first agreed to appointment of a third
party arbitration and then both
accepted the award describing it s
victory in their own way.
Looking Beyond 'K' Issue
W hat we tried to underline in our
June 2007 issue became dominant
nationwide cry exactly a year later. In
June 2008 thousands of people in
Jammu were on streets and the state
was engulfed in a fire of regional and
communal hatred. This issue was a
forewarning on the fallout of a skewed
political approach. Our main argument
was based on the premise that external
dimensions of Kashmir issue can be
resolved by force or by diplomacy but
no resolution can be lasting without
addressing the internal dimensions.
 JK & 60
T he problem with our younger
generation in understanding Jammu
and Kashmir is that they know very little
about past. They key events most of the
people in our age remember are the
partition and wars. Our August 2007
issue was essentially a commemorative
volume chronicling metamorphosis of
change Jammu and Kashmir underwent
from 1947 to 2007. Every key
development arranged in a sequential
order made this issue an essential
reference on J&K. Which is why August
2008 issue is still in demand not only
from across the country but also from
abroad.
60 Years of Conflict
I t was the month of October 1947 that
the events, one after the other,
pushed Jammu and Kashmir into a most
enduring of the conflicts world saw in
recent history. That no two people have
been seen or heard sharing same
opinion on Kashmir issue, we requested
many to send in their view points. Few
of them responded with their
understanding. Notable among them
were Wajahat Habibullah, Syed Ali Shah
Geelani, Abdul Aziz Zargar, Masud
Chaudhary, MY Tarigami, Iftikhar
Geelani and KN Pandita. In their own
perspective, the authors trace genesis
of conflict and its journey over 60 years.
Identity And Politics
W e believe that the issue of Jammu
and Kashmir can not be dealt with
properly without obtaining an
understanding of identities –regional
and ethnic. Our May 2008 issue was
about the tribal identities which have
not been touched upon in researches
and also in the larger political
discourse. Gujjars, spread across the
state, and Dards of Ladakh were the
two tribes we covered in this issue with
a promise to cover all identities in
subsequent issues.
J&K's summer agitation
S ummer of 2008 will always be
remembered as a dark chapter in the
secular and tolerance history of Jammu
and Kashmir. On Amarnath land row, the
lunatic and hawkish voices had
completely taken over the sensible
voices. We launched a search for the
voices of peace and reason and came up
with as many ideas as possible. We are
happy that no chance was given to the
narrow regional or religious views to
creep in our pages.
Join us
We are making
small difference
Readers are encouraged to write stories that bridge gaps between peoples and regions Epilogue is the platform
J&K: The Land of Contact
T his was second of our four issues
exclusively devoted to the people-
to-people contacts between two parts
of Jammu and Kashmir and beyond. A
team of experts traveled different parts
of state including Ladakh and spoke to
key stakeholders before concluding
that Jammu and Kashmir can essentially
be a land of contact not only between
India and Pakistan but also in the South
and Central Asian region. Backed with
extensive research, this issue analyzed
importance of throwing other routes to
open to trade and tourism.
Pakistan elections
W e can say with authority and
confidence that no other
magazine in India could cover the
general elections in Pakistan as we did
in March 2008 issue. There were indepth
reports, regional trends and analysis.
We transcended borders to cover
Pakistan elections as restoration of
democracy in our neighbourhood
assumed a huge importance for India in
general and Jammu and Kashmir in
particular.
Cross-LoC trade
T rade across the Line of Control has
arguably been the mother of all
confidence building measures
between India and Pakistan involving
Jammu and Kashmir. Epilogue was
arguably the first news and current
affairs publication to come up with a
comprehensive issue on broad
contours of Cross-LoC trade. The
bottlenecks we had talked about were
later evident when trade was actually
initiated in October.
Intra-Kashmir contacts and trade
S hortly before the historic cross-LoC
trade was launched between two
parts of Jammu and Kashmir, the United
States Institute of Peace had come up
with a most comprehensive study on
making borders irrelevant. Under a
special endowment from USIP, Epilogue
carried reproduced the study in fall. It
was a painstaking research taken by
Hassan Askari and PR Chari, two leading
policy experts of Pakistan and India,
respectively.
Now
Telling
The J&K Stories

New Af-Pak Strategy:
Old Wine in a New Bottle
M SHAMSUR RABB KHAN
Author is Editor with the Indian
Institute of Dalit Studies
WA R
T
he new comprehensive Af-Pak
strategy unveiled on March 27,
2009 by President Barack Obama
sets up the core goal of the US to
disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda
and its safe havens in Pakistan, and to
prevent their return to Pakistan or
Afghanistan. As a mix of military and
political measures, Obama's strategy
contains three components: a counter-
insurgency component for Afghanistan,
a counter- terrorism component for use
in Pakistan and a counter-radicalization
component for use in the entire Af-Pak
region. While the US other NATO powers
will implement the military component
the role of India, China and Iran is
restricted to the political component
and will have no say in the military
intervention. The Obama
Administration views FATA region as the
frontline in the "war on terror" and
would like to dictate to the Pakistan
government on how to conduct the war.
While insisting that the primary goal of
the new Afghan strategy be narrow,
President Obama has actually widened
the US involvement in the region. He
runs the risk of getting into a political
and military quagmire, much like the US
faced in Vietnam in the 1960s and
1970s.
Why did Obama need to place this 'New
Af-Pak Strategy' after all and how is it
full of flaws? As an agent of change,
Obama has been desperate in
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May 2009
ON T E RROR
Analysis
something 'new', which is not new at all
though many in the US and other parts
of the world might have this illusion. In
the first place, ex-President George W.
Bush left a bleeding stalemate in
Afghanistan for Obama with no end in
sight, as human casualty rising, for
example, in 2008 alone, according to UN
Assistance Mission in Afghanistan
(UNAMA), 2,118 civilians deaths
reported. The Associated Press
estimated that a total of 286 foreign
military personnel were actually killed
in Afghanistan in 2008, the highest since
2001 when the invasion began. This
figure represents an increase of almost
40 per cent compared to 2007, when
1,523 people lost their lives in the
conflict.
In unveiling an Af-Pak plan founded on
narrow goals, Obama has fallen prey to
a long-standing US policy weakness: the
pursuit of near-term objectives without
much regard for the security of regional
friends. To focus entirely on one's own
security, and to give primacy to what is
politically expedient, is to repeat the
very mistakes of past US policy that
inadvertently gave rise to the scourge of
jihadist transnational terror.
Let's be clear: Pakistan and Afghanistan,
two artificially created states with no
roots in history, constitute the most
dangerous region on earth. Additionally,
Pakistan is where state-nurtured

terrorism and state-reared nuclear
smuggling uniquely intersect. Yet
Obama's central objective is not to
clean up the mess but to extricate the
US from the war in Afghanistan by
winning over the bulk of the Taliban,
including by pandering to Pakistan, the
terrorist procreator and sanctuary
provider.
Neither Bush was right in going all-
offensive in Afghanistan, nor is Obama
too smart in making a concrete change
in the precarious situation in
Afghanistan-Pakistan region by sending
30,000 more troops. What Obama, via
this policy, is carrying forward the Bush
legacy though in a smart language,
which is going to end in a bigger mess, as
gloomy signs are appearing. There is
little question that the NATO forces are
bombing civilians in Afghanistan, and
causing almost as many civilian deaths
as the Taliban. There is no question that
mostly American planes have dropped
more bombs on Afghanistan in 2008, i.e.
800,000 pounds in the first 7 months
than at any point since 2001.
WA R
While calling the US has a vital national
security interest in addressing the
potential security threats posed by al
Qaeda and other groups of terrorists,
the policy suggests 'new way of thinking
about the challenges, a wide ranging
diplomatic strategy to build support for
US efforts, enhanced engagement with
the publics in the region and at home,
and a realization that all elements of
international power'. However, in
practice, the ability of extremists in
Pakistan and Afghanistan becoming
more powerful is the sheer failure of the
US war on terror waged so far. The rise
of Taliban has put the US into direct
confrontation with Pakistan, long held
as partners against terror.
One of the objectives of the Af-Pak
strategy is to 'disrupt terrorist networks
in Afghanistan and especially Pakistan
to degrade any ability they have to plan
and launch international terrorist
attacks'. But the truth is that the US led
NATO forces are being interrupted and
ambushed by the extremists groups on a
regular basis, thus proving that greater
military intervention is a defeatist
policy. Albeit the strategy calls for
'promoting a more capable,
accountable, and effective government
in Afghanistan that serves the Afghan
people and can eventually function,
especially regarding internal security,
with limited international support; the
reality is that the present Karzai
government in Afghanistan is nothing
but a mere puppet following the
dictates of the US, and once the foreign
powers will be out of the country, a
bloody political upheaval is bound to
throw the country into utter chaos. .
The Obama's strategy is as full of
illusions as the strategy of Bush was
except for 30,000 more troops to
reinforce the failing military strategy in
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May 2009
ON T E RROR
Analysis
Afghanistan, which could only lead to
more civilian casualty and more
insurgency. Everyday the danger is
increasing, as the US has been unable to
understand that the spread of
extremists in area and number is the
direct offshoot of US military action. In
the first place, since no Afghans were
involved in the 9/11 attack according to
the “official 9/11 story” of the
egregiously dishonest Bush
Administration, .the very war on terror
on Afghanistan, like Iraq's, was illegal
and illogical. It has not yet captured
Osama bin Laden or his deputy. And
compelling Pakistan to act beyond its
capacity is to transfer the onus of
failure on Pakistan, not on the US. The
result is: Pakistan is battling the
resurgent Taliban though it bought truce
through the Sharia deal in the SWAT
region.
A critical factor is that US military and
civilian agencies lack the skills and
training as well as the institutional
framework necessary to carry out
culturally and politically sensitive
socio-economic programmes at the
local level in Afghanistan, or even to
avoid further alienation of the
population. The US government does
not even have enough people capable of
speaking Pashto, the language of the 14
million ethnic Pashtuns. As a result, the
US faces huge 'trust deficit' in
Afghanistan and Pakistan, where people
have firm belief that the US and its
western allies are not a reliable long-
term partners, but are all-out in
intimidating them. So far, like the Bush
administration, Obama has failed to
engage the Afghan people in ways that
demonstrate the US commitment to
promoting a legitimate and capable Afghan
government with economic progress.
Obama lacks knowledge about

Afghanistan and what his advisors, who
suffer from the prescriptive deficiency
that is the result of mixing facts with
illusions, whisper he is following. He is
taking the war to Pakistan territory
through daily attacks by unmanned
Drones, which result in daily human
casualty. This multiplies the anger
against the US manifold; hence, in spite
o f c o o p e r a t i o n , t h e Pa k i s t a n
government finds it difficult to convince
its people about the intention of the US
and its allies. The tragedy is that while
the Pakistan government is made to
follow the US dictate, the people at
large are totally averse to its imperialist
policies. If the economic aids failed to
make Pervez Musharraf co-operate
sincerely against Al Qaeda and the
Taliban, it can be even more non-
cooperative under Zardari.
Obama's strategy, like that of Bush, is
marked by extending punishment to
Pakistan if it fails to check the rise of
extremist groups. The general talk of
'Pakistan is not doing enough' is the
sheer policy shift whereby the US is out
to place the blame on Pakistan for the
failures on war on terror, which is its own.
Since a failed Pakistan may be a disaster
for the people of Pakistan, it will provide
much needed alibi to the US to nail
Pakistan because of its nuclear
capability, the only Muslim country to
possess such a weapon though Iran, it is
said, can be other one. The N-capacity is
the crux of the matter for which the US
has perhaps made a long-term
engagement in the region. If it is believed
that Al Qaeda and its associates operating
from sanctuaries in Pakistan as posing a
threat to the world as a whole, and the
US in particular, it is strange that the
might of the US-led NATO forces has
failed to gauge the fact that a totally
defunct al Qaeda has limited capacity
to go ahead with another 9/11 in US
territory mounted from this region.
WA R
Since the very beginning, the US has not
engaged the international community,
say, India, China and Iran, and now
when it faces serious challenges, it calls
for cooperation from other countries.
Here also, the US has two sets of
dealing: if India is attacked, it should
not go ahead with preemptive strikes
against terror groups in Pakistan, while
the US has every right to initiate
whatever military offensive it desires
even if there is no direct threat the US
and its people. Kashmir's exclusion
from Obama's plan was well
calculated, as it wants India to engage
for the purpose when the time comes.
Though India has more reasons to
attack Pakistan than the US, it has
been restrained by the latter, citing
the threat of a full scale war. But what
is the US doing is not good for the
people of the region as a whole.
During the last five years neither
George W Bush, nor Barak Obama, nor
any of the policy maker in the US and
elsewhere has voiced for a political
situation to be attained via negotiations
and deliberations. While on paper, the
Af-Pak policy talks of finding a solution
to problem of growing extremism in the
region, the US seems reluctant to
engage those groups and bring them to
the negotiating table for a lasting
solution. The high powered team of US
Special envoy to Afghanistan-Pakistan
Region Mr. Holbrooke and Pentagon
Chief of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen are
the hype that the US wants to create to
show off its seriousness, but the
ultimate objective is as much killing as
possible to turn the region into an
unstable place to live. The US and those
countries, including must understand,
along with force via military operation,
other means are more viable and
feasible, if the scourge of terrorism is to
be eliminated forever.
Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
ON T E RROR
Analysis
For example, the RAND Corporation's
study, “How Terrorist Groups End:
Lessons for Countering al Qaida”
reports that the global war on terror
failed to work because the US has
pursued the wrong line of action since
9/11. Based on a comprehensive
research on 648 terror groups that
existed between 1968 and 2006, RAND's
findings indicate that most terrorist
groups, in order of preference, have
ended because: (1) they joined the
political process (2) local police and
intelligence agencies arrested or killed
their members; (3) their goals were
achieved.
How do terror group end? In the answer
to this question lies the formidable anti-
terror strategy and effort. The RAND
study presents five ways in which
terrorist groups end: political solution,
policing, military force, splintering
(break up as a result of competition
among terrorist groups), or victory,
among others. The report reveals that
terror groups ended because of a range
of counter-measures. While political
negotiations (43%) and effective
policing and intelligence (40%) are the
two major means of ending terror
groups, military force has rarely been
the primary reason for it (7%) and
terrorist groups ended because their
goals were achieved (10%). Quite clear
that military option is the least
effective choice since it is also marred
by human rights violations, as we have
seen in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).
No doubt, with new upsurge of Taliban,
the attainment of goals set in Af-Pak
strategy are daunting tasks, which
require a whole new plan, not the Af-
Pak, the old wine in a new bottle, and if
the US is so serious about ending terror,
it must come up with something
pragmatic and novel.

Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh
In Quest of Regional Balance
Politics in Jammu and Kashmir has been considerably influenced by deep seated historical, socio –
psychological and economic factors. Since independence the main issues in Kashmir have revolved
around its status, regional conflicts within the state and the relationships between the state and the
central governments, all of which are inseparably interconnected.
SAHIL SHOWKAT
Author is a research scholar in the
Department of Political Science.
University of Kashmir.
T he contemporary world
confronts a variety of problems
which are related to the socio –
economic and politico – cultural aspects
of life. Among the various social
divisions in the contemporary world,
regional divisions have raised some of
the most complicated issues. Moreover,
these problems arise when there is a
combination of factors as geographical
isolation, independent historical
traditions, racial, ethnic or religious
peculiarities and local, economic and
class interests. The manifestations have
been, and are as varied and evocative of
diverse responses as the size, nature
and demographic composition
/strength of the different regions and
/or regional demands. Plural societies
contain sub – systems that are distinct
from each other and one may acquire an
advantage over the other in the period
of state and nation building.
One of the most conspicuous paradoxes
of today's world is the simultaneous
appearance of centralization and
regional and ethnic tensions, suggesting
a reaction against that very
centralization. The widespread
legitimacy of pluralist democracy
expands opportunities for ethnic and
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May 2009
V I EW PO I NT
Balancing J&K
regional expression. Such consciousness
involves issues like autonomy and
administrative decentralization.
Regional demands for autonomy may be
said to assume the existence of regions
as coherent political units endowed
with right to represent the aspirations
of their constituents and provides the
existential basic phenomenon of
regional identity. So the sense of
identity within a region develops
regionalism or regional consciousness.
The latter as the ideological correlate
of the concept is important in many
historical, political and sociological
studies. In order to apply these
generalizations to the empirical
situations of Jammu and Kashmir, the
study of the political crisis of Jammu
and Kashmir in a regional conflict
becomes of utmost importance. A
careful examination of the regional
autonomy proposals and regional
peculiarities of the state is necessary
for arriving at a rational understanding
of the long – standing political crisis in
the state.
J a m m u a n d K a s h m i r, I n d i a ' s
northernmost state, lies south one of
the highest regions of the Himalayan
mountains in a region bordering

Pakistan, Tibet and china. The state
comprises the areas of Jammu, on the
plains below the Pirpanjal mountain
ranges and the Kashmir valley, which
lies between the Pirpanjal and Pangi
ranges south of the highest peaks of the
Karakoram Mountains. The state also
includes Ladakh, bordering Tibet. The
distinct cultural identity of Kashmir has
its roots in the region's unique
geography and its contested political
history. The present state of Jammu and
Kashmir was created after the second
Anglo- Sikh war, when the British forces
granted control over Kashmir to the
maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu in
1846. Jammu and Kashmir was one of
the princely states of India which, under
British rule, had a semi-autonomous
status. At independence, though these
states are theoretically reverted to
sovereignty, their real choices were
confined to merger with either India or
Pakistan. In practice, all other states
were merged by choice, coercive
persuasion or force into Pakistan if their
population was predominantly Muslim
and into India if their population was
predominantly Hindu.
The conflict between India and Pakistan
over Kashmir arose because, though the
states population was predominantly
Muslim, its ruler was Hindu, and it
abutted both India and Pakistan, making
its merger into, either a real possibility
or the option for full independence a
possible goal as well. In the event,
Pakistan forced the issue by allowing,
irregular and Pakistan Army elements to
advance towards the state capital of
Srinagar which precipitated the formal –
though reluctant and originally limited
and conditional accession of the state
into the Indian union, followed by the
first indo – Pakistan war and its
conclusion in an informal partition of
the state into two parts, of which the
largest and most populous remained
with India.
Kashmir's importance in Indian politics
arises from several inter-related
features of its history and status in
Indian union. The first is its symbolic
connection with the very ideological
basis of the Indian state. It has been
frequently reiterated by every one who
has written on the subject that the
integration of Kashmir into Pakistan
after its accession to India could not be
accepted because it would appear to
validate Mohammad Ali Jinnah's
argument that there were two nations
in south Asia, one Hindu and one Muslim
where members could not live together
in peace within the same political unit.
Validation of the two nation theory
would also ipso facto deny the
legitimacy of its opposite, the Indian
nationalist ideology which proclaimed
that India is a secular state which can
accommodate religious diversity in a
pluralist democracy. Further, because
of the peculiar constitutional
circumstances under which Kashmir was
integrated into the Indian union with an
exemption from the full application of
the Indian constitution to its territory
its special status also has come to be
seen as a potential threat to the
integrity of the Indian union. Under
article 370 of the constitution of India,
the Indian parliament can not legislate
on items listed on either the union or
concurrent list of powers without the
approval of the Kashmir legislative
assembly which along with other special
features, appears to give to the state of
Jammu and Kashmir a kind of regional
autonomy.
Militant Hindu nationalists have always
objected to the special status of
Kashmir as unwarranted and have
demanded the abrogation of the article
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May 2009
V I EW PO I NT
Balancing J&K
370 and the full integration of the state
into the Indian union on the same basis
as every other state. Thus, the
integration of Kashmir into the Indian
union was never completed to the
satisfaction of all important ideological
and political forces either in Kashmir or
in India as whole. Since 1948 the politics
of Kashmir and arguments about its
status have been influenced by internal
regional differences, by changes in
centre – state political alliances and by
shifting political tendencies and the
development of new political forces
within the state.
Broadly speaking, the state of Jammu
and Kashmir is divided into three
distinct regions of Jammu, Kashmir and
Ladakh. The valley of Kashmir
constitutes a single ethno – cultural
unit. The other two regions are further
sub - divided on account of their
religious and social composition. The
three regions of the state of Jammu and
Kashmir have had different Political
orientations and have spawned as well
regional separatist movements within
the state. Many Hindus in Jammu have
supported militant Hindu parties which
have demanded the full integration of
the entire state in the Indian union
through the abrogation of article 370.
Although, there has also been at times a
demand for separation of Jammu from
Kashmir. The political events of 1953
that led to the dismissal of sheikh
Abdullah, the most potent advocate of
the state's autonomy started casting
their shadow on the state's special
position. This facilitated the process of
legal merger of the state within the
Indian union beginning with the
presidential order of 1954. This further
undermined the legitimacy of the Indian
hold viz – viz the people of Kashmir.
S i m i l a r l y, t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
amendment of 1958 brought the state

under the control of central
administration, including extension of
Articles 356 and 357 of the Indian
constitution in 1964-65 during sadiq's
tenure. Article 249 was also made
applicable to the state. The
designations of Head of the state (Sadr-
i-riyasat) and Prime Minister were also
changed to governor and chief Minister
like in any Indian state. Furthermore,
the governor is to be appointed by the
centre rather than by a nominee of the
elected Kashmir legislature. Thus, the
inherent right of autonomy was
snatched away from the people of
Kashmir in a systematic way by the mid-
1960 and even the Indra -Abdullah
Accord of 1975 could not restore it.
The militancy in Jammu and Kashmir
rose after the rigged elections of 1987.
When a large number of Kashmir youth
crossed over the line of control for
training in Pakistan and induction of
arms and ammunition in the valley
started. So, to tackle this problem, the
Indian govt. promised autonomy once
again to check the secessionist trend in
Kashmir and create a favorable
situation for the pro-accession parties
and hold the elections. Though the
situation was not favorable, yet dates
for parliamentary elections were fixed
in 1996. Farooq Abdullah, after winning
the assembly elections in 1996
concentrated on his first priority of
defining, deciding and negotiating a
package of autonomy for the state and
within this package of autonomy, the
quantum of regional autonomy for the
three regions of the state were also
taken into consideration. Thus, a
committee was constituted by Dr.
Farooq Abdullah on nov.1996, to
recommend ways and means for
regional autonomy to the three
provinces of the J&K state. The
committee submitted its 25 Page report
to the state govt. on April 13, 1999. The
committee has suggested regional and
district provinces model for the
restoration of regional tensions in the
state of Jammu and Kashmir.
Balraj puri, a veteran writer, journalist
and a political activist from Jammu also
proposed a regional autonomy model
and suggested a five-tiered
decentralized institutional structure for
Jammu and Kashmir leading to “a
federation (IJK) within a federation
(The Indian union).”The tier would be
village, block, district, region and
state, three constituted regions of
Jammu and Kashmir –valley, Jammu and
Ladakh –should have its own elected
legislature, with authorities over
matters devolved from IJK level of
government, and an executive
accountable to the legislature. He
suggested that the government bureaucracy
and development agencies also to be
decentralized as much as possible, to
regional and sub – regional levels.
To meet the regional grievances of
Ladakh, in oct. 1993, the union govt.
and state govt. agreed to get Ladakh the
status of Autonomous Council. Thus, the
Ladakh autonomous hill development
council (LAHDC) was created under the
Act. Of LAHDC Act.1995 as a regional
autonomous model following the
demands of Ladakhi people to make the
district a new union territory because of
its religious differences with Kashmir.
Another significant model relevant to the
study is the Chenab valley formula that has
been proposed to meet the regional
grievances of the state or to solve the
Kashmir problem, which divides the
Kashmir along the river chenab, separating
the Muslim majority areas from the Hindu
and Buddhist one. If the river is made the
new boundary, both Jammu and valley will
be partially autonomous.
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May 2009
V I EW PO I NT
Balancing J&K
People's conference leader Sajad
lone's proposal for division of Jammu
and Kashmir is yet another proposal on
the subject.. Since the intra – state
regionalism embodies the guest of a
part within a state for self identity and
self development in positive terms but
it also involves many kind of problems,
socio – cultural – economic and
political. Therefore the study of these
problems falls within the purview of
enquiry
To conclude we can say that Politics in
Jammu and Kashmir has been
considerably influenced by deep seated
historical, socio – psychological and
economic factors. Since independence
the main issues in Kashmir have
revolved around its status, regional
conflicts within the state and the
relationships between the state and the
central governments, all of which are
inseparably interconnected. These
models assumed significance because of
the growing regional tensions in Jammu
and Kashmir which have always added
to the unfortunates of the already
problematic state. These proposed
models will unveil different
dimensions of the J&K problem.
Further more, these models it is
hoped, will facilitate the long
academic process of bringing different
dimensions of the J & K problem, both
within and without to the lime light.
The recent polarization in the J&K
state over the Amaranth Land issue has
also added the significance of these
models . The recent assertion of the
Jammuhites in the state and the
backlash by the Kashmir Muslims in the
Kashmir division has steered it clear
that in any step towards the
normalization of the abnormalities of
the J&K problem, proposed regional
autonomy models are going to play a
vital role.

Recollecting Marrah’s Liberation
‘…I forgot what fear is’
MANISHA SOBHRAJANI
Author is an independent Researcher
based in New Delhi
W
hen I set out to meet women
from the Kulali-Marrah Village
Defence Committee (VDC) in
Surankote, I didn't realize the journey
would be so long and difficult, yet
beautiful, and one that would leave
lasting impressions. The government of
India advocated VDCs in the early 90s to
combat militancy in the state of Jammu
& Kashmir, and the twin villages of
Kulali and Marrah in tehsil Surankote,
district Poonch, have the distinction of
forming the first of its kind all women's
VDC in J&K.
Once I reached Surankote, I was
stationed in Draba for 2 days before I
could travel further up in the mountains
to reach Kulali. I had to wait for the Sikh
Regiment of 16 RR (Rashtriya Rifles) to
carry out a road-opening patrol, to
ensure the road up to Kulali was not
laced with land mines or explosives.
Militancy came to the area in 1998 with
largely only Kashmiri militants. They
were friendly with the local civilian
population, who in turn supported
them. Soon, the Kashmiri militants
were overpowered by militants from
the other side, largely from the
Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). They ill-treated
the locals and ensured that no people
from neighboring areas such as Hill Kaka
could stay there.
Till the year 2002, people in the Kulali-
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May 2009
C O L UMN
Women Voices
Marrah region supported insurgents.
According to Army sources, the area was
considered a 'liberated' zone, and the
Pakistani flag on housetops and on
vehicles was a common sight. The
insurgents often demanded food and
shelter from the villagers, who
complied. Soon, the demands turned
more aggressive in nature, with the
insurgents beginning to misbehave.
Women were sexually harassed with
instances of molestation and rape
becoming common. Men and children
were made to work as porters without
being remunerated. The LeT disrupted
the functioning of the anyway limping
government machinery and freely used
the money, assets and resources of the
local people. Many civilians were also
killed.
The youth from the area who were
mostly working in Saudi Arabia returned
and decided to take charge of the
situation. The turning point came when
the younger brother of one of the village
leaders was slain by insurgents for
disobeying them. The locals approached
the Army, and reported on the
insurgents' base in the Hill Kaka range in
the Kulali-Marrah area. The Army first
built a road, and later carried out
Operation Sarpvinash, a major
combing-out operation from January –
June 2003, with active support from the
locals. The combined efforts of the
locals and the Security Forces resulted
 C O L UMN
Women Voices

in the killing of 13 main terrorists and absence of men, we have to protect I got curious and asked what they did
displacing several others. ourselves.” After much reluctance, with their weapons when they are not
she opened up. “A few years ago, the using them. Alisha Bi replied: “The
The Kulali-Marrah region was virtually Army used to roam around during day weapon is usually kept at home, but
'cleaned'. Along with a formal all men's time and the mujahids used to roam when I go up to the forest to collect
defense committee, an all women's VDC around during the night. We didn't firewood or to graze the cattle, I always
was also formed, considering most men know who to support. Now, due to carry it with me. After I first held a gun
are away rearing cattle or busy with Operation Sarpvinash, there are in my hand, I forgot what fear is.”
other work and hence away from home virtually no militants in the area. But
over a period of time, leaving the our men are away at work, and we areApart from the women's VDC, Surankote
women behind. on our own. Even now, there are is also known for Noor-e-Cham, a
beautiful 75-feet tall
After meeting with some women waterfall, which merges with
While it would not be incorrect to assume that
in Kulali, I wanted to explore river Surn. It is said that queen
adjoining areas in the hope of almost every woman above the age of 15 in the Noor Jahan was fascinated by
interacting with more women Kulali-Marrah area can use weapons for self- this waterfall, and it was
who were part of the VDC, but named after her.
defense, some of the daily issues of home and
lived in far away areas. My local
guide, Lal Bhai, couldn't believe hearth they deal with make them no different I wasn't convinced about how
this, and tried hard to dissuade from most other women. When I asked them how the women's VDC came into
me. But we travelled on foot to they felt about using weapons, Munira Begum existence, and I kept asking
cross 2 mountains, a few water questions, sometimes silly
bodies, and some deserted caves said “The gun made me feel that I have an equal ones. I was repeatedly told this
(which, Lal bhai informed me, status to that of my husband in our family.” narrative where once there
used to serve as militant hide- was an attack on a house, and
outs) to speak to a few more the woman of the house being
women. I can still recall the all alone had no choice but to
amused looks on their faces pick up her husband's rifle and
when they were told about my start shooting. She set an
reasons for visiting them. example for everyone in the
area. Soon, the media started
While it would not be incorrect publicizing this incident so
to assume that almost every much that all the women in the
woman above the age of 15 in area wanted to fire guns and
the Kulali-Marrah area can use make it to the headlines.
weapons for self-defense, some Eventually, this resulted in the
of the daily issues of home and Kulali women's VDC.
hearth they deal with make
them no different from most According to another oft-
other women. When I asked repeated story, all the men in the
them how they felt about using militant attacks sometimes, and we area were forced to flee because the
weapons, Munira Begum said “The gun women didn't have a choice but to militants who had managed to escape
made me feel that I have an equal status learn how to use weapons. As time during Operation Sarpvinash came back
to that of my husband in our family.” passed, we got better at it. We and threatened them. Everyday threats
realized we could live without fear. It to their lives forced the men to go away
Shamim Akhtar said to me: “It was was the feeling of 'do or die'. We don't to Saudi Arabia, and all that was left in
indispensable for us women to learn know whether we will live for one hour Kulali-Marrah were women, and hence
the use of weapons because in the or one year – but we live without fear.” the women's VDC.

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
 SPEC I AL SER I ES
Heritage

Must See in Jammu

Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani Museum

Museums can be defined as the Man`s utilization of surrounding through exhibition for the
understanding customs, environment of a particular social and cultural group activity in the past.
Museum is like a vault of a bank, which preserve objects of beauty and great value. The Museum is the
property of the nation and its citizens as part of the technological development & scientific values,
historical inheritance of the country as the collection. Most of the capitals of the states as well as
important cities of India have Museums, some of them are under private trust funds , some under
local Government State departments of archeology and the Central Governments. Archeological
Survey of India site museums in their charge are important centre of tourism. Some universities also
have museums on particular subjects.

Q uite a few of these museum are past traditions. Therefore, it is

A.K. KHANNA
Author is Deputy Superintendent of
Archeology. Archeological Survey of
India, J&K Circle
housed in old buildings of
palaces , government offices,
residences and , monuments which are
totally unsuitable for museum
purposes . Some museum housed in new
buildings, these are also equally
unsuitable for the need of modern
equipment in terms of security etc.
Modern museum buildings are fulfilling
all the essential requirement of this
important institution of education.
A museum whether it is of Archaeology,
Art, personal, Science or technology
has to collect objects and specimen,
preserves them and interprets for the
understanding of the particular field.
For building a modern museum, it will
take considerable effort, expertise
and finance to make the existing
building suitable for the purpose of
museum as interpreted in the 21st
Century. It is also necessary to prevent
multiplications of unsuitable of space
in the buildings, which represent the
necessary to lie down, educate
standards and norms like lay out of the
objects, lighting, labeling, showcases,
security, etc. for a museum building
that the architect and planners have to
take into consideration as the basic
functional requirement of a modern
museum. A museum building provides
the minimum facilities in order to
fulfill the basic functions of a museum.
It must have space for all its essential
activities of collecting, exhibiting,
interpreting and preserving
displayed objects. There can be no
museum without its visitors. For the
convenience of the visitor, i.e. his easy
access to all primary areas of
communications in the museum. The
exhibitions galleries, the auditorium,
the library, the book counter, the
information counter-, which need
important consideration while planning
the museum.
The collection of the museum requires

Epilogue Ø
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May 2009
 SPEC I AL SER I ES
Heritage

utmost attention of the curator of each
section. the preservation of the
museum objects so that they do not
perish, for installation of exhibits, for
operating educational activities etc.
all require expertise . The working and a
provision of space as the secondary area
or a backstage unit required for
efficient functioning of the whole
museum need a proper planning. Sheikh
Noor –Ud – Din also known as Nund Rishi
is the most respected Muslim saint of
Kashmir origin. He was born on the
occasion of Eid- ul- Zuha in 1377 AD in
Kaimoh, once known as Katimusha now
in Tehsil Bijbehara of District Anantnag
.His father was sheikh Salar- ud –din and
mother Sadra Moji born as a Hindu
Rajput and also a widow with two
issues at the time of her marriage with
Sheikh Salar . Yasman Rishi had
converted her to Islam. Sheikh Noor –ud
–din also considered as the founder of
Rishi order in Kashmir valley
The cultural or natural heritage of the
state needs preservation for future
generations. The Museum will serve the
purpose of nodal agency in the state to
inculcate the idea of museums as an
intuition for the restoration,
preservation and conservation of
cultural property. The state of Jammu &
Kashmir is lacking behind in the growth
of Museums in comparisons to the other
states of India. As the museum becomes
a source of education in itself depicting
the history both past and living at one
place. The city of Delhi has 45 museums
including the Tiolet Museums, second is
the World run by Sulabh International.
The latest in addition is in the
Supreme Court Museum exhibiting the
various costumes , equipments &tools
used in the past throwing light on the
history right from the establishment of
the Supreme Court of India. The
Science Museum at Pragati Maiden is
the most sort after place for the
parents and children with scientific
mind , whole day is not sufficient to
see and understand the various aspects
of science.
The Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani
Museum of heritage is located on the
left side of ground floor of Zorawar
Singh Auditorium in Jammu University
campus. The huge auditorium with
greenish glass façade is feather in the
cap of the Jammu University.
The museum presently displays variety
of objects from Paleolithic tools to
modern specimens of Shikhara of
Kashmir from Buddhist Stups replica to
Ladakh monastery. In fact, the display
of various artifacts in a continuous
historical sequence, which provide the

Sheikh Noor-un - Din Noorain Museum

of Heritage exhibiting History and
culture of Jammu and Kashmir state in
the Zorawar Singh Auditorium of
Jammu University Campus . The modest
museum display the rich, composite and
varied cultural heritage of Jammu
Kashmir and Ladakh regions. The
Museum will serve a platform for the
dissemination of information about
history and culture of three regions. By
understanding each other's cultural
diversity help them to come closer to
each other.

The affords of the dynamic Vice –

Chancellor Prof. Amitabha Mattoo of
Jammu University leads to the creation
of Centre of Studies in Museology in the
university , a much need subject
required in the curricular of the
upcoming university .

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May 2009
 SPEC I AL SER I ES
Heritage

visitors, all aspects of cultural
developments of the region from Pre-
historic time to modern era?]
The earliest artifacts are from Jammu
is the from Neolithic Period ( New
stone age tools ) tools from Malpur (
near Akhnoor ) Then the pit dwelling of
Burzohum from Kashmir valley. The
Pre- Historic rock Petroglyphs of ladakh
also put in display. The patroglyphs of
Ladakh through light on the religious,
cultural, social and economic lives of
the people, who lived on this vast
desolate cold desert of India
The Pre- historic section has displayed
the Neolithic tools of black grey stone
with polished surface. The hand axes ,
adzes , chisels ,mace - head from the
site of Burzohum ( Kashmir ) and Malpur
( Jammu) . Replica of the dwelling pit
present a unique Neolithic culture of
Kashmir valley with influence goes to (
3500 BC ) or Nearly five thousand
year old .
The Archaeological specimens from the
northern most site of Indus valley or
Indus Sarawati civilization of Manda(
inside the Akhnoor fort ) Akhnoor in
Indian Subcontinent . The Proto -
historic section has the display of the
evidences of Harappan culture in
Jammu region attested by excavation
of Manda ( inside the Akhnoor fort ) on
the right bank of the Chenab , The Indus
valley site has yielded red and grey
ware , jars dishes stand beakers and
goblets . The replica of the copper hair
pin used by the ladies of the period a
characteristic trade items as old as 5000
years old also found in the Royal graves
in Bahrain ( in the middle to east ).
Then , the Historic section has largely
display the objects ranging from
Kushana ( 2nd Century BC to 1st AD ) to
the Gupta Period (5th century AD ) of
Jammu region . The most important
display of the museum is the replica of
the Buddhist site in Jammu and Kashmir.
Where relics of Lord Buddha found in a
reliquary containing all those articles
normally found in stupas of Indian sub-
continent ( India and Pakistan ) .
The Buddhist site of Ambaran is located
just below the new bridge on river
Chenab in the Akhnoor. The post – Gupta
architectural spice man are the temple
of Kirmchi (Udhampur).
The museum has many photographs,
maps and line drawing to supplement
the information about various periods of
history to make the visitor understand
the use and utilities of the objects
displayed in the museum. The coins and
manuscripts of different period of the
region also displayed to high light the
historical significance of the state.
The state has been a home of various
ethnic groups like Gaddi, Baltis,
Gujjars, Bakerawals, Hanjjis, Dogras,
Kashmiri Pandit, Muslims, Brokhpas,
Dokpas, Shinnas and Ladhakhis. A
modest attempt made to present the
various facets of culture of some of
ethnic groups through the display of
their household items and other
cultural traits in the form of replica of
Buddhist monastery, mud house of the
lower Shivaliks. A small display of
document s related to the creation of
Jammu and Kashmiri state shown with
the aid of old maps, photographs of
documents depicting various aspect of
modern history.
The layout of the museum
conceptualized by Dr. Poonam
Chaudhary, Director of the Centre for
Musicology and Shri Balbir Jamwal of
Archaeological Survey of India, All the
artistic work and creation of replicas
carried out by Shri Balbir Jamwal in a
meretricious way. The some artifacts
belong to Professor Poonam provided to
the museum. The few of the artifacts
contributed by Prof. Anita Billowria,
Prof Nirmal Singh of Dept of History, Mr
S.D. Jamwal I.P.S and Jasbir Singh for
the exhibition in the museum .The
museum could not attain the present
shape with invaluable efforts & keen
interest taken by Prof .Poonam and the
then Vice -Chancellor of the Jammu
University.
The Museum opens between 10 am to 5
pm except on Sat. Sunday.
Epilogue
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Jawahar Lal Nehru University
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ALLAHABAD

Epilogue Ø
58 ×
May 2009
 S TOR I E S OF CHANG E
Transport

Financing Transport Sector

JK Bank Commercial
Vehicle Finance for old
and new vehicles

In Jammu and Kashmir, banking climate has undergone tremendous transformation, but the banking
players, particularly the nationalized banks and the new generation private sector banks have
ignored the changing dynamics of expanding market segments in the state. Most of the banks have not
gone beyond traditional range of products tailored some four decades ago. Such banks may be offering
tailor-made products and services to their customers in other parts of India, but while dealing with a
local customers here, system of tailoring need based products and services takes a back seat.

SAJJAD BAZAZ
Author is a widely read columnists on
Economy, Politics and Society. He is
associated with Jammu and Kashmir
Bank
T hese are actually a few lines,
which I received through email
from a person who has identified
himself with transport sector. He has
called the transport sector of the state,
particularly in Kashmir, a dead industry
that has left thousands of families on
the brink of starvation. For this, he has
identified 'criminal' attitude of
government authorities and lack of
sufficient financial support from the
banks and financial institutions.
Precisely, he has sought details of any
such scheme which can pave a way for
him to purchase a fleet of second hand
commercial vehicle (Tipper).
There is no denying the fact that the
transport sector, be it passenger buses,
trucks, tippers, oil and gas tankers,
taxis, mini buses, light commercial
vehicles, tempo, auto rickshaws or any
other mode of transportation under
public carrier permit, has suffered
during the past two decades of turmoil
in the State. It is also true, that the
sector has a huge growth potential, but
the lack of proper financial facilities
have emerged as one of the biggest
hurdles for the transporters to tap the
available potential. Banks and financial
institutions operating in the state have
traditional schemes in place to finance
this sector, but the riders in terms of
margin, documentation, processing of
case for sanctioning etc in such schemes
are too cumbersome for a transporter to
bank upon for financial support.
Even as we have not come across any
such product from a nationalized bank
or a new generation private sector
bank, specially customized for J&K
state, it is the J&K Bank alone, which
has not only been tailoring new
products and services, but also re-
designing the existing ones. Under its
renewed strategy where the bank has
been entirely focusing on J&K for the
past more than three years now, a new
range of region and sector specific
products and services has distinguished
it from rest of the banks operating in the
state. Be it agriculture sector, industry
sector or services sector or arts and
crafts of the state, the bank has been on
the forefront to offer customer-friendly
schemes matching the needs of the
people.

Epilogue Ø
59 ×
May 2009

As far as local transport sector is
concerned, the bank has re-designed its
scheme so that the transporters meet
their financial needs without any
hassles. The purpose of the scheme is to
finance transporters for purchase of
fresh commercial vehicles or new
chassis and/or fabrication for
commercial purpose or for captive use.
The vehicles have to be of approved
models/makes. To remove the
bottlenecks, the bank not only
restructured the scheme and re-
introduced it as JK Bank Commercial
Vehicle Finance, it has also added one
more option for the transporters in its
product basket.
For financing purchase of second hand
commercial vehicles, the bank has
launched a new loan product - “JKBank
Commercial Vehicles Finance (Used
Vehicles)”. Finance under this scheme
shall be available to the transporters for
purchase of used Commercial vehicles
like used Trucks, Tippers, Buses, Mini
Buses, light commercial vehicles, pick
ups, three wheelers (cargo), auto
rickshaws, etc of any approved make
and model. However, the second hand
vehicle should not be more than 6 years
old. The scheme is flexible in nature and
accommodates takeover of loan
accounts from any branch of the J&K
Bank or from any other banks/ financial
institutions, provided such loan account
is running satisfactorily and as per the
fixed repayment schedule. Individuals /
Proprietorship/ partnership firms and
Limited companies owning / operating
or proposing to own / operate transport
vehicles for carrying passengers or
goods on hire are eligible to take
benefit of the scheme. However, they
should have sufficient net worth to pay
for the margin and initial recurring
expenses. In case where a borrower
does not meet this requirement, a co-
borrower having sufficient net worth
can be included.
S TOR I E S
It is notable that ownership of a pre-
owned vehicle is not mandatory. The
firms and companies must have a
minimum two years of existence in
business. While as, individuals seeking
support of the scheme must have
commercial driving license and should
reside within the service area of the
branch.
There is no denying the fact
that the transport sector, be it
passenger buses, trucks, tippers,
oil and gas tankers, taxis, mini
buses, light commercial
vehicles, tempo, auto rickshaws
or any other mode of
transportation under public
carrier permit, has suffered
during the past two decades of
turmoil in the State. It is also
true, that the sector has a huge
growth potential, but the lack
of proper financial facilities
have emerged as one of the
biggest hurdles for the
transporters to tap the
available potential.
Yet another hassle in terms of margin
has been eased. Instead of 40 per cent
margin, which used to discourage
transporters to go for a bank loan, it has
been reduced and kept at 25 per cent.
The borrower will be required to
deposit the entire margin upfront with
the bank to be released subsequently
along with the loan component directly
in favour of the supplier/fabricator to
ensure proper end use of funds.
Loan amount for each used vehicle
depends upon the value of vehicle less
margin amount, subject to a maximum
Epilogue Ø
60 ×
May 2009
OF CHANG E
Transport
limit of Rs. 7.50 lacs per vehicle with an
aggregate limit of Rs 15 lacs per borrower.
The loan has to be repaid in equal monthly
installments with a maximum period of 60
months for vehicles less than 3 years old.
For used vehicles between 3 to 6 years
old, the maximum repayment period
shall be 48 months.
The transporters had to face lot of
hassles on security aspect of the loan.
Most of them were unable to meet the
requirements as envisaged in the
scheme. Now, this aspect has been
taken care of in the scheme. Primarily,
the vehicle to be purchased would be
hypothecated to the bank. The bank's
name as hypothecate to be got noted in
the books of the RTO and also the
Registration Certificate. Collaterally,
up to Rs. 10 lacs, the borrower has to
give third party guarantee of two
persons. For loans above Rs. 10 lacs, the
borrower has to give mortgage of
immovable property of value equivalent
to 100 per cent of the loan amount.
The borrower has been relieved of the
job of obtaining No Due Certificate
(NDC) from other branches of the bank,
which shall be obtained by the branch
itself. But the borrower as well as
guarantors shall have to give affidavit
undertaking that they are not borrowers
with any branch of the Bank or with any
other Bank or else disclose the extent /
status of his / their liabilities to the
bank / other banks. However, he has to
get the NDC from other banks himself.
The rate of interest has been linked to
the prime lending rate of the bank,
which is currently 14.5 per cent, and
repayment schedule of the loan. For
loans with repayment up to 4 years, the
borrower has to pay 16 per cent (PLR +
1.5%), while's loans exceeding
repayment schedule of 4 years are
granted at 16.50 per cent (PLR + 2%).

Unemployment on the Rise
TSEWANG RIGZIN
I
n view of the growing
unemployment, in its annual
general body meeting on April 13,
the All Ladakh Unemployed Youth
Association (ALUYA) was reorganized
taking on board all political religious
and non governmental
organizations. ALUYA was formed by
a group of concerned educated
youth in 2005 to help fight
unemployment and to find solution
to the rising unemployment.
ALUYA invited unemployed youth in
hundreds to register as members and
started taking out rallies alarming the
danger of unemployment. The
organization went on hunting for vacant
posts lying in different governmental
departments and then requested the
administration to fill up such posts.
Dorje Angchuk, president ALUYA, claims
that this organization was able to force
the administration to fill up hundreds of
vacant posts.
Early this year the announcement of the
Class-IV interview results for about 300
posts in the district triggered a major
controversy on account of alleged
favoritism in the selection.
Unemployed youth in hundreds
demanding a fresh interview assembled
on Leh pologround which was
reportedly dispersed by the police later.
Dechen Angmo, an unemployed youth,
finds the results suspicious because,
near and dear ones of many public
representatives, such as some
councilors and executive councilors,
and some interview committee
members seem to have been allegedly
accommodated leaving many deserving
candidates in despair.
In a memorandum submitted to Ladakhi
leaders and the unemployed youth has
strongly criticized against what they
call the unfair selection and demanded
justice in this regard.
“Hundreds of us, who have not got
selected, demanding fresh interviews
assembled peacefully on Leh polo-
ground to protest against the unfair
selection to class-4 posts in the
district. But, to our surprise, the
police resorted to indiscriminate lathi
charge on us without any justified
reason and they also took away the
proof of the misdemeanor exercised by
the selection committee and thrown
them into the drains of the bazaar”,
the memorandum reads adding that
the dharna staged by them was also
lifted forcefully by the police which
was very undemocratic and
highhandedness of the police. Many
protesters were reportedly wounded
in the incident and later they had to be
hospitalized at S.N.M Hospital Leh.
This episode finally compelled the
unemployed youth to challenge the
Epilogue Ø
61 ×
May 2009
L ADAKH
Report
interview results in the court of
law.
It is the general sense of feeling
today that some one having good
education with no government job is
considered an unemployed. In the
traditional self reliant Ladakh
almost everyone was an employed
person. But this system seems to have
buckled under globalization and
government job obsessed society.
Since the dawn of the 21st century some
non governmental organizations and
the Ladakh Autonomous Hill
Development Council in Leh have been
trying hard to create awareness among
the masses to think beyond government
jobs. Many educated youth have also
started taking up alternative ventures.
However setting up of small industries
by availing loans through government
agencies are also not that an easy task
due to bureaucratic irregularities and
redtapism, although the district
administration and district industry
centre do organise seminars and
deliberations about the issue with all
concerned agencies.
Incidents like unemployed youth taking
to the streets seem to also indicate that
Ladakh is no exception to the rising of
unemployment phenomenon. This
seems an alarm, rather timely, of the
growing problem and has posed a
challenge before the Ladakh
Autonomous Hill Development Council
to explore alternative avenues of
employment besides vacancies in
government departments as response to
the rapid rising of unemployment.
 MED I A
Special Report

MEDIA:
The Kashmir Jigsaw

In a State without big industries, the media is a growth industry. But things are done a little
differently here…

T
he media in Kashmir is relatively mysteriously, is a growth industry. There
immune to the Lok Sabha is no media recession here. The year has
elections. Varun Gandhi is easily already seen the launch of a weekly
found on the pages of the Jammu press, newspaper called Kashmir Life, Rising
so is news about the elections in Kashmir's Urdu daily is on the cards, so is
general. Not so in the newspapers in the the Urdu edition of The Kashmir Times
valley. Not even Chief Minister Omar which has long been in the offing, and
Abdullah's pronouncements on both an English and Hindi newspaper are
issues get the same prominence here. scheduled to come out of a publishing
When you are in Jammu you are in India. stable in Jammu.
When you are in Srinagar you are in
Kashmir. In one to one conversations here,
correspondents and editors love doing
If there is an election which journalists
here still want to discuss, it is the one
which took place last December for the
State assembly, not the one that is
coming up. The “turnout” continues to
be a matter of considerable academic
discussion, with dimensions to it which
never surface in the national press.

Shared legacy

What both Jammu and Kashmir have in

common though is a thriving media. For
a State with a population of around 80
lakhs, the media presence is
considerable. There are 71 dailies in
Srinagar, the only publishing centre in
Kashmir, and some 61 in Jammu. Many
of these are referred to as lithos, black
and white four pagers. In Jammu even
some of the four pagers sport colour. In
SEVANTI NINAN a State with little industry, media,

Epilogue Ø
62 ×
May 2009

the math to show you how a paper with
a proper editorial set up including
reporters, cannot possibly be viable, let
alone profitable, on cover price and
advertisements alone. The ad flow is
more from retail outlets than industry
and comes to only a leading handful of
publications. The State government has
a total annual advertising budget of Rs.
5 crores, which stretches in some years,
but is still not adequate to keep some
378 publications in business. And DAVP
ads put in by the central government
require circulation of an order which
less than a handful of publications in the
State would have.
Supported by the State
So who patronises the media in
Kashmir with exclusive stories,
monetary help, advertising, and bank
loans? The many arms of the ruling
establishment, including the State
government and the intelligence
agencies and the militants, though the
local ones are not as well endowed
today as they were before. Conflict, as
you discover from day one, has been a
huge fillip to the media here. Before
1990 there were only three Urdu
publications including the Congress
organ, Khidmat. The only English
newspaper, The Kashmir Times, was
published out of Jammu. Today the
numbers tell the story.
In some ways, it is a cosy place to be a
journalist. Government apartments in
Press Colony provide office space for
many publications. The enterprising do
better: an NDTV correspondent here
even occupies a ministerial bungalow.
This is also a place where working
journalists are media owners: at least
three representatives of the Delhi press
have publications of their own, though
MED I A
Special Report
their names do not figure on these. Even though in practice it is often free. The
young reporters are widely travelled, editor of an Urdu daily Nida-I-Mashriq
fellowship programmes in the West says, “I have used one agency for the
covet applicants from this conflict last four years. I have not paid them
hotspot. There was a time not long ago anything, and they have not asked for
when you risked your life being a anything till this moment. I have never
journalist in Kashmir, but not so now. received a bill.”
Today, it is the Northeast which is the
dangerous place to work. When you are trying to figure out the
real picture about the media in Kashmir
The flip side of all this is a media that is these are all different pieces of a jigsaw
so poorly paid that many journalists do that you have to fit together.
two or three jobs, and some
publications are edited and run by
government bureaucrats, teachers and
lecturers who switch roles after 4 p.m. I
met an anchor from the cable TV
channel Sen TV who begins his day
voicing bulletins for Radio Kashmir, then
moves on to a news agency to file five or
six stories there, then goes on by
evening to the cable channel to help put
the evening bulletin in place and anchor
it. Local cable channels are meant to
give you exposure, not a livelihood. A
cameraman gets Rs. 200 a story, a
reporter could get Rs. 1500 a month.
Backbone
The real backbone of J&K journalism is
the news agencies: KNS, CNS, UNS, API,
PBI and several others. These put out
dozens of stories which enable all small
newspapers to function without their
own reporting staff, both in Jammu and
in Srinagar. All the power centres in
Kashmir feed these agencies stories,
some of which get carried the next day
under a newspaper staffer's byline. It
also makes getting media coverage
across the State easy. You don't have to
contact lots of reporters. You just to
have to give, or leak an item to a news
agency.
Subscribing to them is not just cheap
Epilogue Ø
63 ×
May 2009
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