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the irreconcilable bases for Spanish rule held by the contending parties. The mis-
sionaries believed (though royal jurists and conquistadores did not) that Spain's con-
quest could not be justified without reference to her missionary mandate to bring the
Gospel to non-Christian peoples. But they did not necessarily accept the converse,
namely, that the missionary enterprise did justify Spanish temporal rule. These same
Philippine missionaries flocked to Japan, even in the face of torture and death, without
giving the least thought to Spanish rule being involved in their efforts to convert the
Japanese. The "ceremony" of 1598, in which Filipinos declared their willingness to
accept the king of Spain as their lord (which Rafael inexplicably equivalates with the
farcical requeriminento of 1510 in America), was for the missionaries the first clear title
for the king to exercise sovereignty over the land and people. Rafael's statement that
the missionaries were alarmed at the thought of a "submission that implicated only the
natives' bodies and omitted their souls" (p. 156) is correct but not in the sense in which
he intends it. For the missionaries the submission of bodies against people's wills was
pure force and injustice, and in this sense they wished a submission "of the soul" which
would freely ratify it. But the submission of "the soul" to the Gospel was an entirely
different thing, not of itself implying submission to Spanish authority.
Likewise betraying an ignorance of the European background invalidating his specu-
lation is the section on sexual transgressions taken from a confessional manual used by
the priest to aid the penitent. In spite of Rafael's perceptions of a "clerical interest
[which] typically took on a certain luridness" and of a "feverish desire" to know "his
most intimate acts and desires" so as to overpower the penitent (pp. 104-105), the
explanation is much more simple. Such confessional manuals were common in Europe
all through the Middle Ages for use by theologically ignorant clergy. Made more
imperative by the prescription of the Council of Trent (1564) concerning the integrality
required in confession, translation to Tagalog no doubt led to multiplication of ques-
tions for clarification, precisely because of the inadequacy of the priest to express him-
self properly. Today such a dialogue seems bizarre, but it had nothing to do with the
domination of a colonized people. Besides its similar use in Europe, one could reflect
that the missionaries, as sinners, were subject to the same discipline, as far as the occa-
sion should occur. Who then was gaining power over them?
Finally one must observe the ahistorical character of many of Rafael's lines of evi-
dence, as selections meant for new converts of the sixteenth century are mingled with
those dating 200 years later. Whatever may have been the quality of the conversions of
the first years of Spanish efforts, Filipinos were not only active in deflecting, as Rafael
asserts, but in assimilating Christian belief. The neglect of historical for literary analysis
is perhaps inherent in post-structuralism. Finally, cleverly as the whole book is inte-
grated into a scene from one of Rizal's novels, it does not convince that the interpreta-
tion is more real by its literary artifice; perhaps the contrary.