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International Relations Theory: Contributions of A Feminist Standpoint

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DOI: 10.1177/03058298890180021001

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 Millennium - Journal of
International Studies
http://mil.sagepub.com/

International Relations Theory: Contributions of a Feminist Standpoint

Robert O. Keohane
Millennium - Journal of International Studies 1989 18: 245
DOI: 10.1177/03058298890180021001

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 International Relations Theory:
International Relations
Contributions Theory:
of a Feminist Standpoint
Contributions of a Feminist Standpoint
Robert O. Keohane
Robert O. Keohane
In a recent paper, Christine Sylvester has applied an interesting typology of
feminist
In a recent theory to international
paper, Christine Sylvesterrelations.
hasSylvester
applied employs
an interesting Sandratypology
Harding'sof
useful distinction among feminist ways of looking
feminist theory to international relations. Sylvester employs Sandra Harding's
I at society to examine
international
useful distinction relations:
I among feminist ways of looking at society to examine

international relations:
I. Feminist empiricism observes that states and the interstate system have
beenI. fundamentally
Feminist empiricism gendered structures
observes thatofstates
domination
and the andinterstate
interaction.
system Feminist
have
empi,ricism
been fundamentallyasks 'whether genderedit is accurate
structurestooffocus on statesand
domination andinteraction.
worldwide capitalist
Feminist
processes
empi,ricism and not'whether
asks also examine the social
it is accurate to attitudes and structures
focus on states and worldwidewhich capitalist
impart a
gender to international relations·. 2
processes and not also examine the social attitudes and structures which impart a
gender to international relations·. 2
2. Feminist standpoint theories argue that women's experiences at the
margins of political
2. Feminist life have theories
standpoint given them perspectives
argue that women'son socialexperiences
issues that provide
at the
valid
marginsinsights into world
of political life havepolitics. From perspectives
given them her vantage-point
on social at issues
the periphery,
that provide the
feminist
valid insightstheoristintooffers
world apolitics.
critiqueFrom of theories constructedat by
her vantage-point the men who put
periphery, the
themselves
feminist theorist in the offers
position of policy-makers
a critique of theories (or,constructed
as in Hans by Morgenthau,
men who look put
'over his shoulder').
themselves in the position Instead,offeminists critically
policy-makers (or,examine
as in Hans international
Morgenthau, relations
look
from
'over the standpoint Instead,
his shoulder'). of people who have
feminists beenexamine
critically systematicaly excluded
international from
relations
power. l The .feminist standpoint concePtion as
from the standpoint of people who have been systematicaly excluded from I use it does not imply that
feminist
power. l perspectives
The .feministare necessarily
standpoint superior inasanI absolute
concePtion use it does sensenotto imply
traditional
that
views
feminist- only that theyare
perspectives contain valid insights
necessarily superiorintoin antheabsolute
complex realities
sense of world
to traditional
politics.
views - only that they contain valid insights into the complex realities of world
politics.
3. Feminist pastmodernism is a difficult term to define, and seems to
3. Feminist
cover a variety of pastmodernism
tendencies; but isforaHarding difficultand.term to define,
Sylvester and appears
its essence seems to
be
covera resistance
a variety of to tendencies;
the conception but forof Harding
'one trueand. story' to a 'falsely
Sylvester universalising
its essence appears to
perspective'
be a resistance suchto the that of white
as conception men,true
of 'one Asstory'
Harding says, 'this
to a 'falsely creates a
universalising
powerful
perspective' internal
such tension:
as that the of standpoint
white men,epistemologies
As Harding appear committed
says, 'this creates toa
powerful
trying to tellinternal
the' "one tension:true the standpoint
story" about ourselves and the appear
epistemologies committed
world around to
us that
trying
the to tell the' "one
postmodernist true story"regard
epistemologies aboutasourselves
a dangerous and fiction',4
the world around us that
the postmodernist epistemologies regard as a dangerous fiction',4
My argument in this commentary is that despite the postmodernist criticisms,
theMyconception
argument in of this commentary
a feminist is that despite
standpoint provides theapostmodernist
particularly criticisms,
promising
the conception
starting-point for ofthea development
feminist standpoint
of feministprovides a particularly
international relations promising
theory. In
starting-point
the first instance, the insightsof of
for the development feminist international
a feminist relations would
standpoint theory. beIn
the first instance,
conceptual, criticising the insights biases
the implicit of ain feminist
our thinking standpoint would be
about international
conceptual,Beginning
relations. criticising butthenotimplicit
ending biases
with aninanalysis
our thinking
of the about
words international
and symbols
relations. Beginning but not ending with
used in international relations discourse, this analysis would an analysis of the words and symbols seek
used
to in international
improve our understanding relations discourse,
of existing this analysis
international relationswouldpracticeseek by
to improve how
examining our core
understanding
concepts of existing international
international relations relations
are affectedpractice
by theby
examining how core concepts of international relations are affected by the
It) Millennium: Journal orlntemational Studies, 1989. ISSN 0305-8298. Vol. 18, No.2, pp. 245-253
It) Millennium: Journal orlntemational Studies, 1989. ISSN 0305-8298. Vol. 18, No.2, pp. 245-253
245
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Millennium
Millennium
gendered structure of international society. How have distinctively
male
genderedvalues,structure
and social of structures in which male
international society.valuesHow are givenhavepriority, affected
distinctively
the
maleconcepts
values, and developed in international
social structures in which society? That is,
male values aretogiven
whatpriority,
extent haveaffectedthe
concepts
the concepts of international
developed in relationsinternational beensociety?
androcentric?
That is,Having
to whatre·examined
extent have key the
concepts of ofinternational
international relations,
relations work been from a feministHaving
androcentric? standpoint would facili-
re·examined key
tate deeper
concepts offeminist empirical
international analysis
relations, work of world
from apolitics.
feminist standpoint would facili-
tate deeper feminist empirical analysis of world politics.
The Feminist Standpoint on Power, Sovereignty, Reciprocity
The Feminist Standpoint on Power, Sovereignty, Reciprocity
It seems to me that a feminist analysis will have to re·analyse key concepts such as
power, to me that a and
It seemssovereignty, feministreciprocity.
analysis willIt willhave askto whether
re·analysemale constructions
key concepts such as of
these
power,concepts have affected
sovereignty, how we think
and reciprocity. It will aboutask international
whether malerelations, and how
constructions of
our
thesethinking
concepts might
havebeaffected
changed howby wereflecting
think abouton theinternational
concepts. relations, and how
ourConsider,
thinking for example,
might be changed the concept of power.
by reflecting on the Morgenthau
concepts. defines power rather
crudely
Consider,as 'man's control the
for example, overconcept
the minds and actions
of power. of otherdefines
Morgenthau men'.spowerKenneth N.
rather
Waltz
crudelyviews powercontrol
as 'man's not as over a relationship
the mindsbut andasactions
the 'oldofand othersimple
men'.s notion
Kenneth that N.
an
agent
Waltzisviewspowerful
powertonot theasextent that he affects
a relationship but asothers
the 'old more
and than
simple they affectthat
notion him'.b
an
More
agent common
is powerful now to isthe
theextent
conception that heofaffects
powerothers
as a characteristic
more than they of a affect
relationship
him'.6
between
More common A and now B in iswhich A has the of
the conception ability
power 'toasget B to do what of
a characteristic heawould other-
relationship
wise
betweennot do'.?
A and B in which A has the ability 'to get B to do what he would other-
As not
wise Daviddo'.?Baldwin has pointed out, any definition of power as control, to be
meaningful,
As David Baldwin must specify the scope
has pointed out,and any domain
definition of ofpower.
powerSuch a definition
as control, to be
therefore
meaningful, refers
mustto the 'ability
specify theofscopeone actor
and to influence
domain anotherSuch
of power. actor awith respect
definition
to certain refers
therefore outcomes'.
to theNevertheless,
'ability of oneemphasisactor to on power another
influence as control can with
actor obscure the
respect
end of having
to certain outcomes'.powerNevertheless,
- to affect emphasis one's environment
on power asconsistently
control can obscure with one's the
preferences.
end of having power - toit omits
Furthermore, affect the one's order-creating
environmentfunction consistently of power,
with which
one's
preferences.
Hannah Furthermore,
Arendt has referred it omits to the
as order-creating
'the human function ability not of power,
just to whichact
but
Hannahto act Arendt
in concert'.'has As Jean Bethke
referred to asElshtain
'the human has observed,
ability 'the not"highjust politics"
to act
but to act from
emergent in concert'.'
receivedAs Jean Bethke
readings of theseElshtain has observed,Machiavelli,
texts (Thucydides, 'the "high politics"
el at.) is,
emergent
in from received
Joan Scott's words,readings
a "gendered of theseconcept",
texts (Thucydides, Machiavelli,
for it establishes a/.) is,
itselcrucial
importance
in Joan Scott's and words,
publica "gendered
power, theconcept", reasons for for it and the fact
establishes of its
its crucial
highest
importance authority,and precisely
public inpower, the of
its exclusion women for
reasons fromand its work'.
the 9 fact of its
highest authority,
Emphasising precisely
power as theinability
its exclusion
to act in ofconcert
women would from itscallwork'.
attention
9 to areas
of Emphasising
world politicspower in which as the
human ability to actseek
beings in concert would to
to collaborate callcope
attention to areas
with collective
of world politics
problems, such asinthose
whicharising
humanfrom beings seek to collaborate
ecological and economic to cope with collectiveIt
interdependence.
problems, such as those arising from ecological
would more easily be recognised that world politics is far from and economic interdependence. It
would more easily be recognised that
a zero-sum game in which one side's gain is the other's loss, and that the world politics is far from
a zero-sum
amount game in
of power in which one side's gain
the international system is the
can other's
vary over loss,time.
and Effective
that the
amount of power
international in thecreate
institutions international
'the abilitysystem
to act in can vary over
concert', whichtime. may Effective
not exist
international
in the absenceinstitutions create 'the ability to act in concert', which may not exist
ofsuch institutions.
in Redefining
the absencepower ofsuchmay institutions.
help us to rethink the notion of sovereignty. Hedley Bull
Redefining
defined power may
sovereignty help us to
in classic rethink the notion
power-as-control of sovereignty.
terms: 'internal Hedley Bull
sovereignty
defined supremacy
means sovereignty over in classic
all other power-as-control
authorities within terms:(a 'internal sovereignty
give!"') territory and
means supremacy
population', over allsovereignty'
while 'external other authoritiesmeans 'not within (a give!"')
supremacy but territory
independence and
population',
of while 'externalSimilarly,
outside authorities'.lO sovereignty'formeans F.H.'not supremacy
Hinsley, the but independence
original idea of
of outside authorities'.JO
sovereignty was "the idea Similarly,
that there for F.H.is a Hinsley,
final andthe absolute original political
idea of
sovereigntyin the
authority waspolitical
"the idea that there
community', and isthata 'no final
finalandand absolute political
absolute authority
authority in the political community', and that 'no final and absolute authority
246
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 Feminist Standpoint
Feminist Standpoint
exists elsewhere' .11
Phrased
exists thus, sovereignty
elsewhere' .11 seems to reflect traditionally male thinking, with its
emphasis on control and
Phrased thus, sovereignty seems its penchant for absolute
to reflect and dichotomous
traditionally male thinking, categories.
with its
From this perspective, it would be worthwhile
emphasis on control and its penchant for absolute and dichotomous categories. to ask the Question: does the
From thisofperspective,
concept territorial it wouldsovereignty, so fundamental
be worthwhile to the does
to ask the Question: modernthe
state system, have anything to do with
concept of territorial sovereignty, so fundamental to the modern gender'! Such a Question could be
fundame!1ta1 to a feminist standpoint analysis
state system, have anything to do with gender'! Such a Question could beof world politics.
It is important,
fundame!1ta1 however,standpoint
to a feminist not to prejudgeanalysis theofanswer to this question. After all,
world politics.
theIt modern doctrine of sovereignty
is important, however, not to prejudge the answer to itself arose in opposition
this question.to thatAftermost
all,
patriarchal
the modern doctrine of sovereignty itself arose in opposition to that of
of all institutions, the Papacy." Furthermore, the conception the
most
'sovereignty of the people', as articulated by James
patriarchal of all institutions, the Papacy." Furthermore, the conception of the Wilson and other American
Federalists,
'sovereignty can of thebe people',
viewed as an expression
articulated of the Wilson
by James conception and ofotherpower as the
American
ability to act in concert. In order to act in concert,
Federalists, can be viewed as an expression of the conception of power as the 'the people, as the fountain of
government' can delegate sovereignty, 'in such proportions,
ability to act in concert. In order to act in concert, 'the people, as the fountain of to such bodies, on
such tenns, can
government' and delegate
under such limitations,
sovereignty, 'in such as proportions,
they think toproper',ll
such bodies, In theon
United
such tenns, States, andnationalunder sovereignty, and its corollary,
such limitations, as they national citizenship,
think proper',ll In were
the
UnitedinStates,
used the national
nineteenth century and
sovereignty, as weapons
its corollary, by national
anti-slavery forces were
citizenship, and
therefore had a progressive character. 14 Critical
used in the nineteenth century as weapons by anti-slavery forces and conceptual analysis must be
aware
therefore of the had complexity
a progressive character. 14 concepts
of established such as sovereignty
Critical conceptual analysis must and the be
multiple
aware of the usescomplexity
to which they haveconcepts
of established been such put. asIndeed,
sovereignty a feminist
and the
standpoint
multiple uses might to helpwhich
to distinguish
they have between notions
been put.of Indeed,
sovereignty a based
feministon
power-as-control
standpoint might help and to thosedistinguish on power-as~action-in-concert,
based between notions of sovereignty based and on to
reinvogorate
power-as-control the latterand conception,
those based which
on has power-as~action-in-concert,
recently been obscured byand statist
to
reinvogorate
and the latter conception, which has recently been obscured by statist
realist thought.
andSovereignty
realist thought. is closely related to reciprocity. As Martin Wight has argued, 'it
would be impossible
Sovereignty is closelyto haverelateda society of sovereign
to reciprocity. As states
Martinunless
Wighteach hasstate,
argued,while
'it
claiming
would be sovereignty
impossible to forhave
itself, recognized
a society that every
of sovereign other
states stateeach
unless had state,
the rightwhileto
claim
claimingand enjoy its
sovereignty own recognized
for itself, sovereigntythatasevery well. other This
state reciprocity
had the rightwas to
inherent
claim and in theenjoyWestern its conception
own sovereignty of sovereignty."s
as well.Such specific
This reciprocity
reciprocity was is
inherent
based on in the Western conception
individualistic and egoisticofpremises:sovereignty."s
it is aSuch specificforreciprocity
procedure coexistence is
based on 'tit for ta1',16 What
individualistic I have elsewhere
and egoistic premises: called
it is a diffuse
procedure reciprocity, on the
for coexistence
other
based on 'tit foris ta1',16
hand, based WhatonI have social norms called
elsewhere and diffuse
a widespread
reciprocity, pattern
on the
other hand, The
ofobligation. is norms
basedon on whichsocialdiffusenorms
reciprocityandrests a may widespread
renect empathy pattern of
ofobligation.
people towardThe onenorms
another,on whichand coulddiffusetherefore
reciprocitybe rests may renect
consistent with empathy
what Carol of
people toward
Gilligan refers one to asanother,
'an ethic andofcouldcare'therefore
and what be Joan
consistent
Tronto with what Carol
discusses as a
Gilligan refers
conception of identity 'an ethic ofascare'
to as describable and what self'."
'the connected Joan Tronto discusses
The emphasis as a
of many
conception
feminist of identity
thinkers on a waydescribable
ofthinking as 'the
thatconnected
identifiesself'." The emphasis
with others rather than ofdiffer-
many
feminist thinkers
entiating oneself from on a wayothers ofthinking that identifies
could therefore with others
be an important rather
insight than
into differ-
concept-
entiatingaoneself
ualising fonn offrom others could
reciprocity that istherefore be an important
nonn-conditioned insight into
and empathetic concept-
rather than
ualising a fonn and
individualistic of reciprocity
egoistic. that is nonn-conditioned and empathetic rather than
individualistic
Beyond specific andanalysis
egoistic.ofconcepts such as power, sovereignty and reciprocity,
Beyond analysis
a feminist specific analysis
would beofconcepts such asobjectivist
critical of overly power, sovereignty and reciprocity,
or reductionist models, as
ainfeminist analysisIt would
neorealism,l8 wouldbeemphasise
critical of overly
the role objectivist or reductionist
of purposeful human action models,and as
in neorealism,l8
subjectivity It would emphasise
in creating new conditions the roleofoflife,purposeful
and thehuman need action
for whatand
subjectivity
Evelyn Fox Keller in creating new conditions
calls 'dynamic objectivity' of life, andinternational
in studying the need relations-
for what
Evelyn
'a form Fox Keller calls
of knowledge 'dynamic
that grants to objectivity'
the world in studying
around international
us its independent relations-
integrity
'a form of knowledge that grants to the
but does so in a way that remains cognizant of, indeed relies world around us its independent integrity
but does so in a way that remains cognizant of, indeed relies
247
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Millennium

on, OUf connectivity with that world', Dynamic objectivity uses 'consciousness of
self in the interests of a more elfective objectivity',19 Along with the concept of
empathy, that of dynamic objectivity could be particularly relevant to an
understanding of reciprocity in terms other than rational tit-for-tat.
Another appropriate target offeminist thinking would be dichotomous thinking
in general and in particular the dichotomy between hierarchy and markets as
modes of organisation. The inadequacy of such a dichotomy is a theme of
contemporary network theory in sociology,ZO which also seems related to the
emphasis of feminist theory on networks and the feminist opposition to
dichotomies. Feminist theories stress networks of family ties and links
between these networks and the state. The analysis may also be applicable to
transnational networks.
A feminist theory of international relations could help to articulate an
institutional vision of international relations - a network view, emphasising how
institutions could promote lateral co-operation among organised entities, states or
otherwise. Such an analysis would go beyond the question, who is
able to control whom, under what conditions? Such a question is still relevant to
crucial issue of international relations. but it does not capture well much of what
is important in the contemporary world, particularly insofar as states seek
collectively to cope with the consequences of interdependence. A feminist-
institutionalist theory also asks, under what conditions are human beings able to
act in concert, across state boundaries, to create networks that achieve common
purposes?

Feminist Empiricism and Post modernism

Feminist empiricism takes a fundamentally sociological approach, investigating

how gender (the institutionalisation of sex differences) affects the modern
interstate system. Feminist empiricism emphasises that women have been victims
of patriarchal states and that both major aspects of modem international
relations - its institutionalisation of warfare and its reinforcement of state
sovereignty - have had harmful. and often disastrous, effects on women's lives. It
is often pointed out, furthermore, that Third World development has been
male-dominated and that women have often sutTered from the form that
development has taken. Recognition of these often-overlooked facts is an
important contribution offeminist empiricism.
Nevertheless, emphasising the victimisation of women by 'the patriarchal state'
or 'the interstate system' provides only limited insights into international
relations. Some analysts succumb to the temptation to discuss. in sweeping terms.
'the patriarchal state' or 'the war system' without making distinctions among
states or international systems. To do so commits the analytical error ofreifying a
stylised 'patriarchal state' or 'war system'. Furthermore, excoriating universal
repression seems to lead more toward moralising about its iniquity than toward
the analysis ofsources of variation in its incidence.
At a descriptive level, a valuable contribution of feminist empiricism would be
to document the extent to which the interstate system depends on the
under-rewarded labour of women or on gendered structures of society that

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 Feminist Standpoint

disadvantage women. One can ask, as Cynthia Enloe has started to do, to
what extent the interstate system is dependent on gendered roles (diplomat,
soldier and so forth) that sharply differentiate, by gender, public and private
realms. 21 More ambitiously. feminist empiricism could seek to explore the
conditions under which repression of women is more or less severe: what types of
states, and of international systems, have more adverse consequences for women's
lives than others.
To make a major impact on thinking about international relations, however, it
will not be sufficient explicitly to point out that women have been marginalised in
the state, and in interstate politics. This reality is well-known, even if
conventional international relations theory has tended to ignore it. Feminist
empiricism will be most significant, it seems to me, if it is used in
conjunction with feminist standpoint reconceptualisations to re-examine central
concepts of international relations theory by asking about their values for
empirical research. Feminist empiricism, guided by feminist reconceptualisation,
could go beyond the question of'the role of women in international relations' to a
critical analysis of the extent to which contemporary international relations
theory helps us to understand what is happening in world politics today.
As indicated above, 'postmodemism' is a puzzling label that seems to denote a
variety of positions, One version of it, however, denies the possibility of having a
single epistemology, even one with slightly different variants. As Mary E.
Hawkesworth puts it, 'postmodemist insights counsel that Truth be
abandoned because it is a hegemonic and, hence, destructive illusion'.n
According to these postmodemists, 'feminist empiricism is committed to
untenable beliefs about the nature of knowledge and process of knowing'
and feminist standpoint theories 'remain committed to an overly simplistic model
of knowledge that tends to assume a "collective singular subject":'.2l In this view,
we cannot agree on an epistemological basis for substantive discussions: that is. on
standards against which we can evaluate knowledge claims.
It seems to me that this postmodernist project is a dead-end in the study of
international relations - and that it would be disastrous for feminist international
relations theory to pursue this path. Of course I am aware that social knowledge is
always value-laden, and that objectivity is an aspiration rather than an
accomplishment. But I object to the notion that because social science cannot
attain any perfectly reliable knowledge, it is justified for students of
society to 'obliterate the validity of reality'.24 I also object to the notion that we
should happily accept the existence of multiple incommensurable epistemologies,
each equally valid. Such a view seems to me to lead away from our knowledge of
the external world, and ultimately to a sort of nihilism. Hawkesworth argues that
'the world is more than a text' and that feminists should avoid 'the postmodernist
tendency to reject all reasons',B I would go further and say that agreement on
epistemological essentials constitutes a valuable scientific asset that should not be
discarded lightly. With such agreement, people with different substantive views or
intuitions can talk to each other in commensurable terms can perhaps come to an
agreement with the aid of evidence. As philosophers of science such as Imre
Lakatos have argued, the invalidity of naive falsificationism does not destroy the
possibility of establishing standards for scientific research: participants in the

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Millennium

scientific process apply criteria having to do with resolution of anomalies,

discovery of new facts, and what Lakatos calls 'the requirement of continuous
growth',26
A major aim of science, even social science, is to provide us with a common set
of epistemological tools, in a discipline, for ascertaining the nature of reality and
therefore testing the adequacy of OUf theories. This is not to pretend that any
knowledge is perfectly 'objective': clearly Olif values, our upbringing, our bodily
experiences and our positions in society - gender, class, culture, race - all affect
what we believe. But science has the value of narrowing gaps in belief by
providing common standards to test beliefs, and therefore disciplining our minds,
protecting us to some extent from bias. The very difficulty of achieving social
scientific knowledge is an argument for cherishing rather than discarding social
science and the aspiration for a more or less unified epistemology.
I fear that many feminist theorists of international relations may follow the
currently fashionable path of fragmenting epistemology, denying the possibility of
social science. But I think this would be an intellectual and moral disaster. As
Linda A1cofT points out, 'post-structuralist critiques of subjectivity pertain to the
construction of all subjects or they pertain to none ... Nominalism threatens to
wipe out feminism itself'. 27 That is, feminist theory cannot be without a positive
standpoint - it cannot be only adversarial. Retreating to postmodern
adversarial analysis would foreclose the relations that could be regarded as
valuable by people outside the feminist circle. Scientifically, it would lead away
from what I think feminist theory should do: generate novel hypotheses that could
then be evaluated with evidence, in a way that could lead to convincing results.
Politically, as Hawkesworth declares, 'should postmodernism's seductive text
gain ascendancy, it will not be an accident that power remains in the hands of the
white males who currently possess it. In a world of radical inequality, relativist
resignation reinforces the status quo'. 28

Conclusion

What I am calling for in these comments is an alliance between two

complementary critiques of ncorealism: first, what I call 'ncoliberal
institutionalism' and, second, an emerging feminist-standpoint theory of
international relations. Neoliberal institutionalism seeks, like neorealism, to
understand state behaviour as far as possible through an analysis of the nature of
the international system. Unlike neorealism, however, it argues that institutions-
'persistent and connected sets of rules (formal and informal) that prescribe
behavioral roles, constrain activity, and shape expectations' - are as important as
the distribution of power in affecting state behaviour. H Feminist standpoint
thinkers should find intellectual affinities with the institutionalist view of
international relations, since it emphasises power as ability to act in
concert, diffuse as well as specific reciprocity, and the role of networks as well as
hierarchies. The feminist perspective should, for its part, be able to give theories of
complex interdependence and institutional change a richer, more gender-
conscious formulation, and also to criticise the gender bias to be found in concept-
ions of interdependence and institutionalisation created by men.

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 Feminist Standpoint

From a normative standpoint, the feminist emphasis on connectedness can also

make a major contribution. Suppose we begin with connectedness as a given
rather than separateness: suppose planet earth were the primary affiliation rather
than the separate nation-state? This is not helpful for positive analysis but might
provide a nonnative grounding for prescription. 10 An extension of
the work ofTronto and others into the international sphere could therefore make
a major contribution. In addition to critiquing mainstream theories of
international relations, feminist standpoint theories may reinforce an emerging
trend away from the fragmentation and atomisation inherent in traditional
conceptions of international relations, toward a network-oriented, institution-
alised approach that is truer to the emerging reality. Feminist theories may also
contribute to a normative conception stressing connectedness, and obligations to
other inhabitants of planet earth, which would represent a radical break with the
contractual morality ofour previous conceptions.

Robert O. Keohane is Professor a/Government at Harvard Unh'ersity,

LittauerCenter. Cambridge. MA 02138 USA.

REFERENCES

These comments on the feminist standpoint in international relations theory were

originally prepared for a panel on Gender and International Relations organised
by Ann Tickner of Holy Cross University at the International Studies
Association/British International Studies Association Joint Convention in
London, March-April 1989. These remarks are highly tentative and are not as
thoroughly grounded in feminist analysis as they should be. Readers are asked to
view them merely as contributions to an emerging conversation, rather than as a
definitive statement of my views. In revising my comments, I had the benefit ofa
conference on Gender and International Relations held at the University of
Southern California in April 1989, organised by Jane Jaquelte and V. Spike
Peterson. 1am indebted to Mary F. Katzenstein. Nannerl O. Keohane, and Susan
Moller Okin for conversations about my preliminary ideas on this subject, and to
Donna Gregory for some very helpful criticisms of my treatment of
postmodernism.

I. Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1986), See Christine Sylvester, 'The Emperor's Theories and Transformations:
Looking at the Field Through Feminist Lenses', in Dennis Pirages and Christine Sylvester
(eds.), Transformations in the Global Political Economy (London:Macmillan, 1989, forth-
coming).
2. Ibid., p. 16
3, See J, Ann Tickner, 'Hans Morgenthau's Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist
Reformulation', Millennium: Journal ofInternational Studies(Vot. 17, No.3, Winter 1988).
4. Sandra Harding, op. cit., p. 195.

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Millennium

5. Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations. Fourth Edition (New

York: Knopf, 1967), p. 26.
6. Kenneth N. Waltz, TheoryoJlntertlational Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley,
1979),p.192.
7. David A. Baldwin, 'Power Analysis and World Politics', World Politics (Vol. 31, No.
2, January 1979), p. 179.
8. Quoted in Nancy CM. Hartsock, Money, Sex and Power: Toward a
Feminist Historical Materialism (New York: Longman, 1983), p. 219. See also J.
Ann Tickner, up. cit., p. 434.
9. Jean Bethke Eishtain, 'Feminist Themes and International Relations Discourse',
paper presented at the International Studies Association/British International Studies
Association Joint Convention, London, March-April, 1989, p. 6.
10. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study 0/ Order in World
Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977), p. 8.
il. F.H. Hinsley, SovereiKnly(London: c.A. Watts, 1966).
12. See Martin Wight, Syslems of States (Leicester: Leicester University
Press, 1977).
13. James Wilson, quoted in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation (~l the
American Republic. J776~J787 (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press,
1969), p. 530. Wood points out that the Federalists appropriated the absolutist
concept of sovereignty - the notion there must be only one 'final, indivisible and
incontestable authority in every state to which all other authorities must be
ultimately subordinate' - to their purposes by creating the fiction of 'popular
sovereignty'. In another vein, however, Madison once admitted that if sovereignty
could not be divided, 'the political system of the United States is a chimera.
mocking the vain pretensions of human wisdom'. See Charles E. Merriman. II
History of American Political Theories (New York: Macmillan, 1903). p. 259,
citing an 1865 edition of Madison's Works, Volume 4. p. 61.
14. James H. Kettner, The Development oj'American Citizenship. /608-1870 (Chapel
Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1978).
15. Martin Wight, 01'. cit., p. 135.
16. Robert Axelrod, The Evolution 01' Cooperation (New York: Basic Books, 1984):
Robert O. Keohane. 'Reciprocity in International Relations', International OrKanization
(Vol. 40, No. I, Winter 1986), pp. 1-27.
17. Carol Gilligan, In a Di//i.'rent Voice: PsycholoKical Theory and Women's Develop-
ment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982); Joan C. Tronto, 'Beyond Gender
Difference to a Theory ofeare', Signs: Journal 01' Women in Culture and Society (Vol. 12,
No.4, Summer 1967). pp. 644~63. This point is also indebted to a talk by Joan Tronlo at a
conference on Gender and International Relations at the Center for International Studies.
University of Southern California, 28-9 April 1989. For a discussion of empathy as a factor
in international co-operation, see Robert O. Keohane, Afier Hegemony: Cooperation and
Discord in fhe World' Political Enmom.l' (Princeton. NJ: Princeton University Press. 1984).
ch.7.
18. Since I have often been misunderstood on Ihis point. let me emphasise that I do not
identify with neorealism, understood as 'an attempt to systematize political realism into a
rigorous, deductive systemic theory of international politics'. Robert O. Keohane. 'Realism,
Neorealism and the Study of World Politics'. in Robert O. Keohane (ed.). Nl'orealism and
Its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 15 and rn. 7 on p. 25; and
Robert O. Keohane, Inlernat;onallnstitllt;ons and State Power (Boulder. CO: Westview,
1989), pp. 7-9.
19. Evelyn Fox Keller, Gender and Science (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1985), p. 117.
20. I am indebted for this point to discussions with, and unpublished
papers by, Walter Powell.
21. Some of this perspective is renected in Cynthia Enloe, DOI!.I' Khaki
Become You? The Militarization of Women's Lives (London: Pandora, 1983): I
am also indebted for this point to conversations with Professor Enloe.
22. Mary E. Hawkesworth, 'Knowers. Knowing, Known: Feminist Theory and Claims
of Truth', Signs: Journal (~rWomen in Cultllre and Society (Vol. 14, No.3, Spring 1989), p.
554.
23. Ibid., p. 553.
24. lowe this remark to Joan Tronto, who made it in the course of a

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 Feminist Standpoint

cnttque of postrnodemist international relations thinking at the Gender and

International Relations conference, University ofSouthem California, April, 1989.
25. Mary E. Hawkesworth, op. cit., p. 556.
26. Imre 4kat?S; ~Falsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programs',
in lnue. LaKatos a!l~ Alan Musgrave (eds.), Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge
(Caiilbridge: Cambri'age University Press, 1970), p. 175.
27. Linda Alcoff,'Cultural Feminism Versus Post-Structuralism: The Identity Crisis in
Feminist Theory', Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and So('iety (Vol. 13. No.3, Spring
1988), p.419.
28. Mary E. Hawkesworth, op. cit., p. 557.
29. Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power. op.
cit" pp. 3,9.
30. See Robert O. Keohane, 'Closing the Fairness-Practice Gap', Ethics
and lnternalional Affairs (Yol.3, 1989), pp. 101-16.

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