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A w n r n n A nllcrvpologz,195(4):875-893.Copyright 0 1993, Amencan Anthropological Association.
875
876 AMERICAN ANTHROPO1,OGIST [95, 1993
Ernest0 De Martino was born in Naples in 1908 and died in Rome in 1965. His
intellectual career thus spanned a dramatic period in Italian political history, beginning
in the early years of fascism and carrying through World War I1 and into the socialist
movements of the postwar period. An attempt to relate De Martino’s person to his work
is both illuminating and frustrating, as the contradictions are at times more striking than
the congruences (Di Donato 1989); but it may be precisely the complexity of his
engagement with this difficult historical milieu that stimulated such creative work.
As a student at the University of Naples, De Martino pursued classical studies,working
under historian Adolfo Omodeo, and received his degree in letters in 1932. S u b
sequently, he became part of Croce’s intellectual circle in Ban and Naples, but also
developed a collegial relationship with Raffaele Pettazzoni, a historian of religions with
a strong interest in ethnology (cf. Tentori 1979:104ff). De Martino was influenced also
by his father-in-law, Vittorio Di Macchioro. Di Macchioro was a Jew who, during a
wartime mystical experience, converted to Catholicism, then later to Waldensian Prot-
estantism, then back to Catholicism;he spent his professional life as an archeologist and
museum curator investigating ancient and mystical religious phenomena (Di Donato
1989).
An appreciation of De Martino’s perspectives, however, must initially concentrate on
the scholarship of Benedetto Croce (186&1952), with Antonio Gramsci one of the two
most influential Italian intellectuals of the 20th century (cf. Bernardi 1990:2). Croce
spent his life as an independent scholar of exceptional prestige and influence not only
in philosophy and history but also in art and literature and even in politics. At the age
of 44,he was made a life member of the Italian Senate, and though one of the most
public of the antifascist intellectuals, his standing in Italian society safeguarded his
freedom through the Mussolini years. For at least 50 years, Croce was the name to be
reckoned with in any scholarly thesis in Italy. It is also at least arguable that Croce’s
idealist perspectives were the primary factor in focusing the attention of Italian Marxists
(including Gramsci) more on culture than on political economy.
Following David Roberts, I would identifjl the following as essential elements of
Croce’s historicism: (1) an emphasis on radical immanence, or antitranscendence; (2)
”a relatively mundane form of philosophical idealism”; and (3) a focus on the radical
historicity of human life (Roberts 1987:57). By “radical immanence,” Roberts means
that Croce argued that the only legitimate concern of philosophy and history is the
human world. Though Croce uses the term s p i d to characterize the consciousness of a
historical moment, and though he sees history as “the struggle for liberty,” he is
emphatically not referring to anything metaphysical, to divine intervention, or even to
generalized laws of social order, progress, or the like (see also Caponigri 1955:169-177;
Croce 1941:59-62). He has no interest in either the metaphysical or the natural except
as those are understood, categorized, perceived, and described in human language and
thought. In much of his work, it would not be unreasonable to translate “spirit” as
“culture.”
Saunders] THE ETHNOLOGY OF ERNEST0 DE MARTINO a77
This human world, for Croce, is history realized, and for understanding the human
world, particularistic history is all there is. Croce embraced the German dualism that
scientific understanding differs from the understanding of human phenomena, and
that the latter is of a higher order. “HistoIyis concerned with the particular, the unique,
the unrepeatable,” says Roberts in paraphrasing Croce (1987:38),and human life in any
one place and time may only be understood as the unique realization of all the past of
that particular milieu. Furthermore, the understanding of this past is a form of art, and
“art is a form of knowledge, the mode of knowledge of particulars” (Roberts 1987:39).
Historical facts can never illustrate metaphysical or scientific truths; rather, their
meaning is found only in the way they construct the world at a particular moment in a
particular human milieu.
The goal of Croce’s scholarship, then, was to discover those meanings-that spirit-
through the historicization of particular institutions, events, and human actions. Again,
Roberts puts it succinctly:“Realityis nothing but history understood as one big particular
that grows on itself over time as individuals respond to each given situation, thereby
creating a new reality” (Roberts 1987:68). Historicism is the art of discovering that
particular reality, not the science of relating it to other levels of reality or to abstractions
such as evolution, progress, human nature, or the like.
In his Filosofia e stm‘ografia (1949), Croce makes a sharp and-to contemporary
sensibilities-shocking distinction between “modern” people, whom he refers to as
“humanity,”and “primitive”society,which he calls “nature.”As Croce puts it, this “is the
distinction between men who are actors in history and men who stand passively within
history, between men who pertain to history and men of nature, men capable of
development and men incapable of it; and toward the second class of beings, which
zoologically but not historically are human, we exercise, as toward animals, dominion,
and we try to domesticate and train them” (Croce 1949:247 ff., cited in Lanternari
198334).’ Croce is perhaps more explicit and direct than any scholar of his time in
arguing that in fact the Others are “without history.” If our attempts to “humanize the
savages”fail, he says, “in what way can we share common memories and sentiments with
them, who obstinately refuse to enter into history, which is the struggle for liberty?”
(1949:248).*It is this struggle for liberty, in the Hegelian sense of an achievement of a
selfconscious ability to make distinctions and to act on them, that is central to Croce’s
own work and later, in somewhat different ways, to De Martino’s.
De Martino came of age intellectuallyunder Croce’sguidance, though he spent much
of his scholarly career in subtle and sometimes ambivalent polemics with Croce’s
positions on primitive society and on the underclass of his own Italy. Croce’s influence
is evident in De Martino’s first major work, Naturalism0 e storicismo nell ’etnologia(Natural-
ism and Historicism in Ethnology), published in 1941. In this thesis-turned-book, De
Martino critiques the dominant ethnological approaches of the early part of the century,
particularly those of Levy-Bruhl and Durkheim, for their lack of historical perspective
and for their generalizing goals. Naturalistic (or positivist, or scientific) approaches, for
De Martino, tend to dehumanize the subjects in the sense that they deny them any
possibility of authorship, of agency; historicism, in contrast, explicitly searches for such
agency.
In this book, however, De Martino also previews his own particular goals and thus
distinguishes his perspective from Croce’s. For one thing, De Martino is explicitly
interested in historicizing the Other, in applying Croce’s historicism to the analysis of
“the civilizations most distant from our own” in time, space, and ethos (De Martino
1941:8). Secondly, at least one goal of this endeavor-and one that can hardly seem
paradoxical to any anthropologist-is “allargamentodell’autocoscienzaper rischiarare l’az-
im” (1941:12), that is, the expansion of our own self-consciousness in order to clarify
or direct our actions. This is an early statement of critical ethnocentrism,3 and in the
same paragraph, De Martino connects it to another enduring concern: “Modern
civilization needs all of its energies to overcome the crisis” of the mid-20th century. De
8 78 AMERICAN AWHROPOLOGIST 195, 1993
Martino was already an activist in the struggle for Italian political culture, but the crisis
that concerns him here is much greater than fascism and the war-it is endemic, though
it differs by historical moment and cultural context. It is, particularly for the peasants
and day-laborers who would later interest him most, the crisis of presence, the existential
worry that one might cease to be, either literally (through death) or functionally
(through loss of the consciousness that enables one to act to shape history rather than
simply passively accede to the actions of others).
The crisis of modern civilization is the moral justification for critical ethnocentrism,
the stance that the primary goal of anthropological investigation is to reflect back on
ourselves and our own milieu. De Martino does not mean simply the examination of
contemporary Western culture in comparison with other cultures; he means critical
reflection on the very categories of our analysis and recognition that these categories
derive from our own ethnocentric cultural values. The ultimate goal, then, is not just
comparison of cultures, but the restructuring of cultural analysis. Although in other
respects De Martino might not have recognized himself in the contemporary writing
culture movement (Clifford and Marcus 1986; Crapanzano 1987; Marcus and Fischer
1986; Rosaldo 1989), his concern with reflexivity, with the intellectual and moral
problems of the anthropologist’s engagement with the Other, and with the power
relations implicit in cultural analysis all put him very much into the 1980s and 1990s:
sorrowful world of the peasants and shepherds,was not substantially different. But I entered
the houses of Apulian peasants as a “comrade,”as a seeker of men and of forgotten ahistorical
humanity. . . who wants to participate,along with the men encountered,in the foundation of
a better world. . . . Being “comrades”together, that is finding ourselves trying to be together in
the same history, constituted a condition altogethernew with respect to the goal of ethnological
research, that is the goal of remembering even that past history of theirs that could not in any
immediate way be contemporary and shared, and which, in any case, had to be driven away
and suppressed. [Cited in Galasso 1978:382; emphasis in the original]
This passage reflects sentiments that are from the perspective of the 1990s simulta-
neously arrogant, noble, and full of ambivalence. De Martino explicitly wanted to meld
his scholarship with his political engagement. Furthermore, he wanted to focus on his
relationship with the Others who were objects of his research, and to reflect on the
possibility of forming a common culture to bring together intellectual and cultural elites
like himself and his colleagues with impoverished and illiterate rural proletarians. At
this point, however, De Martino still saw subaltern culture as a conservative impediment
to effective social action. He wanted the peasants and day-laborers as comrades in the
struggle for change, and yet, like Croce (and perhaps Marx as well), he worried that
they were in fact outside of history.
The passage is also retrospective, written in 1953as De Martino looked back on those
first few postwar years. The period had been intense for him, both in scholarship and
in activist politics. In 1948, he published a major ethnohistorical study entitled I1 m o d
mugzco (The Magical World). Though the book contains some original ethnographic
observations, it is mainly a critical and philosophical review of ethnological treatment
of magic. The book is again framed in terms of critical ethnocentrism (though not using
the term) (cf. Cases 1973:xi; Gallini 1986). In the preface, De Martino states directly,
“the task of historicist ethnology consists in . . . posing problems whose solution leads
to the enlargement of the self-knowledge of our civilization” (1973:13).
Though much of this text focuses on magical practices and shamanism in the Third
World, one of its major analytic concerns is the modern European mode of thought
that fails to understand magic and finds it impossible to accept it as real. “In our
exploration of the world of magic we ought . . . to begin by subjecting to scrutiny the
supposed ‘obviousness’of the irreality of magical powers,”since “sooneror later we must
confront the fact that the problem of the reality of magical powers has as its object not
only the quality of such powers themselves, but also our own concept of reality, and that
the investigation involves not only the subject of analysis (magical powers) but also our
own analytic category (the concept of reality)” (1973:21-22). Perhaps, even more
broadly, it concerns the scientific worldview of the 20thcentury West (1973:70). Make
no mistake here: De Martino is in no way suggesting that we go native and believe that
shamans actually make spirits appear and change the course of human illness. Indeed,
one of his major fears is a retreat into irrationalism. (In this sense, he remains true to
Croce.) And he is certainly no moral relativist: he openly brings his own values to the
research. Rather, he is suggesting reflexivity at its best-that we recognize that the kinds
of epistemological assumptions we work with are themselves historically determined,
and that it isjust as important (and interesting) to askwhywe don’tbelievein the efficacy
of magic as to ask why other people do. Our understanding of our own worldview can
and must be deepened by scrutinizing it with respect to the worldview of others. And
“scrutinizing,”for De Martino, means “historicizing.”
As De Martino’s work progressed, he became less committed to the study of “the
primitive” in the Third World and more interested in the culture of the poor and
dispossessed in Europe, particularly southern Italy. The question of the relationship
between the scholar and the Other took on new dimensions when both were members
of the same society (albeit of different classes). The texts for analysis became “folklore,”
the subjects were the “subaltern classes,”and the theoretical inspiration came not from
the ethnologists like Levy-Bruhl but from Marx (filtered through Croce and Gramsci),
880 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST 195, 1993
Freud, and phenomenologists and existentialists,theorists whose work derived from the
complexities of Western society itself, In this context, critical ethnocentrism came to
include the analysis of internal relations in the complex societies of the West. The
concern about the possible end of civilization, in the aftermath of the year zero, lent a
sense of urgency to this analysis.
The publication of Antonio Gramsci’s prison writings after World War I1 had a
profound effect on the debate about subaltern culture. Journalist, culture critic, phi-
losopher, and political organizer, Gramsci was one of the founders of the Italian
Communist Party in the early 1920s and was imprisoned by the fascist regime in 1926.
He died on his release from prison in 1937, but in those 11 years he was able to write a
great deal, producing a truly remarkable philosophical commentary on contemporary
society, His “prison notebooks” began to be published in Italy in 1948. Though
Gramsci’s ideas entered only belatedly into the social thought of non-Italian scholars,
their impact in Italy in 1948 was immediate and dramatic, and De Martino was among
those affected (Gallini 1982:97ff).
The most relevant aspects of Gramsci’s work for understanding postwar Italian
anthropologyare his idealist reinterpretation of Marx (developed in part in an extended
analysis of Croce’s historicism) (Gramsci 1975) and his brief but influential writings on
folklore (Gramsci 1974). Like Marx, Gramsci is concerned with class struggle, but he is
more interested in the ideological and cultural aspects of this struggle than in the
socioeconomic structure.
In Gramsci’sview, class domination is exercised as much through popular “consensus”achieved
in civil society as through physical coercion (or threat of it) by the state apparatus, especially
in advanced capitalist societies where education, the media, law, mass culture, etc. take on a
new role. [Boggs 1976:17]
Gramsci thus focused the scholarly attention of critics of Western culture on culture
itself. In his “Observations on Folklore,” for example, he urges the study of folklore as
“ ‘a conception of the world and of life,’ implicit to a large extent, of determined classes
conservative, as mystification leading the poor into magical and essentially dysfunctional
attempts to solve their problems. The historicization of popular culture thus has as one
of its main goals “prophylaxis,” that is, to help the popular classes avoid unwitting
cooperation in their own exploitation. “Magic and superstition, mythical mentality,
primitive and popularesque modes of strugglingagainst the world, all of these represent
an immense potential of energies that can be taken advantage of in an openly reaction-
ary sense by the dominant classes for the end of maintaining their threatened hegem-
ony” (1949:421). He specifically notes the ways that German Nazism used traditional
folk notions about blood to promote a racist political program.
De Martino thus reflects the dilemma of the sympathetic intellectual who wants to
help the poor but in fact feels ambivalent at best toward their ideas and values. Though
he wants sincerely to see the poor “enter into history”and take charge of their destinies,
he fears that their culture leaves them poorly prepared to do so. As in many Italian
folklore studies, A. M. Cirese points out, here “the folkloric world is considered in fact
a world of cultural backwardness, of superstition, of prejudice: an archaic world that has
nothing to do with the class struggle, or even worse that is one of the obstacles that the
emancipation of the proletariat encounters and must overcome” (1977~62).Indeed,
De Martino speaks of the temporary “barbarianizing” (imburbun’mto)of culture that is
likely to take place as the popular masses “erupt into history,”asserting the hegemony
of their own values and ideas6
Over the next few years, De Martino’s understanding of the political dimensions of
popular culture was to change somewhat. Perhaps not coincidentally, the 1949 article
outlines his intent to begin a first field project in the south of Italy, a project actually
initiated in Lucania in that year. By 1951, a short article published in I’Unitu (the
Communist Party newspaper) bore the title “ProgressiveFolklore,” and argued that the
struggles for land in the south and for workers’ rights in the factories in the north had
begun to generate a new kind offolklore with a particularly progressive message. “Under
the push of the workers’ movement and of the elevated theoretical consciousness-that
is of Marxism-Leninism-a true and genuine opening up of traditional forms of popular
cultural life is occurring” (1976b3123). Note, however, that the push comes from the
workers’ movement and De Martino remains ambivalent about the consciousness of
rural peoples, though he cites examples of progressive folklore being generated in the
small town in Lucania where he had been conducting field research.
Note also that progressive folklore is seen as something new; it accompanies the
“eruption into history” of a class that in many ways really has in the past been outside
of it. Perhaps the most telling passage is this:
The unification of the national culture, as Gramsci conceived of it, that is the formation of a
new cultural life in the nation that would heal the rupture between high culture and popular
culture, cannot limit itself to the new narrative, the new realistic cinema, the new sensibility
that is floweringin our painters, etc., but if we want a concrete, real unification, it also implies
admission to the cultural circle of that progressive popular production that breaks with
traditional forms of folklore and ties itself to the process of political and social emancipation
of the people themselves. [ 1976b:124]
De Martino produced three additional major ethnographic works before his death
in 1966, and one more was published posthumously. Morte e piunto rituule (Death and
the Ritual Lament, 1958) is an ethnohistorical study of funeral laments in the Mediter-
ranean area from the time of classic civilizations to the present, and is often considered
his best work. The book integrates classical materials with De Martino’s own e t h n e
graphic researches on the Lucanian funeral lament. In addition, it contains an extended
analysis of the funeral of a Romanian shepherd, Lazzaro Boia, which De Martino and
an interdisciplinary team studied in the mountains of Transylvania in 1950. The book
is oriented by two themes: “the crisis of presence” (la wisi d e h p-esenzu) and “the crisis
of grief” (la crisi del cmdoglio). The crisis of presence is a complex notion that shows up
in other works by De Martino as well. It is derived primarily from existentialist and
phenomenological thought, probably especially from Heidegger, though also from
Hegel (see Cherchi and Cherchi 1987:62ff., and Lanternan 1990:585). De Martino
defines it as “the risk of not being in the world” (1975:3) or simply of “not being-here”
(il rischio di non esserci), which at times seems simply to mean the universal and ahistorical
inevitability of death. On the other hand, De Martino attempts to give even this first
simple definition a historical dimension by arguing that people’s sense of control seems
more tenuous either under primitive conditions, where both technological and phile
sophical impoverishment render the individual more constantly vulnerable ( 1975:43-
44), or, alternatively, where technology is overwhelmingly powerful, as in modem
warfare.
More importantly, the crisis of presence is much more than simply the confrontation
with death, because De Martino intends a wider sense of loss of presence in the world;
that is, he includes such phenomena as psychological dissociation (whether in psyche
pathology or actively sought, as in shamanism), alienation (primarily in the Hegelian,
but also in the Marxian sense), and-the perennial problem of subaltern groups-loss
of subjectivity, that is, of one’s ability to act on the world rather than simply to be a
passive object of action. The concepts of presence, potential loss of presence, and crisis
of presence are perhaps the most philosophically profound but also problematic of De
Martino’s concepts.
“Presence” as a concept is treated by both Hegel and Heidegger in their discussions
of ontology. De Martino explicitly notes that his own use of the term is closely related
to Hegel’s “sense of self,” and he cites this passage:
The sensitive totality is, in its capacity of individual,essentially the tendency to distinguish itself
in itself, and to wake up to the judgment in itreg in virtue of which it has particularfeelingsand
stands as a subject in respect of these aspects of itself. The subject as such gives these feelings a
place as its own in itself. [Cited in De Martino 1975:21; I have used the translation by Wallace
1894:188; emphasis in the original]
Hegel grounds the concept of presence in the nature of being, and particularly in the
nature of human consciousness. The critical point, however, is probably found else-
where in Hegel:
In life, consciousness contemplates a process which develops its own essential distinctions as
modifications of its own concrete identity. . . . The core of self-consciousness is its practical
intentionality (Trieb) to actualize its potentiality, to find itself in producing itself. [1959212-
2131
Intentionality, then, is the active dimension of presence. It is also important to note that
in Hegel’s dialectical approach, everything, including existence itself, includes its own
negation. The negation of presence, the “passivizing”of the individual, is very important
in De Martino’s analysis of ritual, which he sees as (in part) a means of overcoming the
negation of presence.
Saunders] THE ETHNOLOGY OF ERNEST0 DE MARTIN0 883
in his own milieu, and must be refined and historicized in the confrontation with other
cultural contexts.
De Martino’snext book,Sud e magia (The South and Magic), published the following
year (1959), extends some of these concerns in a somewhat different ethnographic
framework. The crisis of presence is evident in attempts to deal with illness, death, and
misfortune through magic. De Martino opens the book with a discussion of the tension
between magic and rationalityas one of the great themes of history in the West. Though
De Martino clearly accepts the progressivist argument that the Enlightenment has led
to increasingly rationalistic approaches to the crisis of presence, he nonetheless wants
to explore the conditions under which magic retains its power among the poor and thus
remains an important element of an internally differentiated Western culture. Signifi-
cantly, though, he wants as well to understand our understanding of magic, to historicize
cultural change in intellectual as well as popular attitudes toward magic.
The first task begins with the rather pedestrian assumption that magic is to some
extent simply the science of the ignorant. De Martino emphasizes “the power of the
negative” in the lives of the poor and disenfranchised in the fragile conditions of their
lives, most of what happens is both bad and out of their control. The poor easily develop
feelings of emptiness and inauthenticity, of alienation. The belief systems of Mediterra-
nean magic, the evil eye, curses, spells, and so forth support their sense that evil has
somehow invaded their person and depersonalized them. The victim of otherwise
unexplained misfortune or illness comes to feel that his or her problems are localized
in something internal that is nevertheless radically other than the self. Again, De
Martino is here bringing together otherwise strange analytic bedfellows-the Marxian
notion of alienation, the psychoanalytic problem of dissociation, the existential problem
of meaning, and the historical problems of subject and object, actor and acted upon.
The analysis is in part a critique of a society that allocates different possibilities to people
in different segments of the social structure. As De Martino notes (again echoing
Heidegger and perhaps Sartre), “Being in the world, that is maintaining oneself as an
individual presence in society and in history, signifies action, the power of decision and
of choice according to values” (1959:98), and this choice is usurped as the private
property of those in the cultural centers of power. In a sense, magic is all that is left to
those on the periphery.
The book does not end with the discussion of magic among the poor, however. The
second part (more than half of the book) is entitled ”Magic, Catholicism, and High
Culture.” Here De Martino develops further the intellectual history of attitudes toward
magic begun in I1 mondo magico. For example, he examines changing attitudes toward
the evil eye in the Neapolitan Enlightenment. In Italian, one of the words for evil eye is
fmcino, translatable as “fascination,”and De Martino notes that
It was the romantic sensibility which gave a decisive contribution to that process of humaniza-
tion and laicization which brought ilfasn’no back into the circle of the human passions and
that left in our linguistic usage expressions such as ”the fascination of the personality,” “the
fascination of a beautiful woman,” ”eyesthat bewitch” and so forth. [ 19871341
Here De Martino is looking for the cultural and intellectual roots of contemporary
analyses of the evil eye and related magical phenomena, providing a historical founda-
tion for an analysis of our own epistemological assumptions.
Only two years later, De Martino published a genuine tour de force, La terra dd n’morso
(The Land of Remorse, though the title is a play on words and could also be translated
as The Land of the Re-bite). In this book, De Martino reports on a team study of
tarantism in the Salentine Peninsula in the deep south. Tarantism is a religious cult
formed by those who have been exorcised, through an extended erotic dance cycle, of
the ill effects of a supernaturally charged tarantula bite. The tarantula bite, thought by
some to be that of a real spider and by others to be a kind of spirit possession, leaves its
victims in either “a mortal languor or a desperate agitation” (1976a:31) and can be cured
Saunders] THE ETHNOLOGY OF ERNEST0 DE MARTINO 885
only through the music, dance, and color symbolism provided by those who have
previously been bitten and cured. The cult also maintains special calendric rituals in
late June in the chapel of St. Paul in Galatina. To study this quasi-Christian cult, De
Martino assembled an impressive team of scholars, including a specialist in neuropsy-
chiatry (GiovanniJervis), a psychologist (LetiziaJervis-Comba), a toxicologist to analyze
the evidence for real spider bites (Sergio Bettini), an ethnomusicologist (Diego Car-
pitella), and a cultural anthropologist (Amalia Signorelli-D’Ayala).
This book is fascinating, and deserves translation on its ethnographic merits alone.
After an introduction, the first section details the work of the research team in Salento
in 1959 and describes the symbolism of the tarantula bite and of the rites, the relation-
ship between tarantism and the economy, and the rapport of the cult with official
Catholicism. The second part focuses in considerably more depth on the symbolism of
the music and dance.
The third part, the longest and most theoretical, is entitled “Historical Commentary.”
Here De Martino (a historian of religions by training, after all) reports on his historical
investigation of the origins of tarantism, on its relationship to other forms of magic and
to the Enlightenment, and-in another example of critical ethnocentrism-on the
reactions of scholars and the bourgeoisie to the phenomenon. For example, he notes
the first attempts by a group of Neapolitan doctors in the early 18th century to develop
a scientific analysis of tarantism. In their report, they argued that tarantism was, on the
one hand, an “institution” (founded in culture), and on the other, a disease, and
particularly a psychic disorder (1976a:262). Over the next century, the analyses of
tarantism became more “professional and specialized,” and according to De Martino,
the cultural dimension was ignored as the “scientific”judgment of the phenomenon
came to emphasize pathology-that is, to medicalize it.
He also describes a play popular in Florence in 1794 in which a kind of Romeo and
Juliet tale is woven into a satire of medical doctors. In the play, the father of the young
woman is bitten by a tarantula, and the doctors are unable to cure him, but the young
suitor brings in a team of cult members who play and dance the man back to health. In
this play, tradition wins out over enlightenment and rationality, but the dialectic suggests
the tensions in Italian culture at the moment. I may be reading too much into De
Martino’s analysis, but it strikes me that he was attempting something very akin to what
Foucault did a few years later with Madness and Civilization (1973): an analysis of the
discourse about tarantism aimed at exposing relations of power, the tensions of cultural
change, and the redefinition of the Other through the control of culture by the elite.
De Martino’s final book was published some 11 years after his death, after careful
editing by his student and colleague, Clara Gallini, of voluminous but fragmentary notes
left by De Martino. (Unfortunately, even after the editing, this volume remains essen-
tially a collection of notes from highly disparate sources.) Entitled Lafine delmondo (The
End of the World), the book deals with the theme of apocalypse in various guises and
reflects De Martino’s preoccupation with death and the demise of civilization. In a
section entitled “Apocalypseand Decolonization,” De Martino elaborates on his under-
standing of the role of “humanistic ethnography” in a critique of European society. The
context here, as Gallini notes, is the struggle for decolonization in the Third World
(1979:211). Thus De Martino argues that “when the ethnographer observes alien
cultural phenomena . . . he participates in the historical process through which the
culture to which the ethnographer himself belongs is itself being formed” (1977:390).
The ethnographer brings to this encounter particular categories of observation, “with-
out which the phenomenon is not observable.” “The only way to resolve this paradox is
found in the very concept of the ethnographic encounter as a double thematicization,
of ‘one’s own [culture]’ and ‘the alien’ ” (1977:391). Though this may sound like
standard anthropological wisdom, De Martino intends it in a radical sense: the real
purpose of ethnography is precisely and profoundly the critique of Western culture
886 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST 195. 1993
itself, and within Western culture, of our intellectual history and our methods of
research.
conditions of Western society and of the relationships between the West and the Third
World lent considerable immediacy to this task, and it was no accident that the main
ethnographic domains of his concern were death and cultural degeneration.
Indeed, it is worth dwelling a minute more on De Martino’s final (posthumous) work,
Lafine del mondo (The End of the World). The apocalyptic theme is perhaps intrinsic to
the collective experience of human beings, though it can become more real in particular
cultures and at particular historical moments, such as 20thcentury Europe. A number
of scholars who commented on this book after its publication focused on the notion of
“the ethos of transcendence” (Ginzburg 1979:240; Lombardi Satriani 1979:245;
Pasquinelli 1984). The radical risk of not being-here, or as De Martino refers to it in this
book, “an inexhaustible moment of anxiety,” can be overcome or transcended only
through human culture, but such transcendence is by no means automatic. The crisis
of presence is truly terrifying, and ought to be, and if we depend on culture to surmount
it, is not then the critique of culture an intellectual task of the greatest moment? Critical
ethnocentrism is thus no idle scholar’s pursuit.
Perhaps paradoxically, in the end De Martino’s circuitous path leads back to an
affirmation of the primacy of Western civilization and its intellectual production.
Despite his intellectual selfconsciousness, De Martino is thoroughly a European, and
he accepts the progressivist Marxian vision of Europe as the only context in which such
questions of social thought could even be asked at that point in history. That is, he
understands that even his own recognition of the necessity of critical ethnocentrism is
historically determined, that it derives from the political and cultural crises of late-capi-
talist Europe in the postwar and postcolonial era. As such, the values of Western
civilization, including its conceptions of science, must be critiqued, but cannot simply
be abandoned. It is “within the values of Western civilization that we are called upon to
assume our positions,” as Gallini argues in paraphrase of De Martino (1979:221). It is
incumbent on us to use the ethnographic encounter to revise our analytic categories,
to critique our science (or for De Martino, our “humanisticethnography”),to recognize
the connection between epistemology and power relations, and to understand the
history of our own society. But it is nonsense to argue that this endeavor can or should
lead to the wholesale rejection of those categories, much less to the treatment of our
science as fiction or invention. Ethnology is the product of its historical moment, says
De Martino, but the fact that we are actors in that moment and subjects of that history
does not in itself invalidate our use of its categories. Indeed, a genuinely productive,
critical, and reflexive anthropology must both start from and reflect back on the
foundations of our own intellectual tradition. This is one legacy of Ernest0 De Martino
to anthropology.
Notes
Acknowledgments.I am grateful to the panelists;commentatorsRichard Handler, Roger Keesing,
and Paul Rabinow; and particularly Sally Uhl and Donna Muncey, the organizers of the session
“CulturalDisenchantmentsin the Anthropologyof Europe: Making the Tensions Productive”at
the annual meeting of the American AnthropologicalAssociation,New Orleans,December 1990,
for which this paper was originally prepared.Vincenzo Padiglione of the University of Rome has
helped enormously in correcting naivetes in my reading of De Martino, as well as in providing
friendship and hospitality. Professor Mario Gandini of the Biblioteca Comunale Giulio Cesare
Croce in San Giomnni in Persiceto provided invaluable bibliographic help. My colleague Karen
Carr of the Department of Religious Studies at Lawrence University was particularly helpful in
tracking down relevant passages from Heidegger’s Being and Time and explaining their signifi-
cance.Additional thanks are due to Clara Gallini,Tony Galt, Carlo Ginzburg,Vittorio Lan ternari,
Mariella Pandolfi, Carla Pasquinelli, Anne Schutte, and Tullio Tentori for suggestions,help, and
support of various sorts. I a m also grateful to two anonymous reviewers for the Ammican
890 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [95, 1993
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