Agricultural Ceremonies of the Central Andes during Four Hundred Years of Spanish Contact

Author(s): Thomas J. Maxwell, Jr.

Source: Ethnohistory, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Winter, 1956), pp. 46-71
Published by: Duke University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/480501
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 AGRICULTURAL CEREMONIES OF THE CENTRAL ANDES
DURING FOUR HUNDRED YEARS OF SPANISH CONTACT*

Thomas J. Maxwell, Jr.

Indiana University

In the Andean Highlands lives the largest and most concentrated

Indian population of South America. These people are an important
element in the economic life of three countries-Ecuador, Peru, and
Bolivia-and yet they constitute one of the large gaps in the know-
ledge of man's culture. This area has been divided into three geo-

graphical sections. They are the Northern Andes of Columbia and

Ecuador, the Central Andes of Peru and Bolivia, and the Southern
Andes of Chile and Northwest Argentina.l This investigation will
deal only with the Central area.
Within the Central area three large Indian populations, the Chi-
mu, the Aymara, and the Inca, had, before the Spanish Conquest of
Peru, produced complex cultures based on agriculture. Along with
their plant cultivation, there evolved a series of rites calculated to
insure abundant harvests. Some of these ceremonies were elabo-
rate public events conducted by priests of the state religion and by
the heads of the government. There exist several recorded descrip-
tions of this type ceremony as practiced by the Inca nation. Another
class of rites was the private ceremonies practiced by individual In-
dians and by small groups or families.
There is some evidence to show that the Chimu had considerable
ceremony but no descriptions of such were ever recorded.2 The
Aymara-speaking Indians, too, must have had much ceremony.3 Both
of these peoples were under subjugation to the Inca during the years
of the Inca Empire.
The Inca used various methods to force the adoption of their
type of agriculture. They took hostages to Cuzco to educate them

46
 Andean Ceremonies 47

in Inca ways. They transplanted Quechua-speaking Indians into new-

iy conquered areas to demonstrate Inca ways. Still they allowed

native dances and costumes to be used in conjunction with Inca state
ceremonies. Inca Indians went to the native tribes to introduce new
methods in agriculture.These practices produced a mixture and
helped to unify Highland culture especially with respect to agricul-
ture. It is believed that today these rites still persist with local
variations although there has been a profound change wrought in
common over the whole area. This profound change is the result
of Spanish-Catholic contact.
Spanish missionary priests were often quite tolerant of Indian
custom but their objective was to lead pagans from their false be-
liefs. At first they tried to extirpate the whole of Inca religion
as
the work of the Devil. Later they began to tolerate some of the
Indian ways as mere superstition practiced by an unenlightened
people. Huacas (native shrines) could then be considered harm-
less if they were given no divine attributes and were not worshipped
as deities.4 They were fetishes.
A point that should be brought out here is that the ceremonial
calendar of the Catholic church was introduced to the Indians and
various means of inducing Indian acceptance of it were instituted.
Some Indians became truly Christian and adopted the Catholic ritu-
al knowing its meaning. Others resisted and continued to practice
ancient rites in secret.
Today we have as the common occurrence something which is
not entirely Inca nor is it entirely Catholic but a ritual which shows
some traits from each. It is true that some Inca traits were not
technologically inferior but were the best suited means for the con-
ditions of cultivation which the Indians faced. In those cases we
find simply a substitution of new tools and symbols for the old.
Long experience had convinced the Indians of the worth of some of
their methods.
There is still evidence of the ayllu in many parts of Peru des-
pite the changes from the Inca to the Colonial Periods and thence to
48 Ethnohistory

the Republican period.5 The ayllu was the basis of the Inca system
of cooperative labor and social organization. It was an endogamous

patrilocal unit with bilateral descent.6 Murdock calls it a patrilocal

deme.7
There are many means by which the conquered Indians were
able to disguise their true beliefs; for instance, Arriaga found them
worshipping their huacas in a manner parallel to the way the priests
taught them to worship Jesus Christ:

and I know that by the same token that they have placed a rich
shawl on the image of Our Lady, that they have also placed a
small shirt on the Huaca, because they feel that they can wor-
ship their Huacas and have for God, the Father and the Son
and the Holy Spirit, and worship Jesus Christ. They are able
to offer what they wish to the Huacas, and to practice their
fiestas and to go to church and hear mass and confess, and
even to commune.8

Also in the Central Andes certain of the deities became easily

identified with Catholic deities so that there was no conflict as to
which were the most powerful. Both were the same by a different
name. Earth Mother was identified with Mother Mary,9 the Emper-
or with Jesus Christ, Lightning with Saint James,'1 and Pachacamac
with God.
There are three probable sources for the basis of ceremonies
present in modern Peru. These are Inca ritual, Roman Catholic
ritual, and Spanish popular ceremony. The possibility that Inca
ritual survived the fall of the Inca Empire has long been assumed
as a part truth. Some authors have even maintained that certain
ceremonies have remained almost unaltered. An examination of
existent ceremonies and rites should validate or disprove this hypo-
thesis.
A second possibility is that Roman Catholic ritual forms the
basis of present agricultural ceremonies and that Indian elements
have been substituted for parts of it and added to it. There are
those who hold this view but none have defended it with satisfying
evidence.
Andean Ceremonies 49

It is also possible that Spanish popular ceremony may be the

source. If this is the case, then it will be necessary to show how
many Indian traits have been substituted into Spanish ceremonies
as they were accepted. The principal obstacle in this respect is
the fact that little knowledge of 16th-17th century Spanish culture
has been available in this country.11
A fourthpossibility might come to the mind of those familiar
with the history of the Colonial Period of the area in question.
One might suppose that during the Colonial Period in Peruvian
history much of the ceremonial life of the Indian was completely
disorganized. As the Indians returned to their homes after ser-
vice in the mines or established themselves in new locations after

escaping the rigorous labors of the encomienda system, new cere-

monies were put together with little or confused meaning by taking
bits of ceremony from each of the three sources mentioned above.
If this has been the case, ceremonies today should be composites
of rites drawn from Inca, Catholic, and Spanish popular ceremonies.
The answer to this problem may never be definite for accurate
information concerning the process of change from Inca ritual to
modern ceremony is lacking. However, it is possible to show which
elements are present today and with those sources that are avail-
able to indicate the possible origin of the ceremonies. If none of
the above hypotheses prove true, a new conclusion will be formu-
lated which fits the facts.
study has been arranged
This to illustrate and compare the
ceremonies and rites which the Inca observed in connection with
agriculture during the period between 1530 and 1550 with those prac-
ticed by Indians of the Central Andes since 1900. Any changes will
then have occurred during the intervening 400 years. In an effort
to further order the research, the ceremonies were grouped to cor-
respond to the four major seasons of agricultural endeavor: 1) land
distribution; 2) plowing and planting; 3) growing season; 4) har-
vest.
An analysis of land distribution shows similarities between the
 50 Ethnohistory

systems of the Inca and those of the present day Indians which sug-
gest historical connection. The public ceremony held by modern
Indians for boundary marking is in itself evidence of such relation-
ship. The Inca custom of calling out the name of each land owner
and of designating his land limits
is paralleled in the contemporary
pattern. Thirdly, adoration or esteem demonstrated by the kissing
of clods of earth which mark the boundary12 is certainly a survival
of the Inca veneration of the sacred sawya13 (Inca stone boundary
markers).
Furthermore, municipal and saint's lands which are used to
support the local and to provide
government food for saint's day
feasts,14 even in irregular occurrence, are clearly carryovers
from land assignments which were once made for the support of
the sun cult and the ruling heirarchy and its functions.15 In part
their survival is due to early Spanish recognition of the public as-
pect of these lands and their being placed by the Spanish at the dis-
posal of the Christian church and the community government.16
Municipal and saint's lands do not now occur everywhere, but this
can be explained by their seizure during the Colonial days by en-
comenderosl7 and, in later times, by landless Indians.'8 Their ab-
sence today can, in some be explained
instances, by their aborig-
inal absence in certain Inca communities. The Inca Emperor
ruled that the first division of land should go to the people and that
what was left should go to meet the state needs. It happened, there-
fore, that wherethe population was dense or the soil sterile, all
the land was assigned to individual cultivation.19
The most notable difference the present
day land sys-
between
tem and that of the Inca is the rule of private property which has
in many places supplanted community property. Bolivia and Peru
abolished communal land ownership by the allyu in 1825.20 The law
has not everywhere been observed. In those few places where com-
munal land still exists, land assignments vary from year to year
according to the size of a man's family.21 This was the Inca cus-
tom by which the head of the house was allotted one section of land
for each adult and each male child and half a section for each female
Andean Ceremonies 51

child living with him.22 Today the same land normally is assigned
to its owner each
year. Keeping the same land, plus the fact that
the assignments are made by the governor or other official, helps
enforce the rule of private ownership and gives a new meaning to
redistribution. Redistribution for the Inca meant assignment of
communal property; for the governing officials today, it means
sanctioning private property.
In the plowing and planting season, there are two types of
ceremony: one has to do with the method of plowing and the other
with the adoration of earth mother. The plowing method seems to
have changed little in the Central Andes since the Inca technique
became widespread.23 The ground is yet spaded with the taklla (a
specialized digging stick). Singing accompanies the work and the
beat of the music guides the tempo of the digging.24 Oftenthe sing-
ing, now, is a function of the children25 but in other places, as in
Kauri (a Quechua village east of Cuzco), it is still the entire group
which engages in this part of the ceremony.26 The Indians work in
groups exchanging their services on each other's field and all help-
ing on the saint's lands.27 They work in rows going backwards as
they spade and are followed by their wives who break up the lumps
of dirt.28 Apparently, this is the most economical and enjoyable
system available for tilling the steep mountain sides and terraced
valleys on which these Indians live. The system has survived the
effects of acculturation because no useful substitute method was
made available. Oxen were adopted in some of the mountain val-
leys but they were not always practical on steep hillsides or on
small land holdings where feed was scarce. Tractors were even
less suitable but even with them the burning of dung for smoke, the
offering of chicha to earth mother, and the singing of children con-
tinue 29
The survival of the other
type of planting ceremony which in-
volves the idea of earth mother is quite evident. The Inca had
many fetishes representing her spirit: special ears of corn and
potatoes, corn stalks, household images, sculptured stones, and
52 Ethnohi story

field stones.30 They made offerings to her: lack of gold and silver
has led to the disappearance of some of the more dramatic offer-
ings, but stone and wood carvings still are common.31 Earth mother
guards the fields and owns the spirits of the plants. Without her
good will, it is still believed, the soil would not yield.
Why has earth mother survived while the sun cult has dimin-
ished to little or nothing? Principally, the sun cult died because
the Church directed its efforts against the Inca priesthood and
against the public worship of what it termed false gods.32 Earth
mother had no organized priesthood and the worship of her was
primarily of a private nature-that is, it was carried on by indi-
viduals and families, not by the community collectively. Each
family had its own image and its own fetishes and honored only
those of its own household.33 Those of its neighbors were ignored.
In addition, a female spirit in connection with soil fertility is
worldwide in distribution and very likely was known to the Spanish
before they came to Peru; hence, they did not intensely oppose
rites directed to her guardianship. As a consequence of this,
earth mother was not declared a false goddess but was called a
non-divine spirit which was recognized by the agriculturalists in
certain superstitious but not heretical rites. Little attempt was
made to remove the earth mother belief. The priests even per-
mitted the placing of stones and other earth mother fetishes at
the feet of the Virgin.34 Such action fostered a transference of
affection but did not eliminate the belief in a mother spirit which
gave the Indian his produce.
However, the idea of earth mother although nearly universal
among agricultural peoples probably was not brought to America
by the Spanish. The presence of that idea among the Spanish did
help to prevent the extinction of earth mother rites but did not
add to them. In the Central Andes, earth mother is associated
primarily with indigenous foods and not with plants of European
introduction. There has been no report of any images of barley
mother or of rice or oats mother, but corn mother, potato mother,
and oca mother are present.35
Andean Ceremonies 53

Ceremonial homage was paid to earth mother by offering her

chicha. It readily soaked into the ground and visibly was accepted
by her. Stones were a part of the earth, and, carved in the shape
of the produce, they drew earth mother's attention to the aid ex-
pected. Modern Indians,
following the Inca example, are liberal
in their offerings both of chicha and models of produce.36
The Fiesta of Earth Mother at Pentacost37 and the Fiesta de
la Virgin del Carmen38 beginning July 16 show some relationship
to the Inca Situa ceremony (chief ceremony of the tenth month) in
which the town was cleared of sickness and "ill winds" by the
carrying of smoking torches through the street, the throwing of
them into the river to be carried away, and the smearing of sancu
(unleavened cakes of cornmeal and blood) on the door lintels.39
Especially is it similar to the Situa Particular which was per-
formed for the purification of private homes. As in the modern
ceremony, smoke was used to clear the house and property of
evil influences. The absorbent qualities of smoke are also used
at plowing and planting to remove evil from the fields. The Ccoime
ceremony as practiced in the recent period includes the burning of
coca, mentha, and llama fat in a fixed manner to banish harmful
influences from
the vicinity.40
The Alasita festival41 of the Aymara may be a specialization
of the Inca custom of burying certain articles in the corner of the
pasture or of a planted field as an offering to earth mother.42 It
may be that the small rock enclosures over those offerings have
become miniature houses in which offerings are placed. The mock
market of the offerings may have developed as a means of demon-
strating the high value each
offering has to the individual. The
more "potsherds" the offerings bring at the market, the more they
are valued as an offering to earth mother. On the other hand, this
may be the result of Aymara development independent of Inca in-
fluence. Ir seems quite unlikely that it could be due to any direct
European influence.
The use of the almanac is entirely European and perhaps the
whole belief in the efficacy of moon phases also stems from Spain.4 3
54 Ethnohistory

There is no mention of a special ceremony for the moon.44 It was

considered subservient to the sun and any action it took was made
as an inducement to bring the sun's blessings.45 The Inca chose a
woman to remain at a temple on the island of Coata in Lake Titi-
caca. She represented the moon and served a figure of the sun.
The affection she showed the image
toward would induce the sun
to make every day clear and pleasant so that his rays would stimu-
latethe crops until the time came for rain.46 Further investiga-
tion will perhaps indicate a much stronger influence in Peru of

Spanish beliefs concerning the moon than has so far been stated.47
Occult qualities were attributed to certain field stones along
coastal Peru in the area of Chimu culture.48 Whether or not they
adored them in boundary marking ceremonies or considered them
as earth mother guardians is not known.
The Chimu did have a ceremony in connection with the Ple-
iades and they timed their planting each year with the first appear-
ance of that constellation.4" The presence of a ceremony to Ple-
iades in Lima may indicate either Inca influence from the south
or Chimu influence from the north.50 likely much of Chimu
Very
ceremonialism in connection with agriculture was similar to that
described for the Inca.
The growing season held for the Inca a host of hazards. To
combat these there developed a whole series of beliefs with attend-
ant ritesfor the protection of the crops. One of the beliefs which
may have its origin at least in part in Inca culture is that of witch-
craft. Witchcraft is used today to bring 'ill winds", to cast blights,
and otherwise to destroy the crops of one's enemies.51 Little has
been written about the Inca use of witchcraft: this is a result, ac-
cording to John Rowe,SZ of the fear early Spanish writers had
of discussing practices similar to those in their own country. They
were conscious of their reading public as are modern authors.
The enemies of the farmers during the growing season are the
same today as in Inca times.53 Besides witchcraft, there are ani-
mals, birds, insects, blights, and, of course, weather. Birds and
animals are frightened away by almost the identical means the Inca
Andean Ceremonies 55

used: children, dogs, fox disguises, rattles, and colored tassels

on a long staff, sling shots, and drums. Even the shelters for the

guards are built now as they were then.

The excommunication of insectsis practiced
which now can
be considered of European origin. As early as the 14th century,
an ecclesiastic trial was held in Spain in which insects were
banned from certain fields and in 1532 rats were excommunicated
from Liebana,
Spain.5
The major hazard to crops was the weather. Much of the
ceremonial activity of the Indian after the planting was intended
for weather control. The two principal Inca ceremonies performed
at this time of the year were the Cuzqui Raymi55 and the Itu.56
Neither of these has survived in its entirety. The most evident
survivals from the Cuzqui Raymi are the sprinkling of chicha as
an offering to the mountain spirits, to control
who were thought
weather phenomena,57 and the building of large fires on the hill
tops as a weapon in warding off frost.58 From the Itu ceremony
there remains the strong notion of battle between human beings
and the weather phenomena or the mountain spirits. In frost fight-

ing, for instance, it is believed that the spirit may become so en-

raged at the Indian's resistance that it will destroy the whole crop.59
Other similarities between the Inca and modern Central An-
dean ritual for the prevention of drouth and other destructive weath-
er include the offering of prayers and sea shells at springs, the ef-
fect of smoke on weather, the irritation of unsatisfied mountain
spirits, the appeasement value of blood from between the eyes, and
the value of captured frogs in directing the attention of rain dieties.
The most evident part of the rain ceremony, probably, is the
similarity of exposing frogs and wasps to the Inca practice of tying
llamas and dogs in the sun without water. The frog symbol was re-
lated to rain-making rites both by the Inca and the Chimu as evi-
denced by pottery images of frogs with various plants and
and stone
rain symbols painted on them.60 The frog song sung by the Chi-
chuito Aymara today61 may have its roots in an Inca or pre-Conquest
Aymara song which may have been used in connection with some rite
56 Ethnohistory

involving such modeled

figures.
of the frogs or of the llamas
The noise was calculated to
bring rain.62 In contrast to this is the use of loud noises to fright-
en away comets, snow, and storm clouds containing lightning and
hail which might destroy the crops. These are used today63as
they were in Inca times.6
There are several elements in weather control which are
Catholic in origin. These include the burning of incense and the
throwing of holy water;65 the saying of Mass,66 the procession of
the image of the Virgin of Mercy in Callao,67 the procession of
Kauri children carrying candles and reciting prayers to the Lord.68
Three beliefs or customs appear to be neither Inca nor
which
Spanish introductions are the effect of an unburied corpse, human
sacrifice to the river, and the sprinkling on the fields of water
taken from sacred pools. One belief is that the lack of rain is
due to the fact that a corpse is exposed on the land somewhere
and the dead man's spirit is holding back the rain until the body
is properly reburied.69 Likewise, overabundant rain may be stopped
by opening an ancestral grave.70 Also huaca skulls (human crania
dug out of any ancient mound) are used as field guardians.
Archaeological evidence indicates that ancestor worship prob-
ably existed among the Inca.n Principal evidence for this assump-
tion is the large amount of grave goods with Inca burials. Support
is given this view by historical documents which reveal that the
preserved bodies of the former Inca rulers were carried to the
public square during all the principal state ceremonies.7 It may
be that the Inca thought that their ancestors would remain
nearby
after death in the form of ghosts but that they would not interfere
with human life unless their bones or their mummy bundles were
neglected or purposely exposed. This at least seems plausible in
view of present-day disinterments and huaca skulls.
Human sacrifice was not extensively practiced anywhere in
the Central Andes. Garcilaso73 expressly denies its existence
among the Quechua. Most later authorities, however, agree that
it probably did occur among the Inca occasionally, but it had
Andean Ceremonies 57

considerably decreased in practice by the time of Spanish contact.?4

It is well known that the Chibcha in the North Andes practiced con-
siderable human sacrifice before their submission to the Spanish
in 1541.75 Only a few occurrences of human sacrifice to the river
are recorded for the recent period.76
It might be implied that the sprinkling of water glacial from
pools and sacred
springs was practiced by the Inca. They did
sprinkle chicha in the Itu procession; they made large offerings
of chicha during the Cuzqui Raymi ceremony, and they set jars of
chicha before the sacred white llama for it to spill on the earth.
They also had some ceremonies in connection with irrigation
ditches77 which might provide the origin of the modern ceremony.78
The change from the chicha to water sprinkling is quite likely due
in some manner to Church influence. Certain pools seem to have
become sources of 'Indian" holy water.
Harvest ceremonies, quite naturally, attract more attention
than any other ceremonies attendant with agricultural endeavors.
The present day harvest ceremonies are on the whole more elab-
orate than those of other seasons.
Then, too, during Inca times,
it was the great sun festival which took place just after the har-
vest season according to the chroniclers of the 16th and 17th cen-
turies.79
A list of observances and items
present in the Intip Raymi
ceremony (festival to the sun at the June solstice) of the Inca
includes little that is not present to some degree in some com-
munity today at the harvest ceremony. On the other hand, there
is no ceremony which in totality is equivalent to either the Intip
Raymi or the Aymoray (festival of the corn harvest in May).80
Most of these same ceremonies of today nevertheless do contain
a few of the elements which are described by early Spanish chron-
iclers as being part of the Inca harvest ritual: first, there is the
announcement by the headman or the chieftain of the coming cere-
mony which parallels the Inca Emperor's invitation sent out to
his provincial chiefs. Then there is the costuming. Feathers,
masks, silver ornaments, and skins of animals, which were present
58 Ethnohi story

in the Inca Intip Raymi, are worn today. Perhaps the dressing of
one man as an Inca chieftainm relates to the earlier presence of
the Inca Emperor in the ceremony. Furthermore, fasting today
is similar to the Inca ten-day fast in which only certain items were
taboo.
In the active part of the ceremony today at harvest time, the
cross is decorated and taken to the church for Mass.z The cross
itself, of course,
was brought to the New World by the Europeans.
Even the adoration of the cross in a special ceremony, La Fiesta
de las Cruces, is European. There the similarity stops or be-
comes vague.
The carrying of the cross to the church appears to be a sub-
stitution which replaces the Inca practice of taking figured gifts
and fetishes to the temple as offerings to the sun. The Emperor
himself led the procession and at the temple he offered the golden
goblet with which he had toasted the sun.
The gifts of the common
people were personal huacas which they had brought from their
homes and which might correspond to the decoration today placed
on the cross and in its chapel. The fact that the ceremony is
called La Fiesta de las Cruces instead of La Fiesta de la Cruz is
evidence of its substitution for a plurality of huacas. Too, the
cross which is used in this
ceremony today resides normally on
a hill top or on an ancient mound both of which were huacas to the
Inca. Who can say whether the Indian worships the cross he carries
or the huaca on which it stands? Perhaps he has confused the two
so that either one means the other to him. Perhaps both represent
to him the abiding place of the mountain spirits. 8 declared
Arriaga
that the Indians in his day considered any part of a huaca or the
spot where it stood as efficacious as the whole. The presence of
the cross, then, does not make the modern harvest ceremony a Cath-
olic ceremony introduced by the Spanish; it represents an intrusive
fetish in a native type of ritual. Most likely individual differences
play a largepart in determining how the Indian views
that fetish.
Toasting, which today is a part of the drinking ritual at every
festival, was part of a formal ceremony to the Inca. To refuse to
Andean Ceremonies 59

partake is an insult to the host; to be asked to participate is an

acknowledgement of status.
The elaborate sacrifices of the Inca have diminished with the
loss of state and cult herds. In the Coqela harvest ceremonyM
there remains an artificial sacrifice wherein a man disguised as
a llama is ceremonially killed but later revived. Divination is no

longer accompanied by the inspection of the heart and lungs of

slain llamas, but occasionally smaller animals such as sheep and

guinea pigs are used. Other than this, less costly methods are
employed such as reading signs in the ice, tossing coca leaves,
or counting the potatoes clinging to an uprooted vine.
Dancing around the yunsa tree, 8although widespread, is prob-
ably not an Inca ceremony but Spanish. It seems to be related to
familiar May pole dances.86 The vicuia dance87 inside a human
fence is reminiscent of the large communal hunt of the Inca in
which hundreds of Indians formed an ever-tightening wall around
the wild animals of a district. After a sufficient number of the
animals had been killed, the rest were allowed to escape.8
Masked clowns, who took part in the Coqela ceremony and
the yunsa dance, were likewise a part of Inca ceremony. Corn
shocks are sometimes used as dancing partners now but no field
report is definite on this. Cieza de Leon89 only mentions it for
the Inca.
Feasting generally plays a part in any harvest ceremony and
neither the Inca nor the present Andean Indians forego indulgence
in sumptuous repast. The indigenous drink, chicha, is still the
favorite beverage. The estimate has been made that nearly half
the corn consumed in the Andes goes into this corn brew.90
The
native domesticated guinea pig remains a delicacy at harvest
banquets. However, chickens of European origin are also a favor-
ite feast dish. Llamas are killed less often than they were by the
Inca who ate the meat of most sacrificed animals. The Inca made
an unleavened cake of corn meal and blood, called sancu. The
Indians today still use little unleavened cakes without blood as
decorations for their costumes. It is reported that blood from
60 Ethnohistory

sacrificed sheep is sprinkled over the food by Indians in Western

Bolivia.91
In addition to the similarity of the individual parts of cere-
monies, the very duration of the harvest celebration is an indica-
tion of Inca origin. The harvest ceremony today continues for a
month or more. The day the crosses are blessed is one of the
high days but it marks only the beginning of the harvest celebra-
tion. Among the Inca, the Ayrihua lasted all of May with the
ceremonial harvesting of the Sausero field initiating the festivities
early in May. The rest of the month was spent in bringing the
harvest from the fields and in dancing during free hours. The
first nine days of June were days of the most active celebration
of Intip Raymi but it continued until the winter solstice, June 21.
The presence during the harvest ceremony of an individual
representing an Inca chieftain presents a complex problem. In
Huaras where this individual is connected with a discourse on
the greatness of Manco Capac9zthe rite may stem from the myth
which says Manco gave the Indians the example of how to work.
The Inca Emperor always turned the first spadeful of earth at the
Sausero gardens to fulfill this
myth.
Garcilasso93 indicated that the Inca had developed a theater
in which they enacted two types of plays. One of these had to do
with the daily life and the other with the myths of the Inca. The
actors in the first were always picked so that their dramatic roles
paralleled the roles
they played in the society. The actors in the
second type play were always persons of royal blood. Modern
drama in connection with harvest is undoubtedly partly the result
of this early theater and it no doubt reflects some of the motifs
used in it.
Another factor which should not be overlooked is the influence
of the church. Many of these dramas, whomever the principal
characters represent, Atahuallpa and Huascar or the Huancas and
the Incas, portray two forces
in opposition. These opposing ele-
ments can be interpreted as the forces of Good and Evil. A por-

trayal of the battle of Good and Evil goes far back into European
Andean Ceremonies 61

history. Even recently in Spanish villages such a battle is waged

ceremonially between the Moors and the Christians9 and also be-
tween a bull and the younger male population.9 Spanish priests
used such drama to teach Church doctrine to the Pueblo Indians
in the southwestern United States.96 The dance of the Moors oc-
curred in early Guatemalan plays.97 It is quite likely that Spanish
priests were responsible for organizing a drama of battle between
Inca heroes to teach Central Andean
Indians the opposability of
Good and Evil as it has been
taught to the Spanish themselves in
Spain. The Indians had seen enough intra-Indian and intra-Spanish
wars that the drama did not receive an interpretation of Spanish-
Indian conflict. It remains a portrayal of the supremacy of Good.
The harvest itself is still much the same as it was for the
Inca. The stalks are cut and pulled up and brought to the house
for husking. It is claimed that the reason the corn was not picked
in the field is that the fodder was used for llama feed during the
dry season.
The pirhuas,98 which were built during the latter half of May,
were constructed of the same materials as they are today. Instead
of burning crude tallow from the llama, candles are set before the
storage bin as though it were an altar. There is absolutely no dif-
ference in the body of this ceremony as it is practiced today and
as it was observed by the Inca.
Today there is no distinction between the Aymoray and Intip
Raymi ceremonies. There are the Fiesta de las Cruces, the
Coqela ceremony, the Aymara potato ceremonies, other simple
harvest ceremonies, and the pirhua ceremony. Together they
contain most of the elements of both of the Inca ceremonies.
Singly they contain only limited similarities and are often clothed
in Catholic guise. Item for item there is concordance between
the two periods of time: the announcement of the ceremony by an
official, the costuming, a ten day fast, the procession to the temple
carrying fetishes, toasting, the sacrifice of llamas which is now
reduced to small animals or artificial sacrifice,99 divination but
by less costly methods now, clowning by masked dancers, corn
62 Ethnohistory

shock dancing partners, feasting, large chicha consumption, blood

in or on the food, a month long ceremony, the building of pirhuas,
the three-night vigil over them, the magician who is called in to
give a verdict as to whether the corn will keep, and the burning of
the pirhua if it appears unfavorable to the magician.
In conclusion it can be said that the ceremonies of the Inca
have not survived intact but that the constituent parts of the many
different ceremonies in evidence today among the Quechua and
Aymara Indians of the Central Andes are survivals derived from
Inca rites. The attention shown earth is probably
mother the
strongest item of survival from the Inca agricultural ritual. The
adoration shown her has not only survived but increased in impor-
tance with the diminution of the sun cult. The very fact that a be-
lief in earth mother is widespread over the earth perhaps has con-
tributed to this survival. The fact that rites to earth mother were
private in nature also aided in the continuance of a belief in her
power. Offerings are made to her at every agricultural season
and fetishes containing power imbued by her are everywhere in
evidence.
The mountain spirits, too, have survived as the controllers of
weather phenomena. Unlike earth mother, these spirits are feared
and are engaged in battle by means of bonfires and noise and by
pleas to higher dieties. The official state ceremonies of the Inca
have in every instance been eradicated; whereas the private rites
conducted by the individual farmer have for the most part sur-
vived. These private rites mostly are in connection with the earth
mother and the mountain spirits. There has been some substitution
of Catholic symbols for those used by the Inca; otherwise, Spanish
additions to the agricultural ritual are not great. Generally, the
rites have maintained their connection with the agricultural season
in which they were first practiced but because the time of year and
the agricultural season do not correspond throughout the area, this
is not always apparent.
The hypothesis that Inca ritual survived the fall of the Inca
Empire cannot be authenticated. The hypothesis that Roman Catholic
 Andean Ceremonies 63

ritual forms the basis of present agricultural ceremonies does not

fit the facts. Likewise, there is no evidence to show the transfer
to the Central Andean Highlands of much Spanish popular ceremony.
What the evidence presented does show is that there has been a
strong survival of rites practiced by the Inca which are still assoc-
iated with the same agricultural season but not with the same cere-
mony, the pirhua ceremony excepted. In summation, it is the rites
or the acts within the ceremonies of today which indicate the Inca

heritage of modern Indians in the Central Andes of Peru and Bolivia.

The many similarities of these rites make it seem probable that a
great number, if not a majority of the Indians today are observing
Inca rites and worshipping Inca dieties even in such superficially
Catholic ceremonies as La Fiesta de las Cruces.

Notes

*This paper summarizes a master's thesis, Agricultural

Ceremonies of the Central Andes, accepted by the University of
Missouri, 1953. The paper is based in part on field work done
in Peru in 1949.

1. Bennett and Bird, Andean Culture History, p. 95.

2. Rowe, Chimor, pp. 26-59.
3. LaBarre, Aymara, pp. 165-202.
4. PeTa, Itinerario, pp. 232-240, cited by Kubler, Quechua in
Colonial World, pp. 401-402.

5. Kubler, ibid., pp. 340, 364; Tschopik, Aymara, p. 539.

6. Garcilaso, Comentarios, vol. 1, pp. 94-98.
7. Murdock, Social Structure, pp. 64, 229.
8. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 79.
9. Schwab, La fiesta, p. 385.
10. Valcarcel, Andean Calendar, p. 475.
11. Foster, personal correspondence, Dec. 17, 1951.
12. Mishkin, Contemporary Quechua, p. 421-422; LaBarre, ibid.,
p. 156.
64 Ethnohistory

13. Poma, Nueva coronica, pp. 353-354; Rowe, Inca Culture,

p. 211.

14. Mishkin, ibid., p. 422; Tschopik, ibid., pp. 539-540.

15. Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, p. 227; Baudin, El imperio social-
ista, p. 171.
16. Baudin, ibid., p. 186.
17. Kubler, ibid., pp. 346, 368.

18. Mishkin, ibid., p. 422.

19. Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, p. 226; Baudin, ibid., p. 162.

20. Barra, El indio peruano, p. 151; Baudin, ibid., pp. 190-191.

21. LaBarre, ibid., p. 156; Mishkin, ibid., pp. 421-422.
22. Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, pp. 229-230.

23. Mishkin, ibid., p. 420; Tschopik, ibid., p. 517.

24. Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p. 191; Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, pp.
228-229.
25. Arriaga, ibid., p. 20; Paredes, Mitos, pp. 103-104.
26. Mishkin, ibid., p. 418.
27. Gillin, Moche, p. 18; Mishkin, ibid., pp. 418-419; Tschopik,
ibid., p. 539.

28. Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, pp. 228-229; Mishkin, ibid., p. 418;

Moomaw, Agriculture, pp. 181-182.
29. LaBarre, ibid., p. 184; Paredes, ibid., p. 103.
30. Acosta, Naturall and Morall History, p. 309; Arriaga, ibid.,
pp. 26-28; Cieza, First Part of the Chronicle of Peru, p. 289; Cobo,
ibid., vol. 4, pp. 109-110; Garcilaso, ibid., vol. 1, p. 31.

31. Tschopik, ibid., p. 562; Valcarcel, Indian Markets, p. 482.

32. Arriaga, ibid., pp. 66-73.
33. Bennett and Bird, ibid., p. 237; Paredes, ibid., p. 45;
Tschopik, ibid., p. 560.

34. Paredes, ibid., pp. 3, 18-19.

35. Moomaw, ibid., p. 221; Paredes, ibid., p. 114; Tschopik, ibid.,
p. 518.
Andean Ceremonies 65

36. Bennett and Bird, ibid., p. 66; Arriaga, ibid., p. 20; Paredes,
ibid., pp. 103-104; Tschopik, ibid., p. 562; Valcarcel, ibid., p. 482.
37. Parades, ibid., pp. 39-40.
38. Valcarcel, Andean Calendar, p. 474.
39. Acosta, ibid., p. 376; Cobo, ibid., vol. 4, pp. 113-118; Gar-
cilaso, ibid., vol. 2, pp. 98-101; Molina, Fables and Rites, pp. 20-34.

40. Mishkin, ibid., p. 425.

41. Tschopik, ibid., pp. 567-568.
42. Bennett and Bird, ibid., p. 237; Rowe, Chimor, p. 297.
43. Mishkin, Contemporary Quechua, p. 425; Moomaw, Agricul-
ture, p. 189; Paredes, Mitos, pp. 101-102; Tschopik, Aymara, p. 518;
Villager, Moyobamba, 1948.
44. Molina, Fables and Rites, p. 32; Poma, Nueva coronica, p.
253.

45. The Chimu at Pacasmayo believed the moon to be more

powerful than the sun because it appeared by night and by day.
Rowe, Chimor, p. 50.
46. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 36; Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p. 63.
47. Casas Gaspar describes several Spanish rites in connection
with the moon. Wheat, it is believed, should be planted in the first
quarter; the moon of San Francisco is especially propitious, but
All Saint's Day is bad for planting. Casas Gaspar, Ritos agrarios,
p. 28.
48. Rowe, Chimor, p. 51, citing Calancha, Coronica.
49. Rowe, Chimor, p. 50.
50. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 76; Kubler, Quechua in Colonial
World, p. 399 citing Relaciones, vol. 1, pp. 205-206.
51. Gillin, Moche, p. 27; Paredes, La extirpacion, p. 96;
52. Rowe, Inca Culture, p. 314.
53. Moomaw, Agriculture, p. 188; Poma, Nueva coronica, pp.
859, 1159; Rowe, Inca Culture, pp. 188, 212; Tschopik, Aymara, p.
517. Another protective device was the planting of quinoa
Chenopodium quinoa around the corn field. Garcilaso, Comen-
tarios, vol. 1, p. 227. The bitter taste of the grain served a prac-
tical purpose in keeping away wild animals. Quinoa is high in
66 Ethnohistory

protein content and is edible if carefully washed before cooking.

54. Casas Gaspar, Ritos agrarios, pp. 72-73, citing Fernandez,
Recuerdos.
55. Garcilaso, Comentarios, vol. 2, p. 97.
56. The best descriptions of the Itu ceremony are in Acosta,
Naturall and Morall History, p. 376; Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p.
120.
57. Tschopik, Aymara, p. 576.
58. Bowman, South America, p. 167; Mishkin, Contemporary
Quechua, p. 425; Paredes, La extirpacion, p. 107.
59. Mishkin, Contemporary Quechua, p. 425.
60. Larco, A Cultural Sequence, p. 172; Paredes, La extirpacion,
p. 67; Wasserman, Ceramicas, pp. 124-126.
61. La Barre, Aymara Indians, p. 182.
62. Acosta, Naturall and Morall History, p. 376; Cobo, Historia,
vol. 4, pp. 118-119.
63. Dale, Anthropology, pp. 125-127; Mishkin, Contemporary
Quechua, p. 425; Moomaw, Agriculture, p. 190; Paredes, La ex-
tirpacion, p. 107; Tschopik, Aymara, p. 518.
64. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 65; Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p.
150.
65. Dale, Anthropology, pp. 125-127; Mishkin, Contemporary
Quechua, p. 425; Moomaw, Agriculture, p. 190; Tschopik, Aymara,
p. 518.
66. Paredes, La extirpacion, p. 107.
67. La Virgen de Las Mercedes (El Callao [newspaper] Callao,
Peru, September 23, 1948.
68. Paredes, La extirpacion, pp. 105-107; Mishkin, Contemporary
Quechua, p. 425.
69. Dale, Anthropology, p. 127; LaBarre, Aymara Indians, pp.
183, 175 fn. 248.
70. Dale, ibid., p. 127; LaBarre, ibid., p. 183. It is reported
that in Caballas, Spain, miracle bones are placed in the village
spring to bring rain. When they are removed the rain stops.
Casas Gaspar, Ritos agrarios, p. 53.
Andean Ceremonies 67

71. Bennett, Andean Highlands, p. 109; Rowe, Inca Culture, p.

146.

72. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 61; Cieza, Segunda parte, p. 96.

73. Garcilaso, Comentarios, vol. 1, pp. 82-83.
74. Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p. 78; Means, Ancient Civilizations,
pp. 432-433; Rowe, Inca Culture, p. 306.
75. Kroeber, Chibcha, p. 906.
76. Paredes, La extirpacion, pp. 108; Rowe, Inca Culture, p.
306.

77. Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, p. 77.

78. Paredes, La extirpacion, pp. 105-107; Mishkin, Contempor-
ary Quechua, p. 425.
79. Garcilaso gives the best description of the Intip Raymi,
vol. 2, pp. 46-57. Other descriptions are found in Acosta, Natur-
all and Morall History, pp. 374-375; Arriaga, La extirpacion, pp.
43, 49-55; Avila, Origen y costumbres, pp. 343-347; Cieza,
Segunda parte, pp. 94-96; Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, pp. 36, 110-112,
191; Molina, Fables and Rites, pp. 16-18; Polo, Rites and Laws, p.
168; Poma, Nueva coronica, pp. 287, 293.

80. The Aymoray ceremony is described at least in part in the

following sources: Acosta, ibid., p. 364; Arriaga, ibid., p. 28;
Cobo, ibid., vol. 4, pp. 108-110; Garcilaso, Comentarios, vol. 2,
p. 233; Rowe, Inca Culture, p. 297, citing Gonzales, Vocabvlario;
Molina, ibid., pp. 52-53; Polo, ibid., p. 168; Poma, ibid., pp. 283,
1143.

81. Aguirre, private communication, letter dated October 19,

1946; Bandelier, Islands, p. 115.
82. Schwab, La fiesta, pp. 368-379; Villager, Santa, Peru, 1949.

83. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 98.

84. Tschopik, Aymara, p. 567.
85. Schwab, La fiesta, pp. 368-370; Valcarcel, Andean Calendar,
p. 474.

86. See Casas Gaspar, Ritos agrarios, pp. 246-248 for a des-
cription of Spanish May poles; see Sahagun, Historia general, vol.
1, pp. 169-174 for a description of an Aztec ceremony in which a
tree was erected.
68 Ethnohi story

87. Tschopik, Aymara, p. 567.

88. Cobo, Historia, vol. 4, pp. 225-226; Garcilaso, Comentarios,
vol. 2, pp. 19-21.

89. Arriaga, La extirpacion, p. 28; Cieza, Segunda parte, p. 197.

90. This exaggerated figure is inaccurate but it does emphasize
the huge quantities of chicha which are prepared and consumed by
the Indians of Peru and Bolivia.

91. Paredes, La extirpacion, p. 110.

92. Aguirre, private communication, letter dated October 19,

1946.

93. Garcilaso, Comentarios, vol. 1, p. 121..

94. Gordon, Poor Folk, pp. 197-199.
95. Casas Gaspar, Ritos agrarios, pp. 235-236; Gordon, Poor
Folk, pp. 190-193.

96. Cole, Los pastores, pp. xi-xii, citing Motolinea, Historia,

Pimentel, Hiarocia critica, and Palacio, Mexico.

97. Johnson, Historia, p. 123, fn. 122

98. Moomaw, Agriculture, p. 221; Patedes, La extirpacion,

p. 114; Tschopik, Aymara, p. 518. The Mexicans likewise placed
certain ears of corn in their storage bins to act as guardians of
the stored grain and to serve as seed the following year. Sahagun,
Historia general, p. 132.
99. Redfield, Chan Kom, p. 135, reports that the Maya of Chan
Kom today sacrifice turkeys in a manner similar to the Aztec
sacrifice of human beings. This change from human to an animal
victim contradicts Torquemada's, Monarquia Indiana, pp. 94-101,
statement that human sacrifice evolved from animal sacrifice and
may also be used to help substantiate a parallel change from hu-
man to llama sacrifice and finally to sheep and guinea pigs in Peru.

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