Quaid-i-Azam

Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Life and Work

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust
 All rights reserved
Responsibility for the accuracy of facts
and for the opinions expressed rests
solely with the author.

Booklet: Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah
Life and Work
Under Supervision: Shahid Rasheed
Incharge Publications: Rafaqat Riaz
Published by: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust
Printer: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers
Designing: Shahzad Yasin
Composing: Hafiz Amir Nazir
First Edition: October, 2009
Copies: 1000
Price: Rs. 75

Published by

NAZARIA-I-PAKISTAN TRUST
Aiwan-i-Karkunan-i-Tehreek-i-Pakistan, Madar-i-Millat Park,
100-Shahrah-i-Quaid-i-Azam, Lahore. Ph.: 99201213-99201214 Fax: 99202930
Email: trust@nazariapak.info Web: www.nazariapak.info
Printed at: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers,
10-Multan Road, Lahore. Ph: 042-37466975
 Message from the Chairman

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust is a national academic-

cum-research institution for promoting and projecting
the ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by Quaid-i-
Azam MohammadAli Jinnah and Allama
MohammadIqbal. To fulfill this role, the Trust's
programmes aim at highlighting objectives for which
Pakistan was established, recalling sacrifices rendered
for achieving it, and creating awareness among people,
particularly young generations, about its ideological
basis and its glorious Islamic cultural heritage. The
Trust feels that its efforts can bear fruit if it succeeds in
equipping the youth with authentic knowledge about
the inspirational teachings and achievements of our
Founding Fathers, Quaid-i-Azam MohammadAli
Jinnah and Allama MohammadIqbal. With this aim in
view, the Trust carries out multi-faceted activities, one
of which is production of literature which not only
disseminates knowledge about the great Pakistan
Movement but also fills our hearts with feelings of
pride on our successful struggle for independence,
makes us conscious of our vast national and human
wealth, and unfolds our capabilities to face the future
with confidence.
It must be admitted that although, after
suffering huge losses of life and property, we ultimately
succeeded in achieving Pakistan under the epoch-
making leadership of Quaid-i-Azam MohammadAli
Jinnah, we could not make it an ideal Islamic State as
visualized by Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal. After
the death of the Father of the Nation, his unfaithful
successors deviated from his path and turned Pakistan
into a playfield of civil and military dictators. The
Quaid-i-Azam delivered us from the slavery of
Britishers and Hindus but we have now fallen into the
trap of another type of slavery. To free ourselves from
its clutches and all other types of overlordships, we
must seek guidance from the nation-building thoughts
and actions of Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal who
aspired to make Pakistan a truly modern Islamic
welfare democratic state.
As pointed out before, our main focus is on
younger generations who were in the forefront in the
struggle for Pakistan and who can even today play a
similar role in building up Pakistan into a modern
democratic and welfare Islamic State. The students'
favourite slogan during Pakistan Movement was
Pakistan ka matlab kiya: La Ilaha Illallah. Through
this slogan the Muslim youth saw a dream of regaining
our past glory and establishing our own free Muslim
State in our homelands.
The Quaid-i-Azam was fully conscious of the
mighty role which students played in the past and could
play in the future. Addressing a deputation of students
on 31 October 1947 he observed: “Pakistan is proud of
its youth, particularly the students who have always
been in the forefront in the hour of trial and need. You
are the nation-builders of tomorrow and you must fully
equip yourself with discipline, education, and training
for the arduous task lying ahead of you. You should
realize the magnitude of your responsibility and be
ready to bear it.”
The truth is that we have long neglected the
youth and our educational system does not inspire them
to give their best in the building up of Pakistan
economically, socially, politically and even
educationally. Inspiration comes through ideological
education, which in our case involves a study of two-
nation theory derived from Islamic Ideology which
motivated the great Pakistan Movement and on which
is raised the edifice of our nationhood. It is this
ideological education which the Trust seeks to impart to
the Pakistani youth through its publications, including
the present one. I hope, this literature will acquaint the
Pakistani youth about the separation of East Pakistan
and inspire them to rise above provincial, linguistic and
sectarian rivalries and make them apostles of national
unity and territorial integrity.
 Contents
g About the Book 9
g Birth 10
g Early education 10
g Departure for England 11
g Return to India 12
g Marriage 16
g His political career 17
g Attempt on his life 20
g Significant milestones 21
g Member of Central Legislative Council 22
g Clash with the Viceroy 23
g The Wakf Validating Bill 24
g Membership of Muslim League 25
g Protest against Lord Wellingdon 26
g The Jallianwala Bagh incident 28
g The Khilafat Movement 28
g Mohammad Ali Jinnah Quits the Congress30
g The Delhi Proposals 31
g Nehru Report 32
g Round Table Conference 33
g Withdrawal from Indian Politics 34
g Reorganization of the Muslim League 36
g Congress Ministries 37
g Hailed as the “Quaid-i-Azam 38
g The Decision to observe Deliverance Day 39
g The Pakistan Resolution 40
g Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal 42
g Cripps’ Mission 43
g Gandhi-Jinnah Talks 46
g Simla Conference 47
g Historic Elections 48
g The Cabinet Mission 50
g Direct Action 51
g The Decisive Years (1946-47) 53
g Quaid-i-Azam and Kashmir 54
g Pakistan Comes into Being 55
g Quaid-i-Azam: Life at a glance 58
g References 63
 9

About the Book

This booklet is an attempt to throw light on the life and
works of the founder of Pakistan Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad
Ali Jinnah. Its Urdu version appeared a few years back. It has
now been beautifully translated into English for the benefit of
those who are not familiar with the Urdu language.
This study covers almost every important detail
about the Quaid’s life starting from his early education
down to the period of his marriage and his visit to England
for higher studies.
In addition to above, all important milestones of his
political career have been elaborated in a candid style.
References such as his role in the Constituent Assembly,
joining the All-India Muslim League and differences with
the Hindu Congress, which cropped up at the passing of
the controversial Nehru Report of 1928 have also been
included. On this occasion he parted ways with the
Congress and thereto played hectic role in the
emancipation of the Muslims of the South Asian Sub-
Continent for whom he carved a separate homeland in
August 1947.
An effort has been made to cite all references wherever
felt necessary thereby making the present study an authentic
reading material for general readers especially the younger
generation.
***
 10

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Birth
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was born on
December 25, 1876 in an apartment of a three-storey
house, Wazir Mansion on Newnham Road, Karachi. His
father Jinnah Poonja was an enterprising businessman. His
parents decided to call him Mohammad Ali. When he was
about six years old, his father arranged to teach him at
home. The Holy Quran was also taught at home. When he
was nine, he was enrolled in Class 4 in a primary school in
Karachi. Mohammad Ali was fond of cricket and riding
from his very youth. His father had a number of fine
horses in his stable.

Early Education
In 1884 he was enrolled in the Madrassa-tul-Islam,
Karachi. It was around this time that he was also sent to
his maternal uncle, Qasim Musa, in Bombay where he
joined the Anjuman-e-Islam High School. After a stay of
about six months in Bombay, he was called back to
Karachi because his mother felt miserable without him.
He rejoined Sind Madrassa-tul-Islam. He passed his
exams held a few months later and was promoted to the
next class. Mohammad Ali was among the top students
from the very start. He would study by lamp light till late
in the night while others slept. One night, when he was
poring over his books as usual, his maternal aunt
 11

approached him and said: “If you keep on studying like

this you will fall ill.” Mohammad Ali replied that if he did
not work hard he would never be able to accomplish
anything great.

Departure for England

In 1893, Mohammad Ali left for England on the
recommendation of his father’s friend. He joined
Lincoln’s Inn to study law. He tells us that he joined
Lincoln’s Inn because there, on the main entrance, the
name of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was included at the top
of the list of the great lawgivers of the world.
He was married to Emi Bai, a distant relation,
because his mother’s innermost wish was to see her son
decked out as a groom before he left for foreign shores.
Not long after he left Karachi for England, that his wife,
Emi Bai, died. He had not yet recovered from this
misfortune when he received another unbreakable shock
about the death of his mother. He was overwhelmed with
grief and kept sobbing for hours. Mohammad Ali was
alone and far away from home with no one to console
him. He loved his mother and was ever eager to do as
much as he could for her. Destiny, however, did not allow
him to fulfil his wish.
While in England, Mohammad Ali lived as a
paying guest in Mr. Page-Drake’s house. He focused on
his studies and completed his education in two years. He
thus came to be the youngest barrister of India at the age
 12

of nineteen. But according to the rules he had to complete

the formalities of attending a prescribed number of
dinners to obtain his cap and gown. He, therefore, had to
wait here for sometime.
His stay in England broadened his political outlook
and experience. He got a chance to understand the terrible
lot of the enslaved people of India. For the first time, he
realised the nature of the difference that existed between
the rulers and the ruled. He got his first taste of active
politics when he threw himself heart and soul into the
election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji. Naoroji won the
election and became a member of the British parliament.
It was for the first time in the fifty-year British rule in
India that an Indian had made his way to the British
parliament. Naoroji’s success had a powerful impact on
his thinking and he decided that on return to India, he
would launch a massive campaign for the cause of
freedom and dignity of his people.1

Return to India: Efforts to Earn a Living

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah reached home after
completing his education, he discovered that his father’s
business was in ruins and he had run heavily into debt.
Young Mohammad Ali vowed to work hard and not only
get his father out of debt but also look after his young
brothers and sisters. History bears witness that he fulfilled
his pledge in fact, did much more.
 13

After returning to India, Mohammad Ali Jinnah

decided to try his luck in Bombay rather than in Karachi.
When he arrived in Bombay towards the end of 1896, he
found the conditions discouraging. British and Parsi
lawyers held sway over the law courts and a Muslim had
little hope of advancement. Mohammad Ali, however, did
not lose heart and got enrolled in Bombay High Court. He
trudged every morning from his room to the office and
returned the same way in the evening without receiving
any brief. He spent three long agonizing years in this way
but refused to give in. His friend introduced him to John
MacPherson, Bombay’s acting advocate-general.
MacPherson was impressed with the young man and
invited Mohammad Ali to work with him, extending to
him the privilege of using his well-stocked library.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah drew full advantage from
this facility, enterning the library in the morning and
remaining absorbed in studies till late in the evening.
MacPherson soon discovered that this young barrister who
utilized his library not only had charm and ability but was
also a man of integrity and good temper. So he started
passing on some cases to Mohammad Ali Jinnah and also
appointed him a temporary presidency magistrate. How
this came about is an interesting story. When the post of
Bombay’s presidency magistrate fell vacant, Mohammad
Ali decided to go for it. He went straight to Sir Charles
Obivant, member-incharge of the judicial department and
introduced himself. Sir Charles Obivant, who was well
 14

acquainted with MacPherson, asked Mohammad Ali to get

a letter of introduction from him. This sounded strange to
his ears, as he was a young man who relied safely on his
talent and ability and had never thought about a letter of
recommendation. He got up and quietly left the place and
did not speak to MacPherson on the subject. Meanwhile,
MacPherson happened to meet Sir Charles Obivant and
learnt the whole story. MacPherson was so impressed with
this quality of Mohammad Ali Jinnah that he took
personal interest in the matter and got him appointed
against the post.
Mohammad Ali worked in this capacity for six
months. Sir Charles Obivant was deeply impressed with
his legal acumen and great self-confidence and offered
him a permanent place on the bench. Mohammad Ali
Jinnah declined. His nature was not cut out to brook
departmental restraints. Moreover, he hoped to earn 1500
rupees—the amount offered as monthly salary—in a
single day. He was now well set on the ladder of success
and went on to make, as he had predicted, more than 1500
rupees a day. Mohammad Ali Jinnah made rapid strides
and wrote to his father to come over to Bombay with the
family. He was now financially better off. He earned for
his family and bore the educational expenses of his
brothers and sisters. His younger sister, Fatima, remained
with him till the very end. She completed her education
under his direct guidance and care. No wonder she turned
out to be a replica of her brother in character and conduct.
 15

Mohammad Ali Jinnah had an attractive

personality. He was tall and slim with a commanding
disposition. His clothes were elegant and well tailored.
His tall and lean frame made dresses look good on him.
He preferred clothes of lighter shades—cream, almond
and grey. His glasses were also glossy and expensive. Of
exemplary character, he was the very image of courage
and confidence and knew how to achieve his ambition. In
short, his personality was impressive in every respect.
He was soon gaining recognition as a rising Titan
in the court circles of Bombay. His high principles and
bold attitude were winning him acclaim and prominence.
He, however, never lost his inmate fluency. He was full of
sympathy for others and was never insensitive to their
pain. It was agreed on all hands that Mohammad Ali
Jinnah would reach new heights of eminence as a barrister
in the days to come. One of his great qualities was that he
was not a money-grabber and stood for his just dues and
no more. But where his humanity was concerned, he
would be a symbol of benevolence. One day a man who
had won his case tried to give him some money as a gift
but he turned down the offer with the remark: “I have
taken my due and have no right to take away a part of
what is rightfully yours.”2
Mohammad Ali Jinnah stood for principles and
convictions and disliked dishonesty and misconduct. He
had great regard for human feelings and moral values. He
was never unfair even to his bitterest foe. He welcomed
 16

everyone with a smile and was careful not to hurt his

pride. He never compromised his dignity or self-respect,
regardless of how wealthy or powerful the other person
was.
Once during a cross-examination a British Judge
angrily shouted at him: “Mr. Jinnah, you are not
addressing a third class magistrate”. Mohammad Ali
Jinnah promptly retorted: “There is not a third class
counsel before your Lordship”3

Marriage
Mohammad Ali Jinnah was leading a lovely life.
He had married 25 years ago at the age of sixteen and the
marriage had ended with the death of his wife. He had
now entered his forty-second year. As he had been well
looked after by his sister during his busy life, Mohammad
Ali’s thoughts had never turned towards marriage. Thanks
to Miss Rutten, the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, who,
fascinated by Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s distinguished
appearance, brilliant intellect and upright-character,
decided to marry him. Miss Rutten, a Parsee, converted to
Islam before her marriage and took the name of Maryam
Jinnah.
The marriage was solemnised on April 19, 1918.
Maryam Jinnah was a quick-witted and good-natured
lady. She infused a new life in Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s
domestic world. From 1918 to 1928, she was her
husband’s constant companion. In the summer they would
 17

head for Kashmir or visit a hill resort in India or go to

Europe. In 1928 Maryam Jinnah fell seriously ill and her
condition worsened. She could seldom sleep at night.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah took care of her in every way and
provided her the best medical treatment. But she was not
fated to live. She died on February 20, 1929. It happened
to be her birthday. It was one of the most sorrowful of
days in Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s life. He was
overwhelmed with grief. After her burial he stood sobbing
for a long time near her grave. This was to be the first and
last time that anyone would see Mohammad Ali Jinnah
shed tears. This was the only time when he betrayed some
shadow of human weakness.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah starts his Political Career

Mohammad Ali Jinnah started his political life as
the personal secretary of Dada Bhoy Naoroji. It did not
take Naoroji long to discover that young Jinnah possessed
insight, wisdom and qualities of leadership. When Naoroji
returned from London to Bombay, he selected him as his
private secretary. It was Mohammad Ali’s first step into
active politics. It was in 1906 in Calcutta that he attended
the Congress session for the first time.4
Mohammad Ali Jinnah began to acquire
prominence in political circles. In December 1909 he was
elected unopposed on a Muslim seat from the Bombay
constituency to the Supreme Imperial Legislative Council.
He played an active role in the Council. Unlike other
 18

members who were less confident of themselves, he

expressed his opinions boldly. He was a brilliant speaker
who conveyed his views fearlessly and absolutely stood
by them.
After his elections as Member, Supreme Imperial
Legislative Council, there was a sudden surge in his
activities. As a Muslim he was aware of the weak political
standing of the Muslims who possessed little or no rights
and made every effort to help them. The Viceroy of India
was much impressed by the prudence and understanding
shown by Mohammad Ali Jinnah during his three-year
stay as a member of Council. When fresh elections were
held to the council, the Viceroy again nominated him as a
member. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had by now become a
popular leader. His politics grew more refined with each
passing day. His political stature can be gauged by the fact
that when he arrived in Lucknow in 1916 to preside over
the session of the All India Muslim League, Maulana
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi—a student of Maulana Shibli
Naumani, an arch critic of the Muslim League—recited a
poem in his honour. The last two couplets read thus:

Bada-e-hubbay watan kuch kaif paida kar sakay

Dour mein garche yunhi yeh saghar-o-meena raha
Har mareez-e-quam kay jeenay ki hay kuch kuch ummeed
Doctor is ka agar mister Ali Jinnah raha
 19

Translation
(The wine of love for the country
may rose some enphoria,
if the goblet and the carafe
stay in rotation
Every sufferer of the nation
Has hope to live,
If Mr. Ali Jinnah
Is his Doctor.)

“Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s electrifying leadership

and extra ordinary zeal uplifted a despondent and listless
nation and infused a new life into it. A thankful nation
bestowed on him the exalted title of “Quaid-i-Azam.”
The Quaid was a man of great determination. If he set his
mind on something there was no enticement or temptation
however great that could make him budge from his stance.
One noticed the same kind of resoluteness in his personal
life. He either relied completely on an individual or did
not rely on him at all. He retained an attitude of self-
detachment as far as the people were concerned. He
disliked all kinds of familiarity but had a tremendous
capacity for collection and graciousness. His personality
was like bouquet in which some of the finest attributes
came together. To him national interest was supreme. He
was a man of unrivalled integrity. Allama Iqbal once
observed that God had blessed Mr. Jinnah with one
outstanding quality, which he had not seen in any other
 20

Indian Muslim, namely, that he was extremely honest and

no one could buy him.5

The Quaid had moderate eating habits. He had a

fried or a half-boiled egg for breakfast along with one or
one and a half toast. He was particularly fond of trotters
and had there for breakfast once a month or so. He also
relished mangoes, especially the Alphonso variety. He
disliked watery curries and preferred drier fare.
Sometimes, he had a little roti in the afternoon. Quaid-i-
Azam liked solitude. He kept his own hours of sleep. He
slept when he chose to at night to overcome his day long
fatigue.
Quaid-i-Azam did not enjoy the best of health. The
tenacity and single-mindedness with which he battled for
freedom after the 1940 resolution took a heavy toll of his
health. His weight, 112 pounds in 1940, sank to 80 pounds
towards the end. His weight was terribly low for his
height, which was five feet ten and half inches. What is
most astonishing is that within this fragile frame there
dwelt incomparable courage, singleness of purpose and
rock-like determination.

Attempt on his Life

The Quaid-i-Azam went through a dreadful ordeal
when on July 26, 1943 a Khaksar made a murderous
attack on him. The stranger entered the Quaid’s bungalow
and asked for an interview with him. Matloob-ul-Hasan
 21

Syed, the Quaid’s secretary tried to impress upon the man

that the Quaid-i-Azam met no one without an
appointment. Just then Quaid-i-Azam walked into his
secretary’s office. The stranger suddenly pulled out a
knife and pounced on his neck. The Quaid-i-Azam put out
his hand in self-defence. The stranger thus missed his
mark. The Quaid’s watchman and his secretary over
powered and disarmed the would-be assassin. The Quaid’s
face and hand were wounded.
The accused was later handed over to the police.
The Muslims were furious at the violent attack but the
Quaid-i-Azam urged them to remain calm and cool. He
said he thanked God that he was all right.
Despite this incident, the Quaid-i-Azam did not
alter his daily routine and remained busy as ever till the
very end.

Significant Milestones in Quaid-i-Azam’s Political

Life.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah returned to India after
receiving his degree in law and promptly set about to
strengthen his financial position. As soon as he found his
feet, he turned to active politics. In fact, he had learnt his
first political lessons in England when he had engaged
enthusiastically in Dada Bhai Naoroji’s election
campaign. He stepped into Indian politics for the first time
when he attended the Congress session in 1906 and made
his first political speech. He learnt a few things at the very
 22

start, namely, that one should keep ones conscience clean

and, no matter how taxing the conditions, never
compromise on principles.
The Muslim League was formed in 1906 and held
its first session in December 1906. In 1908, government of
India recommended that elections be held on the basis of
separate electorates, i.e., Muslim and Hindu voters would
elect their own representatives. It was becoming
increasingly clear that religion was not the only difference
between the Hindus and the Muslims; these communities,
in fact, differed even in their customs, traditions, history
and many other things. Taking cognisance of this
difference, the India Council’s Act 1909 granted them the
right to separate electorates.

Member of Central Legislative Council

Elections to the Imperial Legislative Council were
held under this Act for the first time in the winter of 1909.
One seat was reserved for the Muslims of Bombay.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah was not a contestant for this seat
but fate decreed that he be elected from Bombay. There
were actually two Muslim candidates for this seat. Each
contestant wanted the other to withdraw so that he could
be elected unanimously. After much discussion it was
decided that Mohammad Ali Jinnah would be the most
suitable candidate for the seat. He was thus elected a
member of the Council without his intention or effort.
 23

Clash with the Viceroy

This was Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s first election as
member of the Legislative Council. Barring a few
intervals, Jinnah was continuously elected to the Central
Legislative Council till the creation of Pakistan. The
Imperial Legislative Council was an important political
forum in those days and fate offered Jinnah ample scope
to demonstrate his potential. In his very first speech in the
Council on February 25, 1910, Mohammad Ali Jinnah
clashed with the Viceroy. Referring to the plight of Indian
labourers in South Africa, he said that the cruel treatment
being meted out to them was causing much pain and
concern in the country. Viceroy Minto reprimanded him
for the words “cruel treatment” were too harsh.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah responded that he was inclined to
use stronger language but the rule of the council did not
allow him to do it. He was, therefore, not crossing the
limits. Lord Minto was struck dumb by the response.6
The brief exchange between the President of
Council and young Jinnah made headlines in the press. It
was evident that it would. To be curt with the
representative of the Crown needed great courage in those
days. Mohammad Ali Jinnah became a celebrity
overnight.
 24

The Wakf Validating Bill

One of the great achievements of Mohammad Ali

Jinnah was to get the Wakf Bill approved by the Council.
If in accordance with the Sharia, i.e. the Quran and the
Sunnah, an individual’s property remains intact but the
profit thereof received by the poor and the needy is known
as “Wakf.” This kind of “Wakf” also exists in other
religions. However, Islam has extended the ambit of this
definition because it enjoins the individual to care for his
children. Consequently, if an individual reserves his
property for his children such a “Wakf” would be lawful.
This is known as “Children’s Wakf.” The Privy Council,
the highest court of the British Crown, had in 1894 in one
of its decisions pronounced the “Child Wakf” as illegal.
This had infuriated the Muslims. Mohammad Ali Jinnah,
in the light of Muslims’ reaction and the opinion of
Muslim scholars, moved a bill in the Council on March
17, 1911 to reverse the decision of the Privy Council. He
took deep interest in this issue and argued in support of
the bill with masterly skill. The bill was, at long last,
approved and a long-standing Muslim demand was
fulfilled. It was for the first time in British Indian history
that a bill moved by a private member had been approved.
The passage of the bill enhanced Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s
stature among the Muslims. He gained immense
popularity and emerged as a clearly loved leader. It also
 25

became evident that from an early age he was specially

interested in the problems of the Muslim community.

Membership of Muslim League

The Muslim League had been founded in 1906,
Jinnah had not yet become its member. He had, however,
at the invitation of the League attended its meetings from
1910 to 1912. When Jinnah was in London in 1913,
Maulana Mohammad Ali and Syed Wazir Hasan also
reached there and urged him to join the League. Jinnah
agreed and joined the Muslim League in 1913. In the early
years, Mohammad Ali Jinnah considered Hindu-Muslim
unity indispensable for the independence of India. He
strove to bring the Muslim League and the Congress
closer to each other. Consequently, the Congress and the
Muslim League in their 1916 sessions accepted the
principle of separate electorates for the Muslims. The
principle of provincial autonomy and one-third Muslim
representation in the Central Council was also agreed
upon. These proposals became well known as the
Lucknow Pact. Jinnah at the time held sway over the
Congress and the Muslim League. His role to win
approval for the Lucknow Pact was so vital that it earned
him the title of “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”
from the Congress leader, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu.7
In November 1917, Edwin S. Montagu, Secretary
of State for India, met a member of political delegation
 26

and leaders of India. This is what he had to say about

Mohammad Ali Jinnah:
“Young, perfectly mannered, impressive looking,
armed to the teeth with dialectics, and insistent upon the
whole of his scheme….Chelmsford tried to argue with
him and was tied up in knots. Jinnah is a very clever man,
and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should
have no chance of running the affairs of his own
country.”8
World War I broke out in 1914. The government
announced a War Conference to recruit Indian manpower.
Gandhi supported the war effort. But Mohammad Ali
Jinnah wanted to support a resolution that was in keeping
with the need of the country. On the Viceroy’s refusal, he
expressed his point of view through a telegram to the
effect that we cannot ask our young men to fight for those
principles, which we cannot impose on our own country.
If India is to make great sacrifices for the defence of the
British Crown, it can do so only as a participant and not as
a servant of his Majesty. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was in no
way prepared to compromise on principles.

Protest against Lord Wellingdon

The end of World War I in 1918 ushered in a new
era of Indian politics. The urge for freedom gathered new
momentum. In this context two events stand out because
of their unique nature and importance. The first reveals
Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s courage and resolve. As Lord
 27

Wellingdon’s tenure as Governor of Bombay came to an

end, some people decided to hold a function on behalf of
the citizens of Bombay at the local Town Hall. Lord
Wellingdon’s attitude had always been most unpleasant
and despotic. Instead of extolling the services of the
governor, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and his companions
wanted to condemn his behaviour. It was therefore
decided to disrupt the function. On December 11, 1918,
Jinnah and his companions entered the hall the moment
the doors to the Town Hall opened. As soon as the
proceedings began, cries of “unacceptable, unacceptable”
raised by Jinnah and his companions created tumult and
confusion in the hall. The president of the function,
despite the clamour, tried to present a resolution lauding
the services of the governor but in vain as the uproar
drowned his voice. The police commissioner ordered that
the hall be vacated. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, his wife
Begum Maryam Jinnah and his companions were removed
from the hall. Mohammad Ali Jinnah also suffered some
injuries in the rumpus. This bold and determined man had
nonetheless foiled this sycophantic function. No sooner
did he step out of the hall than he became the popular hero
of Bombay.9
 28

The Jallianwala Bagh Incident

The second event relates to Jallianwala Bagh in
Amritsar, a city of East Punjab. This savage incident
occurred in reaction to the protest against the Rowlatt Act,
an anti-civic right bill.
The Government had passed a Defence of India Act
bill in 1915 during World War I. It ended civic rights and
gave the Government of India the right to imprison, house
arrest, exile from city or country any person without trial,
warrant and assigning any reason. The idea was that with
the end of the war, this law would also be annulled. But
against all popular expectation, a bill was introduced in
the Central Legislative Assembly to continue with the law.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah opposed it tooth and nail and
warned that it would lead to disastrous consequences. This
Black Law was, however, passed because of the majority
of treasury members. Mohammad Ali Jinnah as a protest
resigned from the Central Legislative Assembly (The
Imperial Council).
There were large-scale protests against the bill all
over India. It was during those protests that the horrible
Jallianwala Bagh incident occurred in which almost 400
people were killed and hundreds of others injured.

The Khilafat Movement and the Quaid-i-Azam

When World War I broke out in 1914, Germany
and Britain each desired that Turkey should side with it.
Turkey occupied a distinguished place in the Muslim
 29

world because the Khiafat’s sphere of influence ranged

over all the Islamic World. Turkey sided with Germany in
the war. Thus Turkey and Germany on one side and the
Allies, including Britain, on the other found themselves
confronting each other. The majority of troops fighting the
war consisted of Muslim soldiers. Sensitive to the
teachings of the Muslims, Britain promised that in the
event of victory, it would neither deprive Turkey of its
lands nor undo the institution of the Khilafat. When
hostilities ended in 1918, Germany and Turkey had lost
the war. The Muslims feared that Britain, contrary to its
promises, was conspiring to split Turkey into pieces.
They, therefore, convened a Khilafat Conference at
Lucknow in 1919 to protect Turkey and the Ottoman
Caliphate. It decided to initiate a mass movement to
achieve the purpose.
M.K. Gandhi was elected leader of the movement
and it was decided that the British government be
boycotted and all Muslims migrate (Hijrat) to other lands.
Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana Shaukat Ali
were in the forefront of the movement. Hundreds of
students abandoned their studies and thousands of
Muslims sold their possessions at throwaway prices and
migrated to Afghanistan. By contrast, M.K. Gandhi’s
appeals had no effect whatsoever on the students of Hindu
University, Benarus who pressed on with their studies as
usual.
 30

Mohammad Ali Jinnah, no doubt, agreed that the

Ottoman Caliphate, the spiritual centre of the Muslims,
should exist and Turkey not be broken up into pieces. But
he did not agree with Gandhi’s action plan in this context.
He agreed that students should not boycott educational
institutions and keep up their studies. Furthermore, the
Muslims should not resort to Hijrat as that would weaken
them economically. He, therefore, remained aloof from
the Khilafat Movement.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah quits the Congress

Nagpur hosted both regular sessions of the
Congress and Muslim League in December 1920. M. K.
Gandhi moved a resolution proposing that the people of
India adopt legitimate and peaceful means rather than
constitutional means to achieve independence.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah bitterly opposed this change of
stance. He told them that they had chosen the wrong path;
that a constitutional and lawful method was always
correct. After that he parted company with the Congress.10
Had Mohammad Ali Jinnah so desired, he could
have easily supported Gandhi’s resolution and become
popular with the masses. But his politics was based on
principles and not personal interest. Even later, in the most
difficult of times, he never abandoned his principles.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah was again elected
unanimously as member of the Imperial Council (Central
Legislative Assembly) on November 14, 1923. The first
 31

meeting of the Assembly was held on January 31, 1924 in

Delhi. After the Viceroy’s opening address, Mohammad
Ali Jinnah invited all the independent members to confer
with him. He presented such a well-defined programme of
basic reforms so as to convince all his colleagues to join
forces and work for it. At length, as opposed to 36
members of the government, 42 members of the Swaraj
Party and 23 members of the Azad Party together laid the
foundation of a new nationalists party. The Viceroy was
amazed and dismayed at Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s
remarkable success.

The Delhi Proposals

In 1927, thirty Muslim leaders were invited to a
conference in Delhi. The conference was convened by
Mohammad Ali Jinnah. March 20 was a pleasant spring
day. It was decided that a way be found to bring about
greater unity between the Hindus and the Muslims.
Prominent leaders who attended this meeting included
Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Sir Ali Imam, Raja
Sahib Mahmudabad, Nawab Ismail Khan, Mufti
Kifayatullah, Dr. M.A. Ansari and Sir Mohammad Shafi.
It was decided that:-

1. Sind should be separated from Bombay and

constituted into a separate province.
 32

2. Reforms should be introduced in the N.W.F.

Province and in Baluchistan on the same
footing as in any other province.
3. In the Punjab and in Bengal representation
to the two communities was to be strictly in
proportion to their population.
4. Muslims should get weightage in provinces
where they were in a majority.
5. In the Central Legislature, Muslim
representation should not be less than a third
(33%) and that also by a mixed electorate.
These came to be called the Delhi Muslim
Proposals. These proposals were also accepted by the
Congress in its session held in 1927 at Bombay. The story
of Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s great personal triumph spread
far and wide in India.

Nehru Report
A meeting of the All-Parties conference was held
in August 1928 at Lucknow where in a report on the Draft
Constitution preferred by the Nehru Committee chaired by
Motilal Nehru (Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s father) was
presented for approval. The report came to be known as
the Nehru Report. The Delhi proposals were completely
ignored in the report.
After the approval of the Nehru Report,
Mohammad Ali Jinnah grew deeply disappointed with the
Hindu mindset. Addressing the Central Assembly in Delhi
 33

in 1929, he declared that the Nehru Report was not

acceptable to the Muslims. It meant the parting of the
ways. The same year he called an emergency session of
the All India Muslim League at Delhi where, after a whole
night’s deliberations, a few proposals for safeguarding the
interests of the Muslims came to the fore and became
famous as “Jinnah’s 14 Points.” They reflected the true
aspirations of the Muslims. The Hindu Congress rejected
the 14 Points as well, what it really wanted was to see the
Nehru Report implemented at the government level. When
the Congress failed in its aim, it decided to organize a
non-cooperation movement. With this announcement, the
stage was set for the outbreak of lawlessness. Muslims,
however, remained aloof, as they had learnt a bitter lesson
from the Khilafat Movement. Even Maulana Mohammad
Ali advised the Muslims not to associate themselves with
this creed of civil disobedience because Mr. Gandhi under
the fanatical influence of the Hindu Mahasabha, was
working for the supremacy of Hinduism and the
destruction of the Muslims.11

Round Table Conference and the Quaid-i-Azam

The first Round Table Conference met in 1930 in
London. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was the spokesman of the
Muslim delegation to this conference. In his eloquent
address, he impressed upon the British government that
the days of declaration were over and the time had come
for fulfilling those declarations. He stated that four distinct
 34

groups—the British government, Hindus, Muslims and

rulers of princely states of India—were participating in the
conference. For the first time, he described the Muslims as
a party and served this party till the very end.
The second Round Table Conference met in 1931.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mohammad Iqbal, the poet of
the East, represented the Muslims at this conference.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah would go down in the political
history of the subcontinent as a great statesman for his
unique role in the two conferences. Sarojini Naidu—an
enlightened Hindu lady, a renowned poetess and “the
nightingale of India”—paid a glowing tribute to him in
this regard. She declared that his magnetic presence,
impressive delivery and the arresting timbre of voice were
Jinnah’s greatest assets. He possessed all the qualities of
an astute lawyer and the Round Table Conferences
afforded him ample scope to prove his worth. The third
Round Table Conference was held in 1932 but
Mohammad Ali Jinnah did not attend it. In the light of the
discussions at these conferences, a bill was moved in the
House of Commons (the lower house of the British
Parliament), which after receiving royal assent came to be
known as the Government of India Act, 1935.

Withdrawal from Indian Politics

The first Round Table Conference brought home to
Mohammad Ali Jinnah that there could be no
understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims as the
 35

Hindus, aware of their sheer force of numbers, were

dreaming of ruling India. Mohammad Ali Jinnah also
realized that the Muslims were neither striving hard
enough to wrest their rights nor was there any unity
among them. He was so disheartened with the turn of
events that he decided to settle in England. He also called
over his beloved daughter, Dina and his devoted sister,
Fatima Jinnah. He stayed in England till March 1934. This
was the most desolate period of his political life. He lived
in England but his heart was in India. His absence from
the Indian scene was painfully felt by all politically
conscious Muslims. His friends begged him to return to
India. Allama Iqbal also pressed him to come back. When
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan went to London in 1933 he
urged Mohammad Ali Jinnah to return to India when the
people needed him. The Nawabzada impressed upon him
that he (Mohammad Ali Jinnah) alone could put new life
into the Muslim League and save it. These words
awakened Jinnah’s love for his people. He was convinced
that unless the Muslims were united they would never free
themselves from the Hindu yoke. He vowed to devote all
his energies to bring the Muslims on a single platform.
The Muslims of India eagerly awaited the return of their
saviour who alone, they knew, could set them free from
Hindu bondage.
 36

Reorganization of the Muslim League

After Mohammad Ali Jinnah agreed to return to
India, the Muslim League met in Delhi on March 4, 1934
and elected Jinnah, unanimously as its president. In
October 1934 while Jinnah was still in London, the
Muslims of Bombay chose him once again as member of
the Central Assembly. Jinnah returned to India a year later
i.e., in October 1935 and busied himself in organizing the
Muslim League. He was convinced that the Hindus were
keener on Hindu Raj than on the freedom of India.
In the meantime there occurred the shocking
incident of the destruction of the Shaheedganj Mosque by
the Sikhs. This brought about an ugly communal situation.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah rushed to Lahore on the great
insistence of the people of the Punjab. He contained the
situation but certain factors did not allow the issue to be
completely resolved.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah was still in the process of
organizing the League when the 1936-37 elections
suddenly came up. The Muslim League could capture only
109 out of the 492 Muslim seats. It won 51 percent, 43
percent, 39 percent and 26 percent seats in Bombay, UP
(Uttar Pradesh), Madras and Assam respectively but failed
to secure a single seat in CP (Central Province), Bihar and
Orissa.12 Inebriated by the election results, Jawaharlal
Nehru, the Hindu leader declared that there were only two
parties in the country—the Congress and the British.
 37

“No,” thundered the Quaid, “there is a third party, namely,

the Mussalmans.”
Witnessing the zeal and sincerity of Mohammad
Ali Jinnah, Allama Iqbal, the Poet of the East, in a letter to
him dated June 21, 1937 stated: “You are the only Muslim
in India today to whom the community has a right to look
for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to
North West India; and, perhaps, to the whole of India.”13

Congress Ministries
The Congress won many more seats in the 1936-37
elections than it had expected. The Hindu leaders turned
arrogant and their attitude changed for the worst. They
were now hell bent on destroying the Muslim League one
way or another. They believed that if the League was
liquidated, Muslims would have no choice but to join the
Congress. After forming its government in eight
provinces, the Congress initiated the Vidya Mandir
(teaching in temples) Scheme. Muslim students were
forced to salute to Congress flag, sing Bande Matram (an
anti-Muslim anthem) and worship Gandhi’s portrait. Cow
slaughter was forbidden. Hindi with Devnagri script was
declared the national language of India in place of Urdu.
Gandhi argued that Urdu’s Quranic script made it the
religious language of the Muslims, and could not be made
the lingua franca of India. These provincial governments
also strove to weaken the Muslims economically. In UP
(Uttar Pradesh) and Bihar, for instance, where there were
 38

more Muslim landowners, laws were enacted which

safeguarded the rights of the farm workers. Conversely, in
Bengal, where the landowners were mostly Hindus,
agricultural reforms were opposed. In the Punjab,
however, Hindu moneylenders were free to exploit the
impoverished Muslims.
This situation convinced Mohammad Ali Jinnah
that Muslims could never expect to find justice at the
hands of the Hindus. It was therefore imperative that the
Muslims discarded the idea of Hindu-Muslim unity and
took up the path that led to a free Muslim state. He
impressed upon the Muslims that the Congress was purely
Hindu party and wanted to rule over the whole of India.
He made it plain to the Muslims that the dreadful
Congress rule along with its “Bande Matram,” tri-colour
flag and Vidya Mandir Scheme offered more proof than
needed that the Hindus could never be sincere to the
Muslims. On January 31, 1938, he openly declared that
“Bande Matram” smacked of idolatory and was a
declaration of war against the Muslims.

Hailed as the “Quaid-i-Azam”

These facts were clearly visible to all the Muslims.
They began to rally round the flag of the Muslim League.
1938 was politically a momentous year for Mohammad
Ali Jinnah. It was unique in the sense that a grateful
people hailed him as the “Quaid-i-Azam” for his political
dynamism and for giving them a sense of identity. This
 39

title was used for the first time by Maulana Mazhar-ud-

din, editor of Al-Amaan of Delhi in his editorial and soon
became a by-word in every Muslim home. Mohammad
Ali Jinnah was now the one and only Quaid-i-Azam of the
entire Muslim community.15

The Decision to Observe Deliverance Day

World War II broke out in September 1939. Britain
declared war on Germany. Gandhi supported the British in
its war efforts. Nehru also sided with the British
government. But a month later when the tide appeared to
be turning in favour of Germany, Congress linked its
support to independence for India and demanded the
formation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of adult
suffrage, which should run the government of India.
Hindus constituted 75 percent of the population of
India. The establishment of a constituent assembly would
have evidently meant a Hindu Raj. The Muslim League
was ready to support the demand for independence on the
condition that Muslim approval should also be sought for
the future constitution. The Congress paid no heed to this
proposal and harped on the Hindu Raj. It decided not to
co-operate with the government and asked its eight
provincial governments to resign. Quaid-i-Azam acted
correctly on this occasion and took a prudent decision.
The Congress governments had caused untold sufferings
for the Muslims and had done its utmost to undermine
their culture, education, economy and their very religion.
 40

Quaid-i-Azam asked the Muslims to observe Deliverance

Day on the resignation of the Congress ministries. The
Muslims observed this day in a peaceful and disciplined
manner and as a mark of relief and gratitude. While the
Hindus were disheartened, the day boosted the confidence
of the Muslims.

The Pakistan Resolution

Three months later, i.e. on March 23, 1940, the
Muslims put a formal demand for independence from the
platform of the All-India Muslim League. The annual
session of the League was held on March 22, 1940. When
the Quaid-i-Azam reached Lahore on the morning of
March 21, arrangements were complete to take him out in
a grand procession but earlier, on March 19, there
occurred a tragic incident. The Khaksars clashed with the
Police. 32 Khaksars lost their lives and many more were
injured. This bloody drama cast a deep gloom over the
city. Consequently, when Quaid-i-Azam reached Lahore,
he instructed them to abandon all arrangements, and went
straight from the railway station to the Mayo Hospital to
inquire after the injured Khaksars.16
The historic session of the Muslim League was
held on March 22. The Quaid-i-Azam in his address
declared that the Muslims were a nation by every
definition of the word but had wrongly been described as
a minority. If the British government was a sincere well-
wisher of the people, it should divide India into
 41

autonomous and sovereign states and allow the two

communities to exist separately. The Hindus and Muslim,
he said, belonged to two different religions, had separate
social set-ups and literature. They neither inter-married
nor inter-dined. In fact, they belonged to two different
civilization that were based on two opposed conceptions.

This was two-nation theory, which formed the base

of an independent state. The next day, Fazlul Haq, the
Lion of Bengal, moved a resolution called the Lahore
Resolution. The Hindu press named it the Pakistan
Resolution. This was the landmark resolution, which gave
the Muslims of India a clear objective and a new road to
freedom. On that very day Anwar Qureshi recited the
momentous and spirited poem of Mian Bashir Ahmed,
which before long was to be found on the lips of every
Muslims.17
A few Urdu couplets of the poem are as follows:-

Millat ka paasban hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Millat hai jism jaan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah
Rakhta hai dil mein taab-o-tawan nau crore ki
Kehnay ko natawan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah
Ai qaum apnay Quaid-i-Azam ki qadar kar
Islam ka nishan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah
 42

Translation
[The sentinel of the Muslims is Mohammad Ali
Jinnah,
The Millat is the body, its soul is Mohammad Ali
Jinnah
He, in his heart, has the strength of nine crores
Though apparently of a slender frame is
Mohammad Ali Jinnah
Perceive, O Nation! The greatness of your Quaid-i-
Azam
For the standard-bearer of Islam is Mohammad Ali
Jinnah]

Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Mohammad Iqbal

A little after the passage of the historic Lahore
Resolution, the Quaid-i-Azam observed that had Iqbal
been alive he would have been happy to see that we did
what he had desired.18 The Quaid-i-Azam admired Allama
Iqbal’s national and political insight. On an Iqbal Day
function, he paid the following tribute:-

“Iqbal was not just a speaker and a philosopher; he

was also a man of courage, action, self-confidence and
conviction. Above all, he had firm faith in Allah and great
love for Islam. In spite of being a great poet and
philosopher, he was no ordinary practising politician. He
had profound faith in the values of Islam. He was among
 43

the few who had pondered over the possibility of

establishing an Islamic State in Muslim majority areas i.e.,
the North West and North East areas.”19

On yet another occasion he said:-

“Iqbal’s poetry and prose played a vital role in
inspiring the Muslims of India and infusing a new political
awareness into them.”20

Allama Iqbal, too, was a great admirer of Quaid-i-

Azam’s leadership, integrity and truthfulness. The
following couplet of the poet is in harmony with the
Quaid’s personality:

(Urdu Couplets)
Nigah buland sukhan dil nawaz jaan pur soz
Yahi hai rakhtey safar meer-e-karwan key liye
Translation
(A lofty invision, gracious speech,
And a passionate soul
These are the attribute
Of the leaders of all men)

Cripps’ Mission
After the passing of the Pakistan Resolution, the
Muslims of the subcontinent became more active and an
organized group under the leadership of the Quaid-i-
Azam. Meanwhile, in 1942, British Prime Minister, Sir
 44

Winston Churchill, sent a delegation headed by one of his

distinguished ministers, Sir Stafford Cripps. Cripps’
mission was to propose a formula for Self-governance that
both the Hindus and the Muslims would find workable.
Soon after Cripps arrived in India, he started meeting
political leaders and placed his proposals before them. He
offered immediate formation of provisional government
and the framing of a constitution in which the provinces
would have the right to opt out of the centre. Cripps was
of the view that his proposals be accepted in full or
rejected outright. In other words, there was no room for
change.
Cripps’ proposals were agreeable to the extent that
for the first time the British government had accepted in
principle the right of the provinces to leave the centre.
Thus, in a way, the idea of Pakistan had been accepted.
But the proposals did not specify the process through
which the provinces would opt out of the centre.
Nonetheless, there was some cause for joy because the
possibility of Pakistan had been acknowledged.
The offer was rejected by the Congress on the
ground that by granting the provinces the right to secede,
the British Government had opened the way to the
creation of Pakistan. The Congress moreover wanted to
take advantage of Britain’s helplessness and push it into
forming a representative government of Indians that
would have complete power and authority. With 75
percent members of the Central Assembly being Hindus, it
 45

meant the establishment of a Hindu Raj. The British

government rejected this proposal of the Congress. The
Cripps’s offer was rejected both by the Congress and the
Muslim League. The mission ended in failure.
Nevertheless, its proposal for the right of the provinces to
opt out of the centre turned out to be the first step that led
to the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.
After the failure of the Cripps Mission and the
presumption that British would lose World War II, Gandhi
resorted to yet another tactic. This time he demanded that
the British quit India and threatened to launch a non-
cooperation campaign if they refused to do so. At
Gandhi’s signal, Congress asked the people to start a mass
struggle to gain freedom.
The Quaid-i-Azam saw through the Congress
game. He promptly declared that this policy was meant to
aimed at black mailing the British and forcing them to
handover authority to a Hindu oligarchy that would
impose Hindu Raj at once. The Muslims and other
minorities would thus, inevitably, become the slaves of
the Congress.
The government took immediate action against this
unlawful movement and arrested all Congress leaders
including Gandhi. Some Muslim Leaguers were of the
opinion that Muslims should support the Congress in its
struggle to free India. But the Quaid-i-Azam’s foresight
showed them the right direction. He called upon the
Muslims to remain peaceful and refrain from participating
 46

in the movement. He asked them to stay neutral. Had the

Quaid-i-Azam not come to their rescue at this hour, the
Muslims would have strayed from their goal and their
future plunged once again in darkness. Had the Quaid not
guided them at this difficult time, the Muslims would have
clashed with the government and scattered like straw in
the wind.

Gandhi-Jinnah Talks
Gandhi was arrested during the non-cooperation
movement, and was released after two years. Within two
weeks of his release, there began a series of Gandhi-
Jinnah talks, which continued for 18 days and ended in
failure. In one of his letters, the Quaid-i-Azam referred to
the Two-Nation Theory and made it crystal clear to
Gandhi that the Hindus and the Muslims were two nations
by any definition or test of a nation.21 Muslims were a
nation of a hundred million. They had their own
distinctive culture and civilization; language and
literature; art and architecture; names and nomenclature;
sense of values and proportion; legal laws and moral
codes; customs and calendar; history and traditions. In
other words, Muslims were a nation in accordance with all
cannons of international law. In his letters and parleys,
Gandhi’s attitude was most irresponsible. Gandhi, in fact,
had no intentions of arriving at a settlement and was just
playing for time. Gandhi’s lack of responsibility can be
gauged from the fact that even while the talks were in
 47

progress, he told another Hindu leader, Raj

Gopalachariya, that the real purpose of his talks was to
draw out of Mr. Jinnah’s own lips that the concept of
Pakistan was absurd and meaningless.22 The fact is that
Gandhi had little or no idea of the Quaid-i-Azam’s
astuteness otherwise he would never have ventured such a
comment, The result was that his schemes came to nought.

Simla Conference
The Pakistan Movement was gaining momentum
and nearing its goal. Quaid-i-Azam’s relentless efforts to
organize the Muslim League were bearing fruit and
enhancing the dignity of the Muslims. In the meantime,
another milestone in the freedom movement manifested
itself in the shape of the Simla Conference. The
conference began on June 25, 1945 and lasted for about 20
or 22 days. The Quaid-i-Azam made it clear that if the
demand for Pakistan was acceded to, the Muslim League
would be willing to co-operate with the government on an
equal level. The Congress and the Unionist Party,
however, were not willing to recognize the Muslim
League as the sole representative of the Muslims. Neither
was Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of India, prepared to offer
any guarantee that the interests of the Muslims would be
safeguarded. The Simla Conference thus ended in failure.
Here too, the Quaid-i-Azam, with his foresight and
unflinching determination, frustrated the designs of the
Hindus and the British. Quaid-i-Azam’s prudent policy
 48

added to his stature. The Muslims in general paid glowing

tributes to the Quaid’s political acumen and firm stance.
The supreme importance of the Muslim League became
evident to them. The growing popularity of the League
made it the sole representative of the Muslims and only an
election could determine its degree of popularity. The
Muslim League, therefore, demanded that the government
hold elections to the provincial and central assemblies.
Lord Wavell, the Viceroy convened a conference of
governors to discuss this issue. The Quaid-i-Azam was
certain that the government, willy-nilly, would have to
hold elections. He therefore touched off his election
campaign. In one of his election meetings he revealed the
true face of the Congress in the following words:
“Congress harbours such bitterness and venom against the
Muslims and the Muslim League that it would over ride
all principles to defeat and humiliate them.”

Historic Elections
Quaid-i-Azam’s forecast about the elections came
true. Elections to the central and provincial legislatures
were scheduled for the winter of 1945. The future of the
Muslim League depended entirely on the backing of the
people. It contested these elections under the banner of
Islam and Pakistan. The whole of Muslim India was
echoing to the sound of two watchwords: “Pakistan ka
matlab kiya? La Ilaha Illallah” and “Muslim hai to
Muslim League mein aa.” Quaid-i-Azam made it very
 49

clear to the Muslims that their survival and the creation of

Pakistan depended on the success of the Muslim League.
He urged them not to consider any sacrifice too great to
achieve their goal. Every Muslim, he said, should be
prepared to endure suffering and offer sacrifices. He
should forgo his personal interest, comfort and ambition
for the sake of the collective interest of the nation.23
The December 1945 result of the central assembly
indicated that the Muslim League was the sole
representative organization of the Muslims. The Muslim
League bagged all the 30 Muslim seats. While the election
results were a matter of great joy and celebration for the
Muslims and the Muslim League, they were a source of
great concern for the Congress and other opponents. The
Quaid himself contested the Muslim seat in Bombay and
defeated his rival Husain Bhai balji who obtained 127
votes as against the Quaid’s 2602 votes. His opponent
even lost his security money. The Quaid-i-Azam asked the
nation to thank Allah Almighty for their splendid success
and celebrate “Victory Day” on January 11, 1946.
The Muslim League won by a huge majority in the
provincial assembly election as well. It bagged 432
Muslim seats out of a total of 492. This unprecedented
success proclaimed to the world that Pakistan alone was
the destiny of the Indian Muslims. The success of the
Muslim League amply justified the complete faith of the
Muslims in the Quaid-i-Azam. Within a brief period of
ten years, the great leader had brought together, a
 50

scattered community on to a single platform. His foresight

and selfless leadership had marshalled the Muslim nation
into a monolithic unit. Now he had only one objective
before him, namely, Pakistan and he was prepared to offer
every sacrifice to achieve that goal.

The Cabinet Mission

After World War II, Britain’s economy worsened.
It could no longer hold on to India by the force of arms.
Wisdom dictated that if it ever had to bid farewell to its
colony, its relations with the latter should remain cordial.
It was with this purpose in view that the British
government decided to send out a Cabinet Mission to
India to resolve the problems facing the country. It would
take stock of the political and economic situation and
suggested ways and means of breaking the frustrating
deadlock.
No sooner did the Cabinet Mission reach India than
it began a series of talks with the party leaders. Abul
Hasan Ispahani, Raja Sahib Mahmudabad and Begum
Shahnawaz met the Cabinet Mission with the Quaid-i-
Azam’s permission. The British Prime Minister Mr.
Attlee, declared that while they were mindful of the rights
of the minorities, they would not allow any minority to
stand in the way of progress of the majority. Quaid-i-
Azam strongly protested against this statement and
declared that Muslims were a nation and not a minority.
He repeated the same idea when he addressed a
 51

convention of the elected Muslim League representatives.

It was true, he said that the Muslims were fighting for
their religion, but that was not all. They were also fighting
for the preservation of their social and economic life. He
warned that Pakistan would not remain a passive spectator
if, after the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim minorities
were ill treated.

Direct Action
The Cabinet Mission stayed in India for about three
months but met with no success. The Quaid-i-Azam
meanwhile noticed that the Cabinet Mission had shown
downright dishonesty and partiality by siding with the
Congress. The Quaid-i-Azam thereupon took a bold step
and proclaimed “Direct Action” and called upon all
Muslim Leaguers to renounce titles bestowed on them by
the British government. Such an unconstitutional step had
never been taken before in the entire history of the
Muslim League. But the time had now arrived for the
Muslims to come out of their houses and offer every
sacrifice to achieve their goal. The British and the
Congress had never imagined that the Muslim League
would ever resort to such an action. The Quaid-i-Azam’s
bold and unexpected decision jolted not only the British
government but also the whole Hindu community. It
changed the very map of Indian politics. The British and
the Hindus were now convinced that no power could now
 52

stop the Muslims from wresting their just rights and that
the dream of a Hindu Raj would never come true.
Setting up of a provisional government was also
one of the tasks with which the Cabinet Mission had been
entrusted. Both the Congress and the Muslim League were
to be included in the provincial government based on their
proportion and weightage, but the Congress turned
obstinate. It refused to accept any proposal, which brought
the Muslim League at par with the Congress. At this
moment, the Viceroy of India displayed blatant partiality
and introduced a new formula. The Executive Council was
now to consist of 14 persons: six Congressmen, five
Muslim Leaguers and three from other minorities. The
Congress rejected this proposal as well because it wanted
to rule the whole of India and thus translate its dream of
Hindu Raj into reality. While it rejected this formula, it
agreed to join the Constituent Assembly. On the other
hand, the Muslim League conveyed its intention of joining
the provisional government. When the Congress rejected
the formula, the Muslim League should have been invited
to join the interim government as its status as the sole
representative of the Muslims could not be ignored. The
provisional government came into being in October 1946.
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, I.I. Chundrigar, Sardar
Abdur Rab Nishter, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan and one
untouchable, Joginder Nath Mandal, were included from
the Muslim League. As finance minister, Nawabzada
 53

Liaquat Ali Khan presented a historic budget, which was

people-friendly but alarmed the capitalists.

The Decisive Years (1946-47)

At this critical hour and till the very end, the
Quaid-i-Azam fulfilled his duties with great dedication
and sincerity. This phase was of unique importance in his
political life. The nation was near its destination but the
health of the leader was fast deteriorating. The long and
exhausting four-pronged battle had caused irreparable
damage to his health. The British and the Hindus were
fully aware that Quaid-i-Azam was the only man who
could lead the Muslims. They, therefore, dragged their
feet in the hope that should anything happen to the Quaid,
the vision of Muslim independence would fade for ever.
The Quaid-i-Azam was well aware of the deviousness of
the British and the Hindus. He doubled his efforts and
devoted all his energies to the sacred cause of the nation.
Like a seasoned general, he wanted his soldiers to triumph
at all cost. Achieving one milestone after another on the
road to freedom, the Quaid had by now no strength left in
him. His morale was, however, high; his courage and zeal,
a beacon and inspiration for the younger generation.
Meanwhile, a new Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, arrived in
India. It was March 1947. Soon after reaching India,
Mountbatten got to work and held meetings with the
Quaid-i-Azam and the Congress leaders. He had brought
with him a proposal for the division of the subcontinent.
 54

His discussions focussed on the transfer of power and its

implementation.
The scheme for the division of India began to grow
clearer. It was on June 3, 1947—a historic day—that Lord
Mountbatten announced the proposal for the transfer of
power. The radio broadcast of the proposal was followed
by speeches of Nehru, Quaid-i-Azam and Baldev Singh.
The Quaid-i-Azam closed his speech with the words
“Pakistan Zindabad.”

Quaid-i-Azam and Kashmir

No sooner was the partition proposal announced
than despondency spread among the Hindus and the
Congress leaders. To the Hindus, the division of India was
like the vivisection of “Gau Mata” (Mother Cow). Hindu
hoodlums and armed gangs started wreaking havoc and
destruction. Muslims were ruthlessly butchered and their
property plundered. The genocide was on as massive a
scale as to provide no parallel in history. One million
Muslims were martyred and ten million Muslim homes
pillaged. The Muslims liberally waded through fire and
blood to reach their destination, namely Pakistan. The
British government too crossed all limits in its dishonesty
and breach of faith. The Boundary Commission set up for
the demarcation of boundaries in Bengal and the Punjab
transferred secretly some very important Muslim majority
areas to Bharat. District Gurdaspur was a Muslim majority
area but the Radcliff Commission amended it wrongfully
 55

to Bharat. India thus obtained a direct access to Kashmir

and occupied the state by force.
Quaid-i-Azam was deeply saddened and dismayed
at Bharat’s occupation of Kashmir. He stated publicly that
Kashmir was the jugular vein of Pakistan. No country
worth its salt could tolerate that its jugular vein be in the
hands of the enemy.
In one of his earlier speeches the Quaid-i-Azam
had made it clear that the princely states were free to join
the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan or the Constituent
Assembly of India. “I have no doubt”, he said, “that the
Maharaja of Kashmir and the government of Kashmir
would give due thought to the matter and to the interests
and sentiments of the people of Kashmir.”24 On another
occasion in a message to the people of Kashmir he said:
”Remain united; work with selfless devotion and
complete discipline, I assure you that no power on earth
can block the freedom of Kashmir or stop you from
achieving your joint and lawful rights”. 25

Pakistan Comes into Being

Quaid-i-Azam’s ceaseless efforts, rock-like
determination and profound foresight and understanding
bore fruit. Pakistan appeared on the map of the world on
August 14, 1947 as the largest Muslim State. The freedom
movement leading to the creation of Pakistan is closely
linked up with the life, character and achievements of the
Quaid-i-Azam. The Muslims would never have achieved
 56

freedom had they not possessed a leader of Mohammad

Ali Jinnah’s courage and resolute purpose; boldness and
unimpeachable integrity. With his supreme ability,
wisdom and matchless foresight, the Quaid-i-Azam
single-handedly vanquished an astute opponent like the
British and a cunning enemy like the Hindu. He welded a
scattered Muslim community into a solid bulwark of
strength. He rescued them from the dark abyss of slavery
and steered them into the shining light of freedom.
On the first of September, 1948, Lt.Col. Ilahi
Baksh, the Quaid’s physician, informed Mohtarma Fatima
Jinnah that the Quaid-i-Azam had suffered a haemorrhage.
It was imperative to take him at once to Karachi as the
altitude of Quetta was having a bad effect on his health.
When the Quaid was told about the matter, he said: “Yes,
I was born in Karachi and would like to be buried there.”
A little later he fell asleep. Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah
noticed that he was, at intervals, mumbling words in his
sleep: “Kashmir……give them the right of self-
determination……..constitution…..I shall complete it
…..refugees….they should be helped in every
way…..Pakistan.”

Quaid-i-Azam left for Karachi on September 11,

1948 with his doctors and devoted sister. Despite his acute
weakness he raised his feeble hand to return the salute of
the aircrew. The plane landed at Mauripur airport at 4:15
in the afternoon. Quaid-i-Azam was driven in an
 57

ambulance to Governor-general’s house. The ambulance

came to a sudden halt after it had covered about four
miles. There was no sea breeze that day and the weather
was unbearable. After an agonizing wait of one hour,
another ambulance came, and the party again set out for
G-G House. The Quaid-i-Azam soon fell into a deep sleep
and awoke after two hours. He looked at his beloved
sister, motioned to her with his head and eyes to come
closer and whispered in an almost inaudible voice:
Fathi…..God be with you….……26
This mighty symbol of selflessness, discipline,
integrity and wisdom had ended his backbreaking
struggle. “From God he came / To God he returned.”
The funeral prayers of the Quaid-i-Azam were led
by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani on September 12,
1948. Thousands of people joined in the funeral prayer.
Paying tribute to the Quaid-i-Azam after the prayers,
Maulana Usmani declared: “After Emperor Aurangzeb
Alamgir, India has not produced a greater Muslim whose
unflinching faith and rock-like determination transformed
the misfortunes of a 100 million Muslims into a singal
triumph.”
Khuda rehmat kanud ein ashiqan pak teenat ra
[God bless these people who are good-natured.]
 58

Quaid-i-Azam: Life at a glance

1876 Born on December 25 at Karachi

1883 Enrolled in Sind Madrassat-ul-Islam,
Karachi
1886 Student at Gokul Das Tej Primary School,
Bombay
1887 Returns to Karachi—rejoins Sind
Madrassat-ul-Islam
1891 Marries Emi Bai
1892 Proceeds to England for higher studies—
joins Lincolns Inn.
1896 Becomes a barrister—Returns home
1897 Starts law practice in Bombay
1898 Bombay advocate-general MacPherson
allows him to use his library
1900 Appointed Presidency Magistrate, Bombay
1901 Declines 1500 rupees a month job
1902 His father, Jinnah Poonja dies
1905 Accompanies Gopal Krishan Gokhale to
London as member of Congress delegation
1906 Private secretary to Dadabhai Naoroji
1907 Elected Vice-president of Indian Mussalman
Association, Calcutta.
1909 Elected unanimously as member Supreme
Imperial Council.
1911 Moves Wakf Validating bill.
 59

1912 Attends annual session of Muslim League at

Calcutta.
1913 Proceeds to England with Gokhale—returns
to India the same year—joins Muslim
League.
1914 Visits England as a member of Congress
delegation.
1915 Elected member All India Muslim League
Council
1916 Elected member Imperial Legislative
Council. Elected president at the historic
Muslim League session at Lucknow—
Lucknow Pact.
1917 Participates in Home Rule Movement—
meets Montague
1918 Marries Mohtarma Maryam Jinnah—speaks
on free and compulsory education
1918 Movement in Imperial Legislative
Council—leads protest against Lord
Wellingdon.
1919 Resigns Imperial Council in protest against
Rowlatt Act—sends message to All India
Khilafat Conference
1920 Leaves the Congress
1923 Elected again unanimously to the Imperial
Legislative Council
1926 Elected once again to Imperial Legislative
Council
 60

1927 Attends All Parties Conference—takes oath

as member of Imperial Legislative
Council—plays leading role in the Delhi
Proposals.
1928 Nehru Report
1929 His wife Mohtarma Maryam Jinnah, dies -
14 Points.
1930 Attends first Round Table Conference in
London as representative of Muslims—
Settles in England—Iqbal’s Allahabad
Address.
1931 Attends second Round Table Conference—
Stays away for a time from Indian politics.
1934 Again elected to Imperial Council.
1935 Addresses students of Aligarh Muslim
University—Returns home on the insistence
of Allama Iqbal and other friends.
1936 Arrives in Lahore because of Shaheed Ganj
Mosque incident—Addresses Muslim
students of Calcutta—Tells them unity of
Muslims main objective.
1937 Presides over the first session of the All
India Muslim Students Federation at
Calcutta—Curt rejoinder to Nehru: “No,
there are three parties.”
1938 Attends Aligarh Muslim University function
as chief guest—Presides over the Muslim
 61

League Session at Karachi—Title of

“Quaid-i-Azam conferred on him.
1939 Visits Viceroy Lord Linlithgow on the
latter’s invitation—Calls upon the Muslims
to observe “Deliverance Day.”
1940 Passage of the Pakistan Resolution—Main
objectives: service to the Muslims and
achievement of freedom.
1942 Cripps mission—Cripps meets Quaid and
other Indian leaders—establishment of
Pakistan as accepted principle—“Quit India”
Movement—Quaid-i-Azam stays aloof.
1943 Khaksar Rafiq Sabir’s murderous attack on
the Quaid—Opening ceremony of Lahore
Muslim Students Federation and Quaid-i-
Azam’s Address—Meets Gandhi on
September 9.
1945 Simla Conference—Visits Baluchistan—
historic success in elections—calls for
celebrating “Victory Day.”
1946 Resounding success of Muslim League in
provincial elections—Cabinet Mission
arrives—Formation of provisional
government—Visits London on invitation of
British government—Meets Amin-ul-
Hussaini, Grand Mufti of Palestine on return
journey.
 62

1947 Lord Mountbatten arrives—Quaid meets

Viceroy and voices demand for Pakistan—
June 3 formula—Quaid ends Radio
broadcast with the words: “Pakistan
Zindabad”—Addresses Pakistan’s Constituent
Assembly on 11 August—Creation of
Pakistan—Eid message as Pakistan’s
Governor General—Eid-ul-Azha message
on October 24—Appeals to refugees to
show patience.
1948 Attends launching of “Dilawar”—Attends
Sibi Darbar—Addresses a concourse of
three lakhs in Dacca—opening ceremony of
State Bank of Pakistan—Proceeds to Ziarat
to recover health—First independence day
message—Arrives in Karachi September
11—Dies at 10:45 p.m.
 63

References
1. Hector Bolitho “Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan.”
2. Razi Haider Khawaja “Quaid-i-Azam Kay 72
Saal” Nafees Academy—Karachi, 1986 p 46.
3. Ibid, - p 44.
4. Hasan Riaz “Pakistan Naguzeer tha” (Urdu)
Karachi University, Karachi, 1987 p 65.
5. Hameed Raza Siddiqui—“ Quaid-i-Azam Kaisa
Pakistan Chahtay Thay?” (Urdu) Karwan-e-Adab,
Lahore—1993, p. 101.
6. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan”—QAP.,
—Karachi, 2000, p 33.
7. Hector Bolitho op. cit., p. 94.
8. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah”—Qaumi Publishers,
Lahore, —1998 p 43.
9. Hector Bolitho op.cit., Page 111,112.
10. Ibid, p 85.
11. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah” op.cit, p 83.
12. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan”, op-cit.,
p. 147.
13. Muzaffar Hussain Barni—Collected letters of
Iqbal—Vol. 4, Urdu Academy, New Delhi,
Bharat 1998—p 479.
14. Ahmad Saeed “Guftar-e-Quaid-i-Azam”,
National Commission on Historical and Cultural,
Research,—Islamabad, 1976, p 199.
 64

15. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmed—“Glimpses of Quaid-i-

Azam”—Royal Book Society, —Karachi, 1990,
p 13.
16. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan” op-cit p.
180.
17. Siddiqui Mohammad Saeed—“Tehrik-e-Pakistan
Kay Rehnuma”—Ferozsons, Lahore, 1992, p
153.
18. Hector Bolitho “Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan.”
Op.cit., p 184.
19. Iqbal Ahmad Siddiqui—“Quaid-i-Azam:
Speeches and Statements”—Vol.3—Bazm-e-
Iqbal, Lahore—1998 p. 400.
20. Ibid—Vol. 4 p. 102.
21. Khurshid Ahmed Khan—“Speeches, Statements
and Messages of the Quaid-i-Azam” vol. 3,
Bazm-e-Iqbal, Lahore, 1996, p 1578.
22. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah” op.cit., p 157.
23. Iqbal Ahmad Siddiqui—“Quaid-i-Azam,
Speeches & Statements” op-cit., vol. 3 p 475.
24. Ibid. Vol. 4 p 348.
25. Ibid. p. 233.
26. Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah—“My Brother”.