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Derek Walcott
(West indies
o won’t you celebrate with me
LUCILLE CLIFTON
o Grace
JOY HARJO
o Still I Rise
MAYA ANGELOU
o A Center
HA JIN
o “Hope” is the thing with feathers - (314)
EMILY DICKINSON
o Lift Every Voice and Sing
JAMES WELDON JOHNSON
o Second Attempt Crossing
JAVIER ZAMORA
o Facing It
YUSEF KOMUNYAKAA
o Psalm 150
JERICHO BROWN
o Carrion Comfort
GERARD MANLEY HOPKINS
o Cymothoa Exigua
ROGER REEVES
o Try to Praise the Mutilated World
ADAM ZAGAJEWSKI
o Preface to a Twenty Volume Suicide Note
AMIRI BARAKA
o It Was the Animals
NATALIE DIAZ
o The African Burial Ground
YUSEF KOMUNYAKAA
o Saint Francis and the Sow
GALWAY KINNELL
o There Are Birds Here
JAMAAL MAY
o from Miss Crandall's Boarding School for Young Ladies of Color
MARILYN NELSON
o Interpretation of a Poem by Frost
THYLIAS MOSS
o Goodbye to Tolerance
DENISE LEVERTOV
o To be of use
MARGE PIERCY
o Enlightenment
NATASHA TRETHEWEY
o Of History and Hope
MILLER WILLIAMS
o from Don't Let Me Be Lonely: “Cornel West makes the point...”
CLAUDIA RANKINE
o Thanks
W. S. MERWIN
o At Last the New Arriving
GABRIELLE CALVOCORESSI
o A Plagued Journey
MAYA ANGELOU
o A Portrait of a Dog as an Older Guy
KATIA KAPOVICH
o Elegy
MONG-LAN
o Failing and Flying
JACK GILBERT
o Hope
EMANUEL CARNEVALI
o Drawn Curtains
EDMOND JABÈS
o A Map to the Next World
JOY HARJO
o Dance, Dance, While the Hive Collapses
TIFFANY HIGGINS
o A Ritual to Read to Each Other
WILLIAM E. STAFFORD
o us
TORY DENT
o “Your Luck Is About To Change”
SUSAN ELIZABETH HOWE
o On the Wall of a KZ Lager
JÁNOS PILINSZKY
o Song of the Open Road
WALT WHITMAN
o Chronic
D. A. POWELL
o Yellow Glove
NAOMI SHIHAB NYE
o Self-Help
CHARLES BERNSTEIN
o Winter Flowers
STANLEY MOSS
o Elegy for the Native Guards
NATASHA TRETHEWEY
o A Litany for Survival
AUDRE LORDE
o Pa' Césary Corky
ALURISTA
o L.A. Prayer
FRANCISCO X. ALARCÓN
o An Old Story
TRACY K. SMITH
o Perhaps the World Ends Here
JOY HARJO
o A Poem for Pulse
JAMESON FITZPATRICK
o Enemies
WENDELL BERRY
o All the Dead Boys Look Like Me
CHRISTOPHER SOTO
o Biography of LeBron as Ohio
SEAN THOMAS DOUGHERTY
ALL POEMS BY CLAUDE MCKAY
1. Two-An'-Six 4/3/2010
6. Polarity 1/3/2003
7. Russian Cathedral 1/3/2003
8. To O.E.A. 1/3/2003
10
La Paloma In London 1/3/2003
.
11
Tormented 1/3/2003
.
12
Morning Joy 1/3/2003
.
13
To Winter 1/3/2003
.
14
Poetry 1/3/2003
.
15
One Year After 1/3/2003
.
16
The Plateau 1/3/2003
.
17
Memorial 1/3/2003
.
18
In Bondage 1/3/2003
.
19
Subway Wind 1/3/2003
.
20
To One Coming North 1/3/2003
.
21
O Word I Love To Sing 1/3/2003
.
22
Jasmines 1/3/2003
.
23
Summer Morn In New Hampshire 1/3/2003
.
24
On Broadway 1/3/2003
.
25
The Castaways 1/3/2003
.
26
North And South 1/3/2003
.
27
Through Agony 1/3/2003
.
28
The Night-Fire 1/3/2003
.
29
The Wild Goat 1/3/2003
.
31
The Easter Flower 1/3/2003
.
32
When Dawn Comes To The City 1/3/2003
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33
The White House 1/20/2003
.
34
Thirst 1/3/2003
.
35
To A Poet 1/3/2003
.
36
Spring In New Hampshire 1/3/2003
.
37
Home Thoughts 1/3/2003
.
38
Rest In Peace 1/3/2003
.
39
Futility 1/3/2003
.
40
I Know My Soul 1/3/2003
.
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Claude McKay: Poems Summary
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Written by Timothy Sexton
Published in 1922 after Claude McKay had emigrated to the U.S. from his
homeland of Jamaica, Harlem Shadows became the very first collection of
poetry published under aegis of the Harlem Renaissance. In addition, it
was the first literary work to come out of that movement to be almost
universally hailed as a major literary work. Among others of note, Harlem
Shadows contains what became McKay’s signature poem.
If We Must Die
Ironically constructed in the form of a Shakespearean love sonnet, “If We Must Die” is a
political protest against racial oppression. Stimulated by a series of violent and blood racial
conflicts producing rioting and police brutality, “If We Must Die” defiantly urges oppressed
blacks to stand up and fight back against white oppressors. Beneath the call for rebellion is a
reminder of the cherished values of insurrection in America against those that would deny
freedom and undermine one’s self-respect.
The Lynching
The events of 1919 also urged McKay to directly address the most outrageous form of
senseless racial oppression: lynching. Perhaps because he is looking back to a more distant
place in history—the long history of lynching following Reconstruction—rather than
immediate headlines, the outrage here is tempered by a spiritual metaphor. Once again
adopting his preferred sonnet form, the blacks who are lynched and murdered are given a
symbolic weight well beyond mere social outrage: they are depicted as sacrificial Christ
figures.
Mulatto
Appearing in 1925, “Mulatto” uses the double consciousness of mixed racial heritage as a
metaphor for the entire black experience in America. The mulatto symbols the enforced
introduction into a country not of its own choosing with the consequent rejection of that
society when it tries to assimilate.
Invocation
“Invocation” is inextricably tied to the conceptual thematic foundation of “Mulatto.” In a nod
toward his British poetry heroes, this effort demonstrates the lyrical quality of John Milton as
the poet feels compelled to justify the black experience as worthy of a literary tradition that
essentially traces the development of white civilization.
America
McKay was still crafting protest poetry late in his life, but “America” is tempered with the
realizations that come with time. It is a ferocious assault against his adopted country for the
many ways it which systematically organizes to dehumanize an entire race. At the same time,
however, this oppression also serves to harden his soul and strengthen his resolve to overcome
his oppressors.
Claude McKay was not all sound and fury, signifying protest and social
conscience. He also write poetry of extraordinary lyrical quality and
profound emotional depth with a precise eye toward details that brought
his observations to life.
Tropics in New York
This poem is resonant of his pastoral reflections of innocence and the yearning of childhood.
Not about the sultry and deadening heat within the skyscrapers of New York, the poem was
occasioned by the sight of fresh tropical fruit on display behind large pane glasses in
storefront windows. Aptly, the poem almost becomes a loving grocery list of the sweet fruits
from the tropics that seem so out of place in the urban jungle of the Big Apple.
Flame Heart
“Flame Heart” is another of McKay’s most well-known poems as stands out among all the
protest and politics as a reflection upon being ten years removed from Jamaica. The yearning
for innocence of youth is combined with the realization of how much one forgets when one is
away from home. It is a lyrical tribute to both to the past and the way that memory impacts
the reality of that past.
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Introduction
Postcolonial theory is a body of thought primarily concerned with accounting for the political, aesthetic, economic,
historical, and social impact of European colonial rule around the world in the 18th through the 20th century.
Postcolonial theory takes many different shapes and interventions, but all share a fundamental claim: that the
world we inhabit is impossible to understand except in relationship to the history of imperialism and colonial rule.
This means that it is impossible to conceive of “European philosophy,” “European literature,” or “European history”
as existing in the absence of Europe’s colonial encounters and oppression around the world. It also suggests that
colonized world stands at the forgotten center of global modernity. The prefix “post” of “postcolonial theory” has
been rigorously debated, but it has never implied that colonialism has ended; indeed, much of postcolonial theory
is concerned with the lingering forms of colonial authority after the formal end of Empire. Other forms of
postcolonial theory are openly endeavoring to imagine a world after colonialism, but one which has yet to come
into existence. Postcolonial theory emerged in the US and UK academies in the 1980s as part of a larger wave of
new and politicized fields of humanistic inquiry, most notably feminism and critical race theory. As it is generally
constituted, postcolonial theory emerges from and is deeply indebted to anticolonial thought from South Asia and
Africa in the first half of the 20th century. In the US and UK academies, this has historically meant that its focus
has been these regions, often at the expense of theory emerging from Latin and South America. Over the course
of the past thirty years, it has remained simultaneously tethered to the fact of colonial rule in the first half of the
20th century and committed to politics and justice in the contemporary moment. This has meant that it has taken
multiple forms: it has been concerned with forms of political and aesthetic representation; it has been committed
to accounting for globalization and global modernity; it has been invested in reimagining politics and ethics from
underneath imperial power, an effort that remains committed to those who continue to suffer its effects; and it has
been interested in perpetually discovering and theorizing new forms of human injustice, from environmentalism to
human rights. Postcolonial theory has influenced the way we read texts, the way we understand national and
transnational histories, and the way we understand the political implications of our own knowledge as scholars.
Despite frequent critiques from outside the field (as well as from within it), postcolonial theory remains one of the
key forms of critical humanistic interrogation in both academia and in the world.
General Overviews
There are a number of good introductions to postcolonial theory. Unique to postcolonial theory, perhaps, is that
while each introductory text explains the field and its interventions, alliances, and critiques, it also subtly (or not)
argues for a particular variety of postcolonial criticism. Loomba 2005 gives an overall sense of the field, and the
theoretical relationships between colonialism and Postcolonialism. Given that postcolonial theory has repeatedly
come under attack from outside (and from within) the field, these introductions often argue for the necessity of the
field, seen most vibrantly in Gandhi 1998 and Young 2003. Additionally, there have been a number of very helpful
edited volumes, each of which take place at key points in the field’s history, that keep important texts in circulation
where they might not otherwise be available; among these remainWilliams and Chrisman 1994 and Afzal-Khan
and Seshadri-Crooks 2000. Because so much postcolonial theory is built on or responds to colonial texts, Harlow
and Carter 2003, a two-volume set of colonial documents, is a necessary resource to scholars at all levels. Young
2001, an understated “historical introduction” to postcolonialism, is an invaluable resource. For students
interested in psychoanalytic or psychological approaches to postcolonial theory, Hook 2012 is a good resource.
Afzal-Khan, Fawzia, and Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks, eds. The
Pre-occupation of Postcolonial Studies. Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2000.
E-mail Citation »
This collection, though frequently overlooked, is a valuable resource of essays about postcolonial theory at a
moment of alleged crisis. The volume includes essays that argue for the expansion of postcolonial studies to new
contexts, as well as critiques of the theoretical underpinnings and commitments of the field. Noteworthy essays
include those by Walter Mignolo, R. Radhakrishnan, Daniel Boyarin, Joseph Massad, and Hamid Naficy.
Gandhi, Leela. Postcolonial Theory: An Introduction. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1998.
E-mail Citation »
Gandhi’s introductory text to postcolonial theory is useful for undergraduates, but it is also a helpful resource for
anyone working within the field at any stage. The short book covers the emergence of postcolonial theory in the
US and UK academic worlds, its subsequent debates and fissures, and possibilities for its political affiliations. The
book is mostly neutral in its approach but does offer critiques of certain postcolonial theorists and theoretical
trajectories.
Harlow, Barbara, and Mia Carter, eds. Archives of Empire. 2
vols. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003.
E-mail Citation »
Harlow and Carter’s two-volume work is the most extensive collection of legal, philosophical, scholarly, and
literary original source materials relating to European colonialism. The collection includes Hegel’s writing on
Africa, T. B. Macaulay’s “Minute on Indian Education,” and Charles Dickens’s image of the “noble savage,” among
many others. This is a crucial resource to scholars in postcolonial theory, which has drawn on, responded to, or
discussed these key texts.
Hook, Derek. A Critical Psychology of the Postcolonial: The
Mind of Apartheid. London: Routledge, 2012.
DOI: 10.4324/9780203140529E-mail Citation »
Hook’s book is a very good introduction to the relationship between postcolonial theory and psychology (and
psychoanalysis). Drawing on works by Homi Bhabha, Frantz Fanon, and others, Hook analyzes anticolonial,
postcolonial, and critical race theory approaches to and critiques of psychology. The book is a good introduction
to postcolonial theory, especially for students in the social sciences, and does a good job illustrating the
contributions of anticolonial and postcolonial critique to psychology.
Loomba, Ania. Colonialism/Postcolonialism. London:
Routledge, 2005.
E-mail Citation »
Loomba’s volume offers a lucid synthesis of postcolonial theory, both as it emerged from colonial rule as well as
within the US/UK academy. The book does a particularly good job aligning the historical and theoretical
components of the field. Loomba is also interested in the field’s commitment to other forms of political theory,
especially feminist thought. The book is ideal for undergraduates. Originally published in 1998.
Williams, Patrick, and Laura Chrisman, eds. Colonial Discourse
and Post-Colonial Theory. New York: Columbia University
Press, 1994.
E-mail Citation »
This edited volume remains the most widely available source for many important influential essays that are
foundational to the field but difficult to find, some of which are listed here (Senghor 1994, cited
under Anticolonialism; Hall 1994, cited under Affiliations and Alliances). In other cases, it offers a good selection
of longer texts for undergraduate classes, like those by Aijaz Ahmad, Cesaire, and Said. The book also includes
good examples of early postcolonial literary criticism.
Young, Robert J. C. Postcolonialism: An Historical Introduction.
London: Blackwell, 2001.
E-mail Citation »
This sweeping account of the emergence of Postcolonialism not only offers a phenomenal introduction to
anticolonial thought, but it illuminates the ways in which postcolonial theory is directly indebted to anticolonial
thought. Young also argues for understanding anticolonial thought and postcolonialism as inherently transnational
by foregrounding its circulation across the “tricontinental” world (South America, Africa, and South Asia; a term
first coined by Fidel Castro) in the 20th century.
Young, Robert J. C. Postcolonial Theory: A Very Short
Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
DOI: 10.1093/actrade/9780192801821.001.0001E-mail Citation »
Young’s primer to postcolonial theory is perfect for scholars new to the field. It provides an overview of the field’s
theoretical and political commitments, while also demonstrating how postcolonial theory can be used to examine
texts and politics. In the guise of a neutral text, it is actually a vibrant defense of the field and a
reconceptualization of its origins. It is also, therefore, an excellent manifesto for the field.
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Postcolonial theory (or often post‐colonial theory) deals with the effects of colonization on
cultures and societies and those societies' responses. The study of the controlling power of
representation in colonized societies began in the 1950s with the work of Frantz Fanon and
reached a climax in the late 1970s with Edward Said's Orientalism . This study led to the
development of the colonialist discourse theory in the work of critics such as Gayatri
Chakravorty Spivak and Homi Bhabha. The term “postcolonial” per se was first used in
literary studies by The Empire Writes Back in 1989 to refer to cultural interactions within
colonial societies. Postcolonial theory accompanied the rise of globalization theory in the
1990s, which used the language of postcolonial theory in studies of cultural globalization in
particular.
Postcolonial theory
A theoretical approach to analyzing the literature produced in
countries that were once colonies, especially of European
powers such as Britain, France, and Spain. Postcolonial theory
also looks at the broader interactions between European
nations and the societies they colonized by dealing with issues
such as identity (including gender, race, and class), language,
representation, and history. Because native languages and
culture were replaced or superseded by European traditions in
colonial societies, part of the postcolonialist project is
reclamation. Acknowledging the effect of colonialism’s
aftermath—its language, discourse, and cultural institutions—
has led to an emphasis on hybridity, or the mingling of cultural
signs and practices between colonizer and colonized. The
Palestinian American cultural critic Edward Said was a major
figure of postcolonial thought, and his book Orientalism is
often credited as its founding text. Other important
postcolonial critics include Homi K. Bhabha, Gayatri
Chakravorty Spivak, and Frantz Fanon.
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In This Article
Vijay Mishra
Department of English, Murdoch University
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How does the literary text, explicitly or allegorically, represent various aspects
of colonial oppression?
What does the text reveal about the problematics of post-colonial identity,
including the relationship between personal and cultural identity and such
issues as double consciousness and hybridity?
What person(s) or groups does the work identify as "other" or stranger? How
are such persons/groups described and treated?
What does the text reveal about the politics and/or psychology of anti-
colonialist resistance?
What does the text reveal about the operations of cultural difference - the
ways in which race, religion, class, gender, sexual orientation, cultural beliefs,
and customs combine to form individual identity - in shaping our perceptions of
ourselves, others, and the world in which we live?
How does the text respond to or comment upon the characters, themes, or
assumptions of a canonized (colonialist) work?
Are there meaningful similarities among the literatures of different post-
colonial populations?
How does a literary text in the Western canon reinforce or undermine
colonialist ideology through its representation of colonialization and/or its
inappropriate silence about colonized peoples? (Tyson 378-379)
Aug. 4, 2017
o
o
o
o
o
“Blown canes.” Those were his first words to mark me. Like any true discovery, they
came tangled in myth. I was about 16, a sixth former at Titchfield, my high school on
a peninsula in Port Antonio, a town on the northeastern coast of Jamaica. Almost
daily, for my last thing after school, I went to the town’s library. Once inside, I was at
sea, isolated, but not alone.
The myth of evening: porous light aslant a single bookshelf labeled West Indian
Literature. Was it new? I had never, impossibly, seen it before. I picked up the first
book at hand, the soft-covered, fading Caribbean Writers Series Heinemann of Derek
Walcott’s “Selected Poetry,” edited by Wayne Brown, a Trinidadian poet and critic. I
opened to the lines, “Where you are rigidly anchored, / the groundswell of blue
foothills, the blown canes.” A sort of force triggered in me at “blown canes” that
fogged my eyes. I stood, rigidly anchored. West Indian literature had arrived on two
words.
Blown canes. The force was partly because what I saw I heard — canes blowing in the
breeze, their flags flowing backward like waves. But that pastoral presence, in the
rhythm of the words, also quickened the Caribbean’s most brutal historical pain into
the present. In them I felt the stressed aftermath of plantation slavery.
The shock was immediate and oppressive. Every time I repeated them under my
breath, the blade swish of “s” on “cane,” slashed my tongue. But I couldn’t stop
repeating blown canes, blown canes until I was home, in pitch dark. How can a poet
do that, reveal with the stroke of two words, instantaneously, the horrors concealed in
the canes, the sea? Here was the cadence of experience, language pitched from the
marrow of the world around me.
Days after Derek Walcott’s death in March, this early encounter returned with
frightening exactness. By then he was someone I had met and gotten to know. Once,
in 2010, I tried to share my library memory with him. We were by the pool of his home
in St. Lucia. But I failed and ended up sputtering something about how Miltonic light
moves without fatality in his poem “The Hotel Normandie Pool.” Next thing I knew
we were having ice cream at the marina near Castries, the capital city of St. Lucia, and
his birthplace. Dusk falling as if to contrast my Milton remark with lines from “White
Egrets,” only recently published, set on the same marina:
I kept a conspiratorial peace in the dusk, one of gratitude. There I was, being witness
to Walcott’s gift, which ultimately abolishes literary parallels for physical radiance;
for his allegiance, always, is with the actual tension of life. Though more dusks were
to come when I saw him — in New York City, in Boston, at his home — I was never
able to speak about that library evening, or the day that followed when I was further
altered by these lines from “Another Life”:
Blown away. The other side of terror is beauty. The beauty is the verse itself, the
strange disquiet in blowing leaves, which becomes more menacing if you hear the
echo of wartime Eliot: “as if blown towards me like the metal leaves.” Here the vision
of despair is unrelenting. The gravitational rhythm of Walcott’s lines, however,
doesn’t deny but works under duress to assuage despair: Ending the stanza on “the
leaves” asserts the Caribbean landscape’s (and its people’s) natural utterance, the
dignity of dialect, over History. The lines pulled me into some sort of spiritual oasis in
which resilience reached beyond the poet’s self-consciousness. The self-consciousness
was not a burden. Far from it. It was a blessing, akin to what Charles Williams once
wrote about Milton, which could be about Dante or Walcott: “Self-consciousness can
only be calm.”
The calm flowered intensely and intimately for me in the last three lines of an early
poem, “A Sea-Chantey,” its repeated phrase I have recited to bring calm to some of
my most troubled times:
But these are the mute facts of data — both birth and praise — which Walcott’s self-
consciousness breaks in the voice of his persona Shabine, from his masterpiece, “The
Schooner Flight.” Shabine’s love song to poetry and his island, in a section called
“The Flight Anchors in Castries Harbor,” animates quietly the truth beyond statistics:
The lines are not the most famous. Yet I hear in them the sonic, somber complement
to the credo Walcott makes in his Nobel lecture: “Poetry is an island that breaks away
from the main.” The vernacular of the lines shelters me into a manifold self. It is the
cadence of experience that performs the gathering, a healing, to use a line from “The
Bounty,” of “our blown tribes dispersing over the islands.”
Blown tribes. Schoolchildren in uniform, market people, the posh dignitaries, friends
from distant countries, daughters, granddaughters, even the wandering tourists —
they were all there, the disparate tribes all gathered on the day of his funeral. Where
else? Everywhere else. In every nook of private homes pierced by his poetry.
The day of his funeral I didn’t see the crowds. From my winter outpost in Ithaca,
N.Y., an “accident” happened that felt like its own ceremony of farewell. I knew the
moment his funeral was going on and I wanted to be in his poetry, in Caribbean light.
I went into my study and took down “White Egrets,” his most valedictory book, and a
battered, unremembered copy of Thomas Hardy’s last, posthumous collection,
“Winter Words,” fell from the shelves to the floor.
The two books lay next to each other, companions in serenity. For companions they
were, in literature as in life. Both lived and wrote vigorously into old age. Both died at
age 87. Walcott adored Hardy with a vigilant esteem. Lines of Hardy came to serve as
the epigraph — “Down their carved names / the raindrops plough” — to Chapter 20 of
“Another Life,” the most moving of Walcott’s autobiographical work.
I took down “Another Life,” finding the page, sliding from Hardy’s couplet heading
the passage, to Walcott’s couplet closing it, forming a parenthesis of insurmountable
grief: “His island forest, open and enclose him / like a rare butterfly between its
leaves.”
Blown leaves. Blown canes. Blown tribes. I left both books on the floor, closed the
door of my study, and climbed the stairs in Caribbean light.
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Cultural Tensions and
Hybrid Identities in Derek
Walcott's Poetry
By Nidhi Mahajan
2015, VOL. 7 NO. 09 | PG. 1/2 | »
CITE REFERENCES PRINT
1668
KEYWORDS:
However, in these poems, the paradoxes of his identity remain largely unresolved. In Walcott’s
later poems, one observes a heightened historical and political awareness. This analysis
discusses an early poem, “A Far Cry of Africa” (In a Green Nigh: Poems, 1948-60, 1962), and two
later poems, “Names” (Sea Grapes, 1976) and “The Sea is History” (The Star-Apple Kingdom,
1979), in order to highlight the ways in which the poems present a search for a Caribbean history
while exploring the racial, colonial, and cultural tensions inherent in Caribbean identity. Moreover,
this analysis reveals Walcott’s celebration of the hybridity and cosmopolitanism of
Caribbean culture.
The different islands were colonised by the British, the French and the Dutch. The colonisers
brought-in slaves from parts of Africa to work on the land. When slavery was abolished by the
Emancipation Act of 1863, the colonisers began “importing” labour-force from India and China.
An imaginative reconstruction of the situation of the first generation of people who were brought
to the Islands is attempted by a number of Caribbean writers and poets. When Columbus
“discovered” the Islands, he assumed that the native population did not exist. While the natives
were denied human existence, the position of the slaves and the indentured labourers was hardly
any better.
They were displaced from their homeland, brought to an entirely unfamiliar environment, and
forced to work. They could hardly communicate with one another. Over the years, the different
Diasporas developed a language of communication (Pidgin and Creole), and the intermixing of
cultures (Native American, African, Indian, French, British and Dutch) resulted in a hybrid culture.
The later generations inherited this hybrid culture. Though the later generations did not
experience displacement or colonisation first-hand, the inheritance of an identity informed by
such complexities resulted in a form of cultural schizophrenia. Walcott’s poem, “A Far Cry from
Africa” explores this psychological condition. The central question asked in the poem is, “I who
am poisoned with the blood of both / Where shall I turn, divided to the vein?” (26-27). Walcott
evokes the Mau Mau rebellion of Kenya and holds both the Europeans and the Kenyans
responsible for the bloodshed. He is critical of the colonial discourses based on statistics and
laws that justify the killing of the Kenyan people.
However, he can neither turn away from his English identity, nor from his African ancestry. Frantz
Fanon theorises this psychological conflict as Negrophobia in Black Skin, White Masks.
According to Fanon, the black man “lives an ambiguity that is extraordinarily neurotic” (169). In
the black man’s “collective unconscious,” being black means being “wicked, spineless, evil, and
instinctual,” the opposite of being white (169). In “A Far Cry from Africa,” therefore, Walcott
confronts this psychological conflict but the paradoxes in his identity remain unresolved because
the central question is never answered.
In his later poems, such as “Names” and “The Sea is History,” there is a more mature and
historical understanding of the racial, colonial, and cultural tensions in the collective Caribbean
identity. Both “Names” and “The Sea is History” trace the beginnings of the Caribbean “race”
(referring to the social concept but also meaning journey). In the first part of “Names,” Walcott
describes how his race began with no nouns, no horizon, no memory, and no future. The shift
from “my race” and “I began” to “our souls” and “our names” is significant as it marks the growth
from an individual to a collective sensibility. Walcott writes that his race began as the sea began.
The reference is to how African slaves were brought to the Caribbean Islands via the sea. They
had to leave behind their homeland and the memory of their native culture was lost. Walcott uses
the image of an osprey’s cry to describe the condition of these people- “and my race began like
the osprey / with that cry, / that terrible vowel, / that I!” (I. 24-27). This cry is the agonizing cry of
the displaced people in an effort to define an identity (the “I”).
While tracing the beginnings of the Caribbean race, Walcott is searching for a particular moment
in history when “the mind was halved by a horizon” (“Names,” I. 11). By this phrase, Walcott
means the introduction and the internalisation of the binary opposition between the black and the
white. Walcott is unable to find the moment when this opposition was placed into the mind
because the history of the Caribbean Islands remains, largely, the history documented by the
European colonisers. This history is governed by the discourse of orientalism.
In Orientalism, Edward Said discusses the various institutional apparatuses that promoted certain
statements about the ‘orient’: about its homogeneity, mystical appeal, and barbarity. These
statements validated the “truth” about the ‘orient’ and formed the discourse of orientalism. The
‘occident’ had the agency to “gaze at” the ‘orient’; the ‘occident’ assumed the knowledge of
and power over the ‘orient’. Through this discourse, a binary opposition was created between the
‘occident’ and the ‘orient’ where the former was empowered and the latter was increasingly
disempowered and primitivised. Walcott’s attempt to locate the historical moment when the world
was halved fails because the history of the Caribbean people is informed by these European
discourses.
The challenge for Walcott is to rewrite this history from a subaltern perspective. In this regard, a
significant question to be addressed is- In which language is this history to be written? The
debate surrounding language has been an important one in many postcolonial countries.
In Decolonising the Mind, Ngugi wa Thiong’o writes, “Language, any language, has a dual
character: it is both a means of communication and a carrier of culture” (13). For Ngugi, language
carries the values of a community which are passed on from one generation to another (hence,
the importance of memory). These values accumulate over time to form the culture of the
community, and culture forms the basis of people’s identities. However, the question of language
for the Caribbean people is again a complex one.
The African slaves and the Indian indentured labourers who were brought to the Caribbean
Islands spoke different languages and dialects. They were forced to learn the colonisers’
language (what may be called the adopt phase). As they attempted to learn the language, they
altered it with pronunciations and mispronunciations (the adapt phase). Over time, they mastered
the coloniser’s language and began using it in a manner to write back to the empire (the adept
phase).
Walcott explores these three phases in “Names.” The second part of the poem describes how the
colonisers named everything on the Caribbean Islands after places and structures in Europe.
This naming process was important to the colonisers for both nomination and domination. The
poem describes how the Africans first agreed to the names (adopt), repeated them (adapt) and
then changed them (adept). Repetition of the names also suggests mimicry- repeating the words
or actions of the coloniser in a comic manner in order to subvert them. However, as Walcott
writes in “What the Twilight Says: An Overture,” “What would deliver [the New World Negro] from
servitude was the forging of a language that went beyond mimicry… the writer’s making creative
use of his schizophrenia, an electric fusion of the old and the new” (17).
Therefore, in “Names,” mimicry of the French words spoken by the teacher is not enough, the
words must be spoken in “fresh green voices” (II. 66) to forge a new language. The creation of a
new lexicon is represented by the description of the stars in the last line of the poem- the student
sees the stars as “fireflies caught in molasses” (II. 82) as opposed to the constellations of Orion
or Betelgeuse. The metaphor stands for the condition of the African slaves who are like fireflies
capable of emanating light but caught in the coloniser’s physical and ideological trap.
Walcott’s task, as a poet, is to aid the forging of this new language. Historically, in the Caribbean
Islands the fusion of the different languages produced Pidgin and Creole. However, Walcott
writes mostly in English and sometimes in French. There remains a debate between the relative
importance of Creole and English in encapsulating the diversity of Caribbean culture. What is
important to note, in this regard, is that Walcott appropriates the coloniser’s language to
challenge the coloniser’s discourse and to rewrite the history of the Caribbean people. “The Sea
is History” is a suitable example. The poem, in an odyssey-like fashion, traces the events in the
history of the African slaves and compares them to the mythical events in the Bible. Continued on Next
Page »
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CITE REFERENCES PRINT
1668
Nidhi Mahajan graduated in 2015 with a Bachelors degree in English Literature fromMiranda House University
College For Women in Delhi, India.
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Selected Poems
by
Claude McKay
3.97 · Rating details · 177 ratings · 17 reviews
In his 1918 autobiographical essay, "A Negro Poet Writes," Claude McKay (1889–1948), reveals
much about the wellspring of his poetry.
"I am a black man, born in Jamaica, B.W.I., and have been living in America for the last years. It
was the first time I had ever come face to face with such manifest, implacable hate of my race, and
my feelings were indescribable … Looking about me with bigger and clearer eyes I saw that this
cruelty in different ways was going on all over the world. Whites were exploiting and oppressing
whites even as they exploited and oppressed the yellows and blacks. And the oppressed, groaning
under the leash, evinced the same despicable hate and harshness toward their weaker fellows. I
ceased to think of people and things in the mass. [O]ne must seek for the noblest and best in the
individual life only: each soul must save itself."
So wrote the first major poet of the Harlem Renaissance, whose collection of poetry, Harlem
Shadows (1922), is widely regarded as having launched the movement. But McKay's literary
significance goes far beyond his fierce condemnations of racial bigotry and oppression, as is
amply demonstrated by the universal appeal of his sonnet, "If We Must Die," recited by Winston
Churchill in a speech against the Nazis in World War II.
While in Jamaica, McKay produced two works of dialect verse,Songs of Jamaica and Constab
Ballads, that were widely read on the island. In richly authentic dialect, the poet evoked the
folksongs and peasant life of his native country. The present volume, meticulously edited and with
an introduction by scholar Joan R. Sherman, includes a representative selection of this dialect
verse, as well as uncollected poems, and a generous number in standard English from Harlem
Shadows. (less)
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Claude McKay Biography
(1889–1948)
UPDATED:
JUN 26, 2020
ORIGINAL:
APR 2, 2014
Claude McKay was a Jamaican poet best known for his novels and
poems, including "If We Must Die," which contributed to the Harlem
Renaissance.
Who Was Claude McKay?
Claude McKay moved to Harlem, New York, after publishing his first books of poetry,
and established himself as a literary voice for social justice during the Harlem
Renaissance. He is known for his novels, essays and poems, including "If We Must
Die" and "Harlem Shadows." He died on May 22, 1948, in Chicago, Illinois.
Early Life
Festus Claudius McKay was born in Sunny Ville, Clarendon Parish, Jamaica, on
September 15, 1889. His mother and father spoke proudly of their respective
Malagasy and Ashanti heritage. McKay blended his African pride with his love of
British poetry. He studied poetry and philosophy with Englishman Walter Jekyll, who
encouraged the young man to begin producing poetry in his own Jamaican dialect.
Literary Career
McKay published his next poems in 1917 under the pseudonym Eli Edwards. More
poems appeared in Pearson's Magazine and the radical magazine Liberator.
The Liberator poems included "If We Must Die," which threatened retaliation for racial
prejudice and abuse; this quickly became McKay's best-known piece of work. McKay
then left the United States for two years of European travel. In 1920, he published a
new collection of poems, Spring in New Hampshire, containing "Harlem Shadows."
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McKay returned to the United States in 1921 and involved himself in various social
and political causes. He worked with the Universal Negro Improvement Association
and continued to explore Communism—even traveling to the Soviet Union to attend
the Communist Party's Fourth Congress. After spending some time in the United
States, McKay again left the country, spending what would prove to be 11 extremely
productive years in Europe and North Africa; he wrote three novels—Home to
Harlem, Banjo and Banana Bottom—and a short story collection during this
period. Home to Harlem was the most popular of the three, though all were well
received by critics.
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Citation Information
Article Title
Claude McKay Biography
Author
Biography.com Editors
Website Name
The Biography.com website
URL
https://www.biography.com/writer/claude-mckay
Access Date
July 31, 2020
Publisher
A&E Television Networks
Last Updated
June 26, 2020
Claude McKay, born in Jamaica in 1890, is the first modern master of the sonnet form. Yeats
of course had turned out a few—one a classic—as had Pound. Cummings wrote plenty of
sonnets, but, because of their idiosyncrasies, they are more complications than masterworks.
Wilfred Owen, if he had lived, might have rivaled McKay, as he was disposed to the sonnet
and masterful in its usage. The only other serious contender, to my mind, would be Edna St.
Vincent Millay, and perhaps later, Berryman. In the Selected Poems, first published in 1953,
several years after his death, Max Eastman writes (with what McKay’s biographer, Wayne
Cooper, generously describes as an “unconscious condescension”):
Claude McKay was most widely known perhaps as a novelist, author of Home to Harlem, a
national best-seller in 1928. But he will live in history as the first great lyric genius that his
race produced.
Why then has McKay’s work languished in relative obscurity? Eastman writes in 1953
that his “place in the world’s literature is unique and is assured.” Yet in his fifties, after a
decade of illness, McKay sought to end his financial difficulties by taking on employment as
a riveter—something he was not physically equipped to handle, and which surely contributed
to a stroke at age fifty-three. He had turned down a “sizeable” book advance, explaining, “I
haven’t been able to concentrate on a plot. It’s quite impossible when one’s mind is distracted.
People can’t realize the state of one’s mind under such conditions, and the few I meet make
me angry by telling me how happy I look.” Reading this now, one cannot help but think of the
poem that solidified McKay’s contemporary fame, “If We Must Die”:
A sign of its lasting resonance, the poem has transcended race and circumstance (it was
written while traveling through Soviet Russia in 1923). Winston Churchill reputedly recited
the poem before the House of Commons during World War II. More recently, through
protests around the death of unarmed black men in Ferguson, Staten Island, and elsewhere—
in too many places and far too often—the poem has experienced something of a resurgence.
Recitations have been posted on YouTube. Black America, rightfully, does not forget its
origins.
The occasion for “If We Must Die” was the infamous Red Summer of 1919. What began early
in the year as a series of terrorist attacks, purportedly by communists—mail bombs were sent
to a variety of governmental and business figures—had morphed into a series of riots against
black communities by summer. A report produced in October of that year by George E.
Haynes, the first African American to earn a PhD in Economics from Columbia University
and special assistant to the Secretary of Labor, identified thirty-four such instances across the
country. In many cities, attacks against African Americans were led, or permitted, by
uniformed whites: military or police officials. Rioting in Chicago—considered the bloodiest
of the season—was facilitated as the authorities refrained from acting (from “serving and
protecting” as we would say now). Carl Sandburg described it:
The so-called race riots in Chicago during the last week of July, 1919, started on a Sunday at
a bathing beach. A colored boy swam across an imaginary segregation line. White boys threw
rocks at him and knocked him off a raft. He was drowned. Colored people rushed to a
policeman and asked for the arrest of the boys throwing stones. The policeman refused. As the
dead body of the drowned boy was being handled, more rocks were thrown, on both sides.
The policeman held on to his refusal to make arrests. Fighting then began that spread to all the
borders of the Black Belt. The score at the end of three days was recorded as twenty negroes
dead, fourteen white men dead, and a number of negro houses burned.
Sandburg’s figures were low: it is now believed that thirty-eight people had died by the time
rioting was quelled, of which twenty-three were black. Illinois Attorney General Edward
Brundage and State’s Attorney Maclay Hoyne gathered evidence for a Grand Jury
investigation.
The summer of 1919 has been referred to as the first occasion when blacks en masse defended
themselves against mob violence. Cameron McWhirter’s book Red Summer is subtitled “the
awakening of Black America” pointing to the political cohesion and will which was forged at
that time. W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of black soldiers returned from fighting in Europe: “By the
God of Heaven, we are cowards and jackasses if now that the war is over, we do not marshal
every ounce of our brain and brawn to fight a sterner, longer, more unbending battle against
the forces of hell in our own land.”
McKay himself did not see any of that violence. As an immigrant, he had not, until that point,
closely identify with African Americans. During the summer of 1919, however, that
identification forced itself upon him. Wayne Cooper writes:
The poem [“If We Should Die”] eloquently expressed black America’s mood of desperation
and defiance that summer. McKay had first read the poem to the men of his dining-car crew.
They had reacted with intense emotion. Even the irresponsible fourth waiter, a man afflicted
with “a strangely acute form of satyriasis,” had wept. […] McKay had written a poem that
immediately won a permanent place in the memory of a beleaguered people. Because of it,
American blacks embraced him and have ever since claimed him as one of their own.
“Indeed,” McKay eventually concluded, “that one grand outburst is their sole standard of
appraising my poetry.” White America has remained less impressed.
McKay, however, held complicated views about man’s inhumanity to man. During the
summer of 1918, he wrote in markedly humanist terms of a global struggle:
Looking about me with bigger and clearer eyes I saw that this cruelty in different ways was
going on all over the world. Whites were exploiting and oppressing whites even as they
exploited and oppressed the yellows and blacks. And the oppressed, groaning under the lash,
evinced the same despicable hate and harshness toward their weaker fellows. I ceased to think
of people and things in the mass—why should I fight with mad dogs only to be bitter and
probably transformed into a mad dog myself? I turned to the individual soul, the spiritual
leaders, for comfort and consolation. I felt and still feel that one must seek for the noblest and
best in the individual life only: each soul must save itself.
His careful, skeptical, sensitive prose stands in stark contrast to poems like “The Negro’s
Friend,” an excoriation of civil rights activists and white liberal reformers alike:
Claude was born in 1890 in a little thatched farm house of two rooms in the hilly middle
country of Jamaica in the West Indies. He learned in childhood how a family of his ancestors,
brought over in chains from Madagascar, had kept together by declaring a death strike on the
auction block. Each would kill himself, they vowed solemnly, if they were sold to separate
owners. With the blood of such rebels in his veins, and their memory to stir it, Claude McKay
grew up proud of his race and with no disposition to apologize for his color.
A number of forces have resulted in McKay’s work being less well known than it should be.
Poetry has moved from the public domain, so to speak, to the ivory tower. Furthermore, in
Richard Wilbur’s phrase, “[t]here is a thoroughly crazy recent idea, sometimes held by bright
people, that we have put meter and rhyme forever behind us”. That McKay wrote for a
general readership, just at the cusp of Modernism, and wrote in formal verse, puts him out of
step with the prevailing literary history of his era—though not entirely.
“A poet writes for people,” Elizabeth Sewell said. “He does not write for professors, English
classes, textbooks, examination papers.” While any of these may contribute to “better
understanding” of a poem, usually “something else happens: they come between the living
man who writes poems and the living beings he writes for, with an icy, sterilizing, or just
plain wearisome apparatus of technicality and scholarship.”
The white establishment would never raise up McKay, preacher of power and resistance. His
sense of the “white man’s menace” sets the stage for Richard Wright’s “huge, implacable
elemental design” against which he felt “a longing to attack” decades later. McKay’s
formulation makes racism explicit, and seems written for an audience of similar experience,
but that fact does not render his poetry less universal: cruelty exists, both in the abstract as an
idea to be pondered and as seen in boys (“lynchers that were to be”) dancing “in fiendish
glee.”
McKay’s cantankerous personality did not smooth the way for him. “Despite his love for its
folk culture,” Cooper writes, “McKay never really learned to function in black American
society.” When he protested it was “simply because I have no close academic associates” that
he failed to gain employment suitable to his “intellectual attainments”, he was blind to the
part he himself played in hampering those relationships that would have helped him. His
biographies are replete with instances of him burning bridges before he came to them.
Furthermore he did not help his literary career by being absent from the American scene for
most of two decades after the Red Summer. He left for England in fall of 1919: the high racial
pitch got too hot for him, some of his peers suggested.
Then, as today, money did not come from writing poetry. McKay had patrons, of whom he
was unabashedly contemptuous. Needless to say, friends tended to drift away; the loyalty of
Max Eastman was a rarity, and even there, signs of strain grew apparent.
McKay had—as Eastman and others knew—a natural lyric genius, but his talents did not
translate well to the more lucrative genre of novels. He never could come up with an
acceptable plot, and insisted on portrayals of American blacks that were far from
complimentary. “A part of him always remained the outside observer and critic,” writes
Cooper.
May 1922 Liberatorissue, which includes sonnets by McKay
As an editor of Max Eastman’s Liberator, McKay reached the professional apex of his career.
Tyrone Tillery, in his biographyClaude McKay, describes an incident that would alter
McKay’s relation to Eastman and the rest of the white staff:
The Liberator received an invitation extended by the Theatre Guild’s publicity agent to send
its drama critic to review Leonid Andreyev’s play He Who Gets Slapped. Since the regular
drama critic was away, McKay as coeditor decided to assume the role of theatre critic. In the
company of William Gropper, the Liberator’s artist, McKay went to the theater, where he
discovered that the management had intended the “first row” tickets to be used only by
whites.While the white Gropper was offered a seat near the stage, McKay, who was
functioning as the official drama critic, was shunted upstairs to the balcony. Gropper declined
to sit alone and accompanied the outraged and terribly hurt McKay to the balcony.
“Suddenly,” McKay recalled, “the realization came to me, I had come here as a dramatic
critic, a lover of the theater, and a free soul. But—I was abrubtly reminded—those things did
not matter. The important fact, with which I was suddenly slapped in the face, was my color. I
am a Negro.
“I had come to see a tragic farce—and I found myself unwittingly the hero of one”, McKay
wrote, according to Cooper reaching “polemical heights that he never again equaled in his
prose”:
Poor painful blackface, intruding into the holy place of the whites. How like a spectre you
haunt the pale devils! Always at their elbows, always darkly peering through the window,
giving them no rest, no peace. How they burn up their energies trying to keep you out! How
apologetic and uneasy they are, yes, even the best of them, poor devils, when you force an
entrance, blackface, facetiously, incorrigibly smiling or disturbingly composed. Shock them
out of their complacency, blackface, make them uncomfortable, make them unhappy! Give
them no peace, no rest. How can they bear your presence, blackface, great unspeakable ghost
of Western civilization.
Perhaps his status as an outsider had kept him from feeling the full force of what black
America had been facing all along. Needless to say, the incident shook him profoundly, and
he resigned his editorship. McKay’s last article for the Liberator, published in August 1922,
warned, “This racial question may be eventually the monkey wrench thrown into the
machinery of the American revolutionary struggle. The Negro radical wants more than
anything else to find in the working class movement a revolutionary attitude toward the
Negroes different from the sympathetic interest of bourgeois philanthropists and capitalist
politicians.” In London, he had worked with Sylvia Pankhurst’s Worker’s Dreadnought, a
radical newspaper of the working-class movement. He would retreat to Russia, and not return
to Harlem until 1934.
McKay, like so many others, initially had high hopes for the Russian experiment. He was
impressed by Lenin. Trotsky was responsive to McKay’s assessment that “the greatest
difficulty that the Communists of America have to overcome” was “the fact … that they first
have to emancipate themselves before they can be able to reach the Negroes with any kind of
propaganda.” Later he would say, “I went into Russia as a writer and a free spirit and left the
same, because I was convinced that however far I was advanced in social ideas, if I could do
something significantly creative as a Negro it would mean more to my group and the world
than being merely a social agitator.” If a “word on the communist side” would have raised
him from poverty, as Eastman suggested, he not only refused to speak it: he grew virulently
anti-communist, going on the attack even when there was no personal benefit in doing so.
Back in America in 1934, following brief stints in France and Morocco, McKay found that the
Harlem literary movement had passed into the hands of a younger generation. During the
expatriate years, when he might have shepherded his literary career forward at home, he was
occupied himself with projects that never seemed to come to fruition. In 1940, McKay
became a naturalized United States citizen as well as a fervent Catholic, relocating to Chicago
until his death in 1948.
McKay once disparaged Wright that “he knew from which side his bread was buttered”: a
given individual’s stance in relation to the ruling powers might run the gambit, but McKay
remained ever inflexible. His acute moral vision, though it changed over the course of his life,
would be welcome today. Today, as colonialism’s ubiquitous tentacles reach inward, and
one’s placement within the corporate structure—privately-owned corporations seen as
controlling the military-industrial-congressional complex, not governments—guarantees
“freedom.” The names and faces change (if not the general hue), but the power dynamics are
not so different.
The hundredth anniversary of the Red Summer is fast approaching, and it seems little progress
has been made toward racial or economic justice. It remains to be seen whether great poetry
will arise from our current moment of social unrest. Of course, the production of great poetry,
and even great literary reputations, is really beside the point. Poetry will make its own place;
form and mastery will reveal itself. Some will even be remembered, if not always the right
ones.
McKay’s ghost may not walk the halls of academia, but it walks in Ferguson, in Staten Island,
on the Washington mall. His poetry is not the sort that lauds victimhood. Confronted with the
worst forms of violence, intolerance, and abuse, his poems demands dignity.
About David X. Novak
David X. Novak is a poet and playwright living in Chicago. His books include Against Holy
War and Sonnets, published by Non Fit Press, as well as several titles at Lulu.com. He is a
member of The Society of Midland Authors, and a former contributing editor for The
Chicago Poetry Letter News.
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