plaza

C E N T E R F O R L I B E R A L I S M & D E M O C R AC Y

THIRD QUARTER 2020 | ISSUE # 3

MIR A N D A

“We are repressing our freedoms! We

are in fact destroying our democracy!
Why are we adding terror to terror?” Photo by ITM

-KIT BELMONTE

TOWARDS DEMOCRACY ANATOMY THE RESILIENCY

AN INCLUSIVE UNDER OF A FAILED OF THE
AND SUSTAINABLE SIEGE PANDEMIC FILIPINO
POST PANDEMIC RESPONSE SPIRIT
PHILIPPINES
1
editor’s
MESSAGE
We are still in the midst of the pandemic,
caught between BC (before COVID-19)
and AD (after the discovery of the
vaccine).
How often have we heard that things
can only be back to normal if the cure to
the coronavirus is finally discovered and
masses of people are vaccinated. In the
meantime, we have no choice but live
within the parameters of the new normal—
quarantine, social distancing, wearing
masks and frequent hand washing, mass
testing, and other precautionary measures.
The pandemic has so changed the world
that it also altered the context of the
term “new normal” which before referred
to a globe altered by climate change and
the increasing frequency and intensity of
natural disasters.
Much as the new normal, in the COVID-19
sense, may be viewed as temporary or
transitory while we are still between BC
and AD, the question is: do we really want
the old normal as the mode and model of
a post-pandemic society?
We don’t have to and we should not. The
pandemic, despite its massive cost in
terms of human health and the economy,
is packed with learning opportunities. It
would such a tragic waste not to learn
from this experience.
Three issues come to mind: (1) the
lockdown has given nature a much
needed respite; thus, exposing the
extent of damage of human activities on
the environment; (2) good governance,
transparency, accountability, science-
based solutions and citizenship
engagement have proven to be the best
solutions to address the crisis while a
hardline, militaristic and populist approach
merely exacerbate the problem; and, (3)
the biggest problem of society is still the
same—the immense and still widening
social and economic divide within and
among nations.
The first of four sections for this issue
is “Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable
Post-Pandemic Philippines”. The Center
for Liberalism and Democracy (CLD)
believes that economic stimulus,
food security, alternative energy, and
biodiversity-friendly enterprises must
be promoted not just in the new normal
but beyond. This is not a comprehensive
list of solutions, not by any measure.
But these are the topics explored in
this issue by Rep. Stella Quimbo, Gerry
Bulatao, Cedric Flores and myself,
respectively.
2
Elroy Rendor also prepared a well-
researched briefer on the proposed
Bayanihan 2 Act. The second section
is “Democracy Under Siege”. Last
Independence Day (June 12), more than
a thousand demonstrators held a rally at
the main campus of the University of the
Philippines to oppose the anti-terror bill.
Not only was it peaceful but the activists
practiced the usual health protocols.
For them to take such risk reflects the
severity of the bill’s implications as a real
threat to human rights and civil liberties,
especially given the track record of
the current regime when it comes
to systematic repression, including
extrajudicial killings.
As Liberal International observed,
“Joining a growing list of corona-dictators
determined to exploit the COVID
pandemic to shore-up their support
and raze liberal-democratic freedoms,
Rodrigo Duterte, notorious president
of the Philippines, has successfully
fast-tracked human-rights compromising
legislation through congress, effectively
removing legal protections guaranteed in
a liberal democracy.”
Last June 15, a Manila Trial Court
convicted Rappler founder and editor,
Maria Ressa, and a colleague for violating
the Cybercrime Prevention Act, the first
journalists to be convicted of cyber libel.
This draconian legislation, the closure of
ABS-CBN last May 4, and the conviction
of an internationally renowned and
respected journalist not only show
Duterte’s distaste for freedom, justice
and human rights and the rule of law
but it also exposes the government’s
ineptitude. Despite its dismal
performance vis-à-vis the most serious
global health crisis in recent history when
compared to other countries in Asia and
beyond, the regime decided to resort
to its default tactics of using force,
militaristic solutions and the repression
of dissent to address whatever crisis
comes its way. Isaac Asimov stated it so
aptly, “Violence is the last refuge of the
incompetent.”
One of the most vocal critics of the anti-
terror bill, Rep. Kit Belmonte, diligently
explained the reason behind his voting
“no” to the said measure.
The President of the Liberal Party,
Senator Kiko Pangilinan, and former
Deputy Speaker Erin Tañada expressed
their various concerns and reservations
regarding the fate of the country’s
leading television network.
The reactions of the party’s
international allies, the Council of
Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD)
and Liberal International (LI), to these
issues are also included.
Tyrants and populists continue to use
the pandemic to further strengthen
their authoritarianism rule. But I know
of no democratic country that has
become less democratic to address
the COVID-19 crisis. Nor of any
authoritarian leader who has suddenly
decided to become democratic.
The pandemic, in my opinion, has no
bearing in terms of tendencies and
propensities to move to opposite
sides of the political spectrum. It has
merely reinforced leaders’ existing and
prevailing attitudes and behaviors.
In the third section, the most famous
victim of Duterte’s intolerance, the
still incarcerated Senator Leila de Lima,
gives a critical analysis of the current
administration’s response to the
pandemic in a four-part series where
she brilliantly embarked on an analysis
of key areas of budget interventions,
welfare and social protection, medical
response and health sector support,
and human rights and peace & order.
The fourth part is “The Resiliency of
the Filipino Spirit”. In an era of eroding
democracy, one leading steadfast
keeper remains committed to the cause
of freedom, women empowerment and
good governance as reflected in the vice
president’s inspiring speeches, including
her much admired Ulat, Mungkahi ukokl
sa Pandemya, at Mensahe ng Pag-Asa.
August 21 is a date very much
associated with the Liberal Party,
especially to two of its pillars—Senator
Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr. and Senate
President Jovito “Jovy” Salonga. “A
Guerilla and a Gentleman” pays tribute to
Ka Jovy and how the experiences of the
young WW2 freedom fighter became
the crucible for greater challenges to
come. The undelivered letter of Ninoy
dated August 21, 1983 is reprinted
here as a reminder to the young, and to
the not so young but have conveniently
forgotten.
Metro Manila and most of the country
are no longer in a lockdown but the
quarantine will remain until the much
anticipated discovery of a vaccine.
Any era of hardship and restricted
freedoms—be it war, pandemic or
authoritarian rule—inevitably comes to
an end.
JOHN JOSEPH S. CORONEL
coronel@cld.ph
 contents
3RD QUARTER 2020 ISSUE

4 CLD Briefer : Bayanihan 2 Act

by Elroy Rendor

TOWARDS AN INCLUSIVE AND ANATOMY OF A FAILED PANDEMIC

SUSTAINABLE POST PANDEMIC RESPONSE
PHILIPPINES
A Series of Critical Papers on the Duterte
12 ARISE Philippines Act: Flatten the Administration’s COVID-19
Curve, Not the Economy Interventions by Senator Leila M. de Lima
PUBLISHER: by Rep. Stella Quimbo
Center for Liberalism 78 Part I: Budget Interventions
& Democracy 25 Food Security During the Part II: Welfare and Social
Pandemic and Beyond Protection
EDITOR: by Gerry Bulatao 86 Part III: Medical response and
John Joseph S. health sector support,
Coronel 38 Making a Case for Renewable Part IV: Human rights and Peace
Energy Use & Order
by Cedric Flores
CONTRIBUTORS:
THE RESILIENCY OF THE FILIPINO SPIRIT
Gerry Bulatao, 44 Biodiversity Friendly Enterprises:
Jed Elroy E. Rendor, The Synthesis of Conservation, Women Power and Human Rights
Cedric Flores Livelihood & Social Equity
by John Coronel 106 Empowering Women Means
EMAIL: Helping The World
plazamiranda@cld.ph by Vice President Leni Robredo
DEMOCRACY UNDER SIEGE
FREQUENCY: 108 Ulat, Mungkahi ukol sa
Quarterly Lawfare against the Fourth Estate Pandemya at Mensahe
ng Pag-Asa
59 Deplorable Shutdown during the By Vice President Leni Robredo
ISSN: 27894204
Lockdown:
Sen. Kiko Pangilinan and fmr. Deputy Gone with Glory
with the support Speaker Erin Tañada on ABS-CBN
of the Friedrich Franchise and Closure 112 A Guerilla and a Gentleman
Naumann Foundation By John Coronel
and the Liberal Party 65 Asian Liberals condemn
Network Shutdown and Media 116 The Undelivered Speech of
Persecution Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr.

#JunkTerrorBill

67 Why I voted “NO” to the Anti-

Terror Bill
by Rep. Kit Belmonte

77 Liberal International: Duterte’s

‘anti-terror bill’ a vicious
blow to Philippines’ freedom

The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed in this magazine belong solely to the authors, and do
not necessarily reflect the official position of the publisher and its affiliate organizations.

3
CLD Briefer

Bayanihan 2 Act
BY ELROY RENDOR, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
CENTER FOR LIBERALISM & DEMOCRACY

On 03 June 2020, the Senate approved on second reading Senate Bill No. 1546i
or the “Bayanihan We Recover as One Bill.” The bill, aptly referred to as the
“Bayanihan 2” Act, seeks to extend the government policies laid out in Republic
Act No. 11469ii or the Bayanihan 1 Law in responding to the SARS-CoV-2
(COVID-19) pandemic. However, R.A. 11469 has expired last 25 June 2020 and
Bayanihan 2 remains up for debate.

SALIENT POINTS OF THE BILL

The bill covers an array of new and continued policies to address COVID-19, and
the notable points are grouped based on themes below. The more contentious
points will be discussed in the succeeding section.

SOCIOECONOMIC RESPONSE

• Principles for recovery interventions – Sec. 3 lays out key principles

for “(mitigation of) the adverse impact on and “immediate relief” for firms
and households due to the pandemic.

• Cash/wage subsidies – Sec. 4. f. seeks to continue the following: (i)

a cash subsidy of PhP 5,000 to PhP 8,000 (adjusted based on regional
minimum wage rates) for those in the informal sector, and (ii) cash-for-
work for displaced workers or wage subsidy of PhP 5,000 to PhP 8,000 for
employees of small businesses.

• Credit for MSMEs – Sec. 4. r. encourages the provision of credit for

productive Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) especially
those in the rural areas. The specific loan terms have been removed
and the grants should be under “concessional terms in accordance with
prudential standards.”

• Incentives for manufacturing and importation of critical

equipment – to increase and guarantee the supply of critical goods
and equipment, Sec. 4. t. proposes incentives, and supply distribution
restrictions or the setting of price ceilings.

• Relief for affected OFWs – For OFWs affected by the pandemic, Sec. 4.
vv. proposes the adjustment of PhilHealth monthly contributions to PhP
300, PhP 375, and PhP 450 in 2020, 2021, and 2022, respectively. OFWs
who recently returned to ECQ areas shall also be eligible for the cash
subsidy in Sec. 4. f.

4
HEALTH GOVERNANCE

• Alignment with global protocols – Sec. 4. a. requires the state

to follow, adopt, and implement guidelines from the World Health
Organization (WHO) or the United States Center for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) and other global best practices.

• Faster and streamlined testing – Sec. 4. b. hopes to speed up and

streamline the accreditation of COVID-19 testing facilities. Sec. 4. c.
seeks to adopt a protocol for PCR testing through the coordination
of the Department of Health (DOH), the Department of Interior and
Local Government (DILG), the Department of Labor and Employment
(DOLE), the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and the Bureau of
Immigration (BI).

• COVID-19 special risk allowance - Sec. 4. g. proposes this additional

hazard pay for public health workers on top of their existing hazard pay
under R.A. 7305.

PUBLIC GOVERNANCE

• Special procurement rules until the expiration of the law – Sec.

4. o. seeks to grant special procurement powers (exemptions from R.A.
9184 or the Government Procurement Reform Act), along with special
procurement rules from the Government Procurement Policy Board
(GPPB) for the following:

• Medicines, personal protective equipment (PPEs), and other

goods for the containment and mitigation of COVID-19;

• Goods and services for social amelioration (albeit vague and

unspecified);

• Lease of real property or venue for housing health workers or

establishment of quarantine centers;

• Preparation and operation of temporary medical facilities;

• Utilities, telecommunications, and critical services for quarantine

centers and medical facilities; and

• “Ancillary services” (which are also vague and unspecified).

5
 • Transportation and traffic – Sec. 4. x. and Sec. 4. y. seek to regulate
public and private transportation operations through land, sea, and air as
well as traffic on all roads, streets, and bridges.

• Budget realignment – Sec. 4. cc. seeks to extend the budget

realignment powers of Bayanihan 1, e.g. discontinuation of appropriated
programs, projects, or activities (P/A/P) in the FYs 2019 and 2020 General
Appropriations Act (GAA). Sections. 4. dd., ee., and ff., seek to extend the
power in Bayanihan 1 to abandon unutilized and unreleased balances in
special-purpose funds, national government agencies, and government-
owned and/or controlled corporations (GOCCs) and to realign savings.
Bayanihan 2, however, also introduces in Sec. 4. gg. the discontinuation
of automatic appropriations for debt service and available appropriations
for the redemption of maturing government securities.

• Support for education – Sec. 4. ss. seeks to use a portion of the

proceeds from the Special Education Fund for alternative learning
modalities and purchase of health equipment and supplies for schools.

• Authority to direct the operation of private establishments –

Sec. 7. reinstates the government power in Bayanihan 1 to direct the
operations of hospitals and medical facilities and public transportation
providers.

• Creation of ARISE, Inc. and FISTCs. – the bill proposes the creation of
ARISE, Inc. to pool private investment through the joint venture of LBP
and DBP, and FISTCs to free up liquidity from financial institutions (FIs).

ADMINISTRATIVE

• Sunset clause – The bill is proposed to remain in effect until 31

December 2020.

• Automatic appropriations – Sec. 8. of the bill proposes the following

automatic appropriations:

PURPOSE AMOUNT IN PHP

Procurement of PCR testing kits and expansion of DOH capacities 10,000,000,000.00
Cash-for-work for displaced workers, including the hiring of contract 15,000,000,000.00
tracers
Cash or wage subsidies 17,000,000,000.00
Infusion of capital to GFIs for the ff:

• Credit guarantee program of PhilGuarantee 5,000,000,000.00

• Support for banking facilities and equity infusion of the 30,000,000,000.00
LBP in Arise, Inc.
• Support for banking facilities and equity infusion of the 15,000,000,000.00
DBP in Arise, Inc.
Cash or loan interest rate subsidies of the Department of Agricul- 17,000,000,000.00
ture-Agricultural Credit Policy Council

6
 CLD Briefer: Bayanihan 2 Act

PURPOSE AMOUNT IN PHP

Programs of DOTr and partial subsidies for PUVs 17,000,000,000.00
Programs of DOT 10,000,000,000.00
Assistance to SUCs for new learning modalities 3,000,000,000.00
Additional scholarship funds of TESDA 1,000,000,000.00

POINTS RECOMMENDED FOR FURTHER DISCUSSION

Below are some questionable elements of the bill that merit further discussion:

Principles for recovery interventions

Sec. 3. of Bayanihan 2 lists the following general principles for recovery
interventions: (i) affordability and long-term fiscal sustainability, (ii) targeted, (iii)
time-bound, (iv) continuity, and (v) capacity-building.

The language in this section does not properly delineate principles among the
firm and the household sides of the economy, e.g. “critically-impacted sectors”
refer to firms when the issue of targeting is likewise crucial for households.

And while the five principles are laudable, the government will be hard-pressed
to find solutions that are both affordable AND targeted. Targeted interventions
must factor the costs in both (i) exclusion and (ii) inclusion errors. Exclusion
errors, or when the poor are omitted from the solution, is particularly devastating
for affected households. Inclusion errors, or when the non-poor receive
assistance, represent the opportunity cost of the limited public funds that could
have been given to those who need it more.

As shown in the blunders of the Social Amelioration Program (SAP) distribution,iii

the act of targeting itself is also operationally costly through leakages and
exclusion errors. Based on CLD’s roundtable discussion on SAP, it is important to
revisit the targeting approach when LGUs coordinate the distribution but become
the scapegoats of administrative delaysiv when local DSWD units are actually in
charge of distribution on the ground. Verification proved difficult, among other
operational challenges.

7
 Inclusion errors can be considered preferable given the real challenges on the
ground (which causes dangerous delays for families who do not receive them)
and that geographically contiguous communities suffer relatively the same from
the pandemic. In this regard, the government may explore unconditional cash
transfers as it minimizes targeting costs but may also assist in economic recovery
at the national scale. Firms need liquidity and to translate liquidity infusions
to economic recovery, households must spend (instead of saving)—of which
unconditional cash transfers may also help.

Special procurement rules

Additional verification mechanisms before the GPPB sets the special
procurement rules may be explored. Further, additional transparency measures
after the award of the contract should be explored.

Discontinuation of unutilized automatic appropriations for debt service and

available appropriations for the redemption of maturing government securities
Given the piling amount of foreign loans (now at PhP 364 billion), the
discontinuation of automatic appropriations for debt service and redemption
of maturing government securities is not only unnecessary but will also worsen
the country’s debt profile. Rappler summarized the PhP 340 billion that the
government raised from foreign loans until 17 June.v The government then
secured another PhP 23.5 billion from Japan’s official development assistance.

Source Amount in Amount in Notes

million PHP million USD
1 Asian 150.00 3.00 Grant (3/13); for med supplies, tests, PPEs,
Development etc.
Bank (ADB)
2 ADB 250.00 5.00 Grant (4/1); for food supplies for 55,000
vulnerable households in MM
3 World Bank 25,000.00 500.00 Loan (4/9); for disaster rehab and recovery
planning, emergency cash transfers, etc.;
payable in 29 years, a grace period of 10.5
years
4 World Bank 5,000.00 100.00 Loan (4/23); for COVID-19 Emergency
Response Project
5 ADB 75,000.00 1,500.00 Loan (4/24); for COVID-19 response
6 ADB 10,000.00 200.00 Loan (4/27); emergency cash subsidies for
vulnerable households
7 Republic of 117,500.00 2,350.00 US-denominated global bonds (4/28)
the Philippines
Bonds
8 ADB 20,000.00 400.00 Loan (5/26); for capital market development
9 Asian 37,500.00 750.00 Loan (5/29); co-financed with ADB; for testing
Infrastructure capacity, cash transfers, wage subsidies
Investment
Bank (AIIB),
ADB
10 World Bank 25,000.00 500.00 Loan (5/29); aid for poor households and
small businesses; payable in 29 years, a grace
period of 10.5 years

8
 CLD Briefer: Bayanihan 2 Act

Source Amount in Amount in Notes

million PHP million USD
11 ADB 25,000.00 500.00 Loan (6/17); for conditional cash transfers
(4Ps); payable in 29 years, a grace period
of 8 years; attached with $3.1m technical
assistance
12 Japan ODA 23,500.00 464.97 Loan (07/01); Crisis Response Emergency
Support Loan, payable in 15 years, a grace
period of 4 years
Total 363,900.00 7,272.97

Last June, debt from domestic sources was already at PhP 5.9 trillion, which was
up by 12.6% year-on-year.

Automatic appropriations
As shown in the table of automatic appropriations proposed by this bill, PhP
45 billion, or 32% of the PhP 140 billion, is intended for “support for banking
facilities and equity infusion” of the Land Bank of the Philippines (LBP) and the
Development Bank of the Philippines (DBP) for the establishment of the join
venture Arise, Inc. Meanwhile, the most important programs—cash or wage
subsidies, cash-for-work, and procurement of PCR testing kits—only receive 30%
in total.

ARISE, Inc.
Section 5 of the Bayanihan 2 Act proposes the establishment of “Accelerating
Recovery to Intensify Solidarity and Equity, Inc.” (ARISE, Inc.), through the joint
venture of the LBP and DBP, as a stock corporation organized under R.A. 11232.

The bill states that the objective of ARISE, Inc. is to “assist strategically important
companies affected by the COVID-19 pandemic to address solvency issues, such
as those with considerable impact on the economy including companies from
the agriculture, infrastructure, service, and manufacturing industries and other
industries.” The seven (7) board members shall be:
1. Secretary of DOF (ex officio chairperson);
2. President of LBP;
3. President of DBP;
4. Director to be appointed by the Monetary Board of the Banko Sentral
ng Pilipinas (BSP);
5. to. 7. Directors to be appointed by the LBP, DBP, and the private equity
investor.

However, once private equity reaches 50%, the members of the board shall then
be elected. Sec. 5. c. also allows for the divestment of government shares.

The bill shall also empower ARISE, Inc. to create subsidiaries and allow for equity
participation of private sector investors. While it prevents investees from issuing
cash dividends and gaining other benefits, ARISE, Inc. and its subsidiaries shall be
exempt from the following:
• R.A. 10149 or the GOCC Governance Act of 2011;

9
 CLD Briefer: Bayanihan 2 Act

• National and local taxes, fees, and assessment for up to 3 years;

• R.A. 9184 or the Government Procurement Reform Act for up to 3 years;
• R.A. 10667 or the Philippine Competition Act for up to 3 years;
• R.A. 8791 or the General Banking Law of 2000 (period to be determined
by the Monetary Board);
• Sections 38 and 39 of Chapter 9 Book 1 of the Revised Administrative
Code of 1987

The only reasonable meaning for the existence of ARISE, Inc. is to isolate risks
and possible non-performing loans away from the balance sheets of LBP and
DBP. However, the business organizations that support this provisionvi should be
the last to be served by ARISE, Inc. as these businesses could absorb investment
risks on their own. Further, the setup of ARISE, Inc. does not guarantee it will
remedy “solvency issues” nor be able to absorb the risks for smaller firms who are
in true need of this support from development banks.

The setup of the joint venture is also questionable. ARISE, Inc. will be seeded by
GOCC funds, but leadership may end up in the private sector and government
shares may be divested. The exemptions to be granted should also be questioned
given that the case of Pasig City shows that transparency and competitive
biddingvii need not be sacrificed during the pandemic.

Further, in a setup where the private sector stands to gain the most, the extra
layer of creating a joint venture should be questioned, especially given the
regulatory exemptions proposed. Granted that exemptions in public bidding
may help speed up processes, then the bill should instead build on the relevant
provision on public bidding.

Financial Institutions Strategic Transfer Corporations (FISTCs)

Sec. 6 of the Bayanihan 2 bill incorporates some of the key points of House Bill
no. 6816 or the Financial Institutions Strategic Transfer (FIST) Act. The principles
proposed are indeed crucial in increasing much-needed liquidity. Given that
there is an existing bill for this, with a more fleshed out plan for the purchase of
non-performing assets, the H.B. no. 6816 may instead be considered for further
discussion.

Authority to direct the operation of private establishments

Given that this authority was unnecessary during the ECQ, Sec. 7. of Bayanihan 2
may be reconsidered. Further, the direct operation of the firms under this section
does not remedy the underlying lack of supplies and funding.

Endnotes
i https://www.cnnphilippines.com/news/2020/6/3/bayanihan-2-sb1546-second-reading.html
ii https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2020/03/24/republic-act-no-11469/
iii https://www.pna.gov.ph/articles/1106665
iv https://news.mb.com.ph/2020/06/26/lgus-to-get-their-day-in-house-sap-probe/
v https://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/264259-analysis-duterte-coronavirus-loans-need-we-worry
vi https://www.philstar.com/business/2020/06/05/2018713/businesses-want-swift-ok-arise
vii https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1301058/vico-cleanup-of-bidding-process-saved-pasig-city-p415m

10
Towards an Inclusive
and Sustainable Post
Pandemic Philippines

ARISE Philippines Act:

Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
by Rep. Stella Quimbo

Food Security During the Pandemic and Beyond

by Gerry Bulatao

Making a Case for Renewable Energy Use

by Cedric Flores

Biodiversity Friendly Enterprises: The Synthesis

of Conservation, Livelihood & Social Equity
by John Coronel

11
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:

Flatten the Curve,
Not the Economy
HON. STELLA QUIMBO, PHD
REPRESENTATIVE, 2ND DISTRICT OF MARIKINA CITY

Presentation of Rep. Quimbo during the FNF Learning Series

featuring a discussion of ARISE Philippines Act
(House Bill 6815) on 15 June 2020
Image by Dylan Gonzales from Pixabay

12
12
 As we all know, economic recovery is very
relevant; it is in everybody’s mind today.
As we speak, many businesses are closing.
Our unemployment rate is at all time high
at 17.7 percent. As of April 2020, 7.2 million
Filipinos are without jobs. We think that it will
be difficult to reverse this situation without
government action. On the part of Congress,
our response is in ARISE--Accelerated Recovery
and Investments Stimulus for the Economy of
the Philippines.
The ARISE bill was approved on third and
final reading last June 4 and has been transmitted
to the senate. This calls for a 708 billion pesos
spending for the remainder of 2020 and about
650 billion for the next three years.
Early on, the first time I filed this bill was
eight hours before the announcement of the
lockdown on March 12. What we had in mind
was a stimulus package that would promote
business continuity. This would be the way to
protect workers from the risk of layoffs. So, this
bill is really about protecting workers.
Ideally, we would have wanted to have an
economic stimulus package in place as soon as
the lockdown was lifted.
RESTARTING AFTER REOPENING
What are the obstacles in reopening of the
economy? There are at least two major factors.
First is the “fear factor”. Even if the
lockdown was lifted, people are still afraid of
contracting the disease. Even if the malls are
open, consumers are quite wary. The reason for
this is that early on, we did not have access to
mass testing.
The second one is the liquidity concerns
of firms. During the almost three months of
lockdown, many of the nonessential businesses
were not allowed to operate. Being closed, they
had no revenues and yet they incurred expenses
like salaries, loans, rent and other overhead
expenses. By the lifting of the lockdown, it
is expected that these firms would be cash
strapped.
What would happen if these concerns are
not addressed?
First of all, there will layoffs of workers.
Remember at this point in time when asset
prices would be very low, it would be more
difficult to get rid of your asset capitals like
factories and trucks than to layoff workers.
13
13
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
Unfortunately, at this time, humans
are more dispensable than physical
assets.
Secondly, if the fear factor among
workers and consumers are not
addressed, then expect absenteeism
in the workplace and the marketplace.
It is very important to have an
economic stimulus package that
would protect workers against
layoffs and we do that by reviving
business confidence and removing
the fear factor and making sure that
businesses continue.
LABOR RETENTION AND PAYROLL
MAINTENANCE
We have about 41 million
workers in our economy and of
these, about 9 million are not
affected by COVID-19. These are
the ones who are assured of keeping
their jobs including government
employees, household workers,
and employees of ECQ essential
business which are allowed to
operate during the lockdown. These
businesses would most likely not
experience liquidity problems
14
The fourth point I’d like to
make is that many of the proposed
interventions in ARISE are based
on data. And the reason why we are
committed to be data driven is the
substantial amount of money: 7.8
billion to be spent in the next 6 months.
We want to make sure that those
numbers are correct. More importantly,
the proposed interventions are well-
targeted and impactful.
These interventions will have
labor conditionalities; i.e., you able
to avail of these forms of assistance if
you promise to keep your workers.
and are expected to keep their
employees.
But around 29 million workers are
employed in nonessential enterprises
that are not allowed to operate and
would most likely be cash strapped so
workers will be at risk.
BUSINESS CONTINUITY TO AVOID
LAYOFFS
What would be the most affected
sectors? With or without the
lockdown, tourism and exporters

are the most effected since these
businesses rely on the movement of
people, services and goods. As of
early January when there was news
of COVID-19, many of the tourists
who wanted to visit the country
cancelled. Tourism has 6.5 million
workers and if the workers in all
other sectors that support tourism
In addition to tourism and trade,
the ten sectors enumerated in the
slide below are also the nonessential
businesses. They are most likely
cash strapped and if we rank them
according to the size of the payroll and
the amount of their loan expenses,
ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
are included, these represent 30
percent of the entire workforce.
In the trade sector, considering
only the exporters and those
that sell domestically but rely on
important raw materials represent
almost five hundred thousand
worker.
the top ten most critically impacted
are the following: retail trade, land
transport, construction, crop and
animal production, wholesale trade,
repair of motor vehicles, manufacture
of computer products including
semiconductors which is our top
15
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
export, schools, hotels, and office
administrative and support services
which include Business Process
The COVID-19 affected firms
of all sizes from micro to extra-
large. The other critically impacted
sector are the small enterprises.
The bigger ones are more likely
than not to cope on their own. For
example, bigger companies would
be able to take out loans versus the
small ones. As a sector, micro, small
and medium enterprises (MSMEs)
are, by definition, critically
impacted.
16
Outsourcing (BPOs). These ten sectors
would account for almost 23 million
of the 29 million affected workers.
There are about one million
registered MSMEs and of these,
750,000 belong to nonessential
businesses. I estimate that 4.5 million
are in the informal sector. Of course,
we don’t have an official number of
how many there are but this is an
estimate I computed using national
survey data.
Overall, we are looking at around
5.25 million people in MSMEs affected.

What is the general approach in
helping all these critically impacted
businesses? As it would be difficult
for government to come up with
a tailor fitted solution for each
and every distressed firm, the best
approach would be for businesses
themselves to tell government how
they want to be helped. Part of the
interventions proposed would be
compensation for payroll costs
during the lockdown which had to
be borne by nonessential business.
This is one way to help them move
forward and restart their businesses
post-lockdown.
Capacity building is important
and businesses have to cope with
this new normal. Brick and mortar
stores all of a sudden needed online
sales platforms. I had a small business
in Marikina selling shoes. When I
lost my brick and mortar shop in
Greenbelt, I had to develop my own
website, figure out the payment
system and logistics. What I spent for
all these was not a trivial amount. So
that’s the kind of assistance we expect
government to provide to small
businesses, not only the registered
ones but also the informal ones.
ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
Third is zero-interest loans
to boost liquidity and assistance
to secure these loans. Finally,
proportionality of assistance; in other
words, make sure that the amount
of assistance is the right size, not too
small and not too big.
How big must government spend
in order to help the economy recover?
And the answer to this frequently
asked question is this depends on the
extent of the economic damage of
COVID.
Before COVID happened, our
economic managers were expecting
the GDP to grow by 6.5 percent. GDP
in Post-COVID is estimated to be
negative 3.5 percent. This means we
lose the entire 6.5 and another 3.5 or a
total of 10 percentage points in GDP.
How much is one percentage point
of GDP worth? It’s 200 billion pesos,
so if we lose 10 percentage points,
that would mean two trillion pesos
in terms of the economic damage of
COVID.
If that is the case, how much
must government spend to reverse
that loss? Is it also two trillion pesos?
17
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
The answer is “no” because of the
phenomenon of multiplier effect.
For every peso that government
spends in a particular sector,
construction for example, that one
peso spurs activities in other related
sectors like cement, hardware, and
transportation. And if you add up all
these additionally generated business
activities, the impact of this one peso
is going to be more than one peso;
specifically, it’s about 1.53 pesos. For
every one peso the government puts
in, the impact on GDP is 1.53 pesos.
Because of the multiplier effect,
the government needs to put in less
than two trillion. So, you take your
two trillion divided by 1.53 and the
result is 1.3 trillion pesos. This is the
amount of stimulus or pump priming
government needs to spend on so
that the economy can be back on
track.
How will 1.3 trillion pesos be
divided between two important
economic institutions: Bangko
Sentral and national government?
According to experiences globally,
that is about half and half. We’re
looking at 600 to 700 billion pesos
that the government must spend
18
directly. The remainder will come in
the form of credit stimulus through
monetary policy to be issued by
Bangok Sentral. So that other half will
be in the form of additional loanable
funds made available through banks.
That’s a rough accounting why we are
proposing 708 billion pesos for the
rest of 2020.
TIMELINE FOR BUSINESS RECOVERY
UNDER ARISE
This is a storified version of
ARISE. I am from the country’s shoe
capital, Marikina. My example is
Tony who operates a shoe factory,
with 20 employees, specializing in
school shoes. During the lockdown,
he continued paying the salaries of
his workers; he continued paying his
loan from an informal lender at “5-6”
rates.
After the lockdown was lifted, his
workers did not show up for work
because they were afraid of getting
sick. The answer of ARISE to this
concern would be subsidies to COVID
testing amounting to 20 billion pesos
(10 billion each for 2020 and 2021)
coursed through LGUs as a way to
assist businesses.

When Tony checks his fund
balances, he realizes he wouldn’t
be able to sell school shoes. He also
realized that he was incurring more
costs for masks, regular disinfection,
and transparent separators for social
distancing. He gets desperate and
considers laying off his workers.
But the ARISE Bill asks employers
not to lay off workers first as
government is here to provide wage
subsidies for two months but with
a labor retention clause, meaning
the employer promises to keep his
workers. The two months here is
just for Tony to buy time; for him
to figure out what to do in the next
12 to 24 months while waiting for a
vaccine.
What happens to Tony in the
next 12 months? We suggest that he
takes out interest free loans from
government financial institutions.
For people like Tony who is not
used to transacting in the bank (his
loans were from informal lenders),
ARISE proposes credit mediation
services in every municipality to
guide them in information, business
strategies, financial management
and the like.
ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
We also suggest the use of
electronic wallets. So, if Tony
happens to be a small businessman
in the farthest town of the country,
he should be able to reach this
government window through
e-wallets. We propose the use of
digital platforms. This also comes
with our experience in Bayanihan
1 when we had great difficulty
disbursing cash since we were doing
that manually.
Tony also worries about his son’s
tuition fees. During the lockdown, he
spent his savings to keep his business
afloat. Now that he has to enroll his
son, he is out of cash. The answer of
ARISE here would be subsidies to
education; particularly the children of
workers in critically impacted sectors.
Tony thinks about new business
opportunities like manufacturing
shoes for medical workers and
other protective gear. Again, under
ARISE, we will be providing technical
assistance through the Department of
Trade and Industry (DTI).
That’s for the short run scenarios
for Tony. What happens in the
19
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
medium run? There are bigger
problems as well. For example,
better connectivity, better roads,
and better health facilities would be
SUMMARY OF ARISE INTERVENTIONS
Here is the full menu of the
proposed interventions under
ARISE. They are classified into five.
First, the general intervention of
massive testing through LGUs but
ultimately targeted to businesses so
that they can screen their workers.
We have transitional measures
which I mentioned a while back.
Wage subsidies will be part of it.
Cash for work here is a form of
unemployment assistance program,
an emergency employment
program given to those who will
lose their jobs even with wage
subsidies. Businesses really need to
trim their workforce because of the
social distancing protocols that they
need to follow.
We have financial interventions
like zero-interest loans, credit
20
needed. These are also provided
for under ARISE since we call for
a long-term plan for economic
resilience.
mediation services and loan
guarantees from government since
small businesses may not have the
required collateral.
We have sectoral relief
programs targeted at the critically
impacted industries to include
MSMEs, tourism, globally-
oriented manufacturing industries
and services or exporters,
transportation, and agriculture.
Even though the food sector is
essential and did not close, we
realize that agriculture is key to
having a resilient economy. If the
pandemic lasts for a longer period
of time and we are unable to import
food, we must make sure that our
domestic producers will be able to
feed all of us.
Finally, we have longer term
structural interventions which will
include Enhanced Build-Build-Build.

ARISE: COCKTAIL OF MONETARY
AND FISCAL POLICIES
Economic stimulus is a mix of
both monetary and fiscal policies.
We should be happy that the Bangko
Sentral ng Pilipinas is a very proactive
institution. As early as February,
they have lowered the reserve
requirements; and, they issued a lot
of policy relief measures resulting
to increased loanable funds in the
banking system.
Early April, we estimated that to
be about 700 to 800 billion pesos but
BUDGET DEFICIT=REVENUES-
EXPENDITURES
This is another frequently asked
question: What will happen to our
budget deficit if we pursue economic
stimulus?
Last May 13, our economic
managers announced that the budget
deficit has already reached 8.1 percent.
Budget deficit is the difference between
revenues and expenditures. Typically
our target without a pandemic is 3.1
percent so clearly 8.1 percent is a high
ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
in a congressional hearing, BSP said
this has increased to 1.1 trillion pesos.
But then, a big chunk of our
population, 77.4 percent, continues
to be unbanked. Also, about 82
percent of MSMEs are in the
informal economy. We need to build
the confidence of the unbanked
population to try to access those
loanable funds. The way to do that is
for government to spend an almost
equal amount of economic stimulus
mentioned earlier like wage subsidies,
zero-interest loans and direct grants
for technical assistance.
number. These are extraordinary times,
revenues are much smaller because out
economy had to be literally shut down.
Expenditures are also higher given the
need to spend for emergency subsidies
for households in Bayanihan 1 and
additional health expenditure to control
the virus.
Much limited revenues plus much
higher expenditures would equal to
a much higher budget deficit. The
question is, if we spend more on
economic stimulus, will that necessarily
mean a much higher budget deficit?
21
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
The answer is “no” if two things
happen. One is if we use off-budget
financing sources. If the national
government issues bonds and GOCCs
would purchase these bonds—that is
an example of an off-budget financing
source. Creative financing sources such
as this one would avoid a ballooning
budget deficit.
The second condition is that as
we spend on economic stimulus. We
COVID-19 TRENDS IN THE ASEAN
In terms of COVID-19 Trends in
the ASEAN, the Philippines is second
highest, next to Singapore, when it
comes to the total number of active
cases; highest in terms of total deaths;
and fewest in terms of number of
beds per population; and one of the
lower ones in terms of tests.
In other words, it is a difficult
situation. As I said earlier, the
amount of stimulus needed depends
on the economic damage of the
pandemic. If the pandemic is not
controlled today, we expect the
damage to be bigger. And if the
damage is bigger, then we should
be spending more; and therefore,
the budget deficit is expected to
22
have to make sure that the amount is
spent productively so that the GDP
also grows. And when we compute the
GDP ratio, the denominator is GDP.
So, if GDP grows, the budget deficit as a
proportion of GDP will not necessarily
grow as fast.
With these two conditions, we
think that spending on economic
stimulus will make budget deficit more
manageable.
be higher compared to the rest of
countries.
But if you compare the budget
deficits across ASEAN, Malaysia is the
highest close to 18 percent followed
by Singapore at 15.4 percent. But Lao
PDR has 8.8 percent but with zero
deaths. Considering that we have the
highest deaths per population, then
we should expect that our economic
stimulus should be bigger than that
of, at least, Lao PDR. So, a budget
deficit of say 9 or 9.5 percent is
probably the appropriate scale.
But as I mentioned earlier, if we
are able to use budget financing and
economic stimulus productively,
our budget deficit can, in fact, be
managed at say, 7.5 percent.
 ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy

FINANCING Firstly, our credit rating has been

recently upgraded thanks to our
How can we fund economic economic managers who have been
stimulus? I think the best answer managing our macroeconomic
would be loans. fundamentals quite well. In terms of
financial health, we are in the top ten
ARISE provides for the possibility in the world, I think number 6, in a
of using savings. There are certain ranking done by The Economist. In
government expenditures items, like other words, we are in a very good
foreign travel, that certainly would position to take out loans. So, let us
not be used. These savings can be make good use of recently upgraded
used for funding economic stimulus. credit rating and take out loans
for purposes of going out of this
But the best way is to use loans. recession.

23
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
NATIONAL DEBT or three decades. We are now at 49.8
This is just to give you a sense of where
we are in terms of Debt to GDP. Again,
thanks to our economic managers, we
had a very low rate of 39.6 percent in
2019. I think this is a record low in two
COVID-19: A WAKE-UP CALL
FOR GOVERNMENT TO ACT ON
ECONOMIC RESILIENCE
Economic resilience is the ability
our economy to recover from shocks. A
realization is that we are not as resilient
as we ought to be. Small things like
broadband connectivity, which we
clearly need today, is a problem
24
ARISE PHILIPPINES ACT:
Flatten the Curve, Not the Economy
percent after all of those loans have
been taken out. Just to give you a sense
of whether 49.8 percent is big or small,
Malaysia allows this to go up to 55
percent. So, there is still some space for
us to take out more loans.
So, this long run plan for economic
resilience, which the bill provides for,
must include structural reforms that
we have been postponing for the last
decades. These include building the
capacity of the health sector, more
infrastructure projects and improving
the database of our government
particularly for providing protection,
when necessary.
Food Security during the
Pandemic and Beyond
GERRY BULATAO, CHAIRMAN
CENTER FOR LIBERALISM & DEMOCRACY

“Unless immediate Countries must designate food

services as essential and protect
action is taken, it is those working in the sector, ensuring
that relief and stimulus packages
increasingly clear reach the most vulnerable, including

that there is an small-scale food producers and rural

businesses, according to the UN
impending global official.

food emergency Albay 2nd District Rep. Joey Salceda

that could have

warned of a possible rice price crisis
in April. He said, “I was shocked

long-term impacts when I started buying rice from NFA

[National Food Authority} for my
on hundreds of relief donations, then at P1,250 per
bag only. When the NFA stock ran
millions of children out, we purchased from commercial

and adults . . . Our stores and the prices progressively

shot up and recently hit P1,850
food systems are per bag” (Manila Standard Business,
“Salceda Warns of Rice Price Crisis as
failing, and the Drought Hits Asian Nations,” 19 April

COVID-19 pandemic
2020).

is making things P1,250.00/bag is equivalent to

P25.00/kg, while P1,850/bag is equal
worse,” UNITED NATIONS to P37.00/kg.

SECRETARY-GENERAL
ANTONIO GUTERRES WARNED
EARLIER THIS MONTH (UN
NEWS, 9 JUN 2020).
Columnist Jarius Bondoc sounded
the same alarm in May: “Filipinos
had better produce two million
more tons of rice a year. Vietnam

25
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
and Thailand, from which the Philippines gets
cereals, will soon no longer be able to sell. With
harvests dwindling, they must conserve stocks
for domestic consumption. Filipinos will be on
their own (The Philippine Star: Jarius Bondoc,
“Gotcha,” 22 May 2020). [Cf. Tables 1 and 2.
Food and Non-Food Requirements in Rice and
Palay Terms]
WERE THESE WARNINGS PRESCIENT OR
ALARMIST?
True enough, Vietnam said in March that it
would be restricting rice exports to ensure its
own food security. By May, however, Hanoi
said it was lifting the export ban. In June,
Vietnam participated in the bidding process of
the Philippine government for the purchase of
300,000 metric tons (MT) of rice.
The price Vietnam quoted, however, was
considerably higher than the Department of
Agriculture’s estimate in 2019 of US$415.08/
metric ton (MT). Vietnam’s bid price this
month was US530.00/MT. The 2019 price plus
freight cost, insurance, tariff and other expenses
brought the retail price of rice to P35.31/kg.
Assuming costs in 2020 to be proportional,
The simple truth
underlying food security:
higher prices this season
means bigger harvest
next season; if we want
our consumers to be food
secure, we must value our
producers.
26
Vietnam’s 2020 bid would translate to P43.39/
kg, 22.88 percent higher (Business Mirror: Jasper
Y. Arcalas, “4 Asian Countries Bid to Supply
PHL with Rice,” 9 June 2020). [Cf. Table 3.
Comparison of Estimated Prices of Imported
Rice: 2019 and June 2020]
The reference price set was $497.62/MT. India
bid $484.70/MT; Myanmar, $494.25/MT, and
Thailand, $541.00/MT. Local regularly milled
rice is cheaper than an of the prices based on
these figures.
The average retail price in Week 3 of May
2020 was only P35.83/kg (Philippine Statistics
Authority: “Special Release--Updates on
Philippine Palay, Rice and Corn Prices, Week 3
of May 2020,” 18 June 2020).
Rice prices in the nearby wet market in Quezon
City ranged from P38.00-65.00/kg.
This validates the calculation of a Japanese
publication that “International prices of rice
have surged as droughts keep production low
in key exporters Thailand and Vietnam, while
panic buying amid the coronavirus pandemic
is also tightening supply” (Nikkei Asian Review,
“Rice Prices Hit 6-Year High as Thailand and
Vietnam Face Drought; Saltwater Damage and
Urbanization Also Take Toll,” 31 March 2020).
BENEFICIAL TO FARMERS
Price hikes have been beneficial to farmers. In
Week 3 of May 2020, average farm-gate price of
palay according to PSA was P19.15/kg. Assuming
average production cost to be P12.00/kg, this
means a profit of P7.15/kg. Assuming average
yield of 80 cavans/hectare (ha), farmers earn
P28,600.00/ha. Not much but much better
than in 2019 when farm-gate prices ranged
between P7.00-15.00/kg.
The Bureau of Plant Industry (BPI) announced
that it had approved Sanitary and Phyto-
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond
Sanitary Import Clearances (SPSICs) for the
entry of 2.702 MMT as of 5 May, but only
729,000 MT had actually arrived (Business
Mirror: “Private Traders, Firms Corner Bulk of
January-April 700,000 MT Rice Imports,” 5 May
2020).
Meantime, the Philippine International
Trading Corp. (PTIC), an agency attached
to the Department of Trade and Industry,
has abandoned its plan to import 300,000
MT (PNA: “PITC Cancels 300,000 MT Rice
Importation,” 26 Jun 2020).
This means that the rice stock at the start of the
lean period of July to September will be lower
than three months supply of rice (2.97 MMT).
Traders traditionally take this into account in
setting their prices. So palay and rice prices are
unlikely to drop in the third quarter.
The rice stock was 2.18 MMT as of 1 March
with the harvests of the dry crop expected
to start in May. Given a reduction in palay
planted in January-March and a consumption
rate of 0.99 MMT a month for food and non-
food purposes, DA Sec. William Dar believed it
would be prudent to import 300,000 MT. With
the transaction cancelled by PITC as announced
by DTI Sec. Ramon Lopez and private sector
purchases uncertain to arrive, it is possible that
the second semester will be challenging for the
government and consumers.
Farmers will continue to enjoy relatively higher
prices, which will result in more land planted
to palay for the wet season. This points to the
simple truth underlying food security: higher
prices this season means bigger harvest next
season; if we want consumers to be food secure,
we must value producers – farmers first of all,
but also millers and traders. But government
must balance the interests of producers and
consumers, so excessive surpluses, shortages,
price spikes, and big price dips must be averted.
We cannot rely on foreign
countries and importers,
especially in pandemic
times, but we must not shut
the door to them as we
may not be able to produce
enough for our own needs
and foreign competition can
spur improvements in local
production.
The National Food Authority (NFA) used to
play the role of rice supply and price stabilizer.
RTL apparently stripped NFA of this function.
It probably is timely to review NFA’s charter
to determine what exactly its functions and
authorities should be and how its gargantuan
debt which increased sharply under the Arroyo
Administration should be settled.
We cannot rely on foreign countries and
importers, especially in pandemic times,
but we must not shut the door to them as we
may not be able to produce enough for our
own needs and foreign competition can spur
improvements in local production.
SUPPLY AND DEMAND
Dr. Emil Q. Javier, former University of the
Philippines President, an agronomist, sounded
defiant in his 11 April column he titled “What if
they refuse to sell us rice!”
“Tongue in cheek the prospect of Thailand and
Vietnam telling us they have no rice to spare is
the best thing that can happen to us. In the first
place, it is unlikely because they have so much
surplus to unload. But this should wake us up to
27
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
other self-help options which to date we have
chosen to ignore.
“Our rice policy of opening our market to
imports (market liberalization) in order to
bring down the price of rice to consumers was
premised on the unhampered availability of
rice in the world market.
“That premise is now being challenged by signs
from the rice-surplus countries like Thailand,
Vietnam and India that due to disruptions in
agriculture brought about by the corona virus
pandemic, they may be restricting exports to
secure first their own national food needs.
“This is an excellent opportunity for us to revisit
our one-sided response to market liberalization
which was basically to raise productivity (and
competitiveness) of our rice farmers through
public support for mechanization, use of inbred
seeds, credit subsidy, and more farmers training
and extension.”
Dr. Javier continues to explain that subsidized
fertilizers may be more important than
improved inbred seeds because usage of the
former is very high. In regard to modifying
demand, he raised three points:
• Promote brown rice consumption which
is healthier than white rice and can raise
the rice stock by 10 percent due to less
milling processes.
• Promote rice and corn grit mixtures to
increase grain supplies and for better
nutrition.
• Promote production and marketing os
sweet potato (camote), cassava, yams and
saba banana.
These are not new ideas, though. Under
President Noynoy Aquino and DA Sec. Proceso
28
Alcala the department’s top program was called
Food Staples Sufficiency Program. FSSP did not
limit itself to palay and rice.
Officials estimated that 15 percent of Filipinos
and Filipinas, especially in the Visayas
and Mindanao, ate milled white corn. DA
personnel discovered communities that
preferred cassava, camote, yams, and bananas
to rice. They also found among indigenous
communities in Northern Mindanao and
the Cordilleras and then propagated adlai
as a low glycemic carbohydrate that could
be a substitute for rice. These staples were
promoted as alternatives to rice. The program
Looking beyond
pandemic times,
however, we expect
global prices to soften.
Imports may pull local
prices down, especially
if excessive, so it will be
important that farmers
become competitive to
retain decent margins.
also promoted being RICEponsible and
CORNcerned and developed pledges for
farmers and consumers.
BEYOND PANDEMIC TIMES
Looking beyond pandemic times, however,
we expect global prices to soften. Imports
may pull local prices down, especially if
excessive, so it will be important that farmers
become competitive to retain decent margins.
This means helping farmers to reduce their
production costs while improving yields.
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond
The present average yield is 80 cavans or 4 MT/
ha, while average production cost is P12.00/kg,
but in the province of Nueva Ecija, the averages
at one point went beyond 120 cavans or 6 MT/
ha yield and below P8.00/kg production cost.
This is what we have been calling sais otso or
6-8 since 2015. Can this be made the national
average by setting it as a national target to be
accomplished over a number of years? Can
we learn from Nueva Ecija how the province’s
farmers achieved this?
The Philippine Rice Research Institute
(PhilRice) based in Nueva Ecija pointed to
While policy coherence
can be achieved
through persuasion
and the signing of
documents, operational
coordination requires
organizational
realignment.
four major drivers of farm productivity:
access to irrigation water, adoption of quality
seeds, use of modern technologies, and farm
mechanization. These certainly are important
but it is useful to provide some details regarding
each point and to add a few more drivers.
ACCESS TO IRRIGATION WATER
Improving access to irrigation water should
include returning the National Irrigation
Administration (NIA) from the Office of the
President to the DA. The department with
responsibility for a water-dependent crop
should have authority over the agency tasked to
provide water for palay farms.
Further, NIA, DA, agencies under DA
like PhilRice, Philippine Crop Insurance
Corporation (PCIC) and Agricultural Training
Institute (ATI) as well as DA’s LGU partners all
serve the same farmers in the same areas.
While policy coherence can be achieved
through persuasion and the signing of
documents, operational coordination requires
organizational realignment.
Most farmers appreciate the scrapping of
irrigation fees by law in February 2018 because
it reduced their costs and resulted in increasing
their income. A number, however, worry about
the deterioration of canals as the fees they used
to pay would be deployed by NIA to maintain
the system and with a smaller revenues it may
have become difficult for NIA to continue
this service in all of its 242 national irrigation
systems (NISes) and 8,812 communal irrigation
systems (CISes).
Some farmers have also commented that NIA
used to pay more attention to their observations
and requests when they were paying the fees
(Business World: Sally and Gerry Bulatao,
“Yellow Pad,” <bworldonline.com/ why-revert-
nia-from-op-to-da/>, 28 June 2020).
The remedy seems to be quite simple.
Congressional budget hearings can determine
how much NIA had to give up when fees were
waived and how much is needed to maintain
the canals and sluice gates and to meet with
irrigators’ associations regularly. NIA’s budget
can be augmented forthwith.
In addition to maintaining existing irrigation
systems, NIA should expand these where
possible and construct new systems based on
29
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
whatever allocation it receives. Its Irrigation
Development Program was allotted P45.440
billion in 2018 but only projects worth P29.102
were given notices of cash allocation (NIA:
“1918 Annual Report”).
NIA estimates that it still has to establish
irrigation projects to cover about one million
hectares more of irrigable land.
In the pursuit of transparency, it would help
if reports on NISes and CISes were accessible
online.
The Bureau of Soils and Water Management
(BSWM), a DA agency, is responsible for
small-scale irrigation projects (SSIPs)
like small water impounding projects
(SWIPs), small diversion dams (SDDs),
shallow tube wells (STWs) and small farm
reservoirs (SFRs). The 540 SSIPs provide
supplemental irrigation for about 8,100
hectares of rain-fed areas appropriate
for palay farming. BSWM and NIA
coordination may be mutually beneficial.
BSWM may be able to do much more in
coordination with LGUs to create SSIPs. SWIPs
that would catch rainwater to alleviate flooding
by storing water for farm in the future would be
welcome in many places.
For example, BSWM assisted farmers in San
Nicolas, Ilocos Norte put up SWIPs and STWs,
so they now enjoy two palay harvests every
year. The remote town of Bingawan, Iloilo
likewise has also had good experience with its
SWIPs which allow farmers not only to plant
two crops of palay but also grow tilapia from
fingerlings provided by the Bureau of Fisheries
and Aquatic Resources (BFAR).
One way to protect the irrigated alluvial plains
which are best for rice is to pass the National
Land Use Act. This would enshrine in law the
30
executive policies issued by Pres. Fidel V. Ramos
prohibiting the conversion of irrigated land to
other purposes. The NLUA gets Presidential
certification time and again but it still has not
been approved, despite the fact that the first
NLUA bill was filed about 20 years ago.
ADOPTION OF QUALITY SEEDS
RTL created a P10-billion Rice Competitive
Enhancement Fund (RCEF), allocating P3
billion for PhilRice to facilitate securing
certified seeds on top of its normal GAA budget.
PhilRice used to be a relatively quiet research
agency, but because of its new mandate and
additional funds, it has reached out to more
than 1,000 municipalities in the top 57 rice-
producing provinces to identify local seed
needs and discover potential seed growers,
train them, monitor their work, buy their seeds,
and distribute these to farmers through LGUs
(Philippines Daily Inquirer: “Farmers under
RCEF-Seed Program gain more harvest,” 22
May 2020).
Utilizing a system of local certified seed growers
means additional income for some farmers,
reduces the distance and time these seeds need
to travel, and allows local farmers the possibility
This strategy is far
superior to that adopted
under the Arroyo
Administration in 2004-
2010. Centralized
procurement led not
only to corruption but
also to problems for
farmers who received
inferior seeds.
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond
to complain or ask for replacement in case the
seeds turn out bad, and to secure a fresh supply
of seeds if a typhoon damages their crop and
they need to replant.
This strategy is far superior to that adopted
under the Arroyo Administration in 2004-
2010. Centralized procurement led not only
to corruption but also to problems for farmers
who received inferior seeds. They would not
know whom to approach for replacement
seeds.
Dr. Javier’s recommendation to make fertilizer
available is wise, but rather than subsidizing
fertilizer completely, DA may give discount
vouchers to farmers through their IA or other
community-based organizations that would
allow them to buy fertilizers at a reduced price.
This would follow the principle of “farmer’s
choice” and take advantage of the efficiency
of the normal market rather than rely on
bureaucratic channeling. Farmers can choose
the NPK mix appropriate for their soil and
decide whether to buy organic or synthetic
fertilizer or a combination.
The present practice of centralized
procurement and distribution of urea for free
-- leaving it to farmers to decide whether to
use urea as a nitrogen source solely or to buy
phosphorous and potassium in addition -- is
likely to be less effective. Farmers complained
that the price government paid was higher than
local prices and a Congressman has called for
an investigation of the procurement process
as the trader tapped had no stock, but after
Malacañang intervened, it is unlikely that there
will actually be an investigation.
RICE EXTENSION, MODERN TECHNOLOGIES,
AND FARM MACHINERY
The most effective training system appears
to be the season-long farmers’ field school.
In addition to learning about “friendly” and
“harmful” insects, they are guided step by step
in palay cultivation.
Rice extension was allocated P1 billion by RTL-
RCEF for use by the ATI, Technical Education
and Skills Development Authority (TESDA),
Philippine Center for Postharvest Development
and Mechanization (PhilMech), and PhilRice.
Farmers could also learn, hands on, to use and
maintain hand tractors, rice transplanters,
combines, dryers, and many others.
More complicated problems may require
setting up a machine pool station. This can
be part of the development plan of an IA. Just
as not every farmer can be a seed grower,
not every farmer may be able to effectively
troubleshoot problems and provide solutions.
PhilMech was allocated an additional P5
billion by RTL-RCEF for promoting and
providing farm machines to improve yields and
bring down production costs. The agency is
prioritizing 1,200 municipalities for this.
PRODUCTION CREDIT, CROP INSURANCE, AND
FARMERS’ PENSION PLAN
One other factor recognized by RTL as
important in boosting rice production was
credit. RTL-RCEF allocated P1 billion for
LANDBANK and Development Bank of the
Philippines (DBP) to manage this.
Due to its limited network of branches and
lending centers, DBP has been delivering credit
services through conduits like rural banks,
cooperatives, and other financial institutions.
LANDBANK has further expanded its reach to
push lending to individual farmers targeting
initially to reach two million farmers through
RCEF and other lending programs by the end
of 2022.
31
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
A natural partner in this effort is PCIC whose
support is critical when a natural calamity
damages a crop so farmers can quickly replant
palay.
LANDBANK can tie up with PCIC to study ways
for providing a pension for farmers when they
reach the age of 65. The pension can be related
to the creditworthiness of farmers. A portion
of the loan repayment can be set aside and
managed by PCIC to serve as the principal for a
pension fund.
In addition to the four major drivers identified
by PhilMech, irrigation water, production
credit, and crop insurance, there are three other
drivers that my help deepen food security:
regulation of imports, completing the farm-
to-market road network, and judicious target
setting.
REGULATION OF RICE IMPORTS
RTL did not completely liberalize rice
imports when it replaced quantitative
restrictions with tariffs for rice imports set
at 35 percent for ASEAN countries and 40
percent for others.
Columnist Ernesto M. Ordonez, Agriwatch
chair, former secretary of Presidential Programs
and Projects, and former undersecretary of
the Department of Trade and Industry and
Department of Agriculture, has pointed out that
Article III of the Safeguard Measures Act (RA
8800) provides a mandate for the Secretary of
Agriculture to increase the level of rice tariffs
to slow down rice imports when these become
excessive.
When palay prices hit a level below production
cost, he proposed raising the tariff to 86
percent. But Sec. Dar chose not to use RA 8800
(Philippines Daily Inquirer: Ernesto M. Ordoñez,
“Rice Industry Paralysis,” 22 November 2019).
32
Inordinate imports depress palay prices and
lead to farmer impoverishment and a reduction
in palay planting and harvests in the next
cropping.
Under the previous Administration only 5.21
MMT of rice was imported over a six-year
period, 2011 to 2016. The country suffered
no rice shortage and there were no queues
(pila) to buy the staple. Although the price
of commercial rice rose, NFA rice selling at
P27.00/kg and P32.00/kg was always available.
A nice balance between producers’ and
consumers’ interests was maintained.
The comparison with the present is sad. In
three years – 2017 to 2019 – the Duterte
Administration imported or allowed the
importation of 8.73 MMT. Excessive rice
importation drove down the price of palay.
But it did not really benefit consumers as rice
prices remained high. “It was only the traders,
not the consumers, who had benefited from
the 35 percent tariff,” according to Dr. Ordoñez
(Philippine Daily Inquirer: Ernesto M. Ordoñez,
“Rice Industry Paralysis,” 22 November 2020).
Finance Undersecretary Karl Kendrick Chua , now
the Acting NEDA Director-General, said then,
“The palay price is still falling but the retail price
[of rice] is not falling as fast so there’s a growing
disconnect.” PSA reported that in October palay
price fell 24.2 percent, while the price of regular
milled rice decreased only 12.8 percent year on
year (The Philippine Star: Edd Gumban, “Finance
Dep’t Notes ‘Disconnect’ Between Rice Farm-gate,
Retail Prices,” 18 November 2019).
The rule of thumb in 2011-2016 was to limit
rice imports to 1.0 to 1.2 MMT. Palay prices
remained steady and climbed to P23.00/kg.
Self-sufficiency level reached 97 percent in
2013 after having been at 81 percent in 2010
(DA: “2015 Annual Report,” June 2016). It was
that low because rice imports in 2008 and 2009
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond
In addition to the four
major drivers identified by
PhilMech, irrigation water,
and production credit,
there are three others
that my help deepen food
security: regulation of
imports, completing the
farm-to-market road
network, and judicious
target setting.
were 2.43 MMT and 1.76 MMT or 4.19 MMT for
the two-year period.
Similarly, over-importation in the last three
years has pushed down the self-sufficiency level
to 87 percent. Sec. Dar has pledged to raise it to
93 percent (DA Communications Group: “Agri-
Fishery Can Rebound in Q2 – DA Chief,” 6 May
2020).
Given his moves so far, including gaining
approval for an additional P8.5 billion rice
resiliency project and creating new programs
like a “Plant, Plant, Plant Program” called Ahon
Lahat Pagkaing Sapat (ALPAS) Kntra COVID-19,
it is possible he will achieve this.
But if all the 2.7 MMT rice imports given
SPSICs by the Bureau of Plant Industry arrive
in the second semester, we will have a problem
and he will have to be open to invoking Article
III of RA 8800. Otherwise, palay prices will
drop in the fourth quarter of 2020 or the first
quarter of 2021 and harvests will fall in the
subsequent period.
DTI Sec. Ramon Lopez was correct when he
estimated that rice imports should be limited to
7 to 14 percent. This is 0.9506 to 1.9012 MMT
in volume, much less than the 2.7 MMT given
import clearances (PNA: Kris Crismundo, “PITC
Cancels 300,000 MT Rice Importation,” 26 June
2020).
The policy pronouncement of former President
Noynoy Aquino in his State of the Nation
Address on 25 July 2011 continues to ring true:
“Ang gusto nating mangyari: Una, hindi na
tayo aangkat ng hindi kailangan, Ikalawa, ayaw
na nating umasa sa pag-angkat. Ang isasaing
ni Juan de la Cruz, dito ipupunla, dito aanihin,
dito bibilhin.” (This is what we want to happen:
First, we will not import more than needed.
Second, we will not be dependent on imports.
What Juan de la Cruz cooks, we will plant
here, harvest here and buy here.) (DA: “2015
Annual Report,” June 2016) [Cf. Table 4. Palay
Production, Rice Demand, and Rice Imports:
2001-2019]
FARM-TO-MARKET ROADS
Farm-to-market roads result in cheaper inputs
and higher farm-gate prices. The impact on
farmers’ household income is immediate. It
is not only agriculture that benefits but also
households’ education, health, entertainment,
and others. In other words, FMRs improve the
quality of rural life and slow down migration to
urban centers.
If we are serious about “Balik Probinsya” to
decongest Metro Manila, we should develop a
partner “Manatili sa Kanayunan” program and
invest a portion of the Build Build Build funds in
infrastructure in the countryside. It is not only
“Plant Plant Plant” promoted by Sec. Dar that is
the rural areas’ counterpart but also “BBB-FMRs.”
FMRs also have political impact. The Mayor,
Congressman, Senator or whoever was
responsible for negotiating funding for the road
can claim some political capital from their effort.
33
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
The problem is that many FMRs get tainted
with corruption. So technocrats, bureaucrats,
and politicians sometimes develop a distaste for
such projects.
The DA’s World Bank-assisted Philippine Rural
Development Project (PRDP) shows, however,
that FMRs can be built with integrity. The
project’s infrastructure component ensured the
economic benefit of connecting a production
area of a specific commodity to an urban
center, followed a transparent procurement
process, installed a system of geotagging which
allowed many pairs of eyes to monitor progress,
involved the LGU heavily in site selection,
road maintenance, and 90-10 financial
counterparting, and adhered strictly to project
principles and protocols.
JUDICIOUS TARGET SETTING
It is a good thing that DA Sec. William Dar
announced a self-imposed target of moving
from 87 to 93 percent sufficiency. But the
department cannot achieve this by itself, as it is
the farmers that will produce the palay, and the
weather will be a major factor in the harvest to
be achieved.
In other words, there are many variables
beyond DA’s control. There is some similarity
with the situation the Bangko Sentral ng
Pilipinas faces when it sets targets for GDP
growth, inflation and the value of the peso. Just
as the BSP sets its targets for outcomes in terms
of ranges, so should the DA for agriculture
outcomes it doesn’t fully control.
Instead of targeting 93 percent sufficiency, the
DA can set 91-93 percent as its target. Over
a five-year period, a target of 95-105 percent
sufficiency can be adopted. Below 95 percent
may make the country over-dependent on
imports; beyond 105 percent puts us at the
mercy of other importing countries to which
34
we may as well be exporting higher value
commodities or processed goods.
A recent set of presentation slides used by Sec.
Dar has five-year production targets for various
commodities set as ranges (“Agriculture and
Food Recovery Plan,” 12 May 2020). Let’s hope
the practice continues.
Since competitiveness is important, targets for
this should be developed. Such targets should
not be limited to national estimates of yield
and cost of production. Every irrigation system
should have a target every cropping season.
Each farm should also set targets, which means
helping farmers monitor and compute not
only total production but also production per
hectare and cost of production per kilogram.
This will give us a fighting chance to achieve the
sais otso national target and make it possible to
incentivize hitting targets.
If DTI has SRPs (suggested retail prices), DA
can also develop targeted production cost and
farm-gate prices. A targeted farm-gate price
of P20.00-24.00/kg for palay and an SRP of
P38.00-42.00/kg for regular milled rice would
be fair at this time.
CONCLUSION: FOOD SECURITY, STAPLES
SUFFICIENCY, AND FARMING AND FISHING
ENTERPRISES
Food security should go beyond rice. Other
commodities can be covered in the future.
It is good to recall in closing how food security
was defined by the Agriculture and Fisheries
Modernization Act: “’Food Security’ refers
to the policy objective, plan and strategy
of meeting the food requirements of the
present and future generations of Filipinos in
substantial quantity, ensuring the availability
and affordability of food to all, either through
local production, or importation, or both
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond
based on the country’s existing and potential
resources endowment and related production
advantages and consistent with the overall
national development objectives and policies.
However, sufficiency in rice and white corn
should be pursued” (Section 4, RA 3485).
It is also important to be reminded of the
AFMA’s Declaration of Policy: “The State shall
promote food security, including sufficiency
in our staple food namely rice and white corn.
The production of rice and white corn shall be
optimized to meet our local consumption and
shall be given adequate support by the State”
(Section 2, RA 3485).
This goes hand in hand with the 2019 Sagip
Saka Act (RA 11321) authored principally by
Sen. Francis N. Pangilinan, the Liberal Party
President. The law stresses the importance of
fair returns and a decent living for farmers and
fishers. It is the only way food security will be
achieved sustainably.
The Declaration of Policy states: “It is the declared
policy of the State to achieve sustainable modern
agriculture and food security by helping the
agricultural and fishing communities to reach
their full potential, increasing farmers’ and
fishermen’s incomes, and bridging gaps through
public-private partnerships, thereby improving
their quality of life.
“In pursuance of this policy, the State shall
strengthen the farmers and fisherfolk enterprise
development program by establishing a
comprehensive and holistic approach in the
formulation, coordination and implementation
of enterprise development initiatives,
consolidating the roles of different agencies
involved in farmers and fisherfolk enterprise
development, and intensifying the building of
entrepreneurship cultures among farmer and
fisherfolk” (Section 2, RA 11321).
Farming and fishing are not only productive
activities and a way of life. They are enterprises
that require investments of capital, expertise,
labor, and time from which profits must be
earned by farmers and fishers.
TABLE 1. FOOD AND NON-FOOD
REQUIREMENTS IN RICE AND PALAY TERMS
(JUNE 2020)1
Item Amount
Annual Per Capita Rice Consumption
109.89 kg
(PCRC)2
Annual rice requirement for food (109.89
12.09 MMT
kg/person/year x 110,000,000 persons)
Total annual rice requirement (12.09 MT
13.58 MMT
÷ 89%3) [
Annual non-food rice requirement (for
seeds, buffer stocking, etc.) (13.58 MMT 1.49 MMT
x 11%)
Total palay needed to produce rice
20.76 MMT
requirement (13.58 MMT ÷ 65.42%4)
Daily rice requirement for food/person
(109.89 kg/person/year ÷ 365 days/ 0.30 kg
person)
Total daily rice requirement (13.58 MMT
0.037 MMT
÷ 365 days = 37,205,479 kg)
15-day rice buffer stock (0.30 kg x 15
0.50 MMT
days x 110,000,000 = 495,000,000 kg)
30 day rice buffer stock (0.30 kg x 30
0.99 MMT
days x 110,000,000 = 990,000,000 kg)
90-day rice buffer stock (0.30 kg x 90
2.97 MMT
days x 110,000,000 = 2,970,000,000 kg)
Rice Stock as of 01 Jan 2020, according
2.68 MMT
to Philippine Statistics Authority
Rice Stock as of 01 Feb 2020, according
2.38 MMT
to Philippine Statistics Authority
Rice Stock as of 01 Mar 2020, according
2.18 MMT
to Philippine Statistics Authority
1 Numbers do not add up exactly due to rounding. The sequence of the items was
adopted in order to show how items were computed.
2 The numbers in Table 1 are based primarily on PSA’s PCRC of 109.89 kg/person/year
(PSA: National and Regional Consumption of Selected Agricultural Commodities in the
Philippines, Volume 1, published February 2017, p. 16).
3 89:11 ratio was used by DA in 2010-2016. It is unclear whether the same ratio is
currently being used.
4 65.42% is the recovery rate applied by DA in 2010-2016. It is the same rate utilized by
Business Mirror in converting palay into rice. (Business Mirror: Jasper Y. Arcalas, “Rice
Self-Sufficiency Rate Seen Dropping Further,” 22 Nov 2019).
35
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

TABLE 2. FOOD AND NON-FOOD TABLE 3. COMPARISON OF ESTIMATED PRICES

REQUIREMENTS IN PALAY AND RICE TERMS OF IMPORTED RICE: 2019 AND JUNE 20209
(APRIL 2020)5
2019 June 2020
Item Amount Item DA Average Vietnam’s Average
Palay production target for 2020 (93% of Estimate (P/kg) Price (P/kg)
22.12 MMT
total requirement)6 FOB Price of
Total palay requirement (22.12 MMT ÷ 25% Broken 415.08 21.56 530.00 26.50
23.78 MMT (US$/MT)
93%) 7
Food requirement, in palay (23.78 MMT x + Freight Cost
32.50 1.69 41.50 2.08
21.16 MMT (US$/MT)
89%)
+ Surveyor’s
Non-food requirement for seeds, buffer 1.00 0.05 1.27 0.06
2.62 MMT Fee (US$/MT)
stock, etc., in palay (23.78 MMT x 11%,)
+ Insurance
Total rice requirement8 14.46 MMT 5.00 0.26 6.38 0.32
Cost (US$/MT)
Rice equivalent of food requirement + Integrated
12.87 MMT
(14.46 MMT x 89%) Cargo
30.00 1.56 38.31 1.92
Rice equivalent of non-food requirement Handling Costs
1.59 MMT (US$/MT)
(14.46 MMT x 11%)
Per Capita Rice Consumption (PCPR) Landed Cost of
118 kg Imported Rice 483.58 617.46
adopted by DA in 2019
(US$/MT)
Daily rice requirement/person (118 kg/
0.32 kg Peso-Dollar
person/year ÷ 365 days) Official
51.95 50.00
Annual rice requirement for population of Exchange Rate
12.98 MMT
110 million (118 kg x 110,000,000) (P)
15-day rice buffer stock (0.32 kg/person x Cost of
0.53 MMT Commodity,
15 days x 110,000,000 persons)
Freight & 25,122.12 25.12 30,873.00 28.12
30 day rice buffer stock (0.32 kg/person x
1.06 MMT Insurance (P/
30 days x 110,000,000 persons) MT)
90-day rice buffer stock (0.32 kg/person x + Tariff
3.17 MMT
90 days x 110,000,000 persons) Payment (P/ 8,792.74 8.79 10,805.55 9.84
MT)
C+F+I
+ Tariff
33,914.86 33.91 41,678.55 37.96
5 Numbers do not add up exactly due to rounding. The sequence of the items was Payments (P/
adopted in order to show how items were computed.
6 The numbers in Table 2 are based on various news releases of the DA Communications MT)
Group. On the 22.12 MMT 2020 target, the issuance stated: “’The release of irrigation
water should be in synch with land preparation and planting activities, as we aim to boost
+ Estimated
palay (paddy rice) production by 2020 to 22.12 million metric tons (MMT), equivalent to Transport Cost 1,395.65 1.40 1,715.14 1.56
13.51 MMT of rice, or 93 percent sufficiency, six percent more than last year’s adequacy (P/MT)
level of 87 percent,’ the DA chief said.” (DA Communications Group: Myriam G. Layaoe,
“DA, NIA to Partner to Attain 2020 Rice Production Target,” 20 Apr 2020). Import
7 23.78 MMT is much larger than 20.76 MMT, the annual palay demand computed in
Parity Price
Table 1. In 2010-2016 the figure was 19.55 MMT. A higher calculated requirement may 35,310.51 35.31 43,393.69 43.39
be used as a basis to justify more rice imports than needed. / Wholesale
8 The total demand for rice appears to be 14.46 MMT. DA’s news item read: “’With the
funds in place, we could boost production by the end of December 2020 to reach 22.12
Price (P/MT)
million metric tons (MMT) of palay, equivalent to 13.51 MMT of rice or 93% of the coun-
try’s total demand at 14.46 MMT,’ Dar explained” (DA Communications Group: “DA Aims
to Attain Higher Rice Sufficiency Level,” 02 Apr 2020). The target of 13.51 MMT for rice
is only 61.0759% of 22.12 MMT of palay. DA seems to be using a lower milling recovery
rate now. However, the same article also declares, “He said the country has enough rice,
with an inventory good for 75 days, as of end of March, plus an estimated 4.1 million 9 The first three columns are from “Philippine Rice Industry Roadmap 2030,” p. 6, submit-
metric tons (MMT) of palay that will be harvested this dry season, equivalent to 2.7 MMT ted by the Department of Agriculture to Sen. Cynthia Villar, Chair, Senate Committee on
of rice, and finally, .3 MMT of previously contracted imports that have yet to be delivered.” Agriculture. Vietnam’s price in the fourth column is based on a news item in the Business
Here the milling recovery rate is 65.8537%. The total demand for rice was also quoted at Mirror by Jasper Y. Arcalas titled “4 Asian Countries Bid to Supply PHL with Rice,” 09 Jun
14.67 MMT in the same month (DA Communications Group: “PH Will Have 84-Day Rice 2020. Except for the exchange rate, other numbers were calculated based on the figures
Supply Going into Lean Months,” 16 Apr 2020). in the second and third columns.

36
 Food Security during the Pandemic and Beyond

TABLE 4. PALAY PRODUCTION, RICE DEMAND, AND RICE IMPORTS: 2001-201910

Gross
Palay % of Rice Rice Total & Ave.
Total & Ave. Production/ Rice
Year Production Growth/ Demand Imports Imports/
Period Supply
(MMT) (Decline) (MMT) (MMT) Period
(MMT)
2001 12.95 8.42 0.81 Total Rice Imports
Total Production
2002 13.27 2.5 8.68 1.20 3.90 MMT
54.22 MMT
2003 13.50 1.7 8.83 0.89
Average Annual
Average Annual Production:
2004 14.50 7.4 9.48 1.00 Rice Imports
13.56 MMT/ year
0.98 MMT
2005 14.60 0.7 9.55 1.82 Total Rice Imports
Total Production 2006 15.33 5.0 10.02 1.72 11.96 MMT
95.03 MMT
2007 16.24 5.9 10.62 1.85
2008 16.82 3.6 11.00 2.43 Average Annual
Average Annual Production:
2009 16.27 (3.3) 10.63 1.76 Rice Imports
15.84 MMT/ year
2010 15.77 (3.0) 10.32 2.38 1.99 MMT
2011 16.68 5.8 10.91 0.86 Total Rice Imports
Total Production: 2012 18.03 8.1 11.79 11.4 0.50 5.21 MMT
107.90 MMT
2013 18.44 2.3 12.06 11.4 0.3511
2014 18.97 2.9 12.41 11.4 1.50 Average Annual
Average Annual Production:
2015 18.15 (4.3) 11.87 11.4 0.80 Rice Imports
17.98 MMT/year
2016 17.63 (2.9) 11.53 11.4 1.20 0.87 MMT

2017 19.28 9.4 12.61 13.58 2.50 Total Rice Imports

Total Production
8.73 MMT
57.16 MMT 2018 19.07 (1.1) 12.47 13.58 3.10
Average Annual
Ave. Annual Prod.
2019 18.81 (1.4) 12.30 13.58 3.13 Rice Imports
19.05 MMT/year
2.91 MMT

GERRY BULATAO joined the Liberal Party in 1992 and has been a member of
its National Executive Committee (NECO) since 2007. A former Department
of Agrarian Reform Undersecretary and LANDBANK Director, he now chairs
the Center for Liberalism and Democracy.

10 Data sources: PSA, United States Department of Agriculture, Department of Agriculture.

11 Including private sector imports under WTO rules.

37
feature
Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

MAKING A CASE FOR

RENEWABLE ENERGY USE
BY CEDRIC FLORES

In modern times, human activity focused on trade and industrialization.

The triumph of liberal democracy after the Cold War ushered an era of
rapid economic development, prominently seen as expanding freedom
and equality. And this economic expansion is fueled by energy that
powers vehicles, factories, and businesses. But this is not all that energy
provides. Electricity allows families to enjoy life’s necessities. It also allows
for a conducive classroom learning. For a more meaningful democratic
engagement, access to information also relies on the power in gadgets.
Truly, democracy is sustained by economic development, which is fueled
by the adequate supply of energy. As the economy expands and demand
for energy increases, companies utilize cheap and reliable sources of
energy. And this is where it gets problematic, as they rely mostly on coal.

Coal has been the dominant source of electricity, worldwide. According

to the International Energy Agency, from 1990 – 2017, coal as a supplier
of electricity has grown significantly, from 4,429,511 Gigawatt hours
(GWh) to 9,863,339 GWh. But along with the rise in the use of coal is the
significant increase in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions.

Economic growth and wealth creation are linked to rising emissions,

which contributes to global warming. Scientists have linked the frequency
of extreme weather events to global warming. And global warming has
serious implications to the world, especially the vulnerable communities.
For instance, global warming can lead to drought that may affect the
harvest and food security, in addition to threatening the water supply.
The warming of sea surface temperature gives rise to destructive
storms. The melting glaciers lead to a rise in sea levels, threatening
coastal communities.

38
A document in early 2000s prepared by the World Bank, the
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and
eight other international agencies found that over 96% of disaster-related
deaths have taken place in developing countries. The same document
noted that climate change will compound existing poverty, as the poor,
who have the least capacity to adapt are gravely affected. At 2oC of
warming, 100 to 400 million more people could be at risk of hunger and
one to two billion more people may no longer have adequate water.

Higher food prices because of limited supply brought on by failed

harvests severely disadvantage the poor. Considering that poor
households spend much of their budget on food compared to wealthy
households, they have little left to spend on other necessities, such
as healthcare, livelihood, and education. Furthermore, most poor
households reside in hazard areas, making them vulnerable to floods and
other calamities.

Thus, whatever gains economic development has provided may be off-

set by the effects of climate change. Worse, it is the poor and vulnerable
who are mostly affected.

In the Philippines, urban poor families are those usually affected by

storms and flooding that sweep away their homes, property, and even
their meager sources of livelihood; and disrupt their economic activity
and the schooling of their children. There are also the “non-poor” who are
vulnerable to fall into poverty if they suffer a natural disaster. About 71% of
these vulnerable households are non-poor, according to government think
tank, Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS). In addition, the

39
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

poor and non-poor have limited access to financial tools and social safety
nets, thus, they have difficulty recovering from a calamity, which, further
compounds their poverty.

If liberal democracy is all about

freedom and equality, surely efforts
toward reducing the vulnerabilities
of communities and peoples must
be undertaken. And this involves
lessening the contribution of the
energy sector to climate change
by finding alternative means of
producing energy from cleaner
sources, energy efficiency, and
making drastic changes to industries
to reduce Green House Gas (GHG)
emissions.

But how is the Philippines faring

when it comes to renewable
energy utilization? As of 2018, the installed generating capacity or the
maximum amount of electricity that a power plant can produce, is at
23,815 Megawatts (MW). Coal dominates the installed capacity at 37.1%,
with renewable sources accounting for only 30.3%.

And coal will remain the dominant source of energy in the coming
years. As of end-2018, 80.3% of committed projects or those already with
financing are coal-fired power projects. Renewable energy projects have a
committed capacity of only 516 MW or 8.2% of the share.

Committed
Supply Type % Share
Capacity in MW
Coal 5,085 80.3
Oil Based 78 1.2
Natural Gas 650 10.3
Renewable Energy 516 8.2
Hydro 79 1.2
Geothermal 81 1.3
Solar 141 2.2
Wind 0 0
Biomass 215 3.4
Supply 6,329 100
Source: DOE 2018 Power Demand and Supply Highlights

40
 Making A Case for
Renewable Energy

While the installed

capacity of powerplants
has a good mix of
renewables, most of the
power generated comes
from coal. In 2018,
of the 99,765 GWh of
power produced, 51,932
GWh came from coal,
or more than half at
52.1%. Power produced
from renewable energy
sources is at 23,326
GWh or only 23.4%.

The trend since 2010 shows that power generated from coal has
increased significantly, with renewable energy unable to keep up with the
production of power to meet the growing demand.

Source: DOE Power Statistics

Coal generation of power is the least-cost form of baseload generation,

and as such, is favored over other sources of energy. It is easy to set up
and produces reliable supply of power.

Geographically, Luzon produces and consumes 72.9% or 72,728 GWh of

the 99,765 GWh power generated in 2018; most of which comes from coal.

41
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

When compared to Visayas, of its 14,267 GWh total gross generation, 50%
comes from renewable energy sources, followed by coal at 47.6%. While in
Mindanao’s 12,770 GWh power generation, coal accounts for 61%.

According to DOE’s Energy

Demand and Supply
Outlook 2017 – 2040, in
2016, total GHG emission
for every P100,000 of
the country’s economic
output amounts to 1.45 tons
of CO2 equivalent. It is
projected to increase at 5.5%
per year from 109.8 million
tons of CO2 equivalent in
2016 to 396.9 MT CO2 in
2040, if nothing is done to
reduce this.

The Philippines’ contribution to global emissions is minimal, but the

country must still do its part in reducing its own GHG emissions since
its minimal contribution still disperses in the atmosphere, which affects
everyone in the planet.

And the Philippines has been doing its part, at least in terms of policy.
The country has enacted several environmental laws, such as, the
Ecological Solid Waste Management Act of 2000, Biofuels Act of
2006, the Renewable Energy Act of 2008, the Energy Efficiency and
Conservation Act, and the Renewable Energy Act.

However, there is a policy disconnect between government rhetoric and

actual governance. For instance, the commitments under the National
Renewable Energy Program (NREP) to increase the installed capacity
from renewable energy sources to 15,304 MW by 2030 from only 5,438
MW in 2010, is far from achieving its goal. As of 2018, the installed
capacity from renewable energy sources is only above 7,000 MW.

Furthermore, the rules and guidelines for the Renewable Energy Trust
Fund (RETF) was only published in October 2018, ten years after the
law established it. The RETF was supposed to be used for research and
development, and support for the development and operation of new
renewable energy source.

So what has to be done? First is following through on government

commitments not only internationally, but on those mandated by law

42

to increase renewable energy sources and
fully implement mechanisms to allow the use
of these technologies down to the consumer
level. The new law on energy conservation
and efficiency should also be strictly and fully
enforced, ensuring that appliances have labels
on the amount of energy it consumes to better
inform the consuming public.
Moreover, the RETF should be fully utilized for
research and development to generate power
from renewable energy sources. This may also
be used to fund research and development for
technologies that support renewable energy,
such as, higher capacity batteries to store power
generated from solar panels.
Even more drastic measures may be adopted.
Solar panels may be required in buildings and
houses, which should, of course, be accompanied
with appropriate infrastructure to utilize and
even sell excess power to the grid. This will not
only make electricity cheap and affordable, but it
could also contribute to the significant decrease
in GHG emissions. The imposition of a carbon
tax may also be explored to discourage the use
of coal, and also incentivize use of power from
renewable energy sources.
Alongside government’s implementation of these
programs, should be a conduct of education and
advocacy campaigns on the effects of utilizing
non-renewable energy, how its GHG emissions
contribute to climate change, and how it
ultimately affects everyone, especially the poor.
The advocacy campaign may target three
levels: national, community, and household,
wherein advocating for renewable energy and
calling for the lessening of the use coal may be
pushed at the national level. At the community
level, community leaders may be persuaded
to utilize renewable energy technologies such
as waste-to-energy, solar, and biomass. Spaces
may also be designed, such that it maximizes
Making A Case for
Renewable Energy
the environment so that the consumption of
power is lessened. Companies and buildings in
the community may be encouraged to utilize
renewable energy, and adopt mechanisms
to conserve power (e.g., turning the lights off
during lunch time). And at the household level,
net-metering system may be used. A campaign
to conserve power in the household, and select
appliances that are more energy efficient (e.g.,
swapping the air-condition for an electric fan)
may also be conducted.
And finally, considering that the Philippine
contribution to global GHG emissions is
minimal, compared to the emissions of more
developed countries, continued engagement of
the international community should be pursued.
There is only one atmosphere in which the
emissions by anyone in the globe accumulates.
Thus, a concerted effort among all nations must
be pursued to save this one planet we all inhabit,
and save our fellow human beings.
Cedrik Flores is a public policy specialist with
a solid track record in research, technical
writing, and government service. He also
provides policy and political analyses to
various groups. He has an MSc in International
Strategy in and Diplomacy from the London
School of Economics and and a Masters of
Public Administration from the University of
the Philippines.
43
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of
Conservation, Livelihood
and Social Equity
BY JOHN JOSEPH S. CORONEL
Less than a month
after the Luzon-wide
lockdown, noticeable
changes in the countryside
and cityscapes have
been observed. Social
media was abuzz with
observations that skies
are bluer and clearer;
expansive views of the
Sierra Madre mountain
range could be seen
from windows of taller
buildings; and, salt and
fresh water ecosystems
had become cleaner.
44
Even the polluted Manila Bay and Laguna
Lake—the two bodies of water that border
the metropolis, and Pasig River, Metro
Manila’s main waterway, had shown signs of
recuperation inadvertently resulting from
the enhanced community quarantine (ECQ)
imposed on the entire national capital region
from 16 March to 15 May 2020.
That the ECQ gave Mother Nature an
opportunity to recuperate is evident how
economic and various anthropogenic activities
have impaired biodiversity and destroyed
ecosystems.
A recent report by the international think tank,
Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air
(CREA), and Greenpeace Philippines  “shows
that air pollution has been making a gradual
comeback in the Philippine capital since
authorities began easing the lockdown
beginning May 16” (Conde, 2020). “But
this backslide into business-as-usual can be
preempted if local governments adapt existing
measures and transition to cleaner energy
technologies” (Conde, 2020).
GROWTH BEYOND GDP AND SIMILAR METRICS
The Nobel Laureate in Economics and
Columbia Business School Professor, Joseph
Stiglitz, argued that “Business as usual is not
an option once the world emerges from the
coronavirus pandemic… The debilitating effects
of COVID-19 worldwide offered governments
a chance to forge a green recovery with a new
emphasis on fairness” (Billing, 2020).
Favoring new climate-laced metrics to
measure growth beyond the blunt instrument
of GDP and to encompass sustainability and
a “green GDP”, Stiglitz emphasized that the
current crisis had again exposed short-sighted
thinking, reiterating that the most important
indicator remained the impact of greenhouse
gas emissions (Billing, 2020).
The International Environment Agency
(2020) outlined energy-focused policies and
investments to move the world towards a
cleaner and more resilient future by proposing
to world governments a Sustainable Recovery
Plan to boost economic growth, create millions
of jobs and put emissions into structural
decline.
“Governments have a once-in-a-lifetime
opportunity to reboot their economies and
bring a wave of new employment opportunities
while accelerating the shift to a more resilient
and cleaner energy future,” Dr Fatih Birol, IEA
Executive Director, asserted (International
Environment Agency, 2020).
Sadly, this is not the case for the Philippines.
Last June 10, the Department of Environment
and Natural Resources (DENR) intended to
launch mining and river dredging as part of the
Philippines’ economic recovery response amid
the COVID-19 pandemic (Magsino, 2020).
Once again, long term sustainability was
subsumed by short sighted economic gains.
And given President Duterte’s disdain towards
international bodies and agencies, the
recommendations of IEA where the Philippines
is not even a member are unlikely to sway
DENR away from ecologically destructive
enterprises.
45
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
When the Foundation for the
Philippine Environment (2015) drafted
its national and regional agenda for
effective and sustainable biodiversity
strategies, its partners from amongst
civil society, conservations groups,
the government, business sector, and
communities identified mining as the
primary concern for Luzon, Visayas
That the ECQ gave
Mother Nature
an opportunity to
recuperate is evident
how economic and
various anthropogenic
activities have impaired
biodiversity and
destroyed ecosystems.
and Mindanao. Logging was a close
second (FPE, 2015).
“One of the first things I did when
I took office (as DENR Secretary)
was a mines audit. Because the
mining happens in far-flung places,
nobody in power ever sees it,” the late
environmentalist, Gina Lopez, said
in an interview with Yale University
(Pearce, 2017). “For the first time,
people saw what was going on. A lot
of it was illegal. After exposing the
problem, I began to take away the
permits of mining companies that
worked in areas like watersheds, where
it was against the law. And I banned
open-pit mining of gold, copper,
46
silver, and mercury” (Pearce 2017).
The Commission of Appointments
rejected Lopez as Environment
Secretary.
DENR has shown no paradigm shift
for the new normal and is likely to
conduct its business as usual. And a
cash-strapped government facing a
major global crisis is hard pressed to
raise as much money in the shortest
possible time. In more than a few
occasions, Duterte himself egged
some of his cabinet officials to “beg,
steal or borrow” to raise the necessary
funds needed for health care and
social amelioration.
An alternative to extractive and
destructive activities such as
mining, logging and river dredging
are biodiversity friendly business
enterprises (BDFEs). Government
agencies like the DENR, Department
of Trade and Industry (DTI),
Department of Agriculture (DA), the
National Economic Development
Authority (NEDA) and the Department
of Tourism (DOT), among others,
should aid in promoting BDFEs in
communities nationwide. But most of
the work and much of the impetus lie
in the hands of the private sector.
For 2019, 24.17 billion pesos have
been allotted to the agency, according
to the Department of Environment
& Natural Resources (n.d.). DENR
has allotted 10 million pesos for
the same year for BDFEs in marine
protected areas (Mayuga 2019). This
minute amount seems no more than
a tokenism on the part of a national
government office tasked with both
the income-generating use of natural

resources and the protection of the
environment.
DENR can be described as
schizophrenic; thus, a future policy
consideration is the splitting of
DENR into two departments—to
have an agency totally devoted to
environmental protection with
another engaged with the rational use
of natural resources.
Environmental conservation and
economic enterprises have often been
viewed as conflicting forces where
the promotion of one necessarily
leads to the detriment of the other.
The dichotomy of conservation and
entrepreneurship becomes even
more pronounced with the COVID-19
pandemic and its accompanying
negative impacts to the country’s
economy.
BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity
Focus-Economics (2020) expected
the Philippine economy to have
worsened further at the start of the
second quarter due to the lockdown
and a sudden downturn in the global
economy. The manufacturing PMI hit a
new record low…while tourism plunged
over 50% in January–April. Al Jazeera
reported that more than 2.5 million
Filipinos have lost their jobs during the
lockdown (Alindongan, 2020).
During this rush to go back to business
with the relaxation of restrictions in
terms of business and industry as well
as transportation and people’s mobility
with the transition from various
quarantine categories (ECQ to MECG
to GCQ and finally to MGCQ) provides
an opportune time to promote BDFEs
with the people now being more aware
of their susceptibility to menacing
natural phenomena like COVID-19.
47
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

THE BDFE FRAMEWORK

DENR has shown no
paradigm shift for the
As defined by the Biodiversity
Management Bureau (n.d.) of
new normal and is likely DENR, biodiversity-friendly

to conduct its business enterprises are “economic activities

and practices of micro, small, and
as usual. And a cash- medium enterprises, that promote
strapped government the sustainable use of biological
resources, create wealth and value,
facing a major global and, open opportunities for the
crisis is hard pressed to equitable sharing of benefits among

raise as much money

stakeholders.”

in the shortest possible Amparo Ampil (2018) who heads

time. DA’s Food, Agriculture and

Fishery Policy Division, stated that
biodiversity-friendly agricultural
practices (1) use traditional and modern technologies, and agriculture, fishery,
agro-forestry, and multi-cropping management techniques to contribute to
the maintenance of ecosystem resilience; (2) protect biodiversity reserves
and sanctuaries, including agriculture-important species, habitat networks
and biological corridors; facilitate regeneration of natural habitat; (3) protect
watersheds and wild habitats against conversion to other uses; using low-
input or less environmentally damaging systems that reduce soil erosion
and water run-off; and (4) adopt the principles of sustainable livestock and
poultry production, and use of water and fishery resources.

Lisa Paguntalan (2018) of the Philippine Biodiveristy Foundation Inc. argued

that “people want to have a variety of food but variety is only possible if
there are mangroves, sea grasses, coral reefs and other rich ecosystems.
Biodiversity also ensures food security” (Paguntalan, 2018).

The Biodiversity Partnership Projects, in its proposed labelling scheme,

stipulated that a BDFE product (1) adheres to the principles of biodiversity
conservation and environmental sustainability; (2) optimizes biodiversity
resources for poverty alleviation; and, (3) promotes rural-based micro, small
and medium enterprises to support inclusive economic growth (Ranada,
2015).

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature (n.d.) or IUCN

enumerated the economic opportunities of biodiversity businesses, as
follows:

48
 BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity

Biodiversity Growing Globalization New and

conservation and consumer has increased specialised
ecosystem health preference for the reach and markets which
can contribute sustainable and flow of small create incentives
directly to ethical products business products and opportunities
business and services is and services for small business
profitability (e.g. creating more to previously innovation and
ecotourism, and higher return inaccessible investment (e.g.
payments for opportunities markets and among venture
watershed for biodiversity consumers capital firms)
protection) businesses (e.g. (e.g. virtual
certification & marketing)
standards)

Local role in Increased Lower risks,

economy and market access improved
among labour through changing savings and
force enhance trade regimes, competitiveness
capacity to lower taxes on through new
contribute to products and business models,
local economic fewer regulatory improved supply
development, barriers to chains and
poverty international value addition
reduction and markets opportunities
livelihood
diversification

49
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines

Civil society groups supported by identified three major challenges to

the Global Environment Facility
(GEF) Fifth Phase of the Small
Grants Program recommended
that BDFEs must be supported
through the provision of free assisted
developmental recognition scheme
which incorporates support on value
chain development, feasibility/
valuation study, marketing linkage,
and policy development (SGP-
5 Manifesto, 2018). Government
should increase its investments in
biodiversity friendly livelihoods to
support communities in biodiversity
conservation areas; e.g., a simpler
and free certification scheme (SGP-5
Manifesto, 2018).
Dr. Jose Regunay (2017) of the
Biodiversity Partnerships Projects
BDFE development in the country, as
follows:
1. inadequate enabling environment
and incentives for private sector
investments;
2. weak capacities of LGUs to
develop regulatory structures and
incentive systems; and,
3. lack of incentives for local
communities and private
enterprises to engage in resource
conservation and invest in BDFEs.
BDFEs benefit not only the poorest
communities in both urban and
rural areas but they are also aimed
at alleviating the most marginalized
sectors like informal settlers,
subsistence farmers, artisanal fishers,
women, and indigenous peoples.

During this rush to go back to

business with the relaxation
of restrictions in terms of
business and industry as well
as transportation and people’s
mobility provides an opportune
time to promote BDFEs with
the people now being more
aware of their susceptibility to
menacing natural phenomena like
COVID-19.

50

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES RIGHTS AND
TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE
It is quite ironic that those whose very
way of life are in harmony with nature
are the very ones who are deprived
of the benefits of its bounty. Not only
that, it is their ancestral domains that
are often trespassed by outsiders who
wantonly ransack their habitat of its
riches.
A recognized champion of indigenous
peoples rights, Ifugao Representative
Teddy Baguilat (2018), of the Liberal
Party favored inclusive conservation
that recognizes community agents,
respects local rights, adopts local
governance, and acknowledges
positive results for local conservations.
It is a more active conservation
BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity
strategy compared to the “fortress”
conservation that the state uses to
declare, control, and define priorities
on conservation protected areas; it is a
strategy characterized by minimized
participation in conservation
(Baguilat, 2018).
The  Expanded National Integrated
Protected Areas System Act of
2018 (ENIPAS) or Republic Act No.
11038, according to Baguilat (2018)
empowers indigenous peoples
through the creation of coordination
mechanisms in ancestral domains
around the framework of IP rights.
The act also strives to protect
ancestral domains through sustainable
modernization and technological
development, and ensuring
conservation of protected areas
51
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
BDFEs benefit not only
the poorest communities
in both urban and rural
areas but they are also
aimed at alleviating the
most marginalized sectors
like informal settlers,
subsistence farmers,
artisanal fishers, women,
and indigenous peoples.
(Baguilat, 2018). In addition, Baguilat
(2018) stressed that communities and
public servants must empower each
other in order to maintain the intricate
weave that is biodiversity.
The Foundation for the Philippine
Environment (n.d.) argued that, “As
the traditional managers of the natural
treasures…(indigenous peoples [IPs]
and indigenous cultural communities
[ICCs] are) primary stakeholders and
actors in biodiversity conservation
and sustainable development-oriented
initiatives. Even well before the
arrival and establishment of modern
industrialized societies, indigenous
peoples and their communities have
relied upon traditional knowledge and
adapted cultural practices to enjoy the
myriad resources and benefits provided
naturally by biodiversity.” FPE further
explained that:
IPs and ICCs are historical experts
when it comes to the human-and-
nature relationship. They have
survived throughout generations
hand-in-hand with their environment,
52
depending heavily on the capacities of
their immediate resources while still
living within the limits thereof. These
experiences have spanned millennia,
and from them, they have drawn a level
of understanding that have enabled
them to anticipate when and how to
maximize nature’s abundance without
being excessive or abusive, while also
being able to adapt with and adjust to
it during more difficult times. Through
this relationship, IPs and ICCs have
learned to recognize and respect land,
water, and all of nature around them as
sacred.
In this sense, indigenous peoples’
communities are the country’s most
precious resource and most productive
force when it comes to conservation and
sustainability. Their historically and
spiritually-enriched knowledge base is
invaluable to the BCSD cause. From
their stories, critical lessons may be
extracted and adapted in combination
with modern knowledge and technology.
As a result, informed and sustainable
strategies may be shared and set into
action, not only on the local level but
also on a national level wherever they
may be adapted.
This author believes that indigenous
knowledge is an important component
of BDFEs and the integration of
traditional beliefs, practices and
systems can be integrated in the
design of biodiversity businesses.
Furthermore, IPs and ICCs can benefit
from BDFEs considering its aversion to
destructive and extractive methods and
its adherence to the principle that those
who reside in communities and protect
the ecology within these areas must
benefit most from local resources.
 BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity

THREE SUCCESS STORIES

To illustrate the various advantages of BDFEs, three case studies are briefly
explained in this article, as follows: (1) Rice-Duck Farming, (2) Social Fencing
in Ecotourism and (3) Non-Timber Forest Products in Ancestral Domains.

Rice-Duck Farming (Northern Samar)

The integrated rice-duck farming

system (IRDFS) involves rice
production and duck raising in an
irrigated paddy field. The paddling
movement of the ducks stimulates
plant growth, while duck manure
naturally fertilizes the soil. The ducks
also eat the harmful insects and
weeds; thus, eliminating the need for
pesticides and herbicides (Equator
Initiative-UNDP, n.d.).

A farmers cooperative in Northern

Samar, the Multi-Hari Action Access
Center, started with 12 pilot farmers
who engaged in this environmentally-
friendly agricultural practice and later
disseminated this technology to other
farmers in the area (Camps, 2018).
Ducks ate snails, insects and other
pests, and by rejecting chemical-based
inputs like pesticides and chemical
fertilizers, costs were minimized,
birds and other non-destructive fauna
that contribute to the preservation
of the ecosystem were not killed, and
waterways and river systems were
not further polluted (Camps, 2018).
Farmers earned from rice production,
and the sale of duck meat and duck
eggs (Camps, 2018).

Incidentally, economist from

the Ateneo de Manila University
believe that the Philippines could
rise from this pandemic stronger if
the government would implement

53
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
reforms that encourage the
development of an agriculture-driven
economy (Ordinario, 2020).
Social Fencing in Ecotourism (Puerto
Princesa City)
Social fencing involves decentralized
resource management by an
autonomous institution of resource
users founded on principles of
participatory decision making and
equitable sharing of benefits and
responsibilities by all members
(Sarin, n.d).
A UNESCO World Heritage Site, the
Puerto-Princesa Subterranean River
National Park features a spectacular
limestone karst landscape with an
54
underground river (UNESCO, n.d.)
The area also represents a significant
habitat for biodiversity conservation,
contains a full ‘mountain-to-sea’
ecosystem, and has some of the most
important forests in Asia (UNESCO,
n.d.). A fragile ecosystem must
be protected from unhampered
disturbances brought about by
tourism.
A maximum of 780 tourists per day
are allowed in the national park to
preserve ecological balance and
protect the bats and other wildlife
that reside in it (Salaverria, 2012).
A study by DENR’s Ecosystem
Research and Development Bureau
recommended the said carrying
capacity (Salaverria, 2012).

Michael Olave (2018) of the
Sabang Sea Ferry Multi-purpose
Cooperative (SSFMPC) narrated that
social fencing was institutionalized
to support the conservation and
protection of this globally renowned
national park. The three-pronged
strategies are the building of small
social fencing areas by engaging POs
and IPOs; strengthening these fences
by establishing local foundations
through strong collaboration with
barangay councils and cooperation
with other community stakeholders;
and the buffer to buffer approach
of interconnecting the different
interrelated ecosystems within the area.
Non-Timber Forest Products (Palawan)
The Non-Timber Forest Products
Exchange Program (n.d.) or NTFP-
EP, a collaborative network of over
60 non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and community-based
organizations (CBOs) working
with forest-based communities
to strengthen their capacity in the
sustainable management of natural
resources in the Philippines, India,
Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, and
Cambodia, “envisions self-empowered
generations of forest-dependent
communities, contributing to and
benefiting from sustainably-managed
forested landscapes and ecosystems,
knowledge and cultural traditions.” It
lamented that communities often have
no access to strategic information,
practical technology, and financial
support to make viable enterprises
(NTFP-EP, n.d.).
Though not part of the network, the
Peace and Equity Foundation has
BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity
Inclusive conservation
recognizes community
agents, respects local rights,
adopts local governance,
and acknowledges
positive results for local
conservations.
provided support to NTFPs. The
Foundation aspires to drive positive
change in poor Filipino household
communities by investing in social
enterprises that will provide them
with viable livelihood and better
access to basic services (PEF, n.d. [1]).
The Nagkakaisang mga Tribu ng
Palawan (United Tribes of Palawan) or
NATRIPAL is an indigenous people’s
organization with members from
the Tagbanua, Batak, and Palau’an
communities supported by PEF
(PEF, n.d.[2]). Livelihood activities
from non-timber products like wild
honey help its members to look
after resources in their ancestral
domains (PEF, n.d. [2]). Among the
support given to beneficiaries were
the training of 255 honey gatherers,
processors and buyers living in 10
communities (the syllabus included
proper honey harvesting techniques
and policies on environmentally
sound and sanitary wild honey
gathering) and the purchase of
significantly greater quantities of
good quality wild honey that can
contribute to its own competitiveness
55
 Towards an Inclusive and Sustainable Post Pandemic Philippines
and sustainability, and improve
incomes of IPC households and the
community in general (Angeles,
Brillante, Coronel & Reyes, 2017).
Some Key Points
Livelihood is Always Integral: Key
biodiversity areas, ancestral domains
and protected areas are home not
just to diverse flora and fauna,
actual communities live there and/
or extract resources in these areas.
In other words, conservation efforts
without taking into consideration the
livelihood of the people residing in
these places will most likely fail.
Health Benefits: Aside from
livelihood, conservation and social
equity, health is another benefit of
BDFEs. Given BDFE’s logical bias in
favor of organic agriculture and the
use of natural processes, food and
medicinal products from BDFEs are
healthier.
Governance and Political Culture:
Baguilat (2018) argued that good
governance and the right political
culture enable policies that promote
biodiversity conservation and the
related issues of ancestral domain
rights. He also stressed that an
efficient and unselfish government
is the key to cultivating a political
culture that promotes biodiversity
conservation (Baguilat, 2018).
Thus, aside from empowering
communities, the people must also
empower leaders who are public
servants concerned with the greater
good rather than their own, limited
partisan and personal interests
(Baguilat, 2018). Communities are
56
key to the effective and sustainable
biodiversity conservation (Baguilat,
2018).
The Free Market Economy: Though
government support and subsidies
for BDFEs may be necessary in the
beginning and in the short term
in order to jump start businesses
enterprises that leave the least possible
environmental footprint, BDFEs must
be competitive and profitable.
Constructive interventions from
government can come in the form of
BDFE-friendly regulatory procedures
like easier accreditation, tax incentives
and public advocacies and educational
campaign to encourage consumers to
patronize BDFE products.
But ultimately, BDFEs gestate
within the matrix of the free market
economy. Price and quality are the
two factors considered by consumers
seldom considering whether such
products are biodiversity friendly
or not. To be viable and sustainable,
BDFE’s must be able not only to
survive but also to prosper without
having to be subsidized, at least, in the
long run. Furthermore, the budget
for such subsidies will most likely
be secured by government in the
form of taxes and duties raised from
businesses that are not necessarily
environmentally friendly. BDFE’s
must and can compete with non-
environmentally sound businesses in
the open market.

REFERENCES
Alindongan, J. (2020). “Millions more jobless in the Philippines
amid COVID-19 lockdown” (May 26) https://www.aljazeera.com/
news/2020/05/millions-unemployed-philippines-covid-19-lock-
down-200526090816099.html
Ampil, A (2018). “Biodiversity Conservation Status and Trends”. Small
Grants Program (SGP-5) National Conference (San Mateo, Rizal; July
24)
Angeles, J.; Brillante, A.; Coronel, J. & Reyes, M (2017). Attempts at
Social Enterprise, p. 73. (Quezon City: Peace and Equity Foundation).
Baguilat, T. (2018). Keynote Address, Small Grants Program (SGP-5)
National Conference (San Mateo, Rizal; July 24)
Billing, M. (2020). “Build a better, greener world economy after
pandemic: Stiglitz” (AFP News, June 19) https://ph.news.yahoo.com/
build-better-greener-world-economy-pandemic-stiglitz-101111434.html
Biodiversity Management Bureau (n.d.). http://www.bmb.gov.ph/index.
php/e-library/laws-and-policies/technical-bulletins/technical-bulle-
tin-2017?download=284:technical-bulletin-2017-11
Conde, M. (2020). “As lockdown ends, Manila’s dirty air is back”
(Mongabay, 19 June)
https://news.mongabay.com/2020/06/as-lockdown-ends-manilas-
dirty-air-is-back-it-doesnt-have-to-stay/
Department of Environment & Natural Resources (n.d.): https://
www.denr.gov.ph/index.php?id=744&page=69&sort=&filter=&search-
word=#:~:text=For%202019%2C%20the%20DENR%20has,and%20
to%20fight%20illegal%20logging.
Equator Initiative-UNDP (n.d.) https://www.equatorinitiative.
org/2017/08/08/integrated-rice-duck-farming-and-value-chain/
Focus-Economics (2020). https://www.focus-economics.com/
countries/philippines
Foundation for the Philippine Environment (n.d.). “Stewards of the
Sacred Land: Indigenous Peoples and Community Conserved”. https://
fpe.ph/indigenous-communities.html/view/stewards-of-the-sacred-
land-indigenous-peoples-and-community-conserved-areas/all/0
International Environment Agency (2020). “IEA offers world
governments a Sustainable Recovery Plan to boost economic growth,
create millions of jobs and put emissions into structural decline” (IEA,
June 18) https://www.iea.org/news/iea-offers-world-governments-a-
sustainable-recovery-plan-to-boost-economic-growth-create-millions-
of-jobs-and-put-emissions-into-structural-decline
International Union for the Conservation of Nature (n.d.) https://www.
iucn.org/sites/dev/files/content/documents/bbf_small_enterprise_
training_en.pdf
Magsino, D. (2020). “DENR eyes mining, river dredging to spur
economic recovery amid COVID-19” (GMA News, June 10) https://
www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/nation/742025/denr-eyes-mining-
river-dredging-to-spur-economic-recovery-amid-covid-19/story/
Mayuga, J. (2019). “Environment dept. allots P10 million
for local biodiversity-friendly enterprises” (Business Mirror,
Feb 14). https://businessmirror.com.ph/2019/02/14/
environment-dept-allots-p10-million-for-local-biodiversity-
friendly-enterprises/
Non-Timber Forest Products Exchange Program (n.d). https://ntfp.
org/who-we-are/
Olave, M (2018). “Some Best Practices in SG5 Landscape and
Seascape Work”. Small Grants Program (SGP-5) National Conference
BIODIVERSITY-FRIENDLY ENTERPRISES:
The Synthesis of Conservation, Livelihood and Social Equity
(San Mateo, Rizal; July 26)
Ordinario, C (2020). “AdMU economists suggest agri-driven economy
for PHL to deal with pandemic” from Business World (May 6). https://
businessmirror.com.ph/2020/05/06/admu-economists-suggest-agri-
driven-economy-for-phl-to-deal-with-pandemic/
Paguntalan, L. (2018). “Biodiversity Conservation Status and Trends”.
Small Grants Program (SGP-5) National Conference (San Mateo, Rizal;
July 24)
Peace and Equity Foundation (n.d.[1]). https://pef.ph/index.php/
who-we-are/
Peace and Equity Foundation (n.d.[2]). https://pef.ph/index.
php/2016/03/27/working-hard-for-the-honey/
Pearce, F. (2017). “How an Activist Minister in Philippines Took On
the Mining Barons” (Yale School of Forestry & Environmental Studies,
October 5). https://e360.yale.edu/features/how-an-activist-minister-in-
the-philippines-took-on-the-mining-barons-gina-lopez
Ragunay (2017). https://drive.google.com/file/
d/0B1rxaq2Ra8saQTktZGJQZjc1Nlk/view
Ranada, P. (2015). “Would you buy a ‘biodiversity-friendly’ product?”
(Rappler, Feb 10) https://www.rappler.com/nation/83420-biodiversity-
friendly-products-businesses
Salaverria, L. (2012). “Puerto Princesa limits number of daily visitors
to underground river to 780” (PDI, March 1).
https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/154103/puerto-princesa-limits-number-
of-daily-visitors-to-underground-river-to-780#ixzz6QIvP6dad
Sarin (n.d.). “Actions of the Voicless: The Challenge of Addressing
Subterranean Conflicts relatedto arginalised Groups and Women in
Community Forestry.” http://www.fao.org/3/ac696e/ac696e07.htm
SGP-5 Manifesto. Conference Manifesto of the Small Grants Program
(SGP-5) National Conference (San Mateo, Rizal; July 27)
UNESCO (n.d.) https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/652/
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
John Joseph Coronel is the President of
the Center for Liberalism & Democracy
(2018-present) and former Executive Director
of the Council of Asian Liberals & Democrats
(1999-2007). After CALD, his work focused
on environmental advocacies like biodiversity
conservation, BDFEs and climate resiliency
in his capacity as Knowledge Products
Consultant of UNDP for the Fifth Phase of the
GEF Small Grants Project; Communications
Consultant of the Laguna Lake Development
Authority (LLDA); and Editor and Writer for
the Foundation for the Philippine Environment
(FPE) and the Peace and Equity Foundation
(PEF), the country’s biggest private funding
agencies for environment and social
entrepreneurship, respectively.
57
 Democracy
Under Siege
LAWFARE AGAINST THE FOURTH ESTATE

Deplorable Shutdown during the Lockdown:

Sen. Kiko Pangilinan and fmr.
Deputy Speaker Erin Tañada on ABS-CBN
Franchise and Closure

Asian Liberals condemn Network Shutdown

and Media Persecution
#JUNKTERRORBILL

Terror on Terror: Why House Bill No. 6875

Deserved a “NO” Vote
by Rep. Kit Belmonte

Liberal International: Duterte’s ‘anti-terror bill’

a vicious blow to Philippines’ freedom

58
 Democracy Under Siege | Lawfare against the Fourth Estate

feature

Deplorable Shutdown
during the Lockdown
PANGILINAN: CONGRESS IS MANDATED TO
ACT ON ABS-CBN FRANCHISE APPLICATION
(10 FEBRUARY 2020)

Congress has the duty to give due process to

ABS-CBN’s application for franchise renewal.

We are mandated under the law to give proper

course to any application, which Congress has
granted smoothly to other networks.

(As provided for in Republic Act 3846, or “An

Act Providing for the Regulation of Radio
Stations and Radio Communications in the
Philippine Islands, and For Other Purposes,”
commercial broadcasting corporations have
to secure a legislative franchise, also called a
congressional franchise, for them to operate.)

Complaints against the network should be

formally lodged before Congress to be tackled Liberal Party Philippines

in the hearing, giving opportunity for all sides

to be heard.
While networks are here for profit, they also
exist for public service and as watchdog of
government. Their continued operations should
not be at the mercy of the government in power
that they seek to guard.
STATEMENT OF LP PRESIDENT SEN. FRANCIS
PANGILINAN ON QUO WARRANTO
VS ABS-CBN (11 FEBRUARY 2020)
Freedom-loving Filipinos should come together
and resist authoritarianism
Together with the Filipino people, the Liberal
kikopangilinan.com
Party of the Philippines has been here before.
In 1972, when the ousted dictator imposed
martial law, he also arrested his critics and shut
down major media outfits like ABS-CBN.
This confluence of events was obviously
deliberate, aimed at slowly maiming the
broadcast network: the President’s incessant
and open attacks, the absence of movement
from the lower chamber to tackle the pending
franchise renewal bills and recently, as if
aiming for the kill, a quo warranto petition two
months before the franchise of the network
expires.

59
 Democracy Under Siege | Lawfare against the Fourth Estate
Stacking the government with his supporters,
cracking down on the opposition, and silencing
the media using all resources at his disposal
are indications of the country’s slide into
authoritarianism.
Freedom-loving Filipinos should come together
and resist authoritarianism in all its forms.
A nation cannot be governed by way of threats,
insults, intimidation, and violence.
Kasama ng sambayanang Pilipino, ang Partido
Liberal ng Pilipinas ay nanggaling na dito.
Noong 1972, nang ipataw ng pinatalsik na
diktador ang batas militar, inaresto rin niya ang
mga kritiko niya at pinasarado ang mga major
media outfits tulad ng ABS-CBN.
Malinaw na sadya ang pagkakasabay-sabay
ng mga pangyayari, at layong unti-unting
siraaan ang network -- ang mga walang tigil at
lantarang pag-atake, ang kawalan ng pagkilos
sa mababang kapulungan para talakayin ang
nakabinbing panukalang batas para sa franchise
renewal at kamakailan lang, isang quo warranto
petition dalawang buwan bago magtapos ang
franchise ng network, na tila ang pakay ay
tuluyan na ang network.
Anu-ano ang mga indikasyon ng pagdausdos ng
bansa sa diktadurya? Punuin ng mga kakampi
ang burukrasya ng gobyerno, durugin ang
oposisyon, patahimikin ang media gamit ang
lahat ng mapagkukunang yaman na kanyang
hawak.
Dapat magsama-sama ang lahat ng Pilipinong
nagmamahal sa kalayaan, at tutulan ang lahat
ng porma ng paniniil.
Hindi pwedeng pamunuan ang bayan ng
pagbabanta, pag-iinsulto, pananakot, at
karahasan.
60
TRANSCRIPT OF COMMENT OF SEN. FRANCIS
“KIKO” PANGILINAN ON RESOLUTIONS
ON ABS-CBN FRANCHISE (4 MARCH 2020)
Mr. President, Article 6, Section 12 of the
Constitution provides:
“All Members of the Senate and the House
of Representatives shall, upon assumption of
office, make a full disclosure of their financial
and business interests. They shall notify
the House concerned of a potential conflict
of interest that may arise from the filing
of a proposed legislation of which they are
authors.”
Mr. President, just for the record, this
representation is not an author nor a sponsor
of Concurrent Resolutions 6,7, and 8, and
Senate Resolution 344, all tackling the matter
of the ABS-CBN franchise.
But having said that, Mr. President, my
wife, Sharon, is also a contract artist of ABS-
CBN and kahit na po mawala ang ABS-CBN,
palagay ko hindi naman ho gugutumin ang
ating butihing maybahay at kabiyak. Ngunit
gaya nga ng nabanggit kanina, ‘yung mga
maliliit na manggagawa ng estasyon ang
maaapektuhan.
Hindi lamang po ito. Ang buong bansa ay
maaapektuhan ‘pag nawala po ang ABS-CBN
dahil milyun-milyon ang umaasa sa ABS-
CBN kapag mayroon pong bagyo, kapag
mayroon pong pagputok ng bulkan, pagka
mayroon pong trahedya o kaya kalamidad.
The right to information as well as the
freedom of the press, Mr. President, is
likewise an issue here. Just for the record, Mr.
President.

STATEMENT OF SEN. FRANCIS “KIKO”
PANGILINAN ON NTC CEASE-AND-DESIST
ORDER OF ABS-CBN (5 MAY 2020)
NTC order is grave abuse of govt power, ABS-
CBN should bring matter before Supreme
Court
We condemn this arbitrary exercise of
governmental power.
Ito’y kalokohan. Sa gitna ng pandemya ito
inaatupag ng gobyerno. 2.2 milyong Pilipino
na ang nawalan ng trabaho bunga ng COVIC
pandemic at quarantine. Ang krisis ng kalusugan
ay krisis na sa paggawa at pangkabuhayan ng
mga kapamilya, kaibigan, kapitbahay, at kakilala.
Stopping ABS-CBN’s operation would cut the
income of another 11,000 employees. Wala na
bang puso ang pamahalaan?
Pero binuksan ang mga POGO. Para lang ba sa
dayuhan ang puso ng pamahalaan?
Ito’y panggigipit sa malayang pamamahayag. Isa
sa pinakamalaking media outfit na nagbibigay
ng impormasyon at balita ang nais nilang
isara habang kailangang-kailangan ngayon ng
mamamayan ang totoong balita at impormasyon
sa panahon ng kalamidad. Issuing a cease and
desist order to ABS CBN cripples our ability to
disseminate information that can save lives.
This is grave abuse of discretion. The justice
secretary has said provisional authority can
be issued by the NTC. The NTC action is
highly irregular as it has issued hundreds of
provisional authorities to other broadcasting
companies pending the approval by Congress
of their franchise. Singling out ABS-CBN is
grave abusive of discretion.
ABS-CBN should bring the matter before the
Supreme Court.
Deplorable Shutdown during the Lockdown
STATEMENT OF ERIN TAÑADA, FORMER DEPUTY
HOUSE SPEAKER AND LIBERAL PARTY
VICE PRESIDENT FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, ON
NTC’S CEASE-AND-DESIST
ORDER AGAINST ABS-CBN (5 MAY 2020)
The pandemic is a crucial time for all of us.
Now, more than ever, we need a free press
to help us reach our people with timely and
relevant information. What will issuing a cease-
and-desist order to ABS-CBN achieve? Will it
help stop the COVID spread?
We just celebrated Press Freedom Day last
Sunday, and this is how we repay information
and democracy front-liners?
Sa sama-samang pagharap at pagtutulungan
lamang natin malalabanan ang pagkalat ng sakit na
coronavirus. Ito ang dapat pagtuunan ng pansin,
hindi ang panggigipit sa mga mamamahayag.”
STATEMENT OF THE LIBERAL PARTY OF THE
PHILIPPINES ON THE ABS-CBN SHUTDOWN (6
MAY 2020)
By ordering ABS-CBN to shut down its
operations, the administration has hampered
our collective capability to respond to the
current public health crisis, upended the lives
of thousands of workers and their families,
and put at risk those of many others who rely
on accurate, timely, and reliable information
to navigate the age of COVID-19.
They chose to do this despite a provisionary
status that would have allowed ABS-CBN to
continue their work. They chose to do this
despite the many tasks that any reasonable
administration would have prioritized. Inuna
pa nilang ipasara ang ABS-CBN— habang
hinayaan namang magpatuloy ang mga
POGO.
61
 Democracy Under Siege | Lawfare against the Fourth Estate
Dalawang buwan na mula nang unang
nagtalaga ng community quarantine.
Isang buwan na mula nang inanunsyong
magkakaroon ng mass testing para sa
COVID-19. As of today we’ve tested less that
1% of our population, many of our frontliners
still lack the support and equipment they need,
and there are still no plans for post-COVID
economic safety nets.
Idinidiin namin ang mensahe ng aming
Party Chair VP Leni Robredo: Hindi ito oras
upang manggipit o unahin ang pansariling
interes. Ang kailangan natin: Mas pinaigting
na mass testing, social amelioration, suporta
para sa frontliners, at maayos na daloy ng
napapanahong mga ulat tungkol sa kalagayan
ng bayan. Ito dapat ang priority sa panahon ng
COVID-19.
That this government would shut ABS-CBN
down in the midst of a pandemic - where
media is both a lifeline and a source of comfort
- calls into question their motivations, their
priorities, and their commitment to our
people’s well-being.
MANIFESTATION OF SEN. FRANCIS “KIKO”
PANGILINAN ON SENATE RESOLUTION 395
URGING THE NATIONAL TELECOMMUNICATION
COMMISSION (NTC) TO RECONSIDER ITS
SHUTDOWN ORDER AGAINST ABS-CBN (11
MAY 2020)
“I just wanted to manifest that we support
the resolution. There were instances in the
past despite the fact that a case had been
filed before the Supreme Court on matters of
national concern, national interest, or public
interest that the Senate of the Philippines took
on a position and approved a resolution.
If I recall correctly, 2006 for example, the
Senate of the Philippines passed a resolution
the sense of the Senate that EO 464 was illegal.
62
If you would recall, EO 464 was President
Arroyo’s Executive Order that prohibited
executive officials from appearing before
Congress. The Senate of the Philippines
expressed its sense, or the Senate in a
resolution, saying that EO 464 was contrary to
the Constitution, notwithstanding the fact that
the matter was before the Supreme Court.
In another incident or another situation,
the declaration of a state of emergency by
President Arroyo, also in 2006. It was a sense
of the Senate resolution despite the fact that
the case was brought before the Supreme
Court, the arrest of columnist Randy David
and the raid on the Daily Tribune undertaking
2006 the Senate, in a resolution adopted,
declared or at least expressed its sense that the
arrest of Randy David and the raid on the Daily
Tribune was unconstitutional and unlawful.
For that, Mr. President, I believe there has been
past incidence or there has been precedence
where despite the fact that a matter is pending
before the Supreme Court, the Senate of the
Philippines has expressed its sense by way of
adopting a resolution.
That’s why in this sense, I believe this is a
matter of public interest and therefore I
support the resolution.”
* Senator Risa Hontiveros is the principal
author and sponsor of Senate Resolution
395. Other co-authors of the resolution are
Senators Juan Miguel Zubiri, Franklin Drilon,
Ralph Recto, Sonny Angara, Ma. Lourdes
Nancy Binay, Win Gatchalian, Leila De Lima,
Manuel Lapid, Emmanuel Pacquiao, and Joel
Villanueva
Sen Pangilinan is also a co-author of Senate
Bill 1521 seeking to grant provisional franchise
to ABS-CBN until June 30, 2022, as Congress
deliberates on the renewal of its franchise,
which expired on May 4, 2020.

STATEMENT OF SEN. FRANCIS “KIKO”
PANGILINAN ON THE HOUSE COMMITTEE OF
THE WHOLE APPROVING HB 6732 WHICH
GRANTS ABS-CBN A FRANCHISE
UNTIL OCTOBER 31, 2020 (13MAY 2020)
OK na rin, lalong-lalo na sa 11,000 empleyado
ng ABS-CBN at sa milyon-milyong mga
kapamilya na nanonood dito at nakakatanggap
ng balita sa panahon ng pandemya. May
pansamantalang lunas na Band-Aid.
Pero parang asong nakagapos sa leeg ang
kumpanya. Hihilahin lang nang mahigpit
at hindi na maaaring tumahol at sa halip ay
hihiyaw sa hapdi.
Bakit 5 buwan lang at hindi 25 years tulad ng
lahat ng iba pang nabigyan ng mga prangkisa
ng Kongreso? Hangga’t hindi naaprubahan ang
franchise, maituturing pa rin na pag-atake sa
media at press freedom at paghamak sa ating
demokrasya ang nasabing usapin.
STATEMENT OF SEN. FRANCIS “KIKO”
PANGILINAN ON POSSIBLE CONSTITUTIONAL
VIOLATION IN HOUSE’S SECOND READING OF
BILL ON SHORT-TERM ABS-CBN FRANCHISE
(14 MAY 2020)
“We witnessed last night how our co-equal
chamber has fast-tracked the approval of the
provisional franchise bill of ABS-CBN.
In a few hours after its filing, the Committee
of the Whole approved HB 6732 on first and
second reading, and is expected to vote on it on
third reading early next week.
It was a display of how measures in the chamber
can easily hurdle, if the leadership wills it.
We want ABS-CBN to be back on air as we
know its operation is crucial in ensuring the
Deplorable Shutdown during the Lockdown
free flow of life-saving information and in
keeping the jobs of thousands of people.
However, we want our courses of action to be right
– from the bill’s landing at the House plenary to its
transmittal to the Senate for our own deliberation
– so that we will have a provisional franchise that is
legally and constitutionally firm and unassailable.
According to the Constitution, Article VI Section
26. (2) No bill passed by either House shall
become a law unless it has passed three readings
on separate days, and printed copies thereof
in its final form have been distributed to its
Members three days before its passage, except
when the President certifies to the necessity of its
immediate enactment to meet a public calamity
or emergency.
It is within the power of the House to set this right,
and soon.
Also, the nod of the House and the Senate will also
not automatically allow the network to operate as
the bill has to pass through the final approval of
the President.
While we look forward to the provisional
franchise, we hope to tackle in the near future
measures granting the network a renewed 25-
year franchise to finally resurrect its operations.
SPONSORSHIP SPEECH OF SEN. FRANCIS
“KIKO” PANGILINAN
ON SENATE BILL 1530 - NON-EXPIRATION OF
LICENSE OR FRANCHISE BILL |
SENATE COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL
AMENDMENTS AND REVISION OF CODES
3 JUNE 2020
Good afternoon, colleagues.
It is my privilege to sponsor Senate Bill No.
1530 under Committee Report No. 100 entitled
63
 “An Act Amending Section 18, Book VII,
Chapter 3 of the Administrative Code of the
Philippines.”
A franchise is a privilege granted by Congress
to public services and utilities. These
include power and water, transport and
communications -- services vital to the survival
and progress of a nation and its people.
By its very definition, legislative franchises
are imbued with public service, with Congress
bearing responsibility for granting and
extending such franchises.
Today, we seek to rectify a small omission that
has been corrected in practice but not in law.
Today, we seek to correct this error not only to
uphold the right to free speech and expression,
but equally important, the right of the people
to correct, relevant, timely, and accurate
information.
Today, in the age of massive disinformation
and misinformation at the speed of thought, we
seek to promote truth-telling. Because truth is
the handmaiden of democracy. Truth has saved
us from thieving and tyrannical governments.
Truth, as the Bible says, will set us free.
This right to truth is especially important
now as the pandemic continues to claim lives.
Because truth and accurate information save
lives. And especially as our country continues
to face typhoons, earthquakes, and volcanic
eruptions. We, our people need to know what
to do before, during, and after such calamities.
This right literally saves the lives of those who
rely only on free radio and TV. Especially in the
so many remote, isolated, hard-to-reach islands
of our archipelago.
Today, we also seek to protect and defend the
right to decent work of approximately 11,000
64
employees of the ABS-CBN Corporation
and the workers among their suppliers in
their business eco system, especially amid a
pandemic that has already cost our people
over 2 million jobs. The Department of Labor
and Employment has said that in the coming
months, anywhere between 5 to 7 million of
our kababayans will also be losing their jobs. We
cannot add to that suffering.
Senate Bill 1530 authored by Sen. Franklin
Drilon proposes to amend Section 18, Book
VII, Chapter 3 of the Administrative Code of
the Philippines to include franchises, stating
that “where a licensee or franchisee has made
timely and sufficient application for renewal of
a franchise or license, the same shall not expire
until after finally determined by the relevant
department, agency, or branch of government.”
The bill amends an existing provision under
the Revised Administrative Code to include
franchises, “making it incumbent upon the
issuing authority to act on an application and
avoid situations where silence or inaction could
effectively bar the operations of an enterprise.”
In a hearing for this bill held last week, all
of our resource persons that included legal
luminaries and government agencies regulating
licenses and franchises support this amendment
and agree that it will indeed bridge the gap
between law and practice and law. We are also
enlightened on how this measure will help in
the pursuit of the rule of law and democratic
accountability.
Hence, Mr. President, dear colleagues, I urge the
swift passage of this measure.
 feature
Democracy Under Siege | Lawfare against the Fourth Estate
Asian Liberals condemn
Closure of ABS-CBN
The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), in a statement released last
May 4 and signed by it Chair, Bi-Khim Hsiao, strongly condemned the closure of
ABS-CBN and the systematic persecution of media.
CALD Statement No.4, S. 2020
CALD is outraged by the cease and desist order
of the Duterte administration to prohibit ABS-
CBN from broadcasting to deliver crucial news
and information that is vital particularly when
the whole country is struggling to survive and
recover from the COVID-19 pandemic.
ABS-CBN, the largest broadcasting network
in the country, was ordered to stop its
broadcasting operations by the government’s
National Telecommunication Commission
(NTC) after the network’s congressional
franchise expired on 4 May. ABS-CBN officially
went off the air on 5 May at 7:52pm.
President Duterte made several threats prior to
the shutdown. In April 2017, he said he would
file a complaint and would block the network’s
franchise renewal. In December 2019, he said
that he’ll see to it that ABS-CBN is out and
later said it is better to sell the network.
Congress has the exclusive right and
jurisdiction on legislative franchises under
the Philippine Constitution and it has yet to
deliberate whether to grant, deny, extend,
revoke or modify the franchise renewal
application of the network.
CALD believes that the fast, fair
and free flow of information, as
successfully exemplified by the
Democratic Progressive Party-led
government in Taiwan, is crucial
particularly during a crisis.
During a congressional hearing on 10 March,
NTC Commissioner Gamaliel Cordoba assured
House of Representative members that NTC
would issue a provisional authority to ABS-CBN
so it could operate beyond 4 May.
However, like a thief in the night, the
government broke its promise and delivered a
huge blow not just on a particular TV network,
but on the fundamental freedoms and basic
human rights of Filipinos. Justice Secretary
Menardo Guevarra said that Duterte has total
control of the executive department and has the
power to reverse the NTC order, but no such
actions were done.
ABS-CBN has the widest broadcasting reach
in the Philippines and has been providing
vital news to keep the public updated on the
pandemic. In some places, ABS-CBN is the
only news source of the people especially
65

With the culture of impunity in the
country, journalists and media
people have been killed and
continue to be at risk during the
Duterte administration.
during this pandemic. The network, together
with executives, employees and celebrity
talents, has also been instrumental in helping
Filipinos address their daily needs through
relief operations and fund-raising initiatives.
CALD echoes the sentiments of the Liberal
Party of the Philippines, a founding member of
CALD, “That this government would shut ABS-
CBN down in the midst of a pandemic – where
media is both a lifeline and a source of comfort
– calls into questions their motivations, their
priorities, and their commitment to our
people’s well-being.”
Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo,
Chairman of the Liberal Party of the
Philippines, said stopping the network’s
operations would leave 11,000 workers jobless
and would cut off the free flow of correct and
timely information that gives direction to the
country’s actions in tackling COVID-19.
“There should be no space for harassment
and personal agenda at this time when we
should be working together…this free flow
of information literally saves lives,” Robredo
emphasized.
Sadly, there is a systemic persecution of the
media in the Philippines. ABS-CBN is only the
latest case, but other media institutions such as
Rappler, the leading online news website in the
country, is facing closure as well due to legal
and tax cases.
66
In this regard, the members of CALD are
united in making the following calls to the
Philippine government:
Curb the Virus, Not the Flow of Information
CALD condemns in strongest terms the shut
down of ABS-CBN and calls for the government
to allow the network to operate freely. CALD
believes that the fast, fair and free flow of
information, as successfully exemplified by the
Democratic Progressive Party-led government
in Taiwan, is crucial particularly during a crisis.
This will definitely provide efficient delivery
of services and effective coordination between
and among stakeholders to flatten the curve and
address the social and economic challenges.
No to Abuse of Power
During this health crisis, there should be
no room for unnecessary vindictive agenda
on the part of Duterte and his government
against people and institutions that form the
cornerstone of democracy. The Filipino people
must remain vigilant of the authoritarian
actions of the government and must always
stand firm to hold them accountable.
Defend Press Freedom
When information is silenced, truth is silenced.
This media shut down is clearly a setback to
the collective efforts, sacrifice and unity of the
country at a time when everyone, especially
the leaders, should be focusing on beating
the pandemic and protecting its people. Also,
with the culture of impunity in the country,
journalists and media people have been killed
and continue to be at risk during the Duterte
administration. The international community
must closely monitor these alarming situations
to protect and defend press freedom.
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill

TERROR ON TERROR
REP. JOSE CHRISTOPHER “KIT” Y. BELMONTE,
6th District – Quezon City

“We are repressing our freedoms!

We are in fact destroying our democracy!
Why are we adding terror to terror?”1

WHY HOUSE BILL NO. 6875

OR THE ANTI-TERROR BILL2
DESERVED A “NO” VOTE

It was surreal to say the least.

I watched in awe as the two tallest
towers in the world crumble like lego
bricks. It was 11 September 2001.

This Al Qaeda attack was one

of the simultaneous attacks made
upon key facilities or infrastructures
in the United States, including the
Pentagon, and most likely the White As a result of this shocking
House, the U.S. Capitol, or Camp incident, the United Nations
David.3 Almost 3,000 people, citizens Security Council (UNSC) adopted
of 78 countries, died that day. Several on 28 September 2001 UNSC
more experienced its residual effects. Resolution No. 1373 condemning
By 2018, due to exposure to toxic the Al Qaeda attacks and any act of
fumes and particles emanating from international terrorism. It called on
the towers as they collapsed, about states to work together urgently to
10,000 died of what they call 9/11 prevent and suppress terrorist acts
related cancer. These events changed through increased cooperation and
the Manhattan landscape, and highly full implementation of relevant
impacted the economy, and our way international conventions relating to
of life.4 terrorism.5

1 Explanation of NO Vote, 03 June 2020

2 Now Republic Act No. 11479, as the bill was signed into law by Prior to this, the Philippines
Pres. Rodrigo Duterte on 06 July 2020 experienced attacks of its own: the
3 Passengers of a fourth hijacked flight resisted the terrorists, caus-
ing the flight to crash in a field in Maryland.
4 https://www.history.com/topics/21st-century/9-11-attacks 5 http://unscr.com/en/resolutions/1373

67
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill

peace negotiations with the Moro

We are living in extraordinary times. International Liberation Front. The
siege ended with the government
The COVID-19 pandemic has forced us
forces declaring the crisis over 19 days
to adapt to a “new normal” based on later on 28 September 2013, following
the dictates of self-preservation and reports of the death of 167 MNLF
public safety. Nearly five months into the rebels, and the arrest of 247 more.10

pandemic, we are far from flattening the

Recently, in May 2017, the
curve. And we choose to train our eyes city of Marawi was attacked by the
on terrorism itself. Maute Group, a group that pledged
allegiance to the international
Rizal Day bombings in 20006 left terrorist network Islamic State (ISIS).
22 dead, and around 100 wounded.7 The city was declared “liberated” five
In the province of Palawan, one of months later by Pres. Rodrigo Duterte
the country’s top tourist havens, on 17 October 2017, a day after news
over 20 individuals, including three broke that the government troops
Americans: missionary couple Martin have killed the terrorist leaders.11
and Gracia Burnham, and Guillermo
Sobero, were taken hostage from the In a 2009 article, United
Dos Palmas Resort.8 States-based independent, non-
partisan think tank, the Council on
In the Mindanao region alone, Foreign Relations (CFR) declared
25 bombing and grenade attacks that the Philippines is considered
occurred within a period of twelve a “terrorist safe haven” by the U.S.
(12) years, from 2000-2012.9 And State Department since the said
these unrests continue. classification was created in 2006.12
But was the Philippine government
On 09 September 2013, incapable of addressing this situation?
following his declaration of the In the same article, CFR found that
establishment of the United as of 2007, the Philippines has taken
Federated States of Bangsamoro several counter-terrorism initiatives.
Republik, Nur Missuari, founding Over 100 Abu Sayyaf members
chairman of the Moro National have been killed or arrested, and
Liberation Front, attacked convicted another 14 for their
Zamboanga City. This took place role in the Dos Palmas incident.
after then Pres. Benigno S. Aquino Through the Department of Foreign
III announced that the government Affairs (DFA), the government also
is already in its final stages of commenced digitization of passports.
The Philippine Legislature passed
6 Five simultaneous bombings in a park, a gasoline station, an airport
cargo terminal, a bus, and a train station in Metro Manila was planned counter-terrorism measures, such
and carried out by the international terror group Jemaah Islamiyah.
7 https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2019/12/30/rizal-day-bomb-
ing-security-pnp.html
8 https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2001/05/28/90809/sayyaf-reb- 10 https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/regions/325855/time-
els-seize-20-palawan-resort line-crisis-in-zamboanga-city/story/
9 https://rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/things-to-know-about-terrorism- 11 https://rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/timeline-liberation-marawi-city
philippines 12 https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/terrorism-havens-philippines

68
 Terror on Terror

as the Human Security Act of 200713

or Republic Act No. 9372,14 and RA Both houses of Congress failed to sufficiently
10168 or the Terrorism Financing deliberate on the measure. They failed to
Prevention and Suppression Act of
2012.15
ensure that while the government forces
go primarily after the combatants and
The HSA was highly curb terrorism, the security and safety of
criticized by civil society and human
the citizens are protected. They failed to
rights groups for being vague and
overbroad. While recognizing the guarantee that the bill of rights is upheld,
government’s strong and legitimate and that violators are held accountable.
interest to prosecute terrorists,
Human Rights Watch, in particular,
was wary about the use of overbroad College of Law, now Presidential
and potentially abusive legislation. Spokesperson Atty. Harry Roque
The organization, instead, pushed laments that the HSA imposes a
for efforts to strengthen the justice prior restraint to the exercise of free
system.16 speech, association, and privacy. It
should not enjoy the presumption of
According to its proponents, constitutionality as on its face, the law
the HSA was purportedly passed to violates fundamental constitutional
help the government, particularly rights. This, while in the exercise of
the law enforcers to deal with extraordinary powers granted by
this threat to national security.17 the State, the law mostly still require
It provides for the definition of sanction by the courts, and damages
terrorism, authorizing surveillance for unproven charges of terrorism.19
and communication intervention, Citing (1) the urgent need to
procedure to declare terrorist groups/ address terrorism in the country;
organizations, warrantless arrests, (2) the prohibitive Section 50
access to accounts for purposes of of the HSA;20 and (3) fears of
examination, and creating an anti- being grey-listed by the Financial
terrorism council. Action Task Force (FATF)21—the
money laundering and terrorist
In his article “The Human financing watch dog, the House of
Security Act and the IHL Law of Representatives hurriedly passed
the Philippines: of security and on third reading House Bill No.
insecurity”18, former professor of 19 Republic Act 9372, Section 50
the University of the Philippines 20 SEC. 50. Damages for Unproven Charge of Terrorism. — Upon
acquittal, any person who is accused of terrorism shall be entitled
to the payment of damages in the amount of Five hundred thousand
13 Ibid. pesos (P500,000.00) for every day that he or she has been detained or
14 ook effect on 15 July 2007. deprived of liberty or arrested without a warrant as a result of such an
15 https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2012/06/18/repub- accusation. The amount of damages shall be automatically charged
lic-act-no-10168/ against the appropriations of the police agency or the Anti-Terrorism
16 https://www.hrw.org/news/2007/07/17/philippines-new-terrorism- Council that brought or sanctioned the filing of the charges against
law-puts-rights-risk the accused. It shall also be released within fifteen (15) days from
17 Harry L. Roque, Jr., “The Human Security Act and the IHL Law of the the date of the acquittal of the accused. The award of damages
Philippines: of security and insecurity” in Global Anti-Terrorism Law mentioned above shall be without prejudice to the right of the acquit-
and Policy, Ramraj, Victor V., et al. (ed.), United Kingdom. Cambridge ted accused to file criminal or administrative charges against those
University Press 2012 pp 310-333 (2nd edition) responsible for charging him with the case of terrorism.
18 Ibid. 21 https://www.fatf-gafi.org/about/

69
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill
687522 on 03 June 2020, repealing
(not amending) the HSA. The said
bill, a purported consolidation
of six bills filed by members of
the House of Representatives, is
not even a shadow of its old self.
In what we may conclude as an
attempt to speed up and railroad
its passage,23 the committee
version of the bill that came out
for plenary deliberations is nearly
identical to Senate Bill No. 1083.24
No amendments were accepted
during the period of amendments,
most likely to rule out the need to
convene a bicameral committee
based on the prevailing Rules of the
House of Representatives,25 and send
22 Republic Act No. 1147
23 The bill was certified as urgent by Pres. Rodrigo R. Duterte in a
communication to the House of Representatives dated 01 June 2020.
24 Passed by the Senate on 26 February 2020.
25 Section 61. Measures from the Senate. - Bills and resolutions
from the Senate shall be referred to and shall be acted upon by the
appropriate committee in the same manner as bills and resolutions
presented by Members of the House.
In cases where the Senate bills and resolutions are substantially the
same as House bills or resolutions previously reported by a House
committee, these may be disposed of as such measures entered in the
record of matters already reported.
If the House bill or resolution is on Second Reading, the House may,
during the period of amendments, adopt the provisions of the Senate
measure as an amendment to the House bill or resolution.
If the House bill or resolution is on Third Reading, the House may
reconsider its approval on Second Reading. Thereafter, the House may,
during the period of amendments, adopt the provisions of the Senate
measure as an amendment to the House Bill or resolution.
Bills or resolutions of the House with the amendments of the Senate,
as well as Senate bills or resolutions which are substantially the same
as House bills or resolutions previously approved, may be disposed of
immediately as pending matters. The House may concur with the Sen-
ate amendments to the House bill or resolution or adopt the Senate
bill or resolution as the House version of the measure.
Section 62. Conference Committee. – In cases where the House does
not agree with the Senate on any amendment to any House bill or
joint resolution, or where the Senate has approved a similar bill to a
House-approved bill, and these measures have conflicting provisions,
differences may be settled by conference committees composed of
representatives from both chambers.
In resolving the differences between the two measures, the House
panel shall, as much as possible, adhere to and support the House
bill or joint resolution. If the differences with the Senate bill or joint
resolution are so substantial that they materially impair the House bill
or joint resolution, the panel shall report such fact to the House for the
latter’s appropriate action.
The Speaker shall appoint the Members of the House panel in a
conference committee whose names shall be manifested in open
70
the enrolled bill to the Office of the
President posthaste.
The bill passed is infirm based
on the following: (1) reasonableness
and timing; (2) compliance to
international instruments cannot be
the sole compelling reason; (3) the bill
is a prior restraint on the exercise of
free speech; and (4) the bill is vague
and overbroad.
REASONABLENESS AND TIMING
We are living in extraordinary
times. The COVID-19 pandemic
has forced us to adapt to a “new
normal” based on the dictates of self-
preservation and public safety. To
date, the Philippines has significantly
breached the 60,00026 mark for
kikopangilinan.com
the total number of confirmed
cases in the country, ahead of
the University of the Philippines’
session and entered in the Journal: Provided, That the chairperson
of the committee that reported out the bill or joint resolution under
consideration and the principal author(s) thereof shall be Members of
the House panel; and Provided, further, That equitable representation
of the Majority and the Minority in the panel shall be ensured.
Section 63. Conference Committee Reports. - The conference com-
mittee shall finalize a report within sixty (60) session days from the
date of its organization. Otherwise, the Members of the House panel
shall submit a report to the House explaining why the conference
committee is unable to prepare a report.
A conference committee report shall be signed by a majority of the
Members of both panels on the last page and every page thereof. The
report shall contain a clear and detailed statement of the changes
in or amendments to the subject measures. Copies of the original
measures approved by the House and the Senate shall be attached to
the report. The report shall be filed with the Secretary General together
with an electronic copy thereof.
The consideration of conference committee reports shall always be
in order, except when the Journal is being read, while the roll is being
called, or the House is dividing on any question.
The consideration of the conference committee report shall not be in
order unless copies thereof are distributed to the Members: Provided,
That in the last fifteen (15) days of each session period, it shall be
deemed sufficient that three (3) copies of the report, together with
an electronic copy thereof, are filed with the office of the Secretary
General.
A conference committee report shall be ratified by a majority vote of
the Members of the House present, there being a quorum.
26 https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1307813/phs-virus-cases-surpass-
61200-mid-july-outpacing-up-experts-guess
 Terror on Terror

them up for not wearing their mask,

The measure is too broad we arrest them for helping others,
that it gives state agents we let them go hungry, we blame
them for the rising numbers. And we
the license to detain or put
choose to train our eyes on terrorism
under surveillance people instead.
who post grievances on
social media, or who write COMPLIANCE WITH INTERNATIONAL
OBLIGATIONS
articles that are critical of
government. There is no arguing that
terrorism needs to be addressed.
predicted escalation of at least However, the claim of urgency in
60,000 by end of July 2020. We have passing the bill clearly has no basis.
significant community transmission. The equally controversial HSA
The National Capital Region and passed in 2007 is still in effect, which
Cebu province, two of the seats of should sufficiently address the issue
economic activity in the country, of ensuring that the State passes an
are considered high risk with an anti-terrorism law. Likewise, in 2012,
estimated reproduction number of during the 15th Congress, RA 1016829
around 1.28 and 1.8, respectively.27 was passed, further strengthening
the Anti-Money Laundering Act
Nearly five months into the in compliance with the FATF
pandemic, the government has yet recommendation on terrorist
to fine tune its response strategy financing.30
with the significant increase in
transmission. Nearly five months In his statement at the 65th
into the pandemic, we have yet Session of the General Assembly
ensure that effective and responsive on 26 October 2010, then Special
protocols are in place, and we have Rapporteur on the Promotion
yet to increase the capacity of our and Protection of Human Rights
health care system. Nearly five and Fundamental Freedoms while
months into the pandemic, we have Countering Terrorism, Mr. Martin
yet to determine clear targets to Sheinin declared that: “whatever
enable us to determine the effectivity justification the Security Council
of government interventions.28 Nearly may have had in September 2001
five months into the pandemic, we for the adoption of resolution 1373
are far from flattening the curve. (2001), its continued application
nine years later cannot be seen as a
And yet, despite all these proper response to a specific threat
concerns, we shoot people dead for to international peace and security.
being outside their homes, we beat Resolution 1373 (2001) goes beyond

29 Supra, note 15
27 https://www.up.edu.ph/covid-19-forecasts-in-the-philippines-ncr- 30 https://www.fatf-gafi.org/media/fatf/documents/reports/FATF%20
cebu-and-covid-19-hotspots-as-of-june-25-2020/ Standards%20-%20IX%20Special%20Recommendations%20and%20
28 Supra, note 21 IN%20rc.pdf

71
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill

the powers conferred upon the that are violating human rights and
Security Council and continues do not produce a proper response to
to pose risks to the protection of terrorism.” Authorities usually take
a number of international human measures without examining whether
rights standards.”31 old laws are producing any effect in
the fight against terrorism, enacting
In revisiting the state’s legislation that constitutes “a real
counter-terrorism legislations, danger to civil liberties.”33
Congress should have been more
circumspect in carrying out its In this case, the outcome
duty. For sure, our international was a measure that is tantamount to
obligations are not only in relation authorizing a modern-day version of
to UNSCR No. 1373, but also covers a witch hunt; another weapon in the
“all” other instruments in which guise of being a law.
we are state party, including the
Universal Declaration of Human
The measure also sets aside
Rights, and the Optional Convention
Against Torture, among others. checks and balances, and grossly
Likewise, we should also be mindful violates the Constitution not
of reports of the Special Rapporteurs
only due to its overbreadth and
who are experts in their fields. Mr.
Sheinin’s observations should have vagueness, but also its undue
been factored in updating counter- delegation of powers that
terrorism laws. otherwise would have been
reserved to the Judiciary.
Due to a claimed urgency,
both houses of Congress failed to
sufficiently deliberate on the measure. A CURTAILMENT OF FREE SPEECH
They failed to ensure that while the
government forces go primarily Soon after the HB 6875 was
after the combatants and curb transmitted to the Office of the
terrorism, the security and safety of President, the Philippine National
the citizens are protected. They failed Police, through its various social
to guarantee that the bill of rights is media accounts, posted propaganda
upheld, and that violators are held linking communism, activism, or
accountable.32 protests in general to terrorism.
No less than the National Security
In an interview with Rights Adviser and vice chairperson of the
International Spain in 2015, Mr. Anti-Terrorism Council, Hermogenes
Sheinin observed that “[p]anic Esperon, Jr. was quoted in his
produces very bad legislation. It press conference as declaring: “[k]
produces wrongly formulated laws ung tahimik naman sila, huwag sila
mababahala. Kung ang pakay mo bilang
31 https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-
4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/Terrorism%20A%2065%20258.pdf,
par. 39 33 https://www.liberties.eu/en/news/interview-with-martin-shei-
32 Section 37 House Bill No. 6875 nin-un-rapporteur/5222

72

aktibista ay magsaad ng iyong mga
hinaing, social injustices, or request for
better treatment or ideas, papayagan
natin yan.” (If they are quiet or
peaceful, they shouldn’t be worried.
If your goal as an activist is to express
your grievances, social injustices, or
request for better treatment of ideas,
we will allow that.). He cited Section
434 of the measure. He, however,
conveniently omitted the caveat to
the exception clause stating that such
acts should not be intended to cause
death or serious physical harm to a
person, to endanger a person’s life,
or to create a serious risk to public
safety.35
This perspective clearly
promotes thought policing, stifles
dissent, and puts at risk anyone who
will dare to voice out their grievances.
34 Sec. 4. Terrorism. – Subject to Section 49 of this Act,
terrorism is committed by any person who within or outside the
Philippines, regardless of the stage of execution:
(a) Engages in acts intended to cause death or serious bodily
injury to any person, or endangers a person’s life;
(b) Engages in acts intended to cause extensive damage or
destruction to a government or public facility, public place or
private property;
(c) Engages in acts intended to cause extensive interference with,
damage or destruction to critical infrastructure;
(d) Develops, manufactures, possesses, acquires, transports,
supplies or uses weapons, explosives or of biological, nuclear,
radiological or chemical weapons; and
(e) Release of dangerous substances, or causing fire, floods or
explosions
when the purpose of such act, by its nature and context, is to intimi-
date the general public or a segment thereof, create an atmosphere
or spread a message of fear, to provoke or influence by intimidation
the government or any of its international organization, or seriously
destabilize or destroy the fundamental political, economic, or social
structures of the country, or create a public emergency or seriously
undermine public safety, shall be guilty of committing terrorism and
shall suffer the penalty of life imprisonment without the benefit of
parole and the benefits of Republic Act No. 10592, otherwise known
as “An Act Amending Articles 29, 94, 97, 98 and 99 of Act No. 3815,
as amended, otherwise known as the Revised Penal Code”: Provided,
That, terrorism as defined in this Section shall not include advocacy,
protest, dissent, stoppage of work, industrial or mass action, and other
similar exercises of civil and political rights, which are not intended
to cause death or serious physical harm to a person, to endanger a
person’s life, or to create a serious risk to public safety. [emphasis
supplied]
35 https://rappler.com/nation/hermogenes-esperon-jr-response-an-
ti-terror-law
Terror on Terror
This perspective further strengthens
concerns over Sections 5 to 9,36 in
particular, criminalizing “threats,”
“proposal,” and “inciting” to commit
terrorism.
In the case of Francisco Chavez
v. Raul Gonzales,37 the Court ruled
that “… a governmental action that
restricts freedom of speech or of
the press based on content is given
the strictest scrutiny in light of
its inherent and invasive impact.
Only when the challenged act has
overcome the clear and present
danger rule will it pass constitutional
muster, with the government having
the burden of overcoming the
presumed unconstitutionality.”
The State should indeed
protect itself. But it should never be
done to stifle valid criticisms.
36 Sec. 5. Threat to Commit Terrorism. – Any person who shall
threaten to commit any of the acts mentioned in Section 4 hereof
shall suffer the penalty of imprisonment of twelve (12) years.
Sec. 6. Planning, Training, Preparing, and Facilitating the Commission
of Terrorism. – It shall be unlawful for any person to participate in the
planning, training, preparation and facilitation in the commission of
terrorism, possessing objects connected with the preparation for the
commission of terrorism, or collecting or making documents connect-
ed with the preparation of terrorism. Any person found guilty of the pro-
visions of this Act shall suffer the penalty of life imprisonment without
the benefit of parole and the benefits of Republic Act No. 10592.
Sec. 7. Conspiracy to Commit Terrorism. – Any conspiracy to commit
terrorism as defined and penalized under Section 4 of this Act shall be
penalized by life imprisonment without the benefit of parole and the
benefits of Republic Act No. 10592.
There is conspiracy when two (2) or more persons come to an agree-
ment concerning the commission of terrorism as defined in Section 4
hereof and decide to commit the same.
Sec. 8. Proposal to Commit Terrorism. – Any person who proposes
to commit terrorism as defined in Section 4 hereof shall suffer the
penalty of imprisonment of twelve (12) years.
Sec. 9. Inciting to Commit Terrorism. – Any person who, without taking
any direct part in the commission of terrorism, shall incite others
to the execution of any of the acts specified in Section 4 hereof by
means of speeches, proclamations, writings, emblems, banners or
other representations tending to the same end, shall suffer the penalty
of imprisonment of twelve (12) years.
37 G.R. No. 168338, February 15, 2008 – Francisco Chavez, petitioner
vs. Raul M. Gonzales, in his capacity as the Secretary of the Depart-
ment of Justice; and National Telecommunications Commission
(NTC), respondents.
73
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill

VAGUE AND OVERBROAD intimidation the government or any

of its international organization, or
Some glaringly problematic seriously destabilize or destroy the
provisions of HB No. 6875 includes, fundamental political, economic, or
among others: (1) defining a terrorist social structures of the country, or
individual or organization;38 (2) create a public emergency or seriously
acts considered as constituting undermine public safety, shall be
terrorism;39 (3) terrorism by guilty of committing terrorism”.47
association;40 (4) criteria, procedure
and implications of proscription and Section 4 of HB 6875 may
designation;41 (5) warrantless arrests;42 very well be describing certain
(6) surveillance and wiretapping;43 government policies, such as its
(8) detention without charges for 14 shock-and-awe Project Double
days, extendible to another 10 days;44 Barrel,48 as acts of terrorism.
and (9) safe harbor provision for
implementors.45 The measure is too broad
that it gives state agents the license
The HSA enumerates crimes to detain or put under surveillance
as defined under the Revised Penal people who post grievances on social
Code as acts constituting terrorism media, or who write articles that are
when performed for the purpose of critical of government. And with
sowing and creating a condition of designation and proscription, one’s
widespread and extraordinary fear circle – organizations, clubs, friends,
and panic to coerce the government or even their personal physician may
to give in to unlawful demand, likewise be tagged as terrorists by
thereby providing for clear and association or by providing material
specific criminal act that may qualify support to other terrorists.
as acts of terrorism.46 On the other
hand, “terrorist acts” as enumerated The measure also sets aside
in HB 6875 simply provide for vague checks and balances, and grossly
acts which may be considered to fall violates the Constitution not only due
under crimes as provided for under to its overbreadth and vagueness, but
the Revised Penal Code, “…when the also its undue delegation of powers
purpose of such act, by its nature and that otherwise would have been
context, is to intimidate the general reserved to the Judiciary.
public or a segment thereof, create
an atmosphere or spread a message Under Section 29 thereof,
of fear, to provoke or influence by the ATC may simply issue a written
order to take into custody a person
38 Section 3 (l) and (m), House Bill No. 6875
39 Sec. 4-11, Sec. 14, ibid. suspected of committing acts of
40 Sec. 12-13, ibid.
41 Sec. 25-26, ibid.
terrorism. Worse, said person may
42 Sec. 29, ibid. (provision reminiscent of General Order No. 6 s. 1977 be detained for 14 calendar days,
authorizing the issuance of Arrest, Search and Seizure Order (ASSO)
by the Secretary of Defense.)
43 Sec. 16, supra note 37 47 Supra. 30
44 Sec. 29, ibid. 48 https://didm.pnp.gov.ph/images/Command%20Memorandum%20
45 Sec. 37, ibid. Circulars/CMC%202016-16%20PNP%20ANTI-ILLEGAL%20DRUGS%20
46 Section 3, Republic Act No. 9372 CAMPAIGN%20PLAN%20%20PROJECT%20DOUBLE%20BARREL.pdf

74
 Terror on Terror

extendible for another 10 days, Finally, this dangerously

without the state agent incurring any overbroad measure that is prone
criminal liability therefor should it to abuse ironically gives the abuser
be a case of a mistaken arrest. This is a free pass with the “safe harbor”
in contravention of the Constitution, provision. Under Section 41 of the
specifically Article III (Bill of Rights) HSA, with the acquittal or dismissal of
Sections 1,49 2,50 and 14;51 and Article the charges, the person subject of the
VII Section 18 (on the suspension of case shall be awarded Php500,000.00
the writ of habeas corpus).52 per day of seizure of funds and
assets in the form of liquidated
Protecting the people from these damages. Proponents openly claim
external threats should not mean that this provision has allegedly
caused a chilling effect on the law
that they should be subject to
enforcement agencies in carrying
threats from by the very agents out their duties. Hence, Section 37
and agencies that are sworn and of HB 6875, removed provisions for
accountability, but provides good
mandated to do so.
faith defense for the law enforcers.
49 Section 1. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property This provision will further embolden
without due process of law, nor shall any person be denied the equal
protection of the laws. state agents to go on an arrest and
50 Section 2. The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and
seizure spree to harass anyone they
seizures of whatever nature and for any purpose shall be inviolable, may take a fancy to. They don’t need
and no search warrant or warrant of arrest shall issue except upon
probable cause to be determined personally by the judge after exam- to file a case. They can detain you for
ination under oath or affirmation of the complainant and the witnesses
he may produce, and particularly describing the place to be searched almost a month.
and the persons or things to be seized.
51 Section 14. (1) No person shall be held to answer for a criminal
offense without due process of law. There is nothing in the
(2) In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall be presumed inno- measure that builds the capacity
cent until the contrary is proved, and shall enjoy the right to be heard
by himself and counsel, to be informed of the nature and cause of the of the law enforcement agencies to
accusation against him, to have a speedy, impartial, and public trial, to
meet the witnesses face to face, and to have compulsory process to
improve on their intelligence and
secure the attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence in evidence-gathering capabilities. No
his behalf. However, after arraignment, trial may proceed notwith-
standing the absence of the accused provided that he has been duly moves to further train personnel to
notified and his failure to appear is unjustifiable.
52 Section 18. The President shall be the Commander-in-Chief of all learn about and deal with terrorist
armed forces of the Philippines and whenever it becomes necessary,
he may call out such armed forces to prevent or suppress lawless
organizations. And nothing to ensure
violence, invasion or rebellion. In case of invasion or rebellion, when that negligence or malicious acts
the public safety requires it, he may, for a period not exceeding sixty
days, suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus or place the
Philippines or any part thereof under martial law. Within forty-eight of martial law or the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas
hours from the proclamation of martial law or the suspension of the corpus or the extension thereof, and must promulgate its decision
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, the President shall submit a thereon within thirty days from its filing.
report in person or in writing to the Congress. The Congress, voting
jointly, by a vote of at least a majority of all its Members in regular or A state of martial law does not suspend the operation of the Consti-
special session, may revoke such proclamation or suspension, which tution, nor supplant the functioning of the civil courts or legislative
revocation shall not be set aside by the President. Upon the initiative assemblies, nor authorize the conferment of jurisdiction on military
of the President, the Congress may, in the same manner, extend such courts and agencies over civilians where civil courts are able to
proclamation or suspension for a period to be determined by the function, nor automatically suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas
Congress, if the invasion or rebellion shall persist and public safety corpus.
requires it.
The suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall
The Congress, if not in session, shall, within twenty-four hours follow- apply only to persons judicially charged for rebellion or offenses
ing such proclamation or suspension, convene in accordance with its inherent in, or directly connected with, invasion.
rules without need of a call.
During the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,
The Supreme Court may review, in an appropriate proceeding filed by any person thus arrested or detained shall be judicially charged within
any citizen, the sufficiency of the factual basis of the proclamation three days, otherwise he shall be released.

75
 Democracy Under Siege | #JunkTerrorBill
In the middle of a pandemic, the
State insists on prioritizing the
passage and enactment of a bill
that creates a clear and present
danger to their exercise of the
only freedoms that they can fully
exercise: their freedoms of speech
and of thought.
which results in damage to property
or person of an innocent individual
by erring law enforcers, are held
accountable. At best, it has a token
provision that valid dissent is not
contemplated. However, the caveat “…
which are not intended to cause death
or serious physical harm to a person,
to endanger a person’s life, or to
create a serious risk to public safety”
waters down this exclusion proviso.
To make things worse, as
HB 6875 is a special law, the acts
enumerated therein are mala prohibita
or acts that are not inherently evil or
wrong, but are, in fact prohibited by
statute.53 In the 2016 case of Matalam
v. People,54 the court, speaking through
Associate Justice Marvic Leonen,
held that ‘[w]hen an act is malum
prohibitum, «[i]t is the commission
of that act as defined by the law, and
not the character or effect thereof,
that determines whether or not the
provision has been violated.”’
This bill was not merely
intended to help bring actual
terrorists to justice. It is intended
to widen the net of who can be
53 https://www.merriam-webster.com/legal/malum%20prohibitum
54 G.R. Nos. 221849-50, April 04, 2016 - DATU GUIMID P. MATALAM,
Petitioner, v. PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES, Respondent.
76
considered terrorists. It is intended
to circumvent the constitutional and
legal structures that keep the vast
powers of the State in check, on the
pretext of fighting terrorism.
CONCLUSION
As reaffirmed in the Global
Counter-Terrorism Strategy, effective
counterterrorism measures and the
protection of human rights are not
conflicting goals, but complementary
and mutually reinforcing. Therefore,
the promotion and protection of
human rights for all and the rule of
law is essential to all components of
the Strategy.55
Without a doubt, there is a
need to protect the citizens from the
threat of terrorism. Such protection is
in itself upholding their basic human
right to life, liberty, and property. But
protecting them from these external
threats, should not mean that they
should be subject to threats from by
no means the very agents and agencies
that are sworn and mandated to do so.
Finally, in the middle of a
pandemic, where the citizens are
afraid, confused, and hungry; while
their physical freedoms are shackled,
and even their right to decent living,
adequate food, and other basic
needs are in peril, the State insists
on prioritizing the passage and
enactment of a bill that creates a clear
and present danger, to their exercise
of the only freedoms that they can
fully exercise: their freedoms of
speech and of thought.
55 https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/Terrorism/statement_
GA26.10.10.pdf
 Terror on Terror

Duterte’s ‘anti-terror bill’ a

vicious blow to Philippines’
freedom —LIBERAL INTERNATIONAL
Joining a growing list of corona- the more important that we in the
dictators determined to exploit international community continue
the COVID pandemic to sure-up to follow and stand by all people
their support and raze liberal- active to restore democratic rights
democratic freedoms, Rodrigo and freedoms. Liberal International is
Duterte, notorious president of the working on all fronts also for Senator
Philippines, has successfully fast- de Lima. – Astrid Thors, LI Human
tracked human-rights compromising Rights Chairperson
legislation through congress,
effectively removing legal protections The draft law makes ‘incitement of
guaranteed in a liberal-democracy. others by means of speech, writings,
emblem’ a criminal offence despite
Exploiting his government’s failure to failing to define ‘incitement’ in the
respond effectively to the pandemic, bill’s text. The track record of the
Duterte now has the power to conduct Duterte administration in the past
surveillance without judicial oversight years (war on drugs, persecution of
on anyone deemed to be dissenting the opposition etc.) does not inspire
of the regime. The door is now confidence that it will not abuse the
wedged wide open for arbitrary arrest law to serve partisan or personal
and protracted prison sentences for interests.
anyone who might displease the
president. (News release of Liberal International, 10 June
2020)
This draconic law represents a
new threat to all persons working
for a free and democratic society,
in addition to the huge sufferings
endured by them already. In a recent
report (4.6.2020), mandated by the
UN Human Rights Council it was
noticed that between 2015-2019 at
least 248 human rights defenders,
legal professionals, journalists and
trade unionists have been killed
in relation to their work. It is all

77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
The Resiliency of the
Filipino Spirit
WOMEN POWER AND HUMAN RIGHTS

Empowering Women Means

Helping The World
by Vice President Leni Robredo

Keynote Speech during the

Diokno Human Rights Awards
by Vice President Leni Robredo

GONE WITH GLORY

A Guerilla and a Gentleman

by John Joseph Coronel

The Undelivered Speech of Sen.

Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr.

105
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Women Power & Human Rights
EMPOWERING WOMEN MEANS
HELPING THE WORLD
BY VICE PRESIDENT MARIA LEONOR “LENI” GERONA-ROBREDO
(DELIVERED DURING THE WEBINAR, “AN OPPORTUNITY TO ADVANCE WOMEN’S
RIGHTS AND GENDER EQUALITY” ORGANIZED BY THE FRIEDRICH NAUMANN
FOUNDATIONFOR FREEDOM ON 29 MAY 2020)
The world is definitely changed.
Economies have ground almost to
a halt. The traditional boundary
between home life and work life
has collapsed, and the way we
communicate is now filtered through
technology and other media. Many
of us here have probably spent
the past months asking the big
questions: what will jobs look like?
What will our schools look like? How
do families, friends, and neighbors
celebrate with one another moving
forward? How does this pandemic
magnify the persistent problem of
inequality, particularly the inequality
experienced by women? And how do
we respond?
106
Here in the Philippines, the
difficulties brought about by poverty
and marginalization have only
heightened under the pandemic.
Those who used to survive on
subsistence wages have had to rely
on government-provided aid to get
by. Those who lacked access to basic
services pre-COVID feel the effects
of the pandemic closer to their guts.
We know that, during times of crises
and national emergencies, cases
of domestic and family violence
increase, because victims are trapped
with their abusers in a single space.
Worse, many cases go unreported so
victims cannot call out for help.
There are even more troubling
reports indicating that, under the
Enhanced Community Quarantine
(ECQ) or ‘lockdown’ as we call it, the
rules that were meant to protect us
have been prone to abuse. One such
report narrates a woman being forced
into sex by abusive police officers just
so she can cross a border between
cities to get a kilo of rice. Some of
our nurses who serve at the front line
against the disease have been forced
to walk 10 kilometers to and from
work because basic transportation
remains shut down, and alternatives
remain absent in far-flung places.

The delivery of reproductive health
services to women is another
challenge we face. Even before the
COVID-19 outbreak, the Philippines
grappled with the highest rate of
teenage pregnancy in the ASEAN
region, with almost 14% of Filipinas
below 18 years old getting pregnant in
2018. Continuing reproductive health
programs will play a pivotal role
in ensuring that the lives of young
girls in the poorest regions are not
burdened with the weight of raising a
child when the mother herself should
still have her own future ahead of her.
Amid all of these challenges, we must
find our feet, and push forward.
We cannot allow what we face to
crush our spirit. As we have always
done throughout our struggle for
equality, we have made much out of
little, and more than made do when
we were given less. In our own efforts
to respond to COVID-19, my office—
the Office of the Vice President—has
had to face a similar struggle. Our
mantra, as always: Find the gaps and
fill them. Find a way.
Two days after the shutdown of
public transportation was declared,
we began providing free shuttle
services to medical workers, in
the end managing a total of eight
different routes. The service lasted
a month. And it wasn’t easy. Every
day was a learning experience, but
what we took away from this was
that an effective, organized means
of mass transport was possible in the
Philippines.
And we didn’t do this alone.
Working with the private sector was
crucial. Volunteers from everywhere
Empowering Women Means Helping the World
formed the cornerstone of our
success, and constant daily feedback
paved the way for improvement.
And, like many women who take
care of domestic work in their own
homes, our work remains unfinished.
Protective equipment sets still need
to be distributed; public transport
remains shut down, so we continue
to find—to provide free dormitories
for front liners. We’re also expanding
an app-based online community
market to help out small vendors
who were hard hit by the lockdown,
while ensuring that those who need
access to food and other basic needs
don’t need to risk going out of their
homes.
Today, as we listen to our speakers,
we will hear their stories—stories
of women providing leadership
where it is absent, hope to those
who have given in to despair, and a
plan in a time where a clear view of
the horizon is as important to the
human spirit as food is for our bodies.
I hope that the things we share here
reach all the worlds we inhabit—our
homes, our workplaces, and larger
communities.
I am confident that what we’ll talk
about today will affirm our shared
belief: The strongest societies are
the most inclusive societies. These
are places where the full measure
of talent and experience from every
sector contributes to solving our
greatest problems. COVID-19 is the
greatest challenge we have faced,
perhaps in the entirety of modern
history. And as we have always done,
we will rise to meet this challenge and
eventually overcome.
107
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Women Power & Human Rights

Ulat, Mungkahi Ukol sa

Pandemya, at Mensahe
ng Pag-asa
MARIA LEONOR GERONA-ROBREDO
Bise Presidente ng Pilipinas
29 Julio 2020

Sa puntong ito, halos isang buwan

na na mahigit isang libo bawat araw
ang dagdag sa mga COVID positive
cases ng bansa. Halos magdadalawang
libo na rin ang pumanaw, bukod
pa sa napakaraming naospital,
naubusan ng ipon, nawalan ng
trabaho, o nakakaranas ng paghihirap
at pangamba sa mga panahong
ito. Mahigit limang buwan na ang
lumilipas mula nang naiulat ang
unang kaso ng COVID-19 sa ating
bansa.

Sa malaking bahagi ng panahong

ito, minabuti ng Tanggapan ng
Pangalawang Pangulo na gawin ang
makakaya upang tumugon sa kahit
anong paraan basta may maitulong,
gaano man kalimitado ang aming
budget o mandato.

Humaharap ako sa inyo ngayon

upang iulat ang mga natutuhan
namin sa panahong iyon: Ang
feedback mula sa mga eksperto,
mula sa mga doktor, at mula sa mga
pinakaapektado—ang hinaing ng mga
nasa komunidad, ng mga frontliners,
ng mga napipilitang sumugod
Liberal Party Philippines
sa panganib dahil kailangang
magtrabaho, ng mga drivers, ng
mga locally-stranded individuals na
napipilitang matulog sa hagdan o
bangketa.

108

Sa harap ng ganitong kalaking
krisis, lalo lang tayong malalagay sa
panganib kung matitibag ang mga
institusyon nating pampamahalaan.
Ituring sanang karagdagang
ambag ang pahayag na ito—mga
rekomendasyon at aral mula sa halos
limang buwan na naming pakikipag-
ugnayan sa ating mga kababayan para
labanan ang COVID.
Hindi mapipigil ang pandemya kung
basta mag-aabang na lang tayo ng
bakuna. Kailangang maampat ang
pagkalat nito sa lalong madaling
panahon. Nagsisimula ang lahat
sa tamang datos, na pundasyon
ng tamang desisyon. Mula dito,
matutukoy ang kung sino at aling mga
lugar ang dapat tutukan pagdating
sa mass testing, contact tracing,
at suporta sa mga komunidad at
ospital. Kung magiging tama ang
tugon sa aspekto ng healthcare,
mako-control ang community
transmission, magiging mas mabilis,
ligtas, at strategic ang pagbubukas ng
ekonomiya, maiiwasan ang pagkawala
ng trabaho, at hindi na dadami pa ang
dadanas ng kahirapan. Mababawasan
ang pangamba ng pagsasara, at hindi
na kakailanganing umabot sa punto
ng pagle-layoff sa mga empleyado,
o mas malala, sa pagtiklop ng mga
negosyo.
Ito ang broad strokes ng plano.
Wala akong duda na mulat ang
pamahalaan dito. Pero malaki ang
krisis, at maraming dapat gawin, kaya
kailangan nating lahat maging mas
maliksi sa pagtukoy sa mga puwang,
at maging mabilis at malikhain
sa pagpuno nito. Heto ang ilang
mungkahi:
Ulat, Mungkahi Ukol sa Pandemya, at Mensahe ng Pag-asa
MGA MUNGKAHI
Una, linisin at pabilisin
1 ang pagkalap ng datos
ukol sa COVID-19. Kung
magagawa ito, magiging
mas matibay ang pinagmumulan ng
mga desisyon, polisiya, at programa
para mapigilan ang paglaganap ng
virus.
Marami nang mga eksperto ang
naglabas ng iba’t ibang platform
para maging repository ng datos.
Ang kailangang gawin, piliin ang
pinakamainam dito, at gumawa
ng isang ecosystem ng pagtugon
kung saan standard ang pagka-
sentralisado.
Isa pa: Kung mali at buhol-buhol
ang pag-input ng data, babagal ang
validation; babagal din ang proseso
ng decision-making. Halimbawa: Sa
data na nakakalap, may discrepancy
sa mga nagpositive at confirmed
cases. May mahigit 113,000 cases ang
nagpositive sa testing, ngunit nasa
80,000 pa lang nito ang confirmed
cases. Ibig sabihin, kailangan
talagang humabol ang verification,
dahil maraming positive ang hindi
agad naisasama sa opisyal na data.
Dapat magkaroon ng
communications campaign para
ang mga nagpapagamot mismo ang
tumiyak na wastong impormasyon
ang naitatala tungkol sa kanila.
Malawak ang kakayahan ng
pamahalaang magpalaganap ng
impormasyon, kaya umaasa tayong
magagawa ito sa lalong madaling
panahon.
109
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Women Power & Human Rights
Ikalawa, at karugtong
2 nito: Isama ang mga
pamantasan at academic
institutions para tumulong
sa validation process ng DOH.
Maraming gustong tumulong, pero
may mga pagkukulang sa volunteer
management process. Ilista ang mga
handang tumulong at ang kanilang
kakayahan, at agad na silang iugnay
sa mga unit na nangangailangan ng
tulong upang ma-maximize ang
kakayahang ito.
Maraming paraan para ma-maximize
ang mga gustong tumulong.
Halimbawa na lang, puwede nilang
pag-aralan ang surveillance at pooled
testing: Igugrupo ang mga tao at
itetest nang minsanan ang grupong
ito. Kung nag-negative na, hindi
na sila kailangang isa-isahin pa. Sa
ganitong paraan, mas marami ang
matetest, pero mas makakatipid sa
mga testing kit.
Ikatlo, siguruhing mabilis
3 ang turnover time ng mga
COVID-19 tests. Alamin
kung bakit nagkakabacklog,
kung saang mga laboratoryo ito
nagaganap, at tulungan silang
makahabol. Sa ganitong paraan, on-
time ding mahahabol ng mga contact
tracers ang mga dapat pang i-test. Sa
contact tracing, alam nating may mga
model at teknolohiya nang gumagana,
tulad na lang ng sa Baguio. Para wala
nang kanya-kanya, tumukoy na tayo
agad ng iisang platform at technology,
iisang standard na proseso, at
imungkahi sa mga LGU na ito ang
gamitin kaysa magkanya-kanyang
diskarte.
110
Ikaapat, ukol naman sa
4 mga locally-stranded
individuals: Nagpadala na
tayo ng rekomendasyon
sa kinauukulan na bigyan sila ng
libreng swab test bago bumiyahe.
Hinahanap din ang mas organisadong
pagpo-proseso ng mga LSI—at hindi
‘yong napipilitan silang matulog
sa semento o sa ilalim ng tulay, o
nagsisiksikan at nalalagay sa mas
matinding peligro ng exposure sa
COVID. Kailangang maglaan ng
maayos na lugar kung saan puwede
silang maghintay ng biyahe nang
may sapat na espasyo at kung saan
din ine-enforce na minimum health
standards. Dagdag pa rito, kailangan
ding tutukan at bigyang-lakas ang
mga LGU para pag-uwi ng mga LSI,
magkakaroon sila ng maayos na
pagkakakitaan. Puwede itong gawin
through cash-for-work programs na
partikular para sa mga LSI.
Ikalima: Sang-ayon
5 tayo sa pagkakaroon ng
isang “whole of nation
approach.” Maisagawa
sana ito higit pa sa pagkakaroon ng
mga bagong posisyon, bansag, o
titulo ng mga tauhan. Ang totoong
whole of nation approach, maayos
ang pangangasiwa at kumukumpas
sa iisang direksyon. Aling direksyon,
at sino ang kukumpas? Dapat
public health professional na tunay
na nakakaintindi ng problema:
Pandemya ang ugat ng lahat ng
suliranin ngayon. Kapag napigil ang
pandemya, isa-isa na ring malulutas
ang iba pang hamon, kasama na ang
sa ekonomiya.
 Ulat, Mungkahi Ukol sa Pandemya, at Mensahe ng Pag-asa

Ikaanim: Siguruhin ding na dito ang access sa counseling para

6 iisa ang kumpas ng

pampubliko at pribadong
sektor. Bukod pa sa usapin
ng data, pagdating din sa ayuda at
sa procurement ng mga kagamitan,
marami ang pagkakanya-kanya na
kung maiiwasan ay magdudulot
ng mas maliksing overall response
mula sa lahat. Dapat nang bumuo ng
risonableng consensus ayon sa iisang
stratehiya, at gumalaw ang lahat nang
walang pag-aatubili, pangingimi, o
hadlang.
Ikapito: Pangunahin
sa mga healthcare workers sa mga
COVID ward. Magpatupad din dapat
ng sistema para hindi sila maburn-
out, tulad ng maayos na proseso ng
pagrelyebo. Sang-ayon din tayo na
dapat maging mas makatarungan ang
pasahod sa kanila lalo na sa panahong
ganito.
Ididiin ko lang: Pandemya ang
ugat ng mga suliranin; kapag
mabisa itong matugunan,

7 sa isang matibay na
matutugunan din ang iba pang
healthcare system ang hamon. Conversely: Habang
pagpapalakas sa mga
dumadami ang nagkaka-COVID
ospital. Siguruhin na equitable
at sistematiko ang pagbubuhos 19, lalo rin nating pinapatagal
ng resources sa mga ospital para ang paghihirap ng Pilipino.
makasabay sila sa demands ng
pandemya. Kung sisilipin ang Marami ang namamatay, at
national data, mukhang hindi pa hindi sila statistics lang. Bawat
overburdened ang healthcare system.
Pero iba ang sinasabi ng mga ospital
isa sa kanila, may kuwento, may
na nakakasalamuha namin. Marami pangarap; may pamilya sila, may
na silang kinakailangang tanggihan
nagluluksa para sa kanila. At
dahil wala nang espasyo. Natural lang
na dapat isaayos ang sistema para habang dumadami sila, lalo lang
makarating ang suporta sa mga lugar
tayong mahihirapang umusad
na pinaka nangangailangan nito.
tungo sa isang better normal—
At ikawalo, para sa dadami ang mga dadanas ng
8 ating mga healthcare
workers: Sila ang nasa kahirapan, dadami ang hindi
pinaka mapanganib makakaambag sa nation-
na situwasyon, at sila rin ang
pinakamahalagang sundalo sa
building, tatagal ang biyahe
laban kontra COVID-19. Natural patungo sa katuparan ng mga
dapat na pagtuonan ng ibayong
pangarap natin. Magkakaugnay
pansin ang lahat ng pag-aaruga, lahat
ng tulong, lahat ng kasangkapan at ang kapalaran ng bawat Pilipino.
serbisyong magagamit nila. Kabilang

111
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Women Power & Human Rights
Sa ngayon, habang pinagsisikapan
nating maampat ang pagkalat ng
pandemya, kailangang siguruhin
na may sapat na safety nets para
sa pinakanangangailangan, habang
sinisiguro ding hindi na dadami pa
ang mawawalan ng kabuhayan.
MGA SAFETY NETS
Una sa mga hakbang na
1
maaaring gawin para
dito ang pagsasabatas
ng stimulus package
sa lalong madaling panahon.
Minumungkahi ng Pamahalaan na
ipasa ang CREATE Bill para ibaba
ang buwis ng iba’t ibang kumpanya,
para maengganyo ang investors na
pumasok sa Pilipinas. Magandang
layunin ito, pero hindi ito sapat.
Nailatag na naman ng mga
ekspertong ekonomista sa Kamara
sa anyo ng ARISE Bill. Kung
maisasabatas ito, magkakaroon
ng dagdag at tiyak na pondo para
sa mga mga programa tulad ng
wage subsidies ng DOLE at cash-
for-work ng TUPAD. Malinaw
na mas nakatuon sa pinaka
nangangailangan ang ARISE; mas
inclusive ito, at mas pro-poor.
Gamitin sana ang puwersa ng
mayorya upang ipasa ang batas sa
lalong madaling panahon.
Ikalawa: Puwede
2
ring magbigay ng
tax incentives para
sa mga kumpanyang
magbibigay ng ayuda sa mga
apektado ng pandemya. Mabisang
paraan ito para mailahok ang
pribadong sekto sa pambansang
112
3
pagbabayanihan.
Ikatlo: Gamitin ang
buong puwersa ng
economic cluster,
kasama ng akademya at iba
pa mula sa pribadong sektor,
hindi lang para magpanday ng
mga risk assessment study, pero
para tiyakin na nakabatay ang
mga desisyon sa pag-aaral na
ito. Sayang ang kaalaman kung
isasantabi lang din natin. Kung
alam na natin kung alin ang mataas
ang peligro, tiyakin nang ieenforce
ang mga karagdagang patakaran sa
kanila, kung hindi man isususpinde
ang pagbubukas. Malalaman din
natin, mula sa mga industriyang
mababa ang peligro, kung anong
klaseng skills ang puwedeng
pagsanayan ng mga empleyadong
hindi kayang mag-work-from-
home. Pag ma-upgrade ang
kanilang kaalaman, mabibigayan
sila ng ibang trabaho sa mga
industriyang low risk.
4 Ikaapat: Gumawa na
ng buffer stock ng lahat
ng mga materyales na
kailangan ng bawat pamilya sa
panahon ng pandemya: Bitamina,
sabon, alcohol, face masks, at iba
pa. Siguruhing hindi maaantala
ang supply chain. Tutukan ang mga
local producers: Suportahan sila ng
teknolohiya para mas marami pa
silang magawa, at mas maraming
makabili na gawang lokal.
Ikalima: Atasan ang
5 buong pamahalaan—
ahat ng unit at
ahensya, mula taas
hanggang baba ng burukrasya—

na i-patronize ang mga local
businesses. I-prioritize ang mga
gamit na dito mismo ginagawa sa
Pilipinas, kahit pansamantala lang.
Hangga’t maaari rin, i-prioritize ang
pagtangkilik sa mga Micro, Small,
and Medium Enterprises. Malaking
ambag ang mga ito sa pagsigurong
dadaloy ang enerhiya ng ekonomiya
sa mga negosyo at komunidad.
Ikaanim, ukol sa Social
6 Amelioration Program.
Noong una itong
inilunsad, binigyan
ng slots ang bawat munisipiyo at
lungsod. Maraming mga LGU ang
namroblema dahil kulang ang
binigay sa kanilang slots. Kailangang
gawing mas sistematiko ito; linisin
ang government data, at patalasin
ang isang central database para sa
poverty statistics. Sa ngayon, may
iba-ibang registry para sa mga basic
sectors, para sa talaan ng maralita,
para sa targeting ng mga social
protection at social welfare services.
Pag-isahin ito, i-validate, at ibangga
sa talaan ukol sa COVID-19, upang
matukoy kung sino ang dapat
i-prioritize sa SAP. Sa ganitong
paraan, walang palakasan, at mapa-
prioritize natin ang mga tunay na
nangangailangan.
Sa mga susunod na panahon,
kailangang harapin ang mga
suliranin sa ekonomiya. Siguruhing
matutulungang makabangon muli
ang mga nagsarang negosyo, o di
kaya mag-engganyo ng pagbubukas
ng bago; palakasin ang mga ito, para
makalikha ng trabaho. Tiyak kong
alam ng mga economic managers
ang mga hakbang para magawa
Ulat, Mungkahi Ukol sa Pandemya, at Mensahe ng Pag-asa
ito: I-empower ang mga MSMEs.
Tutukan ang mga key industries
tulad ng agriculture. Sang-ayon ako
sa Plant, Plant, Plant. Ngunit hindi
ito sapat. Kailangang buhusan ng
pondo ang sektor ng agrikultura
para sa makabagong kagamitan
tulad ng cold storage facilities
at drying facilities, at para sa
imprastruktura tulad ng farm-to-
market roads.
Mas mainam, mas pangmatagalan,
at mas marami ang matutulungan
kung nagmumula ang anumang
proyekto sa batayang pilosopiya:
Empowerment ng Pilipino para
panghawakan ang sarili nilang
kapalaran. Ang pinakamahalaga:
siguruhin na ipapatupad ang mga
batas nang patas para sa lahat—nang
walang pinapaboran o ginigipit, at
nang laging nakatuon sa karaniwang
Pilipinong makikinabang sa trabaho
at kabuhayang malilikha.
Gaya ng sa ekonomiya at ayudang
panlipunan, susunod din ang
tugon sa mga hamon sa edukasyon
kung maiaayos ang tugon sa mga
problemang pangkalusugan. Kung
maayos ang datos, matutukoy
natin nang may kumpiyansa kung
saan ligtas magbukas ng mga
pampublikong paaralan. Para sa mga
private schools: Now is not the time
to burden them with unreasonable
restrictions and requirements.
Ang kailangan nila, tulong at
empowerment—hindi patung-
patong na papeles para payagan
silang magsimula ng distance
learning. Bukod dito, inihahain din
natin ang ilang mungkahi:
113
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Women Power & Human Rights
TUGON SA EDUKASYON
Una, siguruhing
1 mayroong internet hub
ang bawat barangay
upang magkaroon ng
access ang mga estudyanteng
walang sariling gadgets sa mga
resources na mahahanap online.
Dito rin sila puwedeng magkaroon ng
mga tutor na magiging isa pang antas
ng suporta, lalo na kung may puwang
sa kaalaman o may ibang kailangang
tutukan ang mga magulang.
Ikalawa, mag-target
2 ng mga pinaka
nangangailangang
estudyante upang
mabigyan ng gadget o device para
hindi maantala ang kanilang pag-
aaral.
Ikatlo, capacity building
3 para sa mga teachers.
Maraming guro ang
may malalim na
karanasan sa subject matter nila,
pero nahihirapang makahabol sa
demands ng distance learning.
Kailangan silang tulungan;
kailangang ilapit ang pagsasanay sa
kanila, para hindi na ito manganak
ng mga puwang sa kaalaman ng mga
estudyante.
Ikaapat: Gumawa ng
4 modules na magtuturo
sa mga magulang kung
paano magsagawa ng
home schooling. Kasama na dito ang
paghahanda ng weekly or monthly
curriculum na puwedeng ang
magulang mismo ang magturo sa
kanilang anak.
114
Ikalima: Gumawa ng
5 pag-aaral at tukuyin na
agad ang mga lugar kung
saan walang community
transmission ng COVID. Sa mga
lugar na ito, lalo na sa mga mahirap
ang internet access, pahintulutan
ang limitadong pagtuturo sa mga
classroom.
Ikaanim, para sa mga
6 namatayan: Bukod sa
karaniwang ayuda
tulad ng pagamot at
SAP, kailangang intindihin ang
malawakang epekto sa mga naiwan.
Dagdag sa pagluluksa, nawalan sila
ng breadwinner o nabaon sa utang.
Kapag pinabayaan natin ang mga
naiwan, lalo na ang mga anak na
nag-aaral, tatawid sa susunod na
henerasyon ang pinsalang dulot ng
pandemya.
Isang paraan para tugunan ito:
Palawakin ang mga scholarship
program para matulungan ang
mga tinamaan ng COVID: Silang
napilitang simutin ang ipon, mga
nabaon sa utang dahil sa gastos sa
ospital, o mga nawalan ng trabaho at
kabuhayan. Bigyan ng scholarships
ang mga namatayan. Kailangang
tukuyin ang mga dependent ng
mga pumanaw, at magbukas ng
scholarship fund para sa kanila.
Malinaw ang pangambang bumabalot
sa lahat. Kita ito sa mukha ng mga
nakasalamuha namin sa ating COVID
response efforts. Binibigkis tayo
ngayon ng pangambang ito—pero
binibigkis din tayo ng panindigang
maalpasan ang ating mga suliranin.
Idinidiin ng pandemya ang aral:
 Ulat, Mungkahi Ukol sa Pandemya, at Mensahe ng Pag-asa

Magkakarugtong ang diwa nating ng COVID. Malinaw sa akin, hindi

lahat. Magkakarugtong ang kalusugan
at kaligtasan natin, at karugtong
naman nito ang bawat aspekto
ng buhay natin, mula ekonomiya
hanggang edukasyon. Nakatahi ang
laylayan sa alinmang sentro, mula
Batanes hanggang Jolo.
pasaway ang Pilipino, kundi laging
handang tumulong sa kapwa. Hindi
inutil ang Pilipino, kundi may tapang
at talino na humarap sa anumang
hamon. Hindi talunan ang Pilipino. At
tiyak na magtatagumpay tayo laban sa
pandemyang ito.

Nasa iisang panig tayong lahat, at ang Uulitin ko: Kinaya na natin ang
pagkamulat sa katotohanang ito ang marami pang ibang hamon, at
susi sa pagharap sa hamon ng COVID. kakayanin natin ito.
Nakikita natin ito sa halimbawa ng
mga bansang nagkaroon ng mabisang
tugon sa pandemya. Hindi kalabisang
mangarap na kaya rin natin ang
ginawa ng Taiwan, ng South Korea,
Vietnam, ng New Zealand—mga
bansang gumawa ng malinaw at tiyak
na hakbang, itinuon ang resources sa
tunay na kailangan, at nagtulungan.
Kaya din natin iyon. May sapat tayong
kakayahan, sapat dapat na resources,
at sapat na kaalaman.

Malikhain tayo. Maabilidad tayo.

At sa dinami-dami ng pagsubok
na pinagdaanan natin—sa lahat ng
sakuna, sa digmaan at diktadurya,
sa pananakop—may isang bagay na
tiyak: Nakaalpas lang tayo dahil hindi
tayo nagkanya-kanya; dahil pinalawak
natin ang saklaw ng malasakit natin;
dahil itinuring nating kakampi ang
bawat Pilipino, ipinaglaban natin sila,
minahal natin sila.

Nakita ko ito mismo sa napakarami

nating mga kababayan na lumapit
sa aming Tanggapan para magbigay
ng donasyon, para mag volunteer
na magdala ng PPE at pagkain sa
ating mga frontliner, para mag-
ambag ng kanilang panahon at talino
para makatulong sa gitna ng krisis

115
 Thea Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Gone with Glory
A GUERILLA AND A
GENTLEMAN
BY JOHN JOSEPH S. CORONEL
A mere ten hours after the attack on Pearl
Harbor on 7 December 1941, the Japanese
invasion of the Philippines began.
The country had an estimated population
of 17 million in 1941. There were more
than 900,000 civilian and 57,000
military deaths resulting from the war
(World War 2 Database, n.d.). Other
sources estimate casualties at over a
million (University of Alberta, n.d.).
“At least 250,000 Filipinos fought with
American forces in World War II and after
the notorious Bataan Death march in April
1942 and the withdrawal of most U.S.
forces, the fight against the Japanese was
left mostly to locals. Ordinary Filipinos
hidden in the jungles and mountains led
the resistance” (WUNC, n.d.). death. Nor was it to be the last. This is
One such ordinary Filipino was a poor
but brilliant law student turned guerilla.
He would survive the war, live long to
experience even greater successes albeit
much greater sacrifices, and become a
great statesman, a most intellectually
brilliant and principled Filipino political
leader and moral compass.
But it was during this time when he was
an unknown that served as the crucible,
which forged his character that prepared
him for the even bigger threats and
challenges ahead.
On 21 August 1971, during the Miting
de Avance of the Liberal Party at the
Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila,
116
two grenades were hurled killing nine
people and injuring almost a hundred
more.
Of the survivors, one of the most
severely injured was Senator Jovito
R. Salonga. The bombing rendered
him permanently blind in one
eye and deaf in one ear; he lost
the dexterity of the fingers, some
of which remained irreparably
distorted, and his arms bore the dark
scars of this even darker chapter in
Philippine history. Until his death
in 2016 at the age of 96, more than a
hundred shrapnel were permanently
embedded in his impaired body.
But that was not his first brush with
the story of the former.
After several surgeries, Salonga
himself narrated that, “None of my
34 doctors gave me a more than a five
percent chance to live.” Surviving the
Plaza Miranda bombing was not his
second lease on life. It was his third.
Ka Jovy, as Salonga was fondly
called, was only 21 years old when
the Japanese invasion of the
Philippines began on 8 December
1941, a mere ten hours after the
attack on Pearl Harbor. He
postponed his law studies at the
University of the Philippines and
joined the underground resistance
movement.

Salonga himself mentioned that the
Plaza Miranda bombing was one of
two momentous events that brought
him to the verge of death. The first
was in April 1942 when, after being
captured by the Kempeitai, the
dreaded Japanese military police, he
was tortured in the presence of his
aging father.
Salonga was caught spreading war-
related news from Allied sources
to counteract Japanese propaganda
(Bueza, 2016). During the celebration
of Kigen Setsu (Foundation Day of
Japan) on 11 February 1943, he was
pardoned despite being sentenced by
the military court for 15 years of hard
labor and released along with other
prisoners whose names were drawn in
a lottery (Bueza, 2016).
As columnist, Ceres Doyo (2016),
observed, “Martyrdom may not be
Salonga’s crown, but blood he had
copiously spilled while in pursuit of
dreams for his homeland.”
Later the war hero and veteran would
state that “Freedom is the bedrock
of human dignity, the one value
we should never compromise or
surrender. Freedom is the catalyst
in all our efforts toward national
development; it is the precondition
and the objective of our collective
endeavor. For a nation of sheep can
never be great.”
Interestingly enough, the
archnemesis of Salonga was not a
foreign invader but rather, a Filipino
dictator who was an army officer
during the war. Ferdinand Marcos’s
claims that he led a guerilla force and
A Guerilla and a Gentleman
he was a bemedaled war hero were
central in his every political campaign
from the first time he ran for
congress in 1949 immediately after
the war, which started his climb to the
presidency in 1965, up to the historic
snap presidential elections of 1986,
which was immediately followed by
his disgraceful ouster.
“United States Government archives
for 35 years show that repeated Army
investigations found no foundation
for Mr. Marcos’s claims that he led
a guerrilla force called Ang Mga
Maharlika in military operations
against Japanese forces from 1942 to
1944,” Jeff Gerth (1986) of the New
York Times reported.
“Between 1945 and 1948 various
Army officers rejected Mr. Marcos's
two requests for official recognition
of the unit, calling his claims
distorted, exaggerated, fraudulent,
contradictory and absurd. Army
investigators finally concluded that
Maharlika was a fictitious creation”
(Gerth, 1986).
Salonga had been a bitter and fierce
critic of Marcos even before Martial
Law. Together with other prominent
LP leaders like Ninoy Aquino and
Gerry Roxas, he warned the people
of the tyrannical path the country
was leading into. After the 1972
declaration of Martial Law, Salonga,
a bar topnotcher, defended his fellow
critics of the regime.
In 1980, the defender became the
defendant as the prisoner of war of
foreign invaders became a prisoner of
conscience of a homegrown tyrant.
117
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Gone with Glory
“We are writing a
glorious chapter in our
history,” he declared
on 16 September 1991,
“and today, we have
finally summoned the
political will to end
470 years of foreign
military presence.”
118
Because of the public outcry,
Salonga was later released and
was offered a scholarship in
Yale University; he returned
to the country in 1985 (Dizon,
2016). While in exile, he
vigorously campaigned for
the restoration of Philippine
democracy.
Salonga whose birth centennial
was last June 22 fought side
by side with Filipinos and
Americans during the Second
World War. After that, he was
able to study in two of the
top universities in the United
States, Harvard and Yale. And
here lies the paradox.
Even when he was in exile
in the US during the Marcos
dictatorship, Salonga had
argued that the United States
is keeping Southeast Asia
from becoming a nuclear-free
zone and that the two major
bases on Philippine soil pose a
threat of nuclear annihilation
(Reeves, 1985).
Culling from his experiences as
a guerilla and a prisoner of war,
Salonga remained steadfast
with his belief that the more
than four and a half centuries
of foreign military presence
in the archipelago must come
to an end. “We cannot and do
not deserve freedom unless we
are prepared to fight for it, to
suffer for it and, if necessary,
to die for it,” Salonga asserted.
“In our history as a nation, our
best years were when we took
our destiny in our own hands
and faced the uncertain future
with boldness and hope and
faith.”
Salonga was senate president
from 1987 to 1992, the second
longest in the country’s
history. Both as President of
the Senate and the Liberal
Party, he campaigned for the
abrogation of the US-RP Bases
Treaty. I would opine that it
was not that he fell out of love
of America but he loved the
Philippines more.
“We are writing a glorious
chapter in our history,” he
declared on 16 September 1991,
“and today, we have finally
summoned the political will
to end 470 years of foreign
military presence.”
It was a costly decision, and
backers from the business
community withdrew their
support for Salonga’s 1992
presidential bid. He was also
on a political collision course
with then President Corazon
Aquino who favored the
retention of the bases.
In January 2011, the National
Institute for Policy Studies
(NIPS) published a special
edition magazine to celebrate
the election of Benigno
Simeon “Noynoy” Aquino III
as the 15th president of the
country and to commemorate
the 65th foundation
anniversary of the Liberal
Party. The magazine featured

a tribute to Ka Jovy which
I authored. He was already
seriously ill during that time.
Five years later, he peacefully
passed away.
I observed, noting another
paradox, that, “The more he
took destiny in his own hands,
the more that the forces of
destiny seemed to have taken
control over him. Because
he loved freedom, he was
imprisoned and tortured by
an invading foreign army.
Because he was a man of
peace, he was maimed by
political violence. Because
he took the side of tolerance,
he was incarcerated by a
dictator. Because he loved the
Philippines and Filipinos more
than his own life, he was forced
into exile in a foreign land.
Because he sought the highest
office of the land in order to
be a servant of his people and
not a slave of interest groups,
he was abandoned by his own
allies and he was punished for
his stubbornness.
“At first glance he can be viewed
as a victim of circumstances-
-a good part of his life spent
reacting to the series of
unfortunate events that came
his way. But on the contrary,
he was always in control. He
took his destiny in his own
hands precisely by rejecting
what would have been the
alternative—comfort without
courage, material wealth
without integrity, social prestige
without dignity, and most of
all, power without principles”
(Coronel, 2011).
The men and women of the
greatest generation, as Tom
Brokow described the ordinary
Americans who fought during
the second world war, returned
home from Europe, Asia and
the rest of the globe and they
transformed America; they
gave so much and asked for so
little (Amazon, n.d.).
In so many instances and not
just as war hero, this Filipino
from the greatest generation
returned home wherever the
circumstances dictated where
home would be and from
where he would be coming
from—from a war prison
camp slash torture chamber,
from a hospital after a near
death experience, from a
dictator’s prison cell, from
exile to a foreign land, and
from the top universities
in the Philippines and
America. And in so many
other instances, whether he
was at rock bottom or while
walking the corridors of
power, Salonga transformed
this country for the better, a
country that demanded and
got so much from he who
asked for so little for himself.
From being a guerilla in
his youth to his dying day,
Salonga gave and gave and
gave, leaving behind a legacy
so great for just one man to
A Guerilla and a Gentleman
accomplish in a single lifetime,
especially given his simplicity
and humility. There are many
reasons and causes, but he did
learn early on the primacy of
life and liberty.
As he once articulated,
“Freedom is never granted. It
is always asserted and affirmed.
Its defense is an everyday
endeavor—sometimes in the
field of battle, oftentimes in the
contest of conflicting wills and
ideas. It is a daily struggle that
may never end—for as long as
we live.”
Salonga remains known,
respected, admired and loved
for many reasons, and given
the many dimensions of his
multifaceted persona. He was
a brilliant lawyer, a scholar
and intellectual giant, a pillar
of civil society, an unwavering
patriot, a great statesman, an
accomplished legislator and
the best president this country
never had.
But of the many things he
accomplished, probably not so
known are his exploits as an
ordinary person—a young man
fighting an invading foreign
army. During this brief
episode in his life, Salonga
exemplifies the freedom
fighters of the past whose
stories remain relevant today
when the cherished values they
fought for are under threat.
It’s all about freedom.
119
 The Resiliency of the Filipino Spirit | Gone with Glory
THE UNDELIVERED SPEECH
OF SEN. BENIGNO “NINOY”
AQUINO, JR
UPON HIS RETURN FROM THE U.S. ON 21 AUGUST
I have returned on my free will to join the
ranks of those struggling to restore our
rights and freedoms through nonviolence.
I seek no confrontation. I only pray
and will strive for a genuine national
reconciliation founded on justice.
I am prepared for the worst, and have
decided against the advice of my mother,
my spiritual adviser, many of my tested
friends and a few of my most valued
political mentors.
A death sentence awaits me. Two more
subversion charges, both calling for death
penalties, have been filed since I left three
years ago and are now pending with the
courts.
I could have opted to seek political asylum
120
in America, but I feel it is my duty, as it is
the duty of every Filipino, to suffer with
his people especially in time of crisis.
I never sought nor have I been given
assurances or promise of leniency by the
regime. I return voluntarily armed only
with a clear conscience and fortified in the
faith that in the end justice will emerge
triumphant.
According to Gandhi, the willing sacrifice
of the innocent is the most powerful
answer to insolent tyranny that has yet
been conceived by God and man.
Three years ago when I left for an
emergency heart bypass operation, I
hoped and prayed that the rights and
freedoms of our people would soon be
restored, that living conditions would
improve and that blood-letting would stop.
Rather than move forward, we have moved
backward. The killings have increased,
the economy has taken a turn for the
worse and the human rights situation has
deteriorated.
During the martial law period, the
Supreme Court heard petitions for Habeas
Corpus. It is most ironic, after martial law
has allegedly been lifted, that the Supreme
Court last April ruled it can no longer
entertain petitions for Habeas Corpus for
persons detained under a Presidential
Commitment Order, which covers all so-

called national security cases and which
under present circumstances can cover
almost anything.
The country is far advanced in her times
of trouble. Economic, social and political
problems bedevil the Filipino. These
problems may be surmounted if we are
united. But we can be united only if all
the rights and freedoms enjoyed before
September 21, 1972 are fully restored.
The Filipino asks for nothing more, but
will surely accept nothing less, than all
the rights and freedoms guaranteed by
the 1935 Constitution—the most sacred
legacies from the Founding Fathers.
Yes, the Filipino is patient, but there is a
limit to his patience. Must we wait until
that patience snaps?
The nation-wide rebellion is escalating
and threatens to explode into a bloody
revolution. There is a growing cadre of
young Filipinos who have finally come to
realize that freedom is never granted, it is
taken. Must we relive the agonies and the
blood-letting of the past
that brought forth our Republic or can we
sit down as brothers and sisters and discuss
our differences with reason and goodwill?
I have often wondered how many disputes
could have been settled easily had the
disputants only dared to define their terms.
So as to leave no room for
misunderstanding, I shall define my terms:
1. Six years ago, I was sentenced to die
before a firing squad by a Military
Tribunal whose jurisdiction I
steadfastly refused to recognize. It is
now time for the regime to decide.
Order my IMMEDIATE EXECUTION
The Undelivered Speech of Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr.
OR SET ME FREE. I was sentenced
to die for allegedly being the leading
communist leader. I am not a
communist, never was and never will
be.
2. National reconciliation and unity
can be achieved but only with justice,
including justice for our Muslim and
Ifugao brothers. There can be no deal
with a Dictator. No compromise with
Dictatorship.
3. In a revolution there can really be no
victors, only victims. We do not have
to destroy in order to build.
4. Subversion stems from economic,
social and political causes and will not
be solved by purely military solutions;
it can be curbed not with ever
increasing repression but with a more
equitable distribution of wealth, more
democracy and more freedom, and
5. For the economy to get going once
again, the workingman must be given
his just and rightful share of his labor,
and to the owners and managers must
be restored the hope where there is so
much uncertainty if not despair.
6. On one of the long corridors of
Harvard University are carved in
granite the words of Archibald
Macleish: “How shall freedom be
defended? By arms when it is attacked
by arms; by truth when it is attacked
by lies; by democratic faith when it
is attacked by authoritarian dogma.
Always, and in the final act, by
determination and faith.”
I return from exile and to an uncertain
future with only determination and faith
to offer—faith in our people and faith in
God.
121
 Born of the need for a liberal
foundation that primarily serves
the needs of the Liberal Party of
the Philippines in terms of policy
and research as well as training
and capacity building, the Center
for Liberalism and Democracy
shall also serve as a nexus for local
and international networks, and
development agencies.

CLD aims to promote and advocate

the libeal principles of freedom and
democracy; justice, social equity
and human rights; and inclusive
and sustainable development.
It builds alliances and solidarity
with like-minded organizations
including political parties, civil society
movements, corporations and
corporate foundations, government
agencies, media, and academia in the
Philippines, Asia and the rest of the
globe.

The Center seeks to, among others,

1) to participate in the review and
formulation of pertinent policies in the
realms of party platforms, legislative
agenda, public and academic
discourses, and the like; 2) heighten the
people’s awarness of their civil, political
and human rights as well as the
political, economic and socio-cultural
institutions and processes and power
structures; and 3) to capacitate and
empower people to enable them to
actively participate in governance, and
in influencing political, economic and
social policies that affect their lives.
122
www.cld.ph