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Political and Social Aspects of Islamic Religious Endowments ("awqāf"): Saladin in Cairo
(1169-73) and Jerusalem (1187-93)

Author(s): Yehoshuʿa Frenkel
Source: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London ,
1999, Vol. 62, No. 1 (1999), pp. 1-20
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and African
Studies
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Political and social aspects of Islamic religious
endowments (awqdf): Saladin in Cairo (1169-73)
and Jerusalem (1187-93)
YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
University of Haifa
Introduction
The Ayyubid Sultan Salah al-Din (Saladin) used the pious endow
pl. awqaf; alternatively hubs, hubus, pl. ahbas) as a major instru
efforts to gain political and military control over Egypt and Syria.'
of this aim, he systematically converted properties belonging to
into awqdf.2 The present study investigates some of the legal and so
of Saladin's waqf policy in the territories conquered by his arm
examine Saladin's endowment policy and his political aims from t
of the Sultan and his court.4 I will not reflect on the motives of the
those people of religion (al-mu'ammamun; literally 'the tur
co-operated with him, even though 'mingling with the monarc
sultan) apparently clashed with some of the principles stipulated
Sufi novices.5
On the political history of this period see Yaacov Lev, State and society in F
(Leiden, 1991), 61-3; for the history of the man and the period see Andrew S.
Saladin (Albany, NY, 1972); idem, 'Saladin's coup d'etat in Egypt', in Mediev
Eastern studies in honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya, (ed.) S. A. Hanna (Leiden, 1972), 1
Gibb, The life of Saladin (Oxford, 1973); idem, Saladin: studies in Islamic history [co
ed. Y. Ibish, Beirut, 1974); M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson, Saladin: the politi
War (Cambridge, 1982).
2 A recurring theme in Saladin's official dispatches is the personification of the c
Islam and Christianity in architectural terms, for example, the madrasa v. the Ch
al-Din al-Isfahani, al-Fath al-qusslfti'l-fath al-qudsi, ed. de Landberg (Leiden, 188
3 Saladin maintained that he was commissioned to carry out two tasks: to c
valley of the Ismaili-Fatimid heresy; and to purify Jerusalem of the infidels' d
al-Maqrizi, Kitdb al-Sulukfima'rifat ta'rzkh al-muluk, ed. M. M. Ziyada (Cairo, 1
Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub fi akhbar bani Ayyub, ed. J. D. al-Shayyal (Cairo
al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-a'sha fi sina'at al-insha' (Cairo, 1924), vi, 526-30; Gaudefroy-
Demombynes, 'Une lettre de Saladin au Calife Almohade', Melanges Rene Basset (Paris, 1925),
ii, 279-304; E. Sivan, 'Le caractere sacre de Jerusalem dans l'Islam aux xIIe-xiie siecles', Studia
Islamica, 27, 1967, 160; idem, L'Islam et la Croisade (Paris, 1968), 97, 115-16.
4 The data scrutinized in the article are collected from medieval chronicles and geographical
descriptions, as well as legal sources. It is based especially on an examination of endowment deeds
(kitdb al-waqf or waqfiyya) composed by Saladin's jurists (fuqaha'). The awqaf documents of the
two Jerusalem institutions, i.e., the ribat and madrasa al-Salahiyya, are the only complete
endowment documents written by Saladin's fuqaha' that have survived from that time. The
waqfiyya of the ribdt (or al-khanqah) al-Salahiyya was published by Ahmad al-'Alami, Waqfiyyat
Salah al-DTn (Jerusalem, 1981); and by Kamil Jamml al-'Asali, Watha'iq maqdisiyya ta'rikhiyya
(Amman, 1983), I, 83 ff. Both published texts contain several errors due to misreading of the
original manuscript. The waqfiyya of al-madrasa al-Salahiyya is transcribed in Taqi al-Din
al-Subkt, al-Fatawa (Cairo, 1355 A.H.), II, 126-33. A shortened version of the two waqfiyyat was
incorporated in the Ottoman catalogue of public waqfs in sixteenth-century Jerusalem published
by Mehmed Ipsirli and Mohammed Da'oud al-Tamimi, The Muslim pious foundations and real
estates in Palestine according to the sixteenth-century Ottoman tahrir registers (Istanbul, 1982 [in
Arabic]), 31 (no. 26); 35 (no. 36); cf. D. S. Powers, 'Revenues of public waqfs in sixteenth-century
Jerusalem', Archivum Ottomanicum, 9 1984, 163-202; and Kamil Jamml al-'Asali, Ma'ahid al-'ilm
fi bayt al-maqdis (Amman, 1981), 65 (where a list from registers 522 and 602 of the tapu tahrir-i
deftar-i is printed); Mustafa Bilge, 'A waqf of a madrasa in Jerusalem', in The third International
Conference on Bilad al-Sham: Palestine (19-24 April 1980), Vol. i: Jerusalem (Amman, 1983), 21-31.
Abu Layth al-Samarqandi, TanbTh al-Ghdfiin (Beirut, n.d.), 189; but see for the contrary the
sayings in the chapters on 'suhba ma'a al-sultan', in al-Sulami, Kitab Adab al-suhba, ed. M. J. Kister
(Jerusalem, 1954), 81; al-Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab al-mur-di-n, ed. M. Milson (Jerusalem, 1978),
clause 89.
? School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1999

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2 YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
I assume that Saladin's waqf policy was a continuation of

out by his predecessors.6 In the environment that shaped Salad
it was common practice for a ruler to use waqf as an instrumen
his position. Kings and amirs used waqf income to reward t
to subsidize important social groups. The Zengid dynasty (1
a policy aimed at supporting religious institutions and sch
means of awqf.7 Saladin implemented this policy from the mom
the Fatimid state and founded his own in Egypt.8 He is cre
the first ruler to introduce 'la forme orientale du waqf' i
because of his initiation of new administrative and economic measures.9
Saladin's achievements in the jihad he waged in Syria (bilad al-Sham)
culminated in the expulsion of the Crusaders from Jerusalem.10 After the
victory at Hittin, Saladin extended his waqf policy to Palestine, as part of his
effort to transform the newly-seized Jerusalem into a Muslim city.1' Saladin's
policy toward the Latins in Jerusalem was a continuation of the methods he
used in Cairo.
A descriptive list of the awqaf established by Saladin in Cairo and Jerusalem
Saladin introduced changes in Egypt's agrarian administration, which included

the reorganization of land tenure (iqta'), modifications in the tax collection
system and a new system of payment for soldiers. After gaining control over
the Fatimid court, Saladin took over the financial assets that supported the
upper echelon of the Fatimid state. The Fatimid system of payment was
replaced by money of account, the dtnar jaysht, a unit composed of currency
and cereals.12 In Safar 567/October 1171 Saladin publicly proclaimed the
abolition of taxes (mukus) that were contradictory to sharT'a and ordered their
replacement by the zakat (the quranic alms tax). Approximately, half of this
6 Islamic pious endowment was and remained a vital institution. Because of this, the literature
on waqf is abundant. Scholars strive to reconstruct its historical sources, legal status, social
dimension, influence on arts and other subjects. The most recent collection of articles devoted to
these subjects is Randi Deguilhem (ed.), Le waqf dans l'espace islamique: outil de pouvoir socio-
politique (Damascus, 1995).
7 Apart from converting Christian sanctuaries into Islamic monuments, the Zengids used awqaf
to subsidize members of the religious establishment who flocked to their courts. Nur al-Din,
Saladin's original patron, dedicated abundant resources to building and maintaining colleges
(madaris) and Sufi hospices (khawaniq) in all the regions of his realm. See Ibn Shaddad Muhammad
al-Halabi, al-A'ldq al-khatlrafi dhikr umara' al-sham wa'l-jazira, ed. D. Sourdel (Damascus, 1953),
Ia, 93 ff.; 110, 11. 1-12; cf. Nikita Elisseeff, Nur ad-Din. un grand prince musulman de Syrie au
temps des Croisades (Damascus, 1967), III, 911-35 (annexes); Joan E. Gilbert,' Institutionalization
of Muslim scholarship and professionalization of the 'Ulama' in medieval Damascus', Studia
Islamica, 52, 1980, 127, 129; Cl. Cahen, Orient et Occident au temps des Croisades (Paris, 1983),
120, 177; Gary Leiser, 'Notes on the madrasa in medieval Islamic society', The Muslim World,
76, 1986, 16-19; Yasser Tabba, 'Monuments with a message: propagation of Jihad under Nur
a-Din', in V. P. Goss (ed.), The meeting of two worlds (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1986), 225-6.
8 Although there is evidence for the involvement of the Fatimid military establishment in the
collection of taxes as a method of payment for their services it is evident that Saladin expanded
the iqtd' in Egypt. Ibn Mammati, Kitab Qawanin al-dawawin, ed. 'Aziz 'Atiya (Cairo, 1943), 369
(no. 9); cf. Lev, State and society in Fatimid Egypt, 122-7; Tasugitaka Sato, State and rural society
in medieval Islam. sultans, muqta's andfallahun (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 43-6.
9 Cl. Cahen, 'L'evolution de l'iqta' du Ixe au xInI siecle', Annales E.S.C., 8, 1953, 46; idem,
'Le regime des imp6ts dans le Fayyum Ayyubide', Arabica, 3, 1960, 12, 25; idem, ' Rflexions sur
le waqf ancien', Studia Islamica, 14, 1961, 37-56.
10 Karl S. Schaeffer, 'Jerusalem in the Ayyubid and Mamluk eras' (Ph.D. thesis, New York
University 1985), 181 ff., 195 if., 200-5.
" Heinz Halm, 'The re-establishment of Sunni fiqh in Jerusalem under Ayyubid rule', in The
third International Conference on Bilad al-Sham: Palestine (19-24 April 1980), Vol. I: Jerusalem
(Amman, 1983), 111-12.
12 G. Frantz-Murphy, The agrarian administration of Egypt from the Arabs to the Ottomans
(Cairo, 1986), 69-70.

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ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS ENDOWMENTS IN CAIRO AND JERUSALEM 3
new tax was to be distributed as social benefits for the poor.13

reforms14 were complemented by his endowment policy and serve
his image as a just ('adil) ruler.'5
Shortly after the death of the last Fatimid imam, Saladin es
Sunni colleges (maddris, sg. madrasa) and a Sufi hospice (khanq
By taking these measures, Saladin was following the steps of some
who were his predecessors at the Fatimid court. However, whe
viziers, Ridwan and Ibn Sallar, had built their madrasas in A
commercial port town lacking political importance, Saladin e
madrasas in Cairo, the capital city of Egypt.
He founded his first madrasa in Misr, the old quarter of t
Muharram 566/September 1170. The new Shafi'i madrasa, known a
was supported by an endowment that included a goldsmiths' w
and income from a village. To make way for its construction
demolition of a building on the site that had been used by the Fat
Several days later, in mid-Muharram 566/September 1170,
a covered bazaar (qaysariyya) in Misr where yarn (al-ghazl) w
sold. In its place, he established a madrasa for Maliki jurists
supported by an endowment.19 Because the beneficiaries of th
were to receive cash payments supplemented by crops from t
madrasa was named al-Qamhiyya (the wheat madrasa).20 T
Saladin established another waqf in Misr that included a qaysa
makers and sellers (warraq) and a chamber on its roof (hujra
13 Abu Shama, Kitdb al-Rawdatayn fi akhbar al-dawlatayn al-nuriyya wa
Muhammad Ahmad (Cairo, 1962), 443, 522-3; al-Nabulsi, 'Tajrid sayf al-himm
in ' Histoires coptes d'un cadi medieval', Bulletin de l'Institut Francais d'Arch
59, 1960, 145, 11. 11-12 and n. 1. Similar steps were taken by Saladin in Syri
account of the traveller Ibn Jubayr, Rihla, ed. W. Wright (Leiden, 1907), 285, 1
Jackson, Saladin, 50-1.
14 On the economic measures of Saladin and the value of Ayyubid dinars
'Contribution i l'etude des impots dans l'Egypt m6di6vale', Journal of the Ec
History of the Orient, 5, 1962, 256-7. Hassanein Rabie, 'The size and value of
564-741/1169-1341', in M. A. Cook (ed.), Studies in the economic history of
(London, 1970), 134; idem, The financial system of Egypt A.H. 564-741/A.D. 1
1972), 122-3; Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 101-5; 156-7.
Quran, 4: 58, 16: 90; Nizam al-Mulk, Siyar al-Muluk, ed. H. Darke (Teh
English transl. H. Darke, The Book of Government or Rules for Kings (Lond
B. Lewis (ed. and tr.), Islam, from the Prophet Muhammad to the capture of Co
York, 1974), 181.
16 G. Leiser, 'The madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle East: the
Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 22, 1985, 41-2.
7 Ibn Sallar (a Sunni vizier in power 544-548/1153-1157) built a new Sh
Alexandria. In 572/1176 Saladin dedicated the taxes levied on European merchant
in the port of Alexandria to support the fuqaha' of that city. See al-MaqrizT, al
18 G. Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt: madrasas and mudarris
1249' (Ph.D dissertation, University of Michighan, 1977), 187 ff.; H. Halm, Di
Safi'itischen Rechtsschule von den Anfangen bis zum 8/14 Jahrhundert (Wiesba
listing the names of Shafi'i scholars and fuqaha' in Egypt; Sylvie Denoix, Decrir
Misr) d'apres Ibn Duqmdq et Maqrizi (Cairo, 1992), 125, n. 3.
" Denoix, Decrire le Caire, 127, n. 7; Saladin preferred the Shafi'i madhha
practices predominant. However, questions concerning his policy toward the
(madhdhib) are beyond the scope of the present article; W. Madelung, 'The spre
and the Turks', Actas do IV congresso de estudos Arabes e Islamicos, Coim
(Leiden, 1971), 146-64.
20 The madrasa received wheat shipments and hence it came to be known
al-Maqrizi, Khitat wa'l athar (Bulaq, 1853), ii, 364, 11. 7-14; idem, Itti'az al-h
(Cairo, 1973), III, 319; Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 201 ff.
21 cf. warraq in Max van Berchem, Materiaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum
du Sud, Tome I: Jerusalem ville (Cairo, 1922), 214, 1. 9; 215, n. 6. In Reperto
d'Epigraphie Arabe (Cairo, 1937), 9:66 (no. 3293) the term warraqa was t
papeterie' (paper-mill); for ' hujra fi 'uluwwi al-dar' in the sense of a 'chamber i
part of the house', cf. Usama Ibn Munqidh, Kitab al-I'tibar, ed. Qasim al-S
1987), 53, 1. 6; English transl. P. K. Hitti, An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warri
the Crusades (1929; repr. London, 1987), 55; Van Berchem, Materiaux, 202, 1.

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4 YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
To this was added an estate (day'a) known as al-IHanbushiyy

province.22
In 569/1173-74 Saladin established a Sufi hospice (khanqd
that previously had housed several successive Fatimid cour
Sa'id al-Su'ada'.23 This institution was the first khanqah to
Egypt and its head was named Shaykh al-shuyukh.24
While engaged in the struggle for Syria Saladin ordered,
'Izz al-Din Da'ud Farrukh Shah and Abu 'Ali 'Abd al-Rahim
as al-Qadi al-Fadil) to return to Cairo.25 Their assignment w
Ayyubid authority in Egypt during their master's absence.
the first Hanafi madrasa in the Nile valley, located in a ho
belonged to the Fatimid vizier al-Ma'mun al-Bata'ihi,26 adjac
leum (mashhad) of Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abl Talib in al-Qahira
The madrasa was named al-Suyufiyya because it was near
market.27 Although occupied in the affairs of Syria and north
found time to record the waqfiyya of the Suyufiyya madr
572/23 February 1177. Hence, this new endowment was co
madrasas.
In 572/1176-77 at the Qarafa cemetery, close to al-Shafi'i's tomb, Saladin
founded his fourth madrasa, named al-Salahiyya after himself. It was the third
Shafi' i law college established by the Ayyubids in Cairo. Najm al-Din
Muhammad al-Khabushani was nominated as the first lecturer (mudarris) of
the al-Salahiyya, perhaps as a reward for his past services to the Ayyubid
cause. The sources credit him with pressing for a more aggressive policy
towards the Fatimids.
Immediately after his armies entered Jerusalem on 27 Rajab 583/2 October
1187, the triumphant King Saladin (al-malik al-nasir was one of his royal titles)
set about remodelling the city.29 According to 'Imad al-Din, he vowed to
22Taqi al-Din 'Umar, Saladin's nephew and close partner, founded in Cairo, in Sha'ban
566/April 1171, another Shafi'?1 madrasa in one of the mansions built by the Fatimids and known
as Manazil al-'Izz. From the public treasury he purchased the adjoining bath (hammam) and
stable (istabl). In addition he erected an inn (funduq). The incomes from these properties were
bestowed by him on the college that he had established. Denoix, Decrire le Caire, 129, no. 4;
Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 87; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 44.
23 This mansion was the property of Qanbar, a freed slave in the service of the Fatimid court.
After his execution in Sha'ban 544/December 1149, the building was appropriated by the vizier
Ruzzayk (Ruzzik) b. Tala'i'; Ibn Muyassar, Akhbar Misr, 144, 11. 3-4 (A.H. 544); Ibn Tuwayr,
Nuzhat al-muqlatayn ft akhbar al-dawlatayn, ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Beirut, 1992), 183, 1. 4;
Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, Husn al-muhadara fi ta'rikh Misr wa'l-Qahira, ed. Muhammad Abu Fadl
Ibrahim (Cairo, 1387/1968), II, 260.
24 Ibn Khaldun, al-Ta'rf bi-Ibn Khaldun, ed. Tanji (Cairo, 1951), 121, 1. 3; Carl F. Petry, The
civilian elite of Cairo in the later Middle Ages (Princeton, 1981), 139, 327-8; Leonor Fernandes,
The evolution of a Sufi institution in Mamluk Egypt: the khanqah (Berlin, 1988), 21 ff.
25 After Nur al-Din's death (15 May 1174) Saladin moved toward Syria (October 1174). See
Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 68-9, 74, 76-84.
26 Hence this building was known as 'al-dar al-ma'muniyya'; Ibn al-Ma'mun, Akhbar Misr,
26 (and n. 1); and Ibn Muyassar, Akhbar Misr, 147 (A.H. 549), ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo,
1981); Ibn Tuwayr, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn, 67, 1. 6; 72, 11. 9-10; On al-Bata'ihi see Leila S. al-'Imad,
The Fatimid vizierate (969-1172) (Berlin, 1990), 191-2.
27 This foundation was made before Farrukh Shah departed Egypt, in March 1176. Shortly
afterwards (in Safar 572/August-September 1176) Saladin endowed a village in the Hawran
(Huran) for students of Islamic law (fiqh). The supervision (nazr) of this waqf was given to the
Shafi'i jurist (faqih) Qutb al-Din al-Nishaburi. See Abu Shama, Rawdatayn, 643, 675 (' wa-ra'aytu
kitab al-waqf wa-'alayhi 'allamat al-sultan'), 679, 683; Ibn 'Abd al-Zahir, al-Rawda al-bahiyya
al-zahira fikhitat al-mu'iziyya al-Qahira, ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo, 1996), 88-9; Cf. Lyons
and Jackson, Saladin, 99-104.
28 Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 141-3.
29 After the victory at Hittin, Saladin gained control of many assets that had belonged to the
Latin Kingdom, the Church and the monastic orders. After the conquest of Acre (2 Jumada
al-awwal 583/10 July 1187) Saladin allocated to the faqrh Diya al-Din 'Isa al-Hakari property of
the Templars, including houses, buildings, residences, an alloment and a landed estate (manazil,

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purify the Holy City 'of the filth of the hellish Franks, to st
garments and to put on the robe of honour '.30 Christian images
and Islamic symbols added; at al-Aqsa mosque a pulpit (minbar
the mihrab was cleaned and uncovered and the Quran wa
Buildings, agricultural lands and other assets were expropriated f
Church and converted to support the Muslim community.
Saladin appointed a prayer leader (imam) at the Dome of the
al-Sakhra) and bequeathed him a house, a field and a garden.
later, on 15 Ramadan 585/27 October 1189, Saladin establi
(ribdt) for Sufis named al-Salahiyya,33 located in the residenc
Patriarch (ddr al-batrik) of Jerusalem.34 His aim was to encou
ment of Sufis in that city. As the Third Crusade approached Jeru
sounded the alarm and hastily prepared to confront the Chris
letter to the Abbasid court at Baghdad, he stated that the Pop
all Christians to go to Jerusalem.35 To strengthen the city's
confiscated the Church of Sancta Anna36 and on 13 Rajab 588
he established a madrasa on its premises.37
Before leaving for Damascus in Shawwal 588/October 1
planned to establish another waqf in Jerusalem: he gave ord
Baha' al-Din b. Shaddad to institute a hospital in Jerusalem
Saladin's death in Damascus on 4 March 1193 prevented him f
project to its end, some Mamluk and Ottoman documents mention
stan al-Salahi in Jerusalem.39
The confiscation of enemy assets (fay')

According to the Hanafi madhhab, if a Muslim country is o
enemy, this territory becomes an abode of war (ddr harb),
mawa.di', riba', iqta', day'a). Ibn al-Athir, al-KamilJf'l-ta'rikh (Beirut, 1966),

Mufarrij al-kuruib, i, 210; al-Maqrizi, al-Suluk, I, 94.
30 'Imad al-Din al-Isfaham, al-Fath al-qusst, 50-3, 1. 3; 61,1. 10-62,1. 17; 65
Gabrieli (tr.), Arab historians of the Crusades (transl. E. T. Costello, Lond
H. Masse (tr.), Conquete de la Syrie et de la Palestine par Saladin (Paris, 1972)
31 These deeds were announced by dispatches directed to all parts of the M
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, xi, 551-2; Jamal al-Din Ibn al-Jawzl, Fada'il al-Quds,
(Beirut, 1979), 128 (presenting the Abbasid point of view). See also Hadia Da
Quds: Jerusalem in the consciousness of the counter-crusader' and Yasser T
with a message' in V. P. Goss (ed.), The meeting of two worlds (Michigan, 1
231-5 respectively.
32'Imad al-Din al-Isfahani, al-Fath al-qussi, 65, 1. 25-66, 1. 3; Abu Shama,
114; Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub, i, 230.
33 In later sources this institution is also called al-khanqah (or khankah) al-Sa
al-Din al-'Ulaymi al-Hanbali, al-Uns al-jalil bi-ta'rikh al-Quds wa'l-Khalil (Be
11. 21-341, 1. 2; ii, 41, 101; Van Berchem translated ribat as 'hospice a l'usa
Materiaux, 200,1. 2; For the distinction between ribat and khanqah cf. Donald L
of khanqahs, ribats and zawiyas under the Mamluks', in W. Hallaq and D. P.
Studies presented to Charles J. Adams (Leiden, 1991), 93-4, 96-7.
34 The Latin Patriarch's quarter was studied by Joshua Prawer, Crusader ins
1980), 301 ff.
3 Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub, III, 333, 11. 7-11.
36 Hans Eberhard Mayer, Bistiimer, Kloster und Stifte im Kinigreich Jer
1977}, 243-57.
Van Berchem, Materiaux, 90 ff. (n. 35).
38 Baha' al-Din Ibn Shaddad, al-Nawadir al-sultaniyya wa'l-mahasin al-yusu
al-DTn, ed. Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal (Cairo, 1964), 239, 11. 11-13; Ibn Wasil, Muf
408, 11. 1-4.
39 Ipsirli and Tamimi, Muslim pious foundations in Palestine, 45 (no. 63); 'Arif al-'Arif, al-
Mufassal fi ta'rikh al-Quds (Jerusalem, 1961), 178-9; al-'Asali, Ma'dhid al-'ilm, 294-6; Amnon
Cohen, Jewish life under Islam: Jerusalem in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), 199;
D. S. Richards, 'Saladin's hospital in Jerusalem: its foundation and some later archival material',
in Khalil 'Athamina and Roger Heacock (ed.), The Frankish wars and their influence on Palestine:
selected papers presented at Bir Zeit University's International Academic Conference (Birzeit
University, 1994), 70-83.

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6 YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
(amlak) formerly owned by Muslims are no longer regarded

a country is reconquered by Muslims, all these possessions b
and are turned over to the public treasury (bayt al-mal) o
Muslim state without being restored to their former owners.40
However, this strict legal opinion was not always impleme
acting against the advice of the Hanafi fuqaha' in his cour
Zengi did not expropriate assets reclaimed by Muslims. In 11
conquest of Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, he restored properties in t
people who were able to present title deeds. Claimants witho
those who failed to support their claims by written records
the land tax bureau (dtwdn al-kharij) in Aleppo to obtain co
from the account books (dafaJtir).41 These politically motivate
Zengi popularity among the Muslim public. His policy also ai
refugees to resettle in the newly conquered territories. After t
Edessa (Ruha) an anonymous Syriac Christian author wr
back to their homes and heritages'.42
The successful offensive in Syria enabled the Muslims to
of assets held by the Crusaders, most of which had previous
Muslims. This fact affected the legal definition of private prop
amldk) in the territories that remained in the Latins' hands
from them. Several fuqaha', as well as Muslim rulers, face
cerning the legal status of these properties.43
Although Saladin's policy of transforming the legal statu
in Jerusalem was a clear continuation of the measures he
Egypt, some legal and administrative differences between the c
the two regions are notable. Unlike Egypt, the coastal reg
Syria, including Palestine, were disputed by the Muslim war
and the Crusaders. After his victories, Saladin dispossessed
churches and monasteries which had supported the Latin C
Crusaders kingdom. He founded the Salahiyya madrasa on
premises of the Sancta Anna. The Salahiyya ribat (or khanqa
in the mansion of the Latin Patriarch and supported by p
Latin Church and the military orders. To dispel any legal do
care to establish that he had purchased the properties tha
Jerusalem from the public treasury, and as such they wer
his private property.44
Another difference between Saladin's measures in Cairo and Jerusalem was
that in Egypt his awqaf included both urban and rural property while in
Jerusalem he endowed only houses, shops and other urban properties, almost
all within the city's walls.45 Several factors may account for this difference:
40 cf. J. Sublet, 'Le s6questre sur les jardins de la Ghouta (Damas 666/1267)', Studia Islamica,
43, 1976, 81-6.
41 Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmilfi-'l-ta'rkh, xi, 52-5; Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub, I, 74-5.
42 Anonymi auctoris chronicon ad Annum Christi 1234 partinens, ed. I. B. Chabot (Louvain,
1916), 145, item 430, 1. 28 ('we-hfekh kulnush le-beyteho we-le-yortuteho '); A. S. Tritton (tr.) and
H. A. R. Gibb (ed.), 'The First and Second Crusades from an anonymous Syriac chronicle',
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1933, 297.
43 E. Sivan, 'Refugi6s syro-palestiniens au temps des Croisades', Revue des Etudes Islamiques,
35, 1967, 145.
44 It is noteworthy that the same declaration (al-ardi wa'l-amlak al-jariya fi mulkihi) appears
in the kitdb al-waqf of an endowment founded by al-malik al-zahir Baybars at Nabi Musa, in the
vicinity of Jerusalem. See Kamil Jamil al-'Asali, Mawsim al-nab- Muisa f Filastfn (Amman, 1990),
53. For models of 'al-mushtara min waktl bayt al-mal' see al-Tarsusi, in G. L. Guellil, Damaszener
Akten des 8/14 Jahrhunderts nach at-Tarsusis kitab al-a'lam (Bamberg, 1988), 121; Ipsirli and
Tamimi, Muslim pious foundations in Palestine, 33.
45 This was in line with the early stipulations of sadaqa mawqufa, as prescribed by Islamic law.
Some of the earliest jurists regarded kharaj land as not being subject to private ownership
(mamluka). See Ahmad al-Tah.awi, al-Shurut al-saghir (Baghdad, 1972), II, 667.

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(a) at the time of Saladin's conquest Jerusalem was uninhabited

so that the urban property left by the Latins was sufficient to sup
Muslim community which sprang from Saladin victories; (b) land
developed differently in the two regions. The earliest evidence for
estates to support the Islamic establishment in Jerusalem is fr
Ayyubid area: the awqaf founded during the Mamluk and Ott
depended on mainly rural property.
Saladin's waqf policy is best demonstrated by a comparison o
assets he confiscated from his rivals with the properties he endowe
the pious endowments formerly under the control of the endowme
ment (diwan al-ahbds) of the Fatimid state46 and reorganized th
ahbas revenues. He gradually redirected the distribution of the reve
the ribd' and ahbds properties to support new awqdf.
The property endowed
According to the Egyptian historian al-Maqrizi, who probably saw t

kitdb al-waqf of the Sa'id al-Su'ada' khanqdh, Saladin endowed se
ties: a qaysdriyya in al-Qahira (Fatimid Cairo), an orchard (bustd
on the outskirts of the city, near the Elephant Lake (Birkat al-
district of Dahamr in the province of al-Bahansawiya. He also
daily distribution of foodstuffs, meat and bread, to the siufiyya. For
ence of the Sufi community (fuqara') a public bath (hamdm) wa
nearby.
For the benefit of the teachers and the students (talaba) at al-Madrasa
al-Salahiyya, Saladin bequeathed a nearby hamdm and an oven (furn) in front
of it. The revenues from local shops and the incomes from Jazirat al-Fil (an
island in the Nile) were dedicated to the support of this institution.47 According
to the waqf regulations, as stated in the waqfiyya, Saladin allotted to the
mudarris a monthly salary of 40 dinars, with extra payment for additional
functions. The monthly salary of the director and financial administration
(nizara) was only a quarter of that of the mudarris (10 dinars). Saladin allocated
to the madrasa a daily allowance of 60 ratl of bread (about 30 kilos) and two
skins (rawiya) of water carried from the Nile.48
Saladin assigned to the waqf beneficiaries of al-Madrasa al-Suyufiyya 32
shops located in the street of the little market, named after the Fatimid general
Badr al-Jamal, at Bab al-Futuh, in the Barjawan quarter.49
To support the ribdt Salahiyya in Jerusalem Saladin dedicated to charitable
purposes property in the adjacent quarter (rub') as follows: a mill (tdhun)
known as 'the bird' (al-'asfur) and a baking oven; the monastery (dayr) known
46 The Fatimid's di-wan al-ahbas is described by Ibn Tuwayr, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn, 100-1.
47 The translation of the founding inscription of al-Madrasa al-Salahiyya in Cairo reads: 'This
madrasa was built at the request of the shaykh, the faqih al-Khabushani for the Shafi'i fuqaha'
(Ramadan 575/February 1180)'. See G. Wiet, 'Les inscriptions du mausolee de Shafi'i', Bulletin
de l'Institut d'Egypte, 15, 1933, 170-1; Abu Shama, Rawdatayn, 688; al-Maqrizi, Khitat, II, 400,
11. 31-7; al-Suyuti, Husan al-Muhadara, II, 257; Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt',
225 ff.
48 For payment in foodstuffs and food prices, see N. A. Ziadeh, Urban life in Syria under the
early Mamluks (Beirut, 1953), 101-2; E. Ashtor, 'An essay on the diet of the various classes in
the medieval Levant', R. Forster and 0. Ranum (ed.), in Biology of man in history: selections
from the Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations (Baltimore, 1975), 125-62; J. Gilbert,
'Institutionalization of Muslim scholarship and professionalization of the 'Ulama' in medieval
Damascus', 120-1; for al-ta'addub bi-awamir al-masha'ikh, cf. Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulaml,
Jawami' adab al-sufiyya, ed. E. Kohlberg (Jerusalem, 1976), 37 (no. 89), 23 (no. 55); and see also
al-'Asali, Watha'iq, I, 231 (no. 229).
49 For an eyewitness account of Fatimid Cairo see the description by Usama b. Munqidh,
transl. P. K. Hitti, An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior, 30 ff.

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8 YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
as 'the New', adjacent to the oven; a large underground cella

as al-Batrik's stable, and a mansion with underground room
the stable; al-Batrik's bath hamdm, the underground cellar
shops (hawanit); al-Batrik water pool (birka) and the adjacen
including its upper and lower floors; the Mamila water poo
Jerusalem's walls, and the water pipe (qdna) carrying water
Mamila to the pool of al-Batrik within the city walls; the upper
lower, southern parts of the flat ground (ard al-jura) kno
(Hospitallers).5s The waqf of the Salahiyya ribdt also includ
al-buq'a (the valley).
The waqf of the Salahiyya madrasa in Jerusalem consisted of land known
as al-Jismaniyya (Gethsemane); the land and the gardens (jinan) known as
'Ain Silwan; the hamdm Sahayun (the mount Zion bath) and another public
bath at Bab al-Asbat (the tribes gate); an oven; a small vegetable garden
(hakura) and a rural estate (day'a) known as Sand Hanna;52 a residence on
the south side of the madrasa and another adjoining house; a mill opposite it;
gardens, springs ('uyun) and the small church known as Burubatikan
(Probatican)53 underneath which is a spring; and, finally shops in the market.54
The reasons for Saladin's waqf policy
The number of Armenian soldiers in Egypt had increased during the eleventh
century and they had formed the backbone of the Fatimid army since the
seizure of power by Badr al-Jamali in 1073.55 From the 1130s onward, the
weakening power of the Ismaili-Fatimid Imams (heads of the Fatimid state)
paved the way for the emergence of a chain of powerful wuzara' (military
heads of governmental administration; singular wazir) in Cairo. During the
years 529-31/1135-37 the Imam was forced to nominate a non-Muslim vizier,
the Christian-Armenian Bahram,56 who was subsequently replaced by the
Sunni vizier, Abu 'l-Fath Ridwan b. Walakhshi.57 The appointment of the
latter to head the Fatimid administration sparked intercommunal violence in
50 For the meaning of qabw (pl. aqba'; colloquial qabu, cellar; vault) in Jerusalem, see Van
Berchem, Mat6riaux, 110, 1. 3; 197, 1. 3; Donald P. Little, A catalogue of the Islamic documents
from al-Haram as-Sarrf in Jerusalem (Beirut, 1984), 289; Denoix, Decrire le Caire, 142.
51 Since the present study focuses on the political and social dimensions of Saladin's awqaf in
Jerusalem, I have refrained from elaborating on topographical aspects. I will deal with these in a
separate article. Nevertheless, it seems appropriate to note that the borders are described in
accordance with the requirements of Islamic law, starting from the south (qibla), moving to the
eastern side and ending in the west.
52 The property of the Sancta Anna church included a vineyard near Jerusalem. cf. Mayer,
Bistiimer, 249.
53 H. Vincent and F. M. Abel, Jerusalem Nouvelle (Paris, 1926), 685-98; P. Benoit, ' Dcouvertes
Archeologiques autour de la Piscine de Beth6sda', in Jerusalem through the ages, 25th
Archaeological Convention (Jerusalem, 1968), 48*-57*.
54 Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Archeological researches in Palestine during the years 1873-1874
(London, 1899), I, 116-26; Mayer, Bistiimer, 250 ('Zwei Laden am mittelalterlichen Haupmarkt
in Jerusalem').
55 M. Canard, 'Notes sur les Armeniens en Egypte a l'fpoque Fatimite', Annales de l'Institut
d'Etudes Orientales de la Faculte des Lettres d'Alger, 13, 1955, 144-5; Lev, State and society in
Fatimid Egypt, 96, 128-30; and cf. G. Leiser, 'The madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle
East', 30-4.
56 Al-Maqrizi, Itti'az al-hunafa', II, 159-62; the vizier Bahram was the nephew of Gregory
(al-basak in the Arabic sources), the Armenian Catholicos of Egypt. Despite his being a non-
Muslim, the Imam al-Hafiz bestowed on him the two honorific titles, 'Sword of Islam' and
'Crown of the Caliphate'. On Bahram see M. Canard, 'Un vizir chretien a l'epoque fatimite:
1 Arm6nien Bahram', Annales de l'Institut d'Etudes Orientales de la Faculte des Lettres d'Alger,
12, 1954, 88-111; idem, 'Notes sur les Arm6niens en Egypte a l'epoque fatimite', 154-5; L.
al-'Imad, The Fatimid vizierate, 109-19, 193; C1. Cahen, Orient et Occident au temps des Croisades,
85; Farhad Daftary, The Isma'-lts: their history and doctrines (Cambridge, 1990), 222-3, 268-9.
57 Al-Azadi, Akhbdr al-duwal al-munqati'a, ed. Andr6 Ferre (Cairo, 1972), 98-9;

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Cairo. During the fighting, in 531/1137, a Muslim mob attac

monasteries and churches.58
This conflict presumably influenced Saladin's policy toward e
As head of Egypt's administration,59 Saladin upheld from the
Armenian policy and set out to disband the Armenian troops.
Armenian Catholicus and other monks out of Egypt. Already
stage of his political career, Saladin reportedly confiscated pr
Armenian Church in Egypt.60 Through the seizure of proper
the Armenian Church in Egypt and by Armenian soldiers, Saladin
the Armenians' economic base. He also confiscated al-hubs al-juyus
endowment)-a pious endowment which the Armenian army com
al-Jamali had established to support his progeny-and gave it t
al-'Adil. Several jurists later concluded that since none of Badr
alive, the hubs was annulled. The estate which supported the en
under the supervision of the land taxation department (dTwan am
The income from the fertile lands that supported this institution
by the Ayyubids to pay for the navy (diwdn al-ustul).61
Another example of Saladin's efforts to undermine his adv
nomic base and to channel their resources to support his ow
fate of the riba' collection. The riba' were buildings constructed b
elite as a means of maintaining members of their class and the
rents paid by residents were collected by special agents accordi
year.62 Saladin confiscated these properties, mostly urban houses
Although Saladin's policy toward the Armenians had a clea
motive, we must also take into consideration the twelfth-cent
ethnic relations in the Near East and Saladin's overall poli
Apparently his anti-Armenian steps were welcomed by the pe
who had long feared a Christian take-over of Egypt similar
Kingdom's occupation of parts of Syria.64
58 In 532/1138 Ridwan inaugurated a Sunni madrasa in Alexandria. See Ibn M

Misr, 124-5, 130 (and no. 446); al-Maqrizi, Itti'az al-hunaJa', III, 167; al-Q
al-a'sha, I, 548-49; Also cf. Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal, A'lam al-iskandariya (Ca
130-59; 'Abd al-'Aziz Salim, Ta'rikh al-iskandariya wa-hadaratiha ft 'l-'asr al-i
1982), 218-19; Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid, al-Dawla al-fatimiyya fi Misr (Cairo,
'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 113 ff. disputes the assumption that A
was the first army commander to found the first Sunni madrasa in Egypt.
59 In 25 Jumada al-awwal 564/26 March 1169 the Imam al-'Adid was comp
the position of Saladin as Egypt's strong man. On 8 Muharram 567/10 Septem
was the legal master of Egypt. See Repertoire Chronologique d'Epigraphie Arabe
69 (no. 3297); Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 35-8, 45-6; Gibb, The life of Salad
Dawlah al-fatimiyya, 234.
60 Abu Salih the Armenian, in Churches and monasteries of Egypt, ed. an
(Oxford, 1895), 3-4; 10 (Arabic); 2-3, 5, 90 (English).
61 Ibn Mammati, Kitab Qawanin al-dawawin, 339, 11. 4-6; Ibn al-Ma'mun, A
11. 11-13; al-Maqrizi, Khitat, i, 129; al-Qalqashandi, Subh, i, 467; II, 346, 1. 20
62al-'Aiziz, Sirat al-Ustadh Jawdhar, ed. Muhammad Kamil Husayn and
al-Hadi Sha'ira (Cairo, 1954), 124, 1. 7; French transl. M. Canard, Vie de
(Algiers, 1958), 188; Abu '1-Hasan 'Ali al-Makhzumi, Kitab al-Minhaj fi 'ilm
Cl. Cahen and Yusuf Ragib (Cairo, 1986), 34, 44-5; Ibn Tuwayr, Nuzhat al-m
114,1. 3; 115,1. 2).
63 Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-a'yan wa-anba' abna' al-zaman, ed. Ihsan 'Abb
vii, 206-7; Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, Husn al-muha-dara, ii, 256; al-Maqrizi, Khitat,
363, 11. 18-23; Sayyid, al-Dawla al-fltimiyya, 238.
64 As the Crusaders moved toward the river Euphrates the Armenian populat
rose up to greet the Frankish army. See Steven Runciman, A history
(Harmondsworth, 1971), i, 34-5, 202-3; in his account of the year 531/1137,
the popular anti-Armenian feelings. Itti'az al-hunafa', III, 159-62; see also 'U
'Tajrid sayf al-himma', ed. C1. Cahen 'Histoires coptes d'un cadi medieval', 14
1-2; 148, 1. 1: '0 his royal highness, please purify (tathir) this noble state fro
Cf. Abu Salih the Armenian, 7 (Arabic); 10 (English); Ibn al-Wasiti, ed. and tr
answer to the dhimmis', Journal of the American Oriental Society, 41, 1921, 40

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10 YEHOSHU A FRENKEL
Saladin's next objective was to reward his soldiers for thei

support. The new revenues expanded his financial power and e
increase the sums allocated to his army and his supporters. He used
of the economic institutions that came under his control to finance various
military projects, including the construction of city walls, and to benefit social
institutions such as schools and hospital (blmaristan).65
In addition to its symbolic significance, Saladin's conversion of Christian
religious institutions and churches into Muslim places of worship and learning
had a practical dimension. The prolonged war against the Crusaders was a
costly enterprise. Several episodes narrated by al-Nabulsl emphasizes Saladin's
financial difficulties. A letter he wrote from a camp on the Syrian coast during
an incursion to the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, in the summer of 583/1187,
describes the severe economic conditions in the camp. A secretary informed
the court that the Sultan was in desperate financial straits and urgently needed
money. He was so hard pressed that he felt compelled to appeal to his
commanders for a loan. Since none of them was forthcoming, Saladin
approached his dependants, including the people of religion, and asked them
to lend him money.66 A letter transcribed by al-Nabulsi emphasizes Saladin's
pressing needs: 'The matter of Islam calls for repulsion of his enemies. The
incomes are extremely small while the sum which is badly needed is very
large'.67 By taking over assets belonging to his rivals and enemies Saladin was
able to meet some of his budgetary shortages. He could reward the religious
establishment with properties seized from the Latins, thus reducing demand
on bayt al-mal.
Saladin and the religious establishment
The waqfiyyas specify Saladin's stipulations concerning the beneficiaries of the

awqaf that he had established in Cairo and Jerusalem.68 The Sa'Td al-Su'ada'
accommodated devotees newly arrived in Cairo from remote lands (al-fuqard'
al-siifiyya al-wdridin min al-bildd al-shasi'a). The ribdt al-Salahiyya in Jerusalem
was founded ' for the honourable masters of Sufism (sufiyya), the old (shuyukh),
middle-aged (kuhul) and young (shubbdn), the mature, either married
(muta'ahhil) or bachelors (mujarrad) from among Arabs and a'jam (non-Arab
foreigners; i.e. Turks and Iranians).
At the al-Qamhiyya madrasa four teachers ofjurisprudence were appointed,
each tutoring a number of students. An unspecified number of talaba studied
at the Salahiyya college in Cairo. In addition to the lecturer (mudarris), a
repetitor (mu'Td)69 was nominated. His task was to assist during the teaching
class (tadrzs). The Suyufiyya was a Hanafi madrasa that accommodated talaba
with a diverse knowledge offiqh. The Sancta Anna building in Jerusalem was
handed over to a group of law students (mutafaqqih) and renamed al-Salahiyya
(Arabic); 433, 436 (English); E. Sivan, 'Notes sur la situation des chretiens a l'fpoque ayyubide',
Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, 172, 1967, 122-3.
65 Ibn MammatT, Kitab Qawainn al-dawawm, 341.
66 Al-Murtada b. Quraysh al-Makhzumi wrote: 'I myself carried out the order (marsum). I
retained the sum of money needed to cover the expense (nafaqa) of ten days and all that was left
I sent him and so did all the other members in the entourage.' 'Uthman al-Nabulsl, 'Kitab Luma'
al-qawanm al-mudiyya ft dawanrn al-diydr al-misriyya', ed. C. Becker and C1. Cahen, Bulletin
d'Etudes Orientales, 16, 1958-60, 11, 1. 19-12, 1. 8.
67 Al-Nabulsi, 11. 14-17; for other reports on shortages of money, cf. Lyons and Jackson,
Saladin, 293-94.
68 For similar conditions in a khanqah established during the early Mamluk period in Jerusalem,
see Van Berchem, Materiaux, 214, 11. 1-7 (Arabic); 214-15 (transl.).
69 Petry, The civilian elite of Cairo, 246 ff.

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madrasa. It was established as 'a law-school for the Shafi' i madhhab of Islamic
law and for the fuqaha' residing in it who devote themselves exclusively to
learning ('ilm) and are considered as righteous (salah).'70 Several articles in the
kitdb al-waqf of this madrasa specify the tasks of the mudarris. The teacher
and his pupils should arrive at the madrasa early in the morning as was
customary. They should start by reciting chapters from the Quran. Afterwards
the mudarris should commence to teach the legal doctrine of the Shafi'i school
as well as differences of opinion and jurisprudential principles (madhhaban
wa-khildfan wa-usulan) and other religious legal sciences (al-'ulum al-shar'iyya).
Then each mu'-d was to drill his students and repeat what the mudarris
had taught.
The documents indicate that Saladin's policy was a direct continuation of
the measures taken by his Zengid predecessors. As noted, Nur al-Din had
maintained close ties with the Hanafi fuqaha'. Many of the mudarrisun that
he appointed were newcomers from the eastern lands of the Islamic world,
including Iran and Transoxania, which were under Turkish dominion.71 A
comparison between the immigration policy of the Zengids and that of the
Ayyubids leads to a similar conclusion. Fuqaha' and Sufis flocked to the courts
of Nur al-Din and Saladin.72 Saladin encouraged Sunni people of religion to
settle in Egypt. The biographical entries of the first generation of mudarrisun
nominated by him to head the institutions he had established, as well as data
on fuqaha' and other religious functionaries in the Sultan's entourage, show
that many of them were newcomers. Saladin, who adhered to the Shafi'i
madhhab, had to count on immigrant fuqaha' and mudarrisun to fill the posi-
tions in the new maddris that he had established in Cairo and to staff other
religious posts previously occupied by Ismailis.
An example of the prominent place occupied by newcomers in the religious
establishment of Ayyubid Egypt is provided by the career of the faqih and
mudarris Majd al-Din Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Khutani (d. 576/1180),
the first mudarris nominated by Saladin to head the madrasa Suyiifiyya,73 and
to serve as supervisor of its endowment (n-dzir).74 He was to be paid 11 gold
dinars monthly, and the rest of the waqfs revenue was distributed according
to al-Khutani's discretion among the talaba who belonged to the Hanafi
madhhab. Pay was scaled to the ranks (tabaqdt) of the students who attended
the classes. Muhammad al-Khutani is described as an emigre who came to
Syria to participate in the Holy War.75 The kitdb al-waqf of the madrasa
70Abu Bakr Muhammad Ibn al-'Arabi of Seville, who visited Jerusalem during 1092-95,
described a Shafi'i college in the city. Ihsan 'Abbas, 'Rihlat Ibn al-'Arabi ila al-mashriq kama
sawwaraha qanun al-ta'wil', al-Abhath, 21, 1968, 79-5; Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub, ii, 407
identified it with the Sancta Anna. Ibn Wasil's father served as the mutawalli of the madrasa (in
A.H. 622).
71 D. Sourdel, 'Les professeurs de madrasa a Alep', Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales, 13, 1951,
113-15; idem, 'Reflexions sur la diffusion de la madrasa en orient du xIe au xIIIe siecle', Revue
des Etudes Islamiques, 44, 1976, 167, 173-9; Madelung, 'The spread of Maturidism', 148-61; for
madaris built by Nur al-Din, cf. N. Elisseeff, Nur ad-Din, III, 913-35.
72 Cl Cahen, 'L'Emigration persane des origines de l'Islam aux Mongols', in La Persia nel
Medioevo (Rome, 1971), 181-93; idem, Orient et Occident, 120; Richard W. Bulliet, Islam: the
view from the edge (New York, 1994), 150-1.
7 Ibn Abi al-Wafa' Muhl al-Din 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qurashi, al-Jawahir al-mudiyya fi tabaqat
al-hanafiyya, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Muhammad al-Hilu (Cairo, 1993), III, 348-9 (no. 1521); Leiser,
'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 217 ff.
74 For the role of the nazir as an administrative director who managed waqf, cf. Axel Moberg,
'Zwei agyptische Waqf-Urkunden aus dem Jahre 691/1292', Le Monde Oriental [Uppsala] 12,
1918, 13, 1. 15-15, 1. 15 (Arabic); 47-9 (transl.); According to G. Makdisi, The rise of Colleges:
institutions of learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1981), 47: 'Mutawalli or nazir could
also be the mudarris' (Dr Y. Lev called my attention to this reference).
75 Ibn Abi al-Wafa', al-Jawahir al-mudiyya fi tabaqat al-hanafiyya, III, 348 (no. 1521); Sivan,
L'Islam et la Croisade, 103-4.

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Suyiufiyya contains a proviso that his successor was to be s

fuqaha'. The historian al-Maqrizi identified several of the w
who signed the waqfiyya of the Suyufiyya, among them
Najam b. Ghana'im al-Dimashqi, al-Qasim b. Yahya al-Sh
Allah b. 'Umar al-ShafT'i, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Makhzumi, Musa b. Musk
al-Hadabanl, and others.
Similarly, Abu 'I-'Abbas Ahmad b. al-Muzaffar b. Husayn al-Dimashqi
(d. 591/1195),76 the first mudarris to be appointed in the Nasiriyya madrasa,
was also of Syrian origin, as his nisba indicates.77 A prominent mudarris in the
newly-opened Manazil al-'Izz institution was Shihab al-Din al-Tusl, an emigre
from Iran who came to Egypt in 579/1184.78 The Shafi'1 faqTh Najm al-Din
Muhammad al-Khabushani, appointed by Saladin to head the Salahiyya
madrasa and to supervise its endowment, was, like many others in Saladin's
religious entourage, a foreigner from the East-Khurasan, as his nisba attests.79
Many among these settlers benefited from waqf allocations. Of the many
immigrant mudarrisun, shuhud andfuqaha', most were from eastern countries
Kurdistan, Central Asia and Iran, although some came to Egypt from Syria.
A driving force behind Saladin's decision to found a ribdt and a madrasa
and a bimaristan in Jerusalem was his wish to wipe out any sign of the
Crusaders. When taken, Jerusalem was an empty city with no Muslim popula-
tion. By founding a ribat and a madrasa Saladin intended to encourage Sufis,
Sufi novices and students of Islamic law (sufiyya; mutasawwifa; fuqaha'; mut-
afaqqiha) to migrate to the newly conquered territories and settle in the city.
Together with other payments, the awqdf supported urban groups that congreg-
ated around the amirs and sultans.80 Saladin's choice of the sufiyya and the
fuqahd' seems natural. The Islamic religious establishment in Syria had long
been a close ally of its rulers. Members of this group were among the most
ardent supporters of Nur al-Din's and Saladin's policy to unite the Islamic
lands and to lead the jihad.81
Whence these Muslim settlers came is not an easy question to answer,
owing to the scant data that we possess on this matter. Saladin's waqfiyya
mentions only the first mudarris at the Salahiyya madrasa in Jerusalem, Baha'
al-Din Ibn Shaddad, the Sultan's loyal secretary. The waqfiyya of the Salahiyya
ribat contains only a general phrase about foreign (a'jam) Sufis who were to
come to reside in it. Mamluk documents refer to this group as al-afaqiyya,
namely people from distant regions. The Ottoman land register mentions a
waqf endowed by Saladin for the shaykh Ahmad b. Abi Bakr al-Hakkarl and
(his son?) 'Ali. They shared it together (musha'an), and were succeeded by their
offspring. As attested by their nisba they were Kurds.82
During the jihad against the Crusaders, immigrants from eastern lands are
76 His nickname, Ibn Zayn al-Tujjar, gave the institution its popular name. Later, during the
Mamluk period, this name was superseded by another: al-Madrasa al-Sharifiyya. See al-Maqrzi,
Khitat, i, 363, 1. 28-364, 1. 5.
77'Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 192.
78 Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, I, 485, 11. 1-4; n, 364, 11. 22-31; Abu Salih, Churches and monasteries, 3,
11. 14-19 (Arabic); 3 (English transl.); 'Uthman al-Nabulsi, Kitdb Luma', 26; Leiser, 'The
restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 268 ff.; idem, 'Hanbalism in Egypt before the Mamluks',
Studia Islamica, 54, 1981, 169; idem, 'The madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle East', 44.
79 Ibn Khalikan, Wafayat al-a'yan wa-anba' abna' al-zaman, iv, 239-40 (no. 597); Ibn Jubayr,
Rihla, ed. Wright, 48; G. Leiser, 'Hanbalism in Egypt', 165; idem, 'The madrasa and the
Islamization of the Middle East', 42.
80 This is attested by Ibn Jubayr's description of Damascus (in 580/1184), Ibn Jubayr, Rihia,
ed. Wright, 271, 1. 20 272, 1. 5, 275, 11. 14-21, 290; transl. Broadhurst, The travels of Ibn Jubayr,
282-3, 286.
81 cf. Sivan, L'Islam et la Croisade, 69, 102, 108 (n. 6).
82 Ipsirli and Tamimi, Muslim pious foundations in Palestine, 32 (no. 28), 47 (no. 73).

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known to have reached Syria and joined the armies of Islam

(mutatawwi'a). These mutatawwi'a, together with the religious
propagated hadith concerning the merits of Jerusalem (f
al-muqaddas/maqdis).83 These mutatawwi'a were the obvious
hadiths advocating residence in Jerusalem. Consider, for exa
related by the Damascene scholar Baha' al-Din al-Qasim b. al-'Asakir (d.
600/1175): 'One who shows patience and adheres to Jerusalem for one year
despite vicissitudes and hardships-God will provide him, his followers and
offspring with all sustenance needed. They will eat fine food and enter para-
dise.'84 The Baghdadi historian Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 1201) recited another hadith:
'The people of Jerusalem are God's neighbours. Surely God will not punish
his neighbours.'85
Saladin's policy of encouraging Sufiyya to travel to Cairo and Jerusalem
is reflected in historical sources; it was also in accordance with the outlook of
Islamic mysticism. Sufi rules of conduct and primers encourage noviciates to
take the road, and this practice developed into one of the major features of
Sufi organizations in the twelfth to sixteenth centuries. Furthermore, enforced
travelling was also a sort of punishment imposed on Sufis by their shaykhs.
Implementation of the rule is attested by a provision in the waqfiyya of the
Sa'id al-Su'ada' khdnqah established by Saladin in Cairo, as well as by a long
clause in the waqfiyya of the Salahiyya ribdt founded by him in Jerusalem.
Saladin specified that any Sufi who expressed his intention to travel should be
provided with money for the journey (tasfir).86 He ordered that when a Sufi
living in the Sa'id al-Su'ada' khanqdh died and his possessions did not exceed
the value of 20 dfnars, they should not be seized by the department of inherit-
ances (diwan al-mawdrith) but rather should be donated to thefuqara' (literally
'poor people', but here a synonym for the sufiyya who dwelt in the khanqdh).
The awqdf documents
The kitdb al-waqf of the Suyufiyya madrasa state that the founder (waqif) of
this institution was the Sultan Salah al-Din himself, whose insignia and signa-
ture ('alima; khatt)87 appears on the waqf document,88 which contained the
Ayyubid motto (nass) 'Praise be to God who is the cause of my success.'89
Because the waqfiyya was written some months after the actual endowment of
the waqf it contained an appendix in which the founder stated that he author-
ized any of the witnesses (al-'udul) to confirm the authenticity of the waqfiyya
and to execute its terms literally and in accordance with its contents (al-qada'
83 Sivan, L'Islam et la Croisade, 118.

84 Ibn 'Asakir, in Ibn Firkah, Ba'ith al-nufu-s, ed. C. O. Matthews, Journal of the Palestine
Oriental Society, 14, 1934, 79, 11. 14-16; and cf. 80, 11. 15-20.
85 Jamal al-Din Ibn al-Jawzi, Fada-'il al-quds, 130, 11. 6-8; and cf. 94-5.
86 Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, ii, 86, 11. 29-33; 415, 11. 1-14.
87 This distinctive sign ('aldma) served as a mark of authentication and validation of official
documents. Cf. Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddima, ed. M. Quatremere (Paris, 1858), I, 55 (Arabic);
English transl. F. Rosenthal (Princeton, 1967), I, xli; I, 16, 26, 62; al-Maqrzi, Kitab al-Suluk I,
344 (no. 1); D. Little, 'The significance of the Haram documents for the study of medieval Islamic
history', Der Islam, 57, 1980, 199; idem, 'Two fourteenth century court records from Jerusalem
concerning the disposition of slaves by minors', Arabica, 29, 1982, 22-3.
88 For questions regarding the use of documents by the qadi and the handling of archives by
him, see al-Tarsusi, in Guellil, Damaszener Akten des 8/14 Jahrhunderts, 269, 282-8, 298-300, 311
if. and her notes on 393-5.
89 Cf. 'aldma in Abu Shama, Rawdatayn, 664, 1. 7; 675; al-Maqrizi, Khitat, I, 366, 1. 1; S. M.
Stern, 'Two Ayyubid decrees from Sinai', in idem (ed.), Documents from Islamic Chanceries,
(Oxford, 1965), 24-5; idem, 'Petitions from the Ayyubid period', BSOAS, 27/1, 1964, 13, 19,
29-30; idem, Fatimid decrees: original documents from the Fatimid chanceries (London, 1964), 133;
H. A. Hein, 'Beitrage zur Ayyubidischen Diplomatik' (Freiburg, 1968), 46-7; this emblem was also
inscribed on the waqfiyya of al-madrasa al-Saldhiyya in Jerusalem. al-Subkl, al-Fatawa, I, 126,1. 2.

14.139.214.181 on Fri, 24 Jul 2020 06:10:23 UTC
'ala lafzihi bi-mutadammanihi al-mastur). To confirm the au

document the witnesses signed it (athbatu ishhadatahum).
attestation (isjal)9' of a magistrate was not supposed to be ac
for the validity of a kitdb al-waqf, Saladin's waqfiyya neverthe
the signatures of the 'udul should be accepted as legal eviden
authenticity. Following the isjdl a Muslim judge (hakim) cert
(sihha) of the waqf.92
The kitdb al-waqf of the ribdt al-Salahiyya opens with a
next paragraph contains a long list of Saladin's royal titles,9
invocation of the Sultan.94 This part of the documents m
ideology. It especially reflects Saladin's self-proclaimed ro
(muhyi) of the dominion (dawla) of the Abbasid Caliph. He i
victorious king, the ruler (sultan) of Islam and Muslims, w
believers and subdued the worshippers of crosses. The kit
Salahiyya madrasa opens somewhat differently. Its first se
asserts of the validity of the deed, followed, as in the previous
a paragraph in which Saladin states that he has dedicated as
of God (tasaddaqa bihi), endowed (waqafa), perpetuated (ab
a trust for charitable purposes (habasa), all the listed imm
(amldk) as a religious endowment.96 In addition to assets within
the foundation was supported by properties on the outskirts of
next lines attest to the fact that the properties are owned
founder.97 This testimony, confirmed by the scribes who regist
is in accordance with the provisions of Islamic law that spe
al-waqf should be recorded.98
In the ensuing clause, the waqfiyyas specify the practic
residents of these two institutions and the routine to be follow
the madrasa they were 'obliged to preserve the five daily praye
unless someone is late because of a legitimate excuse ('udhr
are required to reside in the madrasa and spend the night in it
has an excuse and has the permission of the mudarris. Ma
however should be present only mornings and evenings, and
90 It is worth noting that while Maqrizl criticizes Ibn 'Abd al-Zahir's a

not being precises, he praises himself, saying that he had seen the kitab al-w
Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, n, 365,1. 30-366,1. 9; cf. Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunn
91 Shams al-Din Muhammad al-Asyuti, Jawdhir al-'uqud wa-mu'mn al-q
wa'l-shuhid, ed. M. A. M. al-Hajiri (new ed. Beirut, 1996), ii, 356-61.
92 cf. Little, A catalogue of the Islamic documents from al-Haram as-Sarif
93 e.g., the glorious lord, the victorious king (al-malik, al-nasir), who is rig
the religion and worldly affairs (salah al-dunya wa'l-din). For the titles
Ayyubid princes see G. Wiet, 'Les inscriptions de Saladin', Syria, in, 192
'Two Ayyubid decrees from Sinai', in idem (ed.), Documents from Islami
G. Khan, 'A document of appointment of a Jewish leader in Syria issued
'Ali in 589/1193', in Y. Ragib (ed.), Documents de l'Islam medieval, (Paris
Arabic legal and administrative documents (Cambridge, 1993), 361-4 (no. 87:
concerning government service).
94 For another example of recitations of Quran and prayers for a donor i
see Little, A catalogue of the Islamic Legal documents in the Haram aJ-S
(no. 508).
95 cf. St. H. Stephan, 'An endowment deed of Khasseki Sultan, dated t
The Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine, 10, 1942, 174;
the Islamic legal documents in the Haram as-Sarnf, 318.
96 A necessary specification in the kitab al-waqf is the demarcation of pr
Cf. al-Tarsusi in Guellil, Damaszener Akten des 8/14 Jahrhunderts, 147.
97 cf. 'ma dhakarat annahu laha wa-fi yadiha wa-mulkiha wa-tasarruf
'Hu4at tamlTk wa-waqf', al-Majalla al-Ta'rikhiyya al-Misriyya, 12, 1964-65
Joseph Schacht, 'Early doctrines on waqf, in Melanges Fuad Kdpri
450-1; on patterns of kitdb al-waqfcf. Muhammad Asa'd al-Husayni, al-M
wa-ahkamihi (Jerusalem, 1982).

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to attend the classes after the afternoon ('asr) prayer.' With regar
the founder stipulated that the entire group (jama'a) should co
place every day after the 'asr prayer, to read noble chapters (
magnificent Quran and to invoke formulae in praise of God
appropriate, and to say prayers on behalf of the founder and
waqif wa-al-muhabbis) and all the Muslims.
In both documents Saladin prescribes how the endowments shou
setting forth the arrangements for the management of the waqf
that the legal administrator (al-ndzir al-shar'i) of the waqf s
profits accruing from the assets (ray'i al-jihat) according to h
discretion (ra'y) and independent reasoning (ijtihad). Matters
waqf of the ribat should be decided by its head (shaykh) wh
nazir. No one else shall have any say regarding the endowme
stipulates the conditions for the transfer of posts. The document
personnel to be appointed to supervise the endowments and
personal who are entitled to reside in the premises. Saladin co
qddT Baha' al-Din Yusuf b. Rafi' b. Tamim,100 the chief judge of t
army and of Jerusalem and the adjoining province, to teach in
madrasa and to supervise (nazar) its waqf. He had a free hand
the income would be spent. He was given the right to teach
through a deputy (nd'ib).l01 The last section of both waqfiyya
validity of the certificate. The concluding paragraph contain
phrases about the immunity of the properties and the eternity of
ment. But this was not a guarantee against expropriation, as evinc
cases reported in the chronicles.
Conclusion
Although Saladin's waqf policy was a continuation of Nur al-Din's policy in

central and northern Syria, nevertheless in the history of Cairo, Palestine and
Jerusalem, Saladin inaugurated a new era. He was the victorious king who
expelled the heretics and Christians rulers from these dominions and established
a new political and religious order. Due to his great influence, Saladin's waqf
policy set a model for future generations of Mamluk and Ottoman rulers in
Palestine. Compared with the limited number of religious foundations estab-
lished prior to the Crusader kingdom in Jerusalem, the number of Islamic
institutions and the volume of awqaf rose tremendously under his rule.'02
Saladin founded ribatat and madrasas in Cairo and Jerusalem to support
the religious establishment and to provide housing for newcomers from abroad.
The awqdf served Saladin as a major instrument in his financial and social
policy. By reassigning the property of the Armenians and the Latins, he was
99 A common division of the Quran for purposes of recitation is into a quarter of a part
(ruba' al-hizb), namely, into a fourth of 30 (30 days of Ramadan). A multi-volume Quran donated
by one of the Marinid sultans to al-Aqsa Mosque is exhibited in the Haram Museum in Jerusalem.
The waqfiyya of this Sultan is reproduced in Ahmad al-'Alami (composer), Waqfiyyat al-maghariba
(Jerusalem, 1981), 87 if.; for other endowment of Qurans split into divisions of 30 (awqafa hddha
al-ajza'; thalathmn; waqafa hddha al-ajza' wa-hiya thalathun), see F. Deroche, 'Collections de
manuscrits anciens du Coran a Istanbul', in Etudes medievales et patrimoine Turc: Festschrift
M. K Ataturk (Paris, 1983), 147 (a); 148 (b); 154 (h).
100 He is the well-known historian Ibn Shaddad. See Gabrieli, Arab historians of the Crusades,
xxix; Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 225.
101 Petry, The civilian elite of Cairo, 228-9.
102 With his endowments as well as in his land tenure policy. Several pre-Crusader awqdf
inscriptions from Palestine have been discovered. See for example M. Sharon, 'A waqf inscription
from Ramlah', Arabica, 13, 1966, 77-84; M. Gil, A history of Palestine 634-1099 (Cambridge,
1992), 315 (no. 470); on the role of Saladin in the development of the waqf institution cf.
C1. Cahen, ' Rflexions sur le Waqf ancien', 37-56.

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16 YEHOSHU'A FRENKEL
able to destroy his foes' economic basis, and also to purchase the support of
groups that proved to be his most prominent and effective adherents. By taking
over his enemies' properties and by turning them over to fuqaha' and fuqara',
Saladin could command the gratitude of these groups. He frequently created
awqdf to reward members of the Islamic religious establishment. The allocation
of incomes served as a vehicle to inspire several social forces to cluster around
him. By these means Saladin was able to induce Muslims from diverse ethnic
groups to settle in territories under his control.'03 In this way he filled religious
positions in the land that his armies had conquered. These newcomers were
devoted to the general cause of Islam and to Saladin personally. They praised
the victorious Sultan (al-malik al-nasir) as the greatest mujdhid or champion
of Holy War against the enemies of Sunni Islam. Saladin thereby effectively
promoted his image as a pious king striving to strengthen the cause of Islam.
Control over properties and their endowment served him as a powerful tool
to legitimize his position and to attract immigrants to his dominion.
The awqdf which Saladin established in Jerusalem played a vital role in the
social and economic life of the city for centuries. Historical sources from the
Mamluk and Ottoman periods attest that generations of Muslim rulers sub-
sequently added properties to his endowments and established new ones.
Together, these awqdf shaped the Islamic character of Jerusalem.
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Political and Social Aspects of Islamic Religious Endowments ("awqāf"): Saladin in Cairo

(1169-73) and Jerusalem (1187-93)

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? School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1999

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I assume that Saladin's waqf policy was a continuation of

A descriptive list of the awqaf established by Saladin in Cairo and Jerusalem

Saladin introduced changes in Egypt's agrarian administration, which included

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new tax was to be distributed as social benefits for the poor.13

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To this was added an estate (day'a) known as al-IHanbushiyy

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The confiscation of enemy assets (fay')

mawa.di', riba', iqta', day'a). Ibn al-Athir, al-KamilJf'l-ta'rikh (Beirut, 1966),

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(amlak) formerly owned by Muslims are no longer regarded

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(a) at the time of Saladin's conquest Jerusalem was uninhabited

The property endowed

According to the Egyptian historian al-Maqrizi, who probably saw t

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as 'the New', adjacent to the oven; a large underground cella

The reasons for Saladin's waqf policy

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Cairo. During the fighting, in 531/1137, a Muslim mob attac

58 In 532/1138 Ridwan inaugurated a Sunni madrasa in Alexandria. See Ibn M

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Saladin's next objective was to reward his soldiers for thei

Saladin and the religious establishment

The waqfiyyas specify Saladin's stipulations concerning the beneficiaries of the

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Suyiufiyya contains a proviso that his successor was to be s

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known to have reached Syria and joined the armies of Islam

The awqdf documents

83 Sivan, L'Islam et la Croisade, 118.

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'ala lafzihi bi-mutadammanihi al-mastur). To confirm the au

90 It is worth noting that while Maqrizl criticizes Ibn 'Abd al-Zahir's a

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Although Saladin's waqf policy was a continuation of Nur al-Din's policy in

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REFERENCES AND ABBREVIATIONS

103 Living in urban residences had evident economic advantages. In some ca

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Sourdel, J. and D. 'Trois actes de vente damascains

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