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Asia Pacific Journal of Education


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Language as “soft power” in bilateral


relations: the case of Indonesian
language in Australia
a
David T. Hill
a
School of Arts, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia
Published online: 29 Jul 2014.

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To cite this article: David T. Hill (2014): Language as “soft power” in bilateral relations:
the case of Indonesian language in Australia, Asia Pacific Journal of Education, DOI:
10.1080/02188791.2014.940033

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Asia Pacific Journal of Education, 2014
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02188791.2014.940033

Language as “soft power” in bilateral relations: the case of Indonesian


language in Australia
David T. Hill*

School of Arts, Murdoch University, Perth, Australia


(Received 28 September 2013; accepted 14 February 2014)

Since Joseph Nye introduced the concept of “Soft power” in his 1991 book, Bound to
Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, analysts have discussed states’ efforts
to exercise their influence by attracting and co-opting rather than coercing or using
force. This paper will examine enrolments trends in Indonesian language in Australian
universities, in the context of Indonesia’s public diplomacy and Australian government
educational policy. Enrolment data and trend analysis updates the 2012 National
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Report on Indonesian in Australian Universities: Strategies for a stronger future.


Then, using statistics provided by a recent Newspoll commissioned by the Australian
Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, the article explores Australian attitudes to
Indonesia in the context of Indonesia’s limited linguistic “soft power”. It concludes that
the fluctuations in Indonesian language learning in Australia and Australian attitudes to
Indonesia generally appear more influenced by Australian government policy than any
conscious efforts by Indonesia to exercise “soft power”. It concludes that it is to the
advantage of both countries that Indonesian language learning be better promoted and
supported.
Keywords: Indonesian language; Australian universities; education policy; in-country
study; bilateral relations; surveys

In his historic 10 March 2010 address to the Australian Parliament, Indonesia’s President
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono spoke with affection of the educational relationship between
Australia and Indonesia (Yudhoyono, 2010). Partly he was motived by the experience of
his son, who completed a Bachelor’s degree in Western Australia, but more generally he
was aware that, for more than half a century, Indonesians have been studying in Australian
universities, currently at the rate of about 15,000 per year. The President also knew that,
since it was initially introduced into Australian universities in the 1950s and into schools
in the 1960s, Indonesian language has grown into one of the most studied foreign
languages in the Australian education system. In 2010 there were about 190,000 students
studying Indonesian in schools (where it is one of the top three foreign languages)
(Kohler & Mahnken, 2010), and about 1,000 students taking the language at university
(Hill, 2012).
However, what the President did not mention was that enrolments in Indonesian at
school and university were plummeting (Kohler & Mahnken, 2010; Hill, 2012).
Most school students take the language only at introductory level, with barely a handful
continuing to Year 12: fewer doing so now than was the case in 1972. At universities, there
was a decline of 37% in the number of students of Indonesian between 2001 and 2010,
despite overall enrolments in Australian universities increasing by a similar percentage

*Email: dthill@murdoch.edu.au

q 2014 National Institute of Education, Singapore


2 D.T. Hill

over that period. More generally, there has been concern about the effectiveness of
previous “stop-start” government policies promoting Asian languages (including
Indonesian) and the outcome proficiencies achieved (e.g., Scarino & Elder, 2012).
Nonetheless, given the place of Indonesian language study within the Australian
education system, might it be considered an example of the success of Indonesia’s “soft
power”? Since Joseph Nye (1991) introduced the concept of “Soft power”, it has been used
to refer to states’ efforts to exercise their influence by attracting and co-opting rather than
coercing or using force. “Soft power” has proved a malleable – and often loosely applied,
or misapplied – concept. It is not our assertion that, in the strict application of Nye’s term,
Indonesia is “attracting and co-opting” Australia through the teaching of Indonesian.
Transferring this concept of “soft power” from political theory to the effects of language
teaching carries some risk. But Nye’s analysis usefully provokes a consideration of the
potential benefits that might accrue to Indonesia from the teaching of its language in a
neighbouring country.
Put another way, has the study of Indonesian language contributed to the creation of a
ready and receptive pool of Australians who might be more knowledgeable about, and
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more sympathetic to, Indonesia and its broad policy objectives than individuals who had
not studied Indonesian? Furthermore, if such potential exists, is it the preserve of
Indonesia to benefit, or might the Australian government also have something to gain in
this process?
Australian governments of various political persuasions have adopted the goal of
fostering what has been dubbed an “Asia literate” population. In October 2012, the Gillard
Labor Government released an official White Paper, Australia in the Asian Century,
(Australian Government, 2012) outlining government policy, including increasing the
number of Australians studying Asian languages and those studying for a period in Asia.
While the terminology may differ between the major parties, the goal is bipartisan.
Foreign Minister Julie Bishop in the Abbott Coalition Government has similarly endorsed
the need for greater fluency in Asian languages and greater student out-bound mobility
into Asian universities, under what has been dubbed the “New Colombo Plan”, with
Indonesia to be a priority “pilot” destination country for Australian students (http://www.
menziesrc.org/news/item/steering-group-formed-for-new-colombo-plan). Education is
predictably part of the discussion when the Australian prime minister and the Indonesian
president meet at the annual Australia-Indonesia Leaders’ Meetings, although, to put its
importance into perspective, it ranks low on the list of priority issues, after the “hard”
topics of economics, trade, defence, security, climate change, and aid, consigned under the
rubric of “people-to-people” relations.1
In order to test the hypothesis that the teaching of Indonesian language in Australia
does benefit Indonesia (and, reciprocally, Australia) we begin with a review of historical
and recent trends in Indonesian language enrolments in Australian universities, and
examine the nature of Indonesian government support for this. The potential for the study
of Indonesian to change Australian community attitudes to Indonesia is then considered in
the light of the results of a recent survey of Australian attitudes to Indonesia. This, it is
argued, illustrates the potential soft power benefits for Indonesia – and, reciprocally, for
Australia – in expanding Indonesian language learning.

Indonesian language in Australian universities


Firdaus (2013) has provided a valuable overview of changing Indonesian language
education policy in Australia and the responses of academic staff and organizations in the
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 3

discipline to the ebb and flow in enrolment numbers. For decades, Australian governments
of differing persuasions have introduced a variety of policies to promote Asian languages
such as Indonesian, with varying levels of commitment and success. Hasty implementation
and short-term planning has often resulted in poorly prepared teachers, limited proficiency
outcomes, and student frustration. It is axiomatic that a poor language programme is likely
to produce poor outcomes. However, our intention here is not to critique pedagogy or
proficiency, but query possible links between Indonesian language learning and perceptions
of Indonesia and Indonesian society.
Indonesian has been taught in Australian universities since the mid-1950s, when it was
introduced into the universities of Sydney, Melbourne, and soon after, the ANU,
expanding slowly to a total of four universities by 1969 (Commonwealth of Australia,
1970, cited in Brown & McKay, 1991, p. i). Indonesian became increasingly popular
through the 1970s and 1980s until all states had a university degree in Indonesian by the
early 1990s (Brown & McKay, 1991). Total university enrolments in Indonesian
quadrupled between 1988 and 2001 (from 156 to 621 Equivalent Full-Time Student Load
[EFTSL]) (Asian Studies Association of Australia, 2002).2 It was a brief florescence, with
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enrolments starting to decline by the end of the 1990s, a trend that continues (Read, 2002).
There remains, however, at least one university in each state offering a full undergraduate
degree in Indonesian language and studies. Nationally, in 2013 15 universities (out of
Australia’s 39) offered an autonomous Indonesian programme, with another five offering
the language by agreement with another university which supplied the teaching materials
and, in some cases, the staff. In addition, two years of Indonesian were offered by the
national Open Universities Australia consortium (through Charles Darwin University).
As was noted above, between 2001 and 2010, total enrolments in Indonesian in
Australian universities declined by 37%, falling in all states across the country, and in
virtually all universities (Table 1).
This enrolment decline in Indonesia from the late 1990s coincided with a series of
events that sullied Indonesia’s image in Australia. These include the turmoil associated
with the fall of President Suharto in 1998 and scenes of Indonesian armed forces attacking
East Timorese over the UN-endorsed plebiscite there. Most dramatic were the mass
bombings in Bali (regarded by Australian holiday-makers there as “Australia’s backyard”)
in 2002 and 2005, and in Jakarta outside the Australian Embassy in 2004 and JW Marriott
and Ritz-Carlton hotels in 2009. All contributed to a public perception in Australia of
Indonesia harbouring Islamic terrorists, and being fundamentally hostile to Australia and
Australians. (I shall return to explore in more depth Australians’ perceptions of Indonesia.)
The Australian response included the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade raising the
travel advisory for Indonesia, advising citizens to reconsider the need to travel to
Indonesia. School visits ceased and universities became wary of sending students to
Indonesia. Given these events, it may not be surprising that enrolments in Indonesian
language in Australian universities trended downwards.
Since 2009, however, the security environment has improved markedly. There has been
a major Indonesian government crack-down on terrorist networks, and a shift in terrorist
targets away from symbols of the West. Australian tourists have returned en masse to Bali
and the overall tenor of the bilateral relationship improved. As mentioned, President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono visited Australia, addressing parliament, in early 2010. Published
reports on the state of Indonesian in schools (Kohler & Mahnken, 2010) and universities
(Hill, 2011, 2012) attracted some government and media attention. Australian Government
funding of $62.15 million over four years (2008 – 09 to 2011– 12) for the National Asian
Languages and Studies in Schools Program (NALSSP) was accompanied by public
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4
D.T. Hill

Table 1. Equivalent full-time student load (EFTSL) in Indonesian language units (rounded to one decimal point): 2001– 2010. Source: Hill, (2012, p. 21).
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Total % change from 2001 to 2010
VIC 181.5 186.1 176.8 172.3 172.6 151.5 149.1 142.3 131.4 129.9 1593.4 2 28%
NSW 83.1 74.5 63.6 50.6 54.7 46.6 46.0 43.7 45.0 40.0 547.9 2 52%
WA 55.1 54.0 58.8 59.4 59.8 53.9 45.2 46.5 30.2 34.9 497.8 2 37%
ACT 45.0 45.0 36.0 47.0 42.0 38.8 34.0 31.4 22.9 28.5 370.6 2 37%
QLD 38.7 40.6 38.5 34.1 31.0 27.5 24.8 18.6 20.5 20.9 295.1 2 46%
SA 30.9 27.9 40.0 43.3 20.5 24.5 24.8 24.3 21.9 19.7 277.6 2 36%
TAS 32.3 24.0 27.4 24.5 20.6 16.8 16.5 18.8 15.8 16.5 213.1 2 49%
NT 15.3 18.0 14.0 12.9 17.0 13.3 16.5 13.5 14.6 14.5 149.5 2 5%
National Total (EFTSL) 481.9 470.0 455.1 444.0 418.3 372.8 356.8 339.1 302.2 304.9 3945.1 2 37%
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 5

discussion and endorsement of the importance of Asian language competence by business


leaders and educationalists (http://deewr.gov.au/questions-nalssp). In early 2012, the
Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) relaxed its travel advisory for
Indonesia. Consequently, the Endeavour Language Teaching Fellowships for Indonesian-
language teachers, which had for some years been conducted in Australia due to the DFAT
travel advisories, returned once more to Indonesia, demonstrating the government was
actively supporting its citizens studying in Indonesia. These developments have shone
greater attention upon, and promoted, both Indonesian and Asian languages more generally.
Such attention heightened with the public consultation and formulation of the government’s
Asian Century policy paper through 2011 and 2012.
Recently compiled university enrolments statistics for 2011– 12 point to increased
interest in Indonesian language, although the timeframe remains too brief for this to be
judged conclusive evidence of a reversal of the previous decade’s decline.
In 2013, all Australian universities that offered Indonesian language were contacted
with a request for their enrolment data for 2011 –2012, so that a comparison could be made
with earlier trends. With only one small exception, all have made this data available for
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this study.3 This de-identified data indicates that the decline in enrolments from the
previous decade levelled in 2011, and in 2012 there was a noticeable bounce of about 10%
nationally compared to 2010 (Figure 1). The extent to which this rebound is sustainable is
yet to be determined but this, at least, provides some encouragement.
The uneven nature of the trend is evident when broken down into individual states and
territories (Table 2). Importantly, strong growth has replaced previous plunges in New
South Wales (NSW) and Queensland, for example, while the decline continues in the
Australian Capital Territory (ACT) and Tasmania. (The dramatic change in Northern
Territory [NT] figures is largely attributable to the inclusion of Open University Australia
(OUA) enrolments to Charles Darwin University [CDU] from 2011.)
While the initial impression of a 10% national increase from 2010 to 2012 might seem
encouraging, a closer look at individual university data suggests, in several significant
cases at least, this was due largely to specific government stimuli under the (now defunct)
NALSSP program (personal communication, 27 August 2013). In the case of one

Australia
500.0
450.0
400.0
350.0
300.0
EFTSL

250.0
200.0
150.0
100.0
50.0
0.0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Year

Figure 1. Indonesian language EFTSL, national trend 2001– 2012.


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6
D.T. Hill

Table 2. National EFTSL (by state) with OUA included in NT (from 2011).

% change % change
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Total 2001– 2010 2010– 2012
NSW 83.1 74.5 63.6 50.6 54.7 46.6 46.0 43.7 45.0 40.0 42.1 49.5 639.5 2 52 24
SA 30.9 27.9 40.0 43.3 20.5 24.5 24.8 24.3 21.9 19.7 19.6 20.0 317.3 2 36 2
VIC 181.5 186.1 176.8 172.3 172.6 151.5 149.1 142.3 131.4 129.9 120.7 146.8 1860.9 2 28 13
QLD 38.7 40.6 38.5 34.1 31.0 27.5 24.8 18.6 20.5 20.9 21.4 24.8 341.3 2 46 19
WA 55.1 54.0 58.8 59.4 59.8 53.9 45.2 46.5 30.2 34.9 34.3 41.0 573.2 2 37 18
NT 15.3 18.0 14.0 12.9 17.0 13.3 16.5 13.5 14.6 14.5 24.0 23.5 197.0 25 62
ACT 45.0 45.0 36.0 47.0 42.0 38.8 34.0 31.4 22.9 28.5 26.9 21.3 418.7 2 37 225
TAS 32.3 24.0 27.4 24.5 20.6 16.8 16.5 18.8 15.8 16.5 12.1 7.8 233.0 2 49 253
TOTAL (EFTSL) 481.9 470.0 455.1 444.0 418.3 372.8 356.8 339.1 302.2 304.9 301.2 334.5 4580.8 2 37 10
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 7

university where their 27% decrease over the period 2001 to 2010 was converted to a 24%
increase from 2010 to 2012, “what has added an extra spike” in enrolments was a
particular NALSSP-funded programme to encourage school teachers to learn Indonesian.
Similarly, a university whose 2010 Indonesian enrolments were amongst the lowest in the
country (having declined by about 40% since 2001) turned this into a growth of more than
200% between 2010 and 2012. The coordinating staff member indicated that “the spike in
2012 enrolments in Indonesian . . . was precisely due to the NALSSP funded . . .
Indonesian initiative”. This enabled them to attract several dozen students and teachers
from surrounding schools to university-level Indonesian classes (personal communication,
28 August 2013).
In both instances, the staff concerned have indicated that “these spikes are not the norm
unless more funding comes along” and is matched with sustained interest from the
undergraduate population (personal communication, 27 August 2013). With the cessation
of NALSSP in 2012 and in the absence of further investment by the government, there is a
grave danger that 2012 will be but a brief respite in the longer term downward trend.
Another factor that has the propensity to influence EFTSL statistics substantially is
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increased Australian student participation in semester or year-long language studies in


Indonesia. (Students can enrol formally in a “study abroad” subject code in their
Australian university, but undertake the actual study in Indonesia, with academic credit
accruing to their Australian degree.) Since a single student studying for one year in
Indonesia equates to one EFTSL, the decisions of a small number of individuals to take
this option could increase a university’s EFTSL quite noticeably. To illustrate, in 2012 six
universities had less than 10 EFTSL in Indonesian (and only six had more than 20 EFTSL),
so if a single student from a low-enrolment university opted for a credited year in
Indonesia, their decision and the one EFTSL that it generated would potentially increase
that university’s Indonesian EFTSL by more than 10%.
It is salutary therefore to consider the EFTSL generated by student participation in in-
country study through the major Australian university consortium that places Australian
students into Indonesian universities for credit back to their Australian degrees.
This Australian Consortium for “In-Country” Indonesian Studies (ACICIS) Study
Indonesia programme offers both semester-long and short term study options in either
Indonesian or English medium courses. An examination of ACICIS’ semester-long
programmes between 2010 and 2012 indicates that these EFTSLs increased from 27.5
(2010) to 40.5 (2012), a leap of 13 EFTSL.4 This equates to approximately 44% of the
overall national Indonesian EFTSL growth of 29.6 over that period. That is, just under half
the increase in Indonesian enrolments during the upturn from 2010 to 2012 was
attributable to a (relatively small) number of students selecting intensive in-country
semesters rather than to a broader rise in conventional study modes in Australia.
If the trends vary between states (see Table 2), so too do they differ across types of
universities. All eight of the oldest established Australian universities, known as the Group
of Eight (Go8), teach Indonesian.5 Between 2001 and 2010, their collective enrolments
declined at around 32%, or somewhat less than the national average of 37% (Figure 2).
Although some individual universities in the group had strong growth between 2010 and
2012, contributing to the overall national upward trend of about 10% between those years,
the collective Go8 enrolments declined by about 2%. Nonetheless, with total EFTSL of
about 131 in 2012, the Group hosts around 39% of the nation’s Indonesian language
EFTSL.
The other identifiable group of younger Australian universities, known as the
Innovative Research Universities (IRUs), teach fewer languages.6 Only four of the seven
8 D.T. Hill

Group of 8 Universities
250.00

200.00

150.00
EFTSL

100.00

50.00

0.00
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Year

Figure 2. Group of Eight (Go8) Universities: combined Indonesian EFTSL (rounded) by year.
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IRUs offer Indonesian. Their collective enrolment between 2001 and 2010 declined by
about 23% (Figure 3) compared to the national drop of 37% but while the overall national
trend for 2010 –2012 was up 10%, the IRUs collectively fell by about 7%. In 2012, they
had about 60 EFTSL or around 18% of the national load.
Currently, none of the other major group of universities, the Australian Technology
Network (which includes Curtin, UniSA, RMIT, UTS and QUT), teach Indonesian.
Curtin, UTS and QUT all used to have programmes that they closed during the mid-2000s.
In short, the bounce in enrolments in 2012 was not uniform across the sector, occurring
in diverse universities for potentially different reasons. Amongst the variety of factors
were pump-priming by NALSSP funds and strengthening interest in in-country study as a
mode of learning. There is thus evidence – albeit tentative and over only a couple of years
– that the decline over the first decade of this century may be turning around. On the back
of such a catastrophic 37% decline over 2001– 2010, however, it is far too early to predict
sustained upward growth.

Innovative Research Universities

100.00

80.00

60.00
EFTSL

40.00

20.00

0.00
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Year

Figure 3. Innovative Research Universities (IRU): combined Indonesian EFTSL (rounded) by year.
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 9

Given these trends, the putative links between broader political and security events in
Indonesia, the bilateral relationship and interest in studying Indonesian, and the bipartisan
goal in Australia of broader competence in Asian (including Indonesian) language, how
has the Indonesian government responded?

Indonesian government support


The past decline in Indonesian in Australia has ironically coincided with a push by
Indonesia to have its national language recognized as a language of significance both in the
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) region and beyond (Hitipeuw, 2011;
Supriyanto, 2012). In Australia, individual staff of Indonesian diplomatic representations
have been supportive and encouraging of activities which promote the teaching and
learning of Indonesian in Australia. However, their budgets are very limited and the formal
governmental support is meagre.
The most sustained form of this support is the government’s Darmasiswa Scholarship
programme, which offers several dozen Australian undergraduates the opportunity to
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study in Indonesia with a small allowance and study visa (http://darmasiswa-kemdiknas.


blogspot.com.au/). While admirable, the programme suffers from poor publicity, short
timelines between advertising and application deadlines, and is not synchronized with the
academic calendar of Australian universities (and students). There are reportedly fewer
Australian applicants for Darmasiswa scholarships than there are in several distant
European countries.
In some states the Indonesian government also assists with the provision of various
teacher exchange programmes in schools and Indonesian-language teacher assistants.
These have proved extremely valuable in schools, but have yet to be extended to university
level exchanges. In both Western Australia (WA) and the ACT Indonesian diplomats have
supported the establishment of Indonesian Language Centres (Balai Bahasa Indonesia)
(www.balaibahasaperth.org; bbiact.wordpress.com). In Perth, this involved a modest seed
grant, generous staff time, and the availability of the Consulate for community language
classes.7 Beyond assistance of this kind, however, the Indonesian government provides
little programmatic or strategic support.
The modest level of Indonesian government support for the teaching of its language in
Australia contrasts starkly with the work done by other governments through, for example,
Confucius Institutes, the Japan Foundation, and the Korea Foundation. Nor are there
established language-promotion entities within the Indonesian community in Australia to
channel community support such as occurs for French through the Alliance Franc aise8
or Italian through Società Dante Alighieri.9 As Lo Bianco (2009, p. 296) has argued, the
institutionalized form of national cultural influence is “clearest in the establishment of
state agencies entrusted to promote national languages and cultures beyond the geo-
political sovereignty of national states”.
Indonesia’s absence from the field of such “cultural influence” contrasts graphically to
recent investments made by the Chinese government to establish and co-fund Confucius
Institutes in at least one university in each state of Australia to promote the learning of
Chinese. For the Chinese government, such investment is explicitly linked to strategic
public diplomacy. Since the first Confucius Institute was established in Tashkent in June
2004, this Chinese government policy initiative, overseen by a non-profit organization
affiliated with the Ministry of Education (Office of Chinese Language, Hanban), has
expanded to hundreds globally. By late 2010 there were reportedly 316 Confucius
Institutes and 337 Confucius Classrooms across 94 countries.10 This investment by the
10 D.T. Hill

Chinese government – reportedly for some institutes, about $US100,000 annually – in


promoting the study of Chinese globally is an attempt to engender more sympathetic
attitudes towards China.
In the Australian context, the Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) has
observed that “Chinese language enrolments have enjoyed a growth spurt in many
institutions since the early to mid-2000s” due to new courses starting at universities (and
growing enrolments from international students, many of them Chinese speakers)
(McLaren, 2011, p. 4). Thus, Chinese enrolments have been growing over the same decade
that Indonesian interest has been waning. The model for an effective “soft power” Asian
language promotional strategy clearly exists.

Australian perceptions of Indonesia


Given decades of Indonesian teaching in Australia, has the availability and popularity of
the language had any impact on Australian perceptions of, and attitudes to, Indonesia?
While it has long been assumed, both by academics teaching the language and in popular
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discourse, that the learning of Indonesian encourages a more sympathetic attitude to both
the people and the country, there has been (to the best of my knowledge) no specific
academic studies which actually demonstrate this outcome.
Promoters of Indonesian have relied upon making putative links between Indonesian’s
fluctuations and community attitudes, as manifested, for example, in polls undertaken
annually since 2006 by the Lowy Institute for International Affairs based on surveying
approximately 1,000 adult Australians across all states and territories. These have
generally indicated a certain “wariness” towards Indonesia. Over these years, using a
“thermometer” scale (1 –1008), Australians’ positive attitudes to Indonesia only scored
above 508 in 2010, rising to 548 after the Indonesian president visited Australia and
addressed the Australian parliament. (Incidentally, the Lowy Institute observed that
“polling conducted in Indonesia in 2006 and again in 2011 detected a similar guardedness
among Indonesians towards Australia, although Indonesians’ feelings towards Australia
had warmed in 2011” [Oliver, 2013, p. 12]).
Australians’ attitudes to Indonesia are, at best, lukewarm. As the Lowy Institute results
for 2013 indicate, Indonesia rates only 538 on the thermometer scale, compared with the
extremes occupied by the UK at 778 at the top and North Korea at only 318 at the bottom
(Oliver, 2013, p. 15). In comparison with other ASEAN neighbours, Indonesia ranks
noticeably below Singapore (628), Vietnam (618), Malaysia (588), and slightly below other
major Asian powers (India 558 and China 548).
New data, however, has recently appeared which, while not conclusive, may be
interpreted to support a link between positive attitudes towards Indonesia and study of the
language. It would be naı̈ve to assume that sympathetic attitudes automatically result from
language study. For example, Yang (2007, in Orton, 2009, p. 287) has noted that those
learning English language (and culture) in China may be doing so “not to identify with or
surrender to it, but . . . to use it for the promotion of our own culture”. Nonetheless, this
new data concerning Indonesia warrants serious consideration, in the absence of more
comprehensive, focussed research.
In August 2013 the Australian DFAT released a Newspoll Survey into Australian
attitudes towards Indonesia. It had been conducted between 8 and 17 June 2012 with a
sample of 1,202 Australian residents 18-years-old or more (Australian Government,
2013). The 91-page report (dated May 2013) plotted respondents across two indices:
factual knowledge about Indonesia and positive perceptions of the country and its people.
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 11

This produced four quadrants: low knowledge and low perceptions (38%);
low knowledge and high perceptions (21%); high knowledge and low perceptions
(13%); high knowledge and high perceptions (28%). Thus, the majority of respondents
(59%) had poor knowledge about Indonesia, with the largest proportion having both poor
knowledge and a low regard for the country. By contrast those with good knowledge
(39%) were twice as likely to have a high regard (28%) than a poor regard (13%) for
Indonesia (Figure 4).
The survey also found that respondents who have studied the Indonesian language
have “a higher level of awareness and understanding of Indonesia” and “more positive
perceptions of Indonesia”. They are also “more likely to think Australia and Indonesia
have things in common”, are “more likely to consider Indonesia important to the
Australian national interest” and consequently “more supportive of increased links
between the two countries” (Australian Government, 2013, p. 17).
Of those surveyed, 14% had studied Indonesian language at some point, with the
incidence highest (30%) amongst the 18 – 24 age group declining to only 5% in those over
50 years of age (Australian Government, 2013, p. 34). With the exception of residents of
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WA who had the highest incidence of travel to Indonesia (56%), the next largest
percentage (43%) who had travelled there were those who had studied Indonesian (p. 31).
Perhaps the most telling indicator was the “thermometer” which rates the warmth of a
respondent’s feeling for Indonesia (on a scale of 1 –100 degrees). Above all other variables
for state, gender, age, income levels, education levels, metropolitan versus regional
residence, the highest rating (608) was from those who had studied Indonesian, whose
response was significantly above the national average of merely lukewarm 518 (Australian
Government, 2013, p. 38). However, on the question of “how much they trust Indonesia to
play a positive role in the world”, those who have studied Indonesian (whose responses
were 7% “a great deal” and 53% “somewhat”, thus totalling 60% overall) fell below the
variables of white collar employment, 18 – 24 age bracket, and residents of WA and
Tasmania (p. 42).
When asked whether they believed Indonesians held positive or negative attitudes to
Australia, again those Australian respondents who had studied Indonesian had a very high
positive response (19% very positive; 38% somewhat positive), totalling 57%. The only
demographic with a higher overall positive assessment of Indonesian attitudes to
Australians (60%) were the age group 18– 24 years (14% very positive, 46% somewhat
positive) (Australian Government, 2013, p. 58).
One of the major imponderables in language teaching and learning is whether, through
such linguistic insights, one develops a greater sense of the other’s humanity. When asked
whether they felt the Indonesian people and government shared something in common

Facts Index Score

Low High

Low Low / Low = 38% High / Low = 13%


Perceptions Index
High Low / High = 21% High / High = 28%

Figure 4. Segmentation. Source: Australian Government (2013, p. 9).


12 D.T. Hill

with Australians and their government, those who had studied Indonesian registered the
highest overall responses (8% “a lot in common”; 27% “quite a bit in common”), totalling
35%, followed several points behind by those aged 18 – 24 (8% “a lot”; 23% “quite a bit”),
totalling 31% (Australian Government, 2013, p. 62).
The Poll concluded by examining attitudes to five aspects of Australia-Indonesia
linkages: bilateral government cooperation, trade, teaching about Indonesia and
Indonesian language in Australian schools, and Australian aid for Indonesia. While the
response indicates that the overall national endorsement for increased links was
reasonably strong (6.7 on a scale of 0 –10 points), it was significantly higher for white
collar workers (7.0), Middle to higher income households (7.1), University-educated
people (7.1), and those who have studied the Indonesian language (7.1). Slightly more
positively inclined were younger Australians (7.2) and those respondents in the “Low
knowledge/High perceptions” quadrant (7.2). Highest of all categories were those in the
“High knowledge/High perceptions” quadrant (7.6) (Australian Government, 2013, p. 91).
Thus, the DFAT Newspoll indicates the experience of studying Indonesian has a
positive impact upon perceptions of Indonesia, and, in effect, the greater one’s knowledge
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about Indonesia, the higher one’s perceptions will be. Or as an Indonesian saying goes,
‘tak kenal maka tak sayang’ (if you don’t know, you won’t like).

“Soft power” or serendipity?


“Through its mission in Australia”, President Yudhoyono told the Australian Parliament,
Indonesia is “providing Indonesian language teaching assistance in several primary and
high schools in Australia. We are offering free language courses and establishing Bahasa
Indonesia language centres in Perth and Canberra. We will do more of these in the future”
(Yudhoyono, 2010, p. 2138). The Indonesian Government appears to have a strong will to
assist, but there is, as yet, no explicit indication that the decline in Indonesian – of which
the government is aware – is being interpreted as a de facto barometer of the declining
health of the Australian-Indonesian bilateral relationship.
Indonesia does reap benefits from having a pool of Indonesian language learners/
speakers broadly across the Australian community. There are graduates of Indonesian
language programmes in influential positions in business, government, education and the
broader community, most of whom appear to hold positive and sympathetic (though not
uncritical) attitudes to Indonesia in general. During the Suharto period certainly Indonesian
studies students played an active role aligned with the democratization movement, and
collaborated with reform-minded non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Indonesia.
For example, the small but resourceful quarterly news magazine, Inside Indonesia, which
recently celebrated its thirtieth birthday, was initiated by such individuals (www.
insideindonesia.org). But such broadly sympathetic views appear yet to filter into the general
community, the DFAT Newspoll’s “low knowledge and low perceptions” quadrant which
constitutes 38% of the population. Positive attitudes, like the study of Indonesian generally,
are not the consequence of direct strategic support from the Indonesian government, but have
arisen more from what provision there has been in the Australian education system for
information about Indonesia and for the teaching of Indonesian language.
However, I would argue, given the importance of the bilateral geo-strategic and
economic relationship, and the “soft power” benefits potentially generated by language
programmes, it would be prudent for governments, of both Australia and of Indonesia, to
invest in Indonesian language support in Australia, as a method of countering the
lukewarm perception that most Australians have of our nearest neighbour. One can only
Asia Pacific Journal of Education 13

speculate as to what Australian attitudes to Indonesia might have been had the language
not been taught in Australian schools and universities, and it is important to acknowledge
learners’ own autonomy in developing attitudes. But, to the extent that the DFAT
Newspoll provides a guide, it indicates that the experience of learning Indonesian
language is a valuable predictor of positive attitudes to the country.
The 2012 Asian Century White Paper proposed stronger educational links between
Australia and Asia. As pathways for this it encouraged universities to “substantially boost
the number of Australian students studying in Asia”, to “improve financial support and
information for students who study in Asia” and “to increase the number of students who
undertake Asian studies and Asian languages as part of their university education”
(Australian Government, 2012, pp.16 – 17). While the Abbott Government has now
consigned the White Paper to the dustbin of history, archiving the official website, the new
government maintains a bipartisan commitment to increase the number of Australian
students studying in Asia, adopting a revived, reverse Colombo Plan to achieve such ends.
However, there has been no comparable public policy statement by the Indonesian
government explicitly aspiring to increase the number of Australians either studying in
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Indonesia or studying the language in Australia. Jakarta has yet to optimize this “soft power”
potential. To this point in time, that such a pool of sympathy has been engendered in the
Australian population through study of Indonesian language would appear to be due more to
serendipity than any strategic planning on Indonesia’s part. Such educational planning and
language promotion as has been undertaken has been initiated by Canberra, not Jakarta.

Conclusion
For half a century now Australia has been teaching Indonesian language in schools and
universities. There is evidence that the teaching of Indonesian language in Australia has
enhanced perceptions of Indonesia. There is also evidence that the greater one’s knowledge
of Indonesia, the more likely one is to feel positively inclined to that society. What is clear is
that the decline in Indonesian in Australia in recent years has the potential to weaken what
positive views there are towards Indonesia. For that reason, it is in the interests of both
governments to support and promote study of the language in Australia (and to encourage
more Australians to study in Indonesia). While in Australian political life there is now
bipartisan support for more Australians to study in Indonesia, there is less evidence of
Indonesia’s support to expand the teaching of the language in Australia and little indication
of any formal strategy to advocate language learning as a form of “soft power”.
The dramatic decline in Indonesian in Australian education since 2000 may be
interpreted as a failure of Indonesia’s public diplomacy, or at best, a missed opportunity.
Perhaps, there is complacency precisely because there is “no other Western country where
Bahasa Indonesia is widely taught in the school curriculum” (Yudhoyono, 2010). While
Indonesian enrolments in Australian universities have declined at a disastrous rate, there are
now promising albeit early signs of renewed growth. However, if the President’s praise is to
remain warranted, explicit carefully considered sustainable long-term policies to support and
promote Indonesian will have to be adopted, and adopted soon, by both Jakarta and Canberra.

Funding
This research was supported by a National Teaching Fellowship from the Australian Learning and
Teaching Council and an Extension Grant from the Australian Government Office of Learning
14 D.T. Hill

and Teaching. The views expressed are solely those of the author and not those of the funding
agencies.

Notes
1. It was, for example, the final area mentioned in the Joint Communiqué: Australia-Indonesia
Annual Leaders’ Meeting, Darwin 3 July 2012, see transcript at http://pmtranscripts.dpmc.gov.
au/browse.php?did¼ 18677
2. Equivalent Full-Time Student Load (EFTSL) is a standardized measure of student load, which
converts fractional enrolments in individual subjects into a total full-time subject load.
For example, if students take four subjects each year, only one of which is Indonesian, then
each student’s “Indonesian EFTSL” would be 0.25, so four individuals in the Indonesian
subject would generate only one EFTSL.
3. The 2011– 2012 data used in this article lack input from one university that did not respond to
my request for detailed statistics. However, previous enrolments there had been extremely
small, since it offered Indonesian using materials and supervisory staff provided by another
university, so its omission from these data sets is not regarded as statistically significant.
4. Eliminated from this calculation are ACICIS semester programmes taught in English.
However, since ACICIS study options are open to private participants including a small
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number of non-Australians, the data should be regarded as approximate rather than


definitive.
5. For details, see http://www.go8.edu.au/. The Go8 are: Australian National University (ANU),
the University of New South Wales (UNSW), The University of Queensland (UQ), The
University of Western Australia (UWA), Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, and Monash
universities.
6. On IRUs, see http://iru.edu.au/about-us/member-universities.aspx. The IRUs include Flinders,
La Trobe, Murdoch and CDU (which teach Indonesian) and Griffith, James Cook University
(JCU), and Newcastle (which do not).
7. A three-year NALSSP grant enabled the Perth Indonesian Language Centre to expand its
classes, run study tours to Indonesia, an artist-in-residence programme, and a highly successful
annual Indonesian Film Festival.
8. Founded in 1883 in Paris to promote and support the teaching of French language abroad, the
Alliance Franc aise now has1,040 branches in 136 countries http://www.afsydney.com.au/
about (sighted 25 November 2010).
9. The Società Dante Alighieri was founded in 1889, with head offices in Rome and now 400
branches worldwide, “to share the Italian language and to maintain a passion for Italian culture
among foreign and Italian people around the world” http://www.dante-alighieri.com.au/
(sighted 25 November 2010).
10. “316 Confucius Institutes established worldwide” edited by Wang Guanqun, Xinhua, 13 Oct
2010, in English.news.cn http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/culture/2010-07/13/c_
13398209.htm (sighted 28 June 2013). For a further discussion of the role of the Confucius
Institutes, see Orton (2009).

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