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ASTRONOMY
In his examination of the Yuan period, H. Franke (1) confirms the view that the
association of eclipses with other portents must always be taken into consideration.
During the reign of the last Yuan emperor, Shun Ti, a great number of portents were
recorded, but it may be doubted whether they were really more frequent then. There
was a stylised pattern of what was supposed to take place at the catastrophic close of
a dynasty.
Many passages must exist, if one could only find them, throwing light on the customs
and mental processes of the members of the Astronomical Bureau in the various
dynasties, and Franke discovered an excellent one in the Shan Chii. Hsin Hua (New
Discussions from the Mountain Cabin), written by Yang Yii in + 1360. It throws a
flood of light on what went on. Yang Yii says:
When I was a Co-signatory Observer in the Bureau of Astronomy, there came a special
imperial edict that we were to pay particular attention to celestial presages. On the first day
of the seventh month in the sixth year of the Chih-Yuan reign-period (+ 1340), there came (to
my house) one of the Senior Observers, a Mr Chang, who asked me to go to the Observatory
as quickly as possible. When we arrived there together, we were met by Commissioner Li,
dressed up in state apparel, who said: 'Last night there appeared the Ching Hsing pheno-
menon. a That is a very auspicious omen. I consider that it ought to be memorialised imme-
diately. I suppose we shall be richly rewarded.' So I looked up the files which contained the
records of earlier memorials, and came to a very different conclusion. I said, 'Although the
phenomenon has occurred on the last day of the month (i.e. at the new moon), its shape was
slightly different from what it ought to be. Besides, if the Ching Hsing appears, there ought
to be reports coming in of wine-sweet springs, phoenixes, purple herbs, and felicitous clouds,
in order to corroborate (lit. assist,fu 1 ) (the celestial omen). But (on the contrary) there are
epidemics and catastrophes in Shensi, brigands and robbers in the central provinces, and in
Fukien rebels are active. I am afraid it won't do. Why should the Tao of heaven be pro-
claiming the opposite (to the Tao of earth)?' But Mr Li was most obstinate, and stuck to his
opinion. So I said 'Up to now, only the six Observers here have seen the phenomenon. In
the unlikely possibility of its having been generally seen by people throughout the country,b
will they not have taken it as an omen of evil?' Finally he agreed to wait and see if it
appeared again (that night), before we memorialised about it. And indeed only nine days
later the planet Venus' crossed the meridian'. c All this shows how careful one has to be not
to take lightly responsibilities like these. d
It is thus fairly clear that before the Chinese records can be made full use of by
modern astronomers or meteorologists interested in periodicities, a good deal more
historical analysis and research will be needed. Nevertheless, if they were not more
accurate than would appear from some of their severest critics, it would have been
a What this was will be explained a few pages below (p. 422).
b This reminds us that in the absence of artificial light available on any considerable scale, nearly
everyone went to bed at dusk and rose at dawn, so the official Observers on duty were not likely to be
checked by any educated person, and others whose trade might keep them abroad at night were unlikely
to know very much about the heavens.
C This was a very bad sign; cf. Schlegel (5), p. 635; Chavannes (I), vo!. 3, p. 374.
d P. 14a, tr. H. Franke (2), no. 35, eng. auct. Cf. Franke (8).
420 20. ASTRONOMY
impossible to find known periodicities in them, as has in fact been done, e.g. in the case
of the sun-spot cycle (p. 435 below). A striking example of their correctness has been
given by Dubs a with regard to the solar eclipse of - 96. This had been among the
unidentified group until Chavannes studied some of the calendar tablets discovered
by Stein in a Han watch-tower in the desert, and found that Huang (3) had assumed
wrongly the position of a certain intercalary month-then when the necessary correc-
tion was made, the statement of the Chhien Ban Shu was shown to be accurate.
Around - 16 the astronomers were, for some reason or other, watching for solar eclipses
with particular care, and Dubs thinks that they used some special means, such as
mirrors, for detecting partial eclipses. b For one of these it is said: '(Heaven) caused
the capital alone to know of it; the kingdoms in the four (directions) did not
perceive it'. Conversely, the provinces had their observers. In - 145 there was an
eclipse visible only at sunrise at the tip of the Shantung peninsula; yet it was duly
reported and recorded.
It is interesting to see the gradual advance in precision in the records. Already in
the Chhun Chhiu there are three cases in which the word chi I occurs, showing that
the eclipse was total. With regard to the solar eclipses of - 442, - 382 and - 300, the
Shih Chi says that the daylight was so darkened that the stars could be seen (chou hui
hsing chien 2 ). Han records have technical terms such as chi chin,3 nearly total, and
pu chin jo kOU,4 crescent-shaped; in addition to chi, I total. A partial eclipse of three-
tenths (san jenS) is also once mentioned. The degree of partiality is recorded in all
subsequent dynasties, and the Thang records have a phrase ta hsing chieh chien 6_
all the great stars could be seen. The Han records sometimes mention the duration of
eclipses and the times of their onset and ending, correct to a quarter of an hour.
Records of the Thang and Sung frequently have very exact details, though not always.
The celestial positions of eclipses (number of degrees in what hsiu, etc.) are generally
recorded in the Han and always in the Thang. Chu Wen-Hsin's (2) laborious check
of all these eclipses with the Oppolzer Canon shows that the great majority of them
were faithfully recorded.
(iii) Eclipse prediction
Chinese astronomers naturally devoted much attention throughout the centuries to
the prediction of eclipses, though like all such efforts before the Renaissance, this
could only be empirical. As is well known, the Babylonians had identified a period
generally known as the saros C (18 years I I days, i.e. 223 synodic), at the end of which
eclipses recur in the same relative positions of sun and moon. We see now that this
depends simply on the periods of revolution of the moon and its nodes relative to the
a (2), vol. 2, p. 141, vol. 3, p . 557.
b (2), vol. 2, p . 420. I think more probably the equivalent of smoked glass, i.e. a piece of almost
transparent jade, mica or rock-crystal (cf. below, p. 436).
C The idea that the Babylonians used this term in this sense has been shown by Neugebauer (9),
p . 135, to be a pure historical myth. For Berossos, the saros meant 3600 years. The association of the
term with the eclipse period seems to have arisen from an injudicious emendation of Suidas by Halley.
20. ASTRONOMY 421
sun. One of the difficulties in the empirical prediction of eclipses was that those of the
sun are hard to observe from anyone centre, each solar eclipse being visible over only
a small path on the earth's surface. Yet there are more solar than lunar eclipses; in
each saros about forty-one of the former and twenty-nine of the latter. a For solar
eclipses to recur in approximately the same place three saroi (one exeligmos of Ptolemy)
are necessary. It does not seem that the Han people recognised either of these periods,
but they developed one of their own, the shuo wang chih hui 1 (later called chiao shih
chou 2 ) of 135 months,b during which twenty-three eclipses took place. This was much
used by Liu Hsin 3 in the San Thung 4 (Three Sequences) calendarc of -7 (cf. Eber-
hard & Henseling, I); and must have been developed during the - 1st century. Some
scholars have believed that Liu Hsin adjusted the dates of eclipses in the Chhun Chhiu
to correspond with this cycle (Eberhard, Muller & Henseling).
By the early years of the + 3rd century the path of the moon was analysed more
clearly. Liu Hung'sS methods of eclipse prediction recognised the nodes (the points
where the moon's path crosses the ecliptic), terming them kuo chou jen,6 and assessed
the angle of the path with the ecliptic (chien shu 7 ) as 6° approximately.d This was in
the Chhien Hsiang calendar e of + 206. In the same century Yang Wei 8 was able to
predict the directions of first and last contact (khuei chhi chio 9 and chhu chiao hsien IO )
for solar eclipses.f This was much refined by Chiang Chi II (c. + 390), who could
apparently predict the extent of partiality.g Early in the + 7th century Liu Chhuo 12
and Chang Chou-Yuan 13 gave the times of first and last contact (chhi chhiI4), the posi-
tion in the heavens (so tsai IS ), and the probable extent of partiality (shih jen I6 ). Terms
used in the Thang by I-Hsing 17 and other astronomers in their predictions were chhu
khuei 18 for time of onset, shih shen I9 for time of greatest immersion, and fu yuan 20 for
time of last contact. Annular eclipses were called huan shih.2' At this time attempts
were also made to predict the geographical path along which solar eclipses would be
visible.
In the Sung the prediction of eclipses was sometimes assigned to one bureau,h the
Thai Shih Chii,22 and their observation to another, the Ssu Thien Chien.23 Shen Kua's
a Cf. Spencer-lones (I), p. 177; Berry (I), pp. 19,56; Dubs (2), vol. I, p. 163.
b The most accurate period is the 19th century one of Simon Newcomb-3s8 months.
C Chhien Han Shu, ch. 2ID, p . Ib; Hou Han Shu, ch. 12, p. I8a.
~ Liu Hung's figure in Chinese degrees is equivalent to 5° 54'. Hipparchus ( - 2nd century) had fixed
it at 5°. The actual value is 5° 8'.
e Chin Shu, ch. 17, pp. I b ff., esp. 7 a ff. Cf. his treatise Lun Yiieh Shih (On Lunar Eclipses) preserved
in Hou Han Shu, ch. 12, pp. naff.
f Chin Shu, ch. 18, pp. 6a, b.
g In the middle of the + 6th century there was a famous dispute about the prediction of an eclipse.
Five leading astronomers of the Northern Chhi named four different hours on the same day, but none
of them was exactly ri ght. ' And so their disputing continued, without reaching any conclusion, till
before long the dynasty was extinguished' (Sui Shu, ch. 17, p. 4b; Chill Thang Shu, ch. 32, p. la).
h See p. 191 above, concerning the system of two parallel observatories at the capital.
Meng Chhi Pi Than of the + 11th century contains a an interesting passage about eclipse
computation in his time, including a tribute to the work of his friend Wei Pho, I whose
canon of eclipses accounted for nearly all those in the Tso Chuan, thus excelling even
that of I-Hsing. The following passage (from the Feng Chhuang Hsiao Tu 2 (Maple-
Tree Window Memories) written in the early + 13th century) shows that at that time
there must have been widespread interest in eclipse calculations, and that the official
astronomers apparently had no monopoly of accuracy in prediction.
In the 4th year of the Chhing-Yuan reign period (+ 1198) the Astronomer-Royal predicted
a solar eclipse for the first night of the ninth month, but persons who were not in office said
that it would occur during the day time, and they proved to be right. In the 2nd year of the
Chi a-Thai reign period (+ 1202) the Astronomer-Royal predicted an eclipse for the second
half of the noon double-hour on the first day of the fifth month, but Chao Ta-Hsien,3 who
had no official position, said that it would occur in the first half after three quarters, and would
be only partial to the extent of three jen. The emperor ordered the Staff Writer Chang Ssu-
Ku 4, Chu Chhin-Tse 5 and others to supervise the checking of the matter by the Assistant
Armillary Observer and Chao proved to be right. The astronomical officials were found
guilty of negligence and severely punished. Since the capital moved to the south of the river,
the calendar has been full of mistakes. b
Although the methods of eclipse prediction were maintained at a high, though still
empirical, level in the time of Kuo Shou-Ching C (the last two decades of the + 13th
century), there was a steady decline in the Ming dynasty, and the earlier methods were
forgotten. It will be remembered that the prediction of eclipses was one of the most
important reasons for the credit which the Jesuits were able to obtain at the imperial
court.
(iv) Earth-shine and corona
Among celestial phenomena allied to this subject, mention may be made of the
effect known as 'earth-shine', seen when the sunlit earth illuminates by reflection the
unlighted part of the moon. As the' Ballad of Sir Patrick Spens' puts it:
Kiihnert (5), in an elaborate paper, has shown that this phenomenon was recognised
by the Chinese under the terms Te-hsing 6 or Ching-hsing. 7 Ssuma Chhien says:
When the sky is serene, then the Ching-hsing (Resplendent orb) appears. It is also called
a Ch. 18, para. 11; cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vo!. 2, pp. 604ff.
b Ch. 2 , p. 18b, tr. auct. Later on, as in the clockwork part of Section 27, we shall have further
evidence of the damage done to Chinese science and technology by the fall of the Northern Sung and
the retirement of the capital to Hangchow.
C His Ku Chin Chiao Shih Khao 8 (Studies of Eclipses Old and New) unfortunately failed to survive.
5 * tit Jl.1]
20. ASTRONOMY
Te-hsing (Orb of virtue). It has no constant fonn, but it appears (to the people of) countries
which follow the Tao. a
This was the tradition which caused premature rejoicings in the Peking Astronomical
Observatory in + 1340, as reported by Yang Yi.i in the passage quoted on p. 419 above.
It is strange that the European interpretation was quite contrary in character.
Liu Chao-Yang (1) has suggested that the oracle-bones of the -2nd millennium
may contain the first recorded observation of the solar corona during an eclipse. This
is quite visible to the naked eye, and was discussed by Plutarch (contemporary of
Wang Chhung and Chang Heng) in the + 1st century,b as also by Kepler later. The
date of the bone fragment studied by Liu must be either - 1353, - 1307, - 1302 or
- 1281. The eclipse concerned was therefore not one of those established by Tung
Tso-Pin (I).C The bone bears characters which have been deciphered as san yen shih
jih, ta hsing I-three flames ate up the sun, and a great star was visible. d It seems not
unreasonable, therefore, to suppose that this was a record of especially striking solar
prominences or coronal streamers.
Another which may be relevant is that in the Tso Chuan for -490, where it is said e
that 'a cloud like a flock of red crows was seen flying round the sun' (yu yun jo chung
chhih wu chia jih i fei 2). The term jih erh,3 which means a kind of solar halo, f may also
have been used to refer to the corona. Loewenstein suggests that corona observations
may have been at the origin of the' winged sun' symbol, so characteristic of Assyria
and Persia, but not unknown in ancient China.
Eclipses are not the only celestial phenomena for which a wealth of records is avail-
able to us in Chinese texts. The total number of stars in the heavens visible to the
naked eye is not constant; we know now that from time to time stars rise into visibility
while others disappear and that the magnitude or brightness of stars often changes.
Stars which before were but faintly visible may undergo suddenly an increase in
brightness of a million-fold. Such stellar explosions give rise to what are called
'novae', or, if the cataclysm is exceptionally great, 'supernovae'. Other stars may
show regular periodical variations of brightness, hence the term' variables'. All these
phenomena are of the highest importance for current cosmological theories, as may
be seen from many excellent expositions. g
a Shih Chi, ch. 27, p. 33a, tr. auct. Chavannes (1), vo1. 3, p. 392, noted that the word Ching was
that used many centuries later for designating Nestorian Christianity; he wondered whether this had
any connection with the story of the star of the Magi. Later histories report occurrences of the
phenomenon, e.g. Chin Shu, ch. 12, p. 4a; Sung Shih, ch. 56, p. 2Ia.
b Berry (1), p. 390. C See above, p. 410.
d Presumably a planet, perhaps one of the brighter fixed stars (cf. Chhen Tsun-Kuei (5), p. 59).
e Duke Ai, 6th year; Couvreur (1), vo1. 3, p. 631.
f See p. 475 below.
g Such as that of Spencer-Jones (1), pp. 323ff.
3 8 ~
20. ASTRONOMY
Fig. I82. The oldest record of a nova. The inscription on this oracle-bone, dating from about - I300,
reads (in the two central columns of characters) : • On the 7th day of the month, a chi-sw day, a great new
star appeared in company with Antares.'
What must certainly be the most ancient extant record of a nova is contained in one
of the oracle-bones, dating from about - 1300, studied by Tung Tso-Pin (1) (Fig. 182).
The inscription says, on the 7th day of the month, a chi-ssu day, a great new star
C
appeared in company with Antares (hsin ta hsing ping HuoI)'.a Another bone-inscrip-
tion of the same period says: C On the hsin-wei day the new star dwindled (or disap-
peared) (hsin-wei yu hui hsin hsing2).' That this refers to the same phenomenon seems
probable, for the second date is only two days after the first, and some such rise and
a Yin Li Phu, Pt. H, ch. 3, p. 2a. The exact year is not given, but it must have been between - I339
and - 1281. C Fire-star' here cannot refer to the planet Jupiter, for the planets did not receive their
element names until the elaboration of Five-Element theory in the -4th century. This supernova
position agrees closely with the radio-star 2C. 1406 (private communication from Dr A. Beer).
20. ASTRONOMY
fall of brightness would be expected. This term hsin hsing was used for novae until the
middle of the Han period, when it was replaced by the better known technical term
kho hsing, I guest-star. a
At the end of the + 13th century Ma Tuan-Lin devoted the 294th chapter of his
Wen Hsien Thung Khao to· a list of the extraordinary stars which had appeared since
the beginning of the Han,b and this was translated and annotated in 1846 by E. Biot (8).
Some of these got into the comet register ofWilliams (6), and all were brought together
in the important paper of Lundmark (I), though the new catalogue of Hsi Tse-
Tsung (1) now supersedes previous listings. Another old Chinese collection is that in
the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia, c under the heading Hsing pien pu 2 or ' Records
of Unusual Occurrences in the Heavens'. The venerable records extracted by Ma
Tuan-Lin from the dynastic histories do not always make a clear distinction between
novae and comets, but generally the description given is sufficient to identify the
phenomenon. The texts usually state the time and duration of appearance, the position
in the heavens,d and the brightness and colour of the star.e For example, in + 185:
In the 2nd year of the Chung-Phing reign-period, in the tenth month, on a kuei-hai day,
a guest-star (kho hsing I) appeared in the midst of the constellation Nan Men 3 (n, f3 Centauri);
it was as big as the half of a bamboo mat and showed the five colours in turn, now beaming
now lowering. It diminished in brightness little by little and finally disappeared about July
of the following year. f
It is interesting to find that Ma Tuan-Lin's list begins with that same star of - 134
which stimulated Hipparchus to embark upon his general stellar catalogue; g he
recorded it in Scorpio, and the Chinese duly noted it in their equivalent, the hsiu
Fang. 4 But this star was more probably a comet, not a nova,h for Pliny (our only
source for the story) distinctly says that it moved. 1 The Chinese data will also accept
this interpretation. Ma was copying the Chhien Han Shu,j which uses the term
'guest-star ' , but the longer account in the Shih Chi k refers to an appearance at this
a Cf. Chou Kuang-Ti (1 ). An early form, pin hsing,' occurs in La Shih Chhun Chhiu, ch. 30
(vo!. I, p. 61) (- 3rd century) ; cf. R. Wilhelm (3), p. 78, who explains it wrongly.
b For the novae, - 134 to + 1203.
C Shu cheng tien, chs. 27- 59. Here the records are all intermingled (novae, comets, meteors, con-
junctions, etc.).
d We believe that the astronomers, probably from the Han onwards, measured positions in degrees.
But in the official histories they are generally given only roughly in relation with this or that constella-
tion; presumably the historiographers simplified the information they received.
e Cf. Chu Wen-Hsin (4).
f Hou Han Shu, ch. 22, p. 6a; Wen Hsien Thung Khao, ch. 294, p. 2326'3, tr. auct., adjuv. Biot (8).
g Berry ( I), p. SI.
h The question has been especially studied by Fotheringham (4), cf. Merton (2). There is also an
association with the birth of Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus. His biographer, Reinach (I), not
knowing of the Chinese observations, dismissed all the statements about a comet at his birth as legendary.
This was the same Mithridates whose water-mills, the first recorded in the occident, fell into the hands
of the Romans at his death in - 63 (see Sect. 27 fin Vo!. 4).
i Hist . Nat. n, 26 (24), 95.
j Ch. 26, p. 27b ; tr. Fotheringham (4).
k Ch. 27, p. 42a ; tr. Chavannes (I), vo!. 3, p. 408.
20. ASTRONOMY
time of the' Standard of Chhih-Yu ' (Chhih-Yu chhi I) which is always defined as a
particular kind of comet. a In any case it was carefully watched at both ends of the
Old World.
Lundmark (I) made a very interesting observation. When the suspected novae
are plotted according to galactic coordinates, they show a spatial distributi0n quite
similar to known novae observed in modern times. The' guest-stars' were therefore
true novae, appearing, as they should have done, within our own galaxy, and not only
in the brightest regions but sometimes where the star density is quite low. This result
has a bearing on the arguments about the reliability of Chinese records, for if 'guest-
stars' had been invented to criticise the government, it is highly unlikely that they
would all have been placed in the right part of the sky.
It was natural and inevitable that the appearances of novae should be interpreted
astrologically. An example of this may be seen in the Thang book Thai Pai Yin Ching z
(Manual of the White and Gloomy Planet of War, i.e. Venus), an important treatise on
military affairs by Li Chhiian 3 written in +759. Here the appearance of a' guest-star'
is regarded as a portent of great military significance. b And of course the Khai-Yuan
Chan Ching has a learned disquisition c on such prognostications.
The giant stellar explosions which give rise to supernovae are now thought to occur
about once in every one or two centuries in our own galaxy, and the frequency of the
phenomenon in other galaxies is about the same. d Gamow has recently told the story
of the only three supernovae of which there is historical record. e One was the 'New
Star' of Tycho Brahe observed in + 1572/ a second was that seen by his pupil Kepler
in +1604,g and the third, that of +1054, was recorded only by the Chinese. h This
was the origin of the so-called Crab Nebula, which appears today as a somewhat shape-
less and diffuse bright cloud (Fig. 183) and which is still expanding. Measurements
of the rate of expansion show that it must have started from a central point some eight
centuries ago. Since the Chinese records say that at its maximum apparent brightness
the guest-star was as bright as Venus, it can easily be calculated that at the time of the
explosion the star was several hundred million times as bright as our sun.
The value of the Chinese records for modern astronomy has been underlined by
Baade. i Sinologists and astronomers have collaborated in the careful examination of
a Shih Chi, ch. 207, p. 32ob, tr. Chavannes (1), vol. 3, p. 3920, and more elaborately in Chin Shu, ch. 12,
p. 4b, tr. Ho Ping-Yti (1). Nevertheless Hsi Tse-Tsung (1) still admits the apparition of - 134 as a nova
in his catalogue. b Ch. 8, p. 13 b. Cf. Chin Shu, ch. IZ, p. 6 b.
c Ch. 77, pp. I a fr. d Cf. Stratton (I), P.2oS9.
e Cf. also Wattenberg (I).
f In Cassiopeia. Hsi Tse-Tsung (1), no. 820, gives the Chinese record.
g In Ophiuchus. This nova was also recorded in China (E. Biot (9); Williams (6), p. 93; H si Tse-
Tsung (I), no. 85) and Korea (Iba).
h And the Japanese.
I They have all kinds of applications. Thus attempts have been made from time to time to identify
the 'star in the East' of the Magi of Christian tradition. Lundmark (20) suggests that it was a nova
recorded in China in - S. He also suggests that the rebellion of Simon bar Kochba (' son of the Star';
a pun on his real name, ben Koseba) may have had some connection with the nova which was recorded
in China in + IZ3.
20. ASTRONOMY
texts and computations so that little or no doubt now remains a that the Crab supernova
was in fact the' guest-star' of + 1054. Five texts have been assembled which describe
the phenomenon,b but only one need be quoted:
In the fifth month of the 1st year of the Chih-Ho reign-period,c Yang Wei-Te I (Chief
Calendrical Computer) said, 'Prostrating myself, I have observed the appearance of a guest-
star; on the star there was a slightly iridescent yellow colour. Respectfully, according to the
disposition for emperors, d I have prognosticated, and the result said, "The guest-star does
not infringe upon Aldebaran; this shows that a Plentiful One is Lord, and that the country has
a Great Worthy." I request that this prognostication be given to the Bureau of Historio-
graphy to be preserved.' e
This was done, and the emperor was congratulated. In the month of April + 1056, it
was reported that the guest-star had become invisible, which was an omen of the
departure of guests.
Originally this star had become visible in June ( + 1054) in the eastern heavens in Thien-
kuan z (' Tauri). It was visible by day, like Venus; pointed rays shone out from it on all
sides. The colour was reddish-white. Altogether it was visible for twenty-three days.!
These observations were made at Khaifeng, the Sung capital, but the Liao astronomers
at Peking did not lag behind Yang Wei-Te; they also reported the phenomenon.g Nor
did it escape the perspicacity of the Japanese, two of whose chronicles contain a
virtually identical passage on the subject (Iba).h Indeed, the date of first observation
given in these texts is some ten days earlier than that of the Chinese records.
Attention has been directed by several authors to the great historical importance of
Tycho Brahe's new star. i It was one of the events which shook to its foundations the
Aristotelian theory of the 'perfection' of the heavens and prepared the way for the
acceptance of the cosmology of Copernicus. In his acute analysis of trends of 17th-
century thought, Willey (I) has quoted Galileo's words:
Comets have been observed which have been generated and dissolved in parts higher than
the Lunar Orb, besides the two New Stars, Anno 1572 and Anno 1604-without con-
tradiction much higher than all the Planets. And in the face of the Sun itself, by help of the
Telescope, certain dense and obscure substances, in substance very like to the foggs about
the Earth, are seen to be produced and dissolved.j
As Willey says, these demonstrations of change and imperfection in the heavens
a Hubble (I); Oordt (I); Duyvendak (17); Duyvendak, Mayall & Oordt (I).
b Including Sung Shih, ch. 56, p . 25 a, and ch. 12, p. lOb.
e The exact date corresponded to 27 August + 1054.
d Because of the imperial yellow colour, suggests Duyvendak.
e Sung Hili Yao, ch. 52, p. 2b, tr. Duyvendak (17). One of the most interesting features of the
Chinese descriptions of this supernova is that their accounts of its diminution in brightness closely
agree with the rate of decay which, as we now know, it must have followed. The significance of this
was pointed out to us by Professor Fred Hoyle.
t Tr. Duyvendak (17). g Chhi-Tan Kuo Chih, ch. 8, p. 6b.
h Meigetsuki, entry under the eighth day of the eleventh month, + 1230; and Ichidai Yliki.
i His De Nova Ste/la of + 1573 was reprinted in facsimile by the Royal Danish Science Society
in 1901. j Mathematical Collections and Translations, ed. T. Salusbury (1661), p . 25.
20. ASTRONOMY
to us, through the hands of the official historians, without precise positions in degrees. On the other
hand, the radio-stars are now extremely numerous. Many possibilities of misinterpretation are thus
open.
d It may well be that some of the radio-stars at present being mapped are farther away from the
earth than man will ever be able to see by visible light.
20. ASTRONOMY
of hot filaments of a type previously unknown deriving from a supernova. a A tentative
identification of it with a nova recorded in China in + 369 has recently been made, but
unfortunately this seems to rest upon a misunderstanding. b However, it seems likely
that a powerful radio source near Antares may be identifiable with the supernova which
the Chinese recorded on their oracle-bones about - 1300.
Search should be made in Chinese and Japanese records for mentions of variable
stars.C Bobrovnikov has pointed out that the variations of at least two of them (Algol
in Perseus and Mira in Cetus) are readily visible to the naked eye,d and one was
indeed discovered e before the use of the telescope.
a Thought by some to have exploded about 280 years ago.
b The circumstances of this case, and the lessons they teach regarding what is meant by adequate
sinological-astronomical colIaboration, are so interesting that details must be given. The nova of
+ 369 was duly included in the list of Biot (8), p. 21, who of course obtained his notice of it from Ma
Tuan-Lin's Wen Hsien Thung Khao (+ 1319), ch. 294. But the basic source is easy to find. The Chin
Shu (ch. 13, p. 20b) says: ' In the fourth year of the Thai-Ho reign-period (+369), in the second
month, a guest-star was seen in the Western WalI of the Purple Palace (tzu kung, hsi y uan I). In the
seventh month it disappeared.' The text goes on to say how the diviners interpreted its significance.
Biot translated correctly and added only the remark that the Western WalI w as about equivalent to
the circle of perpetual apparition, which is true enough for terrestrial latitude 34° ., i.e. that of
Yang-chheng, the traditional central observatory of China (cf. p . 297). The nova was next incorporated
in the list of Williams (6), p. 29 (no. 132), who seems to have thought that Tzu Kung meant the circle
of perpetual apparition, and whose sinology we may estimate (without undervaluing his great services)
by the fact that he gave the name' She Ke' (i.e. Shih Chi) to the entire set of dynastic histories. Now
the Tzu Kung (Purple Palace) is a synonym (Shih Chi, ch. 27, p. I b) for the northern circumpolar
region (more correctly the Tzu Wei Yuan 2); and its Western Wall extends from 70° to 210° R.A.,
following approximately 70° decl. N. It runs through the constelIation fields of Camelopardalis, Ursa
Major, and Draco. The position of the nova was thus described very vaguely in the official history,
though the Chin astronomers themselves may have been more precise. But when we look in the most
modern novae lists of Lundmark (I) and Hsi Tse-Tsung (2), we find the position for that of +369
tabulated as 0 ° R.A. and 60° decl. N. How could so great a difference have come about? As his chief
authority Lundmark relied upon Zinner (3), who must have made some effort, perhaps without si no-
logical help, to get back to the sources. Most probably he was misled by the fact that in the index
of Chinese stars and constellations drawn up by Schlegel (5) no 'Tzu Kung' appears, except in the
combination Tzu Kung Chhi 3 (the Flag(staff) of the Purple Palace; no. 693) which is, in fact, a smalI
constellation in Cassiopeia also known as Ko Tao' (the Approach to the HalI). It runs along the
meridian of R.A. 10° between 45 ° and 57 ° decl. N. Tzu Kung Chhi is not a modern name for Ko Tao,
as Schlegel (5), p. 327, thought, for one finds it in the Khai-Yuan Chan Citing (+ 718), ch. 66, p. la.
Zinner presumably did not realise that Tzu Kung is an alternative name for the wholt' circumpolar
region, and simply had to disregard the words 'Western '"valI'. Tzu Kung Chhi also satisfied him,
because, as he said, it is approximately on the circle of perpetual apparition (for a mid-European
latitude). Then, in 1952, this confusion, preserved by Lundmark, led Shklo\"sky & Parenago to
suggest that the Cassiopeia radio source, the position of which is about 352° R.A. and 58° decl. N.,
should be identified with the nova of + 369. And the irony of the situation reached its height when the
doyen of Chinese meteorologists, Chu Kho- Chen, in an article (6) on the value of researches in the
history of science in China (1954), cited en passant this identification. But he went on to record that
in the previous year the Moscow Academy of Sciences had requested the Chinese astronomers to
carry out the task, in the interests of alI, which we have referred to above . The firstfruits of this most
desirable work are now available in a paper by Hsi Tse-Tsung (2). H e accepts four out of six of
Shklovsky's identifications of' Chinese' novae with radio sources and suggests alternatives for the others,
adding eleven further novae which were recorded in positions quite cl0 ~ e to those of radio-stars under
study today. C See the preliminary remarks of Iba (I) who indicates relevant texts.
d The only evidence of an ancient observation of this kind is a Baby lonian cuneiform text of very
doubtful significance (Kugler (2), Schaumberger's Ergiinzungshejt, p. 350). It deals with a constelIation
the stars of which are said to be sometimes close together and sometimes wide apart. Several statements
of this kind occur in the astrological treatise in the Chin Shu (ch. 12). A special investigation might
decide whether observations of variable stars lie behind them. e By Fabritius in + 1596.
43 0 20. ASTRONOMY
While there exist a few Babylonian cuneiform records of comets as far back as - 1140 , a
and observations of them were quite frequent in ancient and medieval Europe, b the
Chinese records are by far the most complete-as Olivier points out at the beginning
of his excellent monograph on cometary phenomena. The computation of approxi-
mate orbits for some forty comets which made appearances earlier than about + 1500
has been based almost entirely on the Chinese observations. As in the case of novae,
the first compilation of these events, as noted in the dynastic histories, was made by
the Chinese themselves. Ma Tuan-Lin (ft. + 1240 to + 1280) incorporated them in
his Wen Hsien Thung Khao. The 286th chapter of this work, which dealt with comets
down to + 1222, was translated by Gaubil (10) in a manuscript still kept at the Paris
Observatory, and he added to it the 212th chapter of the supplement, which carried
the record down to the end of the Ming (+ 1644). Another translation of Ma Tuan-
Lin's record was made in 1782 by C. L. J . de Guignes (2), and E. Biot (9) completed it
by a list drawn from the official histories of the Sung, Yuan and Ming (+ 1222 to
+ 1644). All these catalogues of comets, however, were found to be incomplete by
Williams, who in 1871 published (6) what remains the fullest list, giving abundant
details of no less than 372 comets, from - 613 to + 1621.
To give an idea of the care with which the Chinese astronomers described their
comets, we may select the record of the comet of + 1472, studied also in Europe by
Johannes Muller of Konigsberg (Regiomontanus).c
In the 7th year of the Chheng-Hua reign period ( + 1472), in the twelfth month, on a
chia-hsii. day (of the sexagenary cycle), a comet was seen in the star-group Thien thien I
(0', 'T Virginis). It pointed towards the west. Suddenly it went to the north, touched the
star (Right conductor' (Yu she-thi 2; 7), " 'T Bootis), and swept through the Thai Wei Yuan 3
(the 'Enclosure' of stars in Virgo, Coma Berenices and Leo), touching Shang chiang 4
(v Comae Berenices), Hsin chhen s (2629 Comae Berenices), Thai tzu 6 (ELeonis), and Tshung
kuan 7 (2567 Leonis). Its tail now pointed directly towards the west. It swept transversely
across the Lang wei 8 (a-k Comae Berenices) of the Thai Wei Yuan. On a chi-mao day its
tail had greatly lengthened. It extended from east to west across the heavens. The comet
then proceeded northwards, covering about 28°, touched Thien chhiang 9 (" 8, X Bootis),
swept through the Great Bear (Pei tou 10), and passed near the San Kung II (three small
stars at the north of Canes Venatici) and Thai Yangl2 (X Ursae Majoris), finally entering the
Tzu Wei Yuan l 3 (Circumpolar Enclosure).d It was now perfectly visible in full daylight.
At various times it was seen in the Khuei l4 (the 'box' or ' body' of the Great Bear), and
near Thien ti hsing'S (f3 Ursae Minoris), Shu tzu l6 (5 Ursae Minoris), Hou fei l7 (b3162
a Sayce (2), p. 52, referring to Brit. Mus. Western Asiatic Inscriptions, vol. 3, p . 52, no. I.
b For the astrological significance attributed to them, see Bouche-Leclercq (I ), p. 357.
C Thorndike (I), vol. 4, pp. 359, 422, 442. The following passage is in Ming Shih, ch. 27. p. lob.
d See p . 259 above.
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PLATE LXI
From such a description the path of the comet is easily traceable. First seen in Virgo,
it goes northwards, becomes circumpolar and almost polar, then descends to the south
through Cassiopeia and Cepheus, and ends beyond Aries. The use of the expression
'swept through' was particularly appropriate, since the technical term for comets
from very early times in China was hui hsing lS or sao hsing l6 , 'brush-stars'.c Chhen
Tsun-Kuei (4), discussing Han comets, gives a number of synonyms, such as thien
chhan,'7 'edging-in stars'; pheng hsing,I8 'sailing stars'; d chhang hsing,'9 'long stars';
chu hsing,20 'candle-flame stars', etc. Confusion with novae is of course always to be
checked, for comets do not necessarily have tails. When a comet comes into line with
the earth and the sun its tail is no longer visible and its light may appear nebulous.
The Chinese had a special term for a comet in opposition, po hsing2I, clearly distin-
guishing it, at least theoretically, from a nova. e Whether any manuscript drawings of
comets still exist in the records of the Astronomical Bureau at Peking we do not know,
but Fig. 184 shows a late one from Korean records. The comet is seen passing between
the hsiu 122 and Chen. 23 The Thien Wen Ta Chheng Kuan Khuei Chi Yao, a compila-
tion first made at the end of the + 14th century, illustrates many different kinds of
comets and novae, still according with the definitions in the + 7th-century Chin Shu. f
'Of all comets', says Olivier, 'there is no doubt that Halley's Comet has had the
most important influence on astronomy. This comes not only from the fact that its
periodicity was established before that of any other, but also because its history can
be traced accurately for over two thousand years. ' That this is so is due to the careful
way in which the Chinese observations were recorded. Halley's own observations
were made in 1682. He recognised his comet as the same which Apianus had seen in
1531 and Kepler in 1607, and predicted that it would return, as it did, in 1758. The
importance of this return can, as Olivier says, hardly be over-estimated; it proved that
some comets at least are definitely members of the solar system, and that Newton's
laws fitted their motions as well as those of the planets.a After the next reappearance,
in 1835, astronomers and sinologists set to work together to produce a complete
recomputation of all the recurrences of the comet. b The earliest Chinese observation
which may have been Halley's comet C is that of - 467, but the data are insufficient for
certainty; there can, however, be no doubt that the comet of - 240 (the 7th year of
Chhin Shih Huang Ti) was Halley's. T he reappearance in - 163 is doubtfully identifi-
able, but those of - 87 and - I I are quite definite, and from the details for the latter,
which the Chinese observed minutely for 9 weeks, Hind (2) was able to calculate the
approximate orbit, the elements of which approach those of Halley's comet so closely
as to leave no doubt. He was able to do the same for the data ofWang Chhung's time
( + 66). After this, every reappearance in the 76-year cycle is found in the Chinese
texts,d including that of + 1066, so familiar in Anglo-N orman history.
The Chinese were also the first to observe that the tails of comets always point away
from the sun. E. Biot (12) reported an interesting statement.e concerning a comet
observed on 22 March and following days in + 837 : ' In general, when a comet appears
in the morning, its tail points towards the west, and when it appears in the-evening, its
tail points towards the east. This is a constant rule '.f But it was left for Apianus in
153 2 to state, not only that the tail points away from the sun, but that its direction
coincides with the radius vector.g
Few elaborate theories about comets seem to have been produced in China; naturally
some early writers ascribed them to derangements of the Yin and Yang (e.g. Huai Nan
Tzu h ). But as if in premonition of a modern theory,i others associated different kinds
a For a good general account, see Plum mer ( r).
b The results may be seen in the work of Cowell & C rommelin (r ); E . Biot (ro); Hind (2, 3);
Hirayama (r) and others, summarised conveniently by Wen Hsien-Tzu ( r) and Chu W en -Hsin (4).
Cf. Schove (8, 9, ro) ; Kamienski (r). C S hih Chi, ch. rs , pp. 4b, sa.
different planets.
d Cf. Chin Shu, ch. 12, p. 7a, b; Khai- Yuan Chan Ching, ch. 2, p. 9b.
e There was a rationalisation of the old meteor records in the Confucian editing of the Chhun Chhiu;
see Wu Khang (I), p. 174.
f Note the remarks made elsewhere about the Sung as the flowering-period of Chinese science (VoJ. 2,
P.493). Note also that the very complete description of the comet of + 1472, given above, was made
during the Ming, when the physical sciences were at a low ebb. On meteor frequency throughout the
ages see Paneth (I).
g The difference in the months is purely calendrical; these must have been the Perseids and Leonids.
h Cf. T. Fu.
south-east. In a moment there was a further thunderclap while the star moved to the
south-west, and then with more thunder it fell in the garden of the Hsii family in the
I-hsing district. Fire was seen reflected in the sky far and near, and fences in the garden
round about were all burnt. When they had been extinguished, a bowl-shaped hole was seen
in the ground, with the meteorite glowing within it for a long time. Even when the glow
ceased it was too hot to be approached. Finally the earth was dug up, and a round stone as
big as a fist , still hot, was found, with one side elongated (i.e. pear-shaped). Its colour and
weight were like iron. The governor, Cheng Shen,' sent it to the Chin Shan temple> at
Jun-chou,3 where it is still kept in a box and shown to visitors."
Meteorites had many other names in' Chinese books besides the yiin 4 already
mentioned, or yiin shih.5 Further information is contained in a valuable chapter by
Chang Hung-Chao,b who points out that one of the oldest names must be that con-
tained in the Shan Hai Ching (ch. 16), namely, thien chhuan,6 'hounds of heaven'.
He also notes that meteorites were often confused (as in other civilisations) with stone
axes of the Neolithic period. c There is a reference to this in the Chiu Thang Shu (Old
History of the Thang Dynasty), where, about + 660, a meteorite presented to the
emperor was called' the stone axe of the thunder-god' (Lei Kung shih tu 7).d Other
names were' the thunder-god's ink-block' (lei mo 8) or 'thunder-lumps' (phi li chen 9),
and it is these which formed the headings under which Li Shih-Chen in the + 16th
century treated of meteorites in his Pen Tshao Kang Mu. e
a MCPT, ch. 20, para. 3, tr. auct. Attention was drawn to this by Vacca (2) . Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1),
vol. 2, p. 649. Other good descriptions will be found in Kuei Hsin Tsa Chih, Hsii Chi, ch. " p . 3Sb;
Pieh Chi, ch. I, p . 7b. Perhaps the oldest record is for -662; Kuo Yii (Chou Vu), ch. I, p. 22a;
cf. Feng Yu-Lan (I), vol. I, p. 24.
b (1), pp. 372 ff. C See further de Mely (5); Belpaire (2).
d Cf. Ennin's + 9th-century diary ; Reischauer (2) , p. 128.
e Ch. 10, pp. 4Sbff. ; Read & Pak (I), nos . "3, "4.
f Cf. Pelseneer (2). g Berry (I), p . 154.
h Istoria e Dimonstrazioni intorno aUe Macchie Solan e loro Accidenti (Mascardi, Rome, 1613).
i See details in W . M. Mitchell; Wohlwill.
20. ASTRONOMY 435
to the surface of the sun, as if they were clouds, and that their motion was such as to
indicate that the sun revolved on its axis with a period of about a month. a
Sarton (3) has shown that observations of sun-spots in the occident go back rather
further than has usually been thought, but they were very fragmentary and rare. The
earliest mention seems to be in Einhard's Life of Charlemagne, referring to about + 807
and this was interpreted as a transit of Mercury. Another observation, by Abil al-
Fa<;ll Ja'far ibn al-MuqtafI in + 840, was explained as a transit of Venus. Other
references date from about + 1196 (Ibn Rushd) and + 1457 (the Carraras) .
In the 19th century a cyclical recurrence of sun-spot activity was established by
Schwabe, with a period of about I I years, but fluctuating between 7'3 and 17 years. b
There are also superposed irregular variabilities of much greater period. It was then
realised by Sabine and others that the I I -year sun-spot period corresponded with a
similar period found in terrestrial magnetism (magnetic 'storms', etc.).c Today the
connection between sun-spot activity and the conditions of the ionosphere, which
profoundly affect the transmission of radio messages, is fully accepted, and there may
be an effect on the meteorological situation too (Napier Shaw). The International
Astronomical Union has a permanent commission at work on solar-terrestrial
phenomena.
But the Chinese records are by a long way the most complete which we have. They
start nearly a thousand years before the first reference in the west, that is, in the time
of Liu Hsiang, - z8. d Between that time and + 1638 there are IIZ descriptions of
outstanding sun-spots in the official histories, but there are also numerous mentions
in local topographical records, volumes of memoirs, and other kinds of publications,
which have not so far been fully collected. e The black spots are referred to as hei chhi,l
hei tzu 2 or WU,3 and their size is often described 'as big as a coin', 'as big as a hen's
egg', a peach, a plum, etc. Extensive lists of observations are in the + 13th-century
Wen Hsien Thung Khao and the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia,! but the most
convenient one is in the book of Chu Wen-Hsin.g In the western-language literature,
after an early mention by Kirkwood, lists were published by Williams (5), Lovisato (I),
Hosie (I) and de Moidrey. The last-named author, who enjoyed the collaboration of
P. Huang, was able to find a fair approximation to the I I -year cycle from these ancient
observations. h This has been confirmed by S. Kanda (I), who found a period of
10'38 to II'z8 years, and could also detect a superimposed fluctuation of much longer
period (97 5 years). Probably the most complete list so far is in Japanese, that of
S. Kanda (2).i
a The true nature of the spots was of course not known until quite modern times, but Chu Hsi in
the + 12th century had refuted the idea that they were earth-shadows (Chu Tzu Yii Lei, ch. I, p . loa).
b Spencer-Jones (2); Oppenheim (I) . C Berry (I), p . 385; Spencer-Jones (I), p. 153.
d loth May; Dubs (2), vol. 2, p . 384, tr. Chhien Han Shu, ch. 27, p . 17b.
e For example there is abundant material in the Chin Shu, ch. 12, pp. I a, IS b ff. (finished in + 635),
and the Thullg Chih Liieh of + 1150 also discusses sun-spots (ch. 50, p. 7b).
r Shu eking lien, ch. 24. g (4), p. 80.
h See also Schove (2, 3, 6, 7, I I), who finds the mean period of the rhythm to be I 1'1 years, with a
longer cycle of 78 years.
i For Korean records, starting early in the + 11th century, see Rufus (2), p. 19.
The use of the term wu, I which means' crow' as well as 'black', raises the question
whether some references long before - 28 might be based on sun-spot observations.
As Chhen Wen-Thao has pointed out, the existence of a crow in the sun (the colleague
of the rabbit in the moon) was part of traditional Chinese mythology in Chou and
early Han times. a This we find in the Lun RIng, where Wang Chhung says, 'The
scholars hold that there is a three-legged crow in the sun ... ' (Ju yiieh jih chung yu san
tsou wu 2 ),b after which he goes on to argue, in his sceptical way, that the thing is
impossible. But it may mean that the black spots had been observed, perhaps as early
as the time of Tsou Yen. Again, Dubs notes medieval traditions that in - 165 the
character wang 3 appeared in the sun; c Schove (6) inclines to take this as the earliest
dated sun-spot.
As in the case of eclipses, it seems likely that from an early date the sun must have
been observed through smoky rock-crystal or semi-transparent jade. d Indeed, this
technique is specifically referred to by Li Shih-Chen, e who says that the 'books on
jade' mention certain kinds which were used for looking at the sun (kuan jih yU).4
A large piece of this was brought, according to one account, as tribute by an embassy
from Fu-Sang about + 520; we shall examine the passage, which may refer to
observations of sun-spots, in Sect. 26g below. But haze due to dust-storms from the
Gobi would also have permitted the observation of sun-spots.
As Ionides & Ionides have said,! Chinese astrological conclusions were for once
perhaps right in maintaining a connection between celestial and terrestial phenomena.
Though not at present generally admitted, it is not impossible that the sun-spot
period may be connected, through meteorological effects, with events of social
importance, such as good and bad harvests. Such a correlation is indeed maintained
for Japanese rice crop famines since + 1750 by Arakawa (I). Conceivably the basis
of the association made in the Chi Ni Tzu book (p. 402 above) between the 12-year
Jupiter cycle and an agricultural production cycle, may really have been, as Chatley (1)
suggests, the II-year sun-spot period. Correlations between the periodicity of sun-
spot maxima and other phenomena such as aurorae, using in part Chinese data, have
been attempted by several workers.g
3:£
20. ASTRONOMY 437
a The literature on the Jesuit period is voluminous but diffuse. We have already cited the works of
Bemard-Maitre (1,5) on Ricci's own contribution, and the encyclopaedia of Pfister (I). Among general
summaries may be mentioned those of Yabuuchi (17) and Bernard-Maitre (16).
b But Trigault's pretension (Gallagher ed. p . 3Z5) that the true nature of eclipses was unknown in
China before the time of the Jesuits, was, as we have seen, quite baseless.
C Comedy sometimes attended Jesuit predictions. In 1636 they stated that Jupiter would pass between
two stars in Cancer and then begin a phase of retrogradation. Some of the Chinese officials thought this
presaged a calamity by fire so they falsified the observations, but the explosion of a large powdermill
near Peking confirmed strikingly the exactness of the Jesuits (Bernard-Maitre (7), p. 457).
d Trigault informed his readers (Gallagher ed. p. 3z6) that Chinese astronomers knew nothing of
the two celestial poles. How far this deviated from the truth will be apparent from the whole history
of Chinese astronomical instruments, which we have outlined in the foregoing pages. Moreover, the
Jesuits brought the full Ptolemaic theory of epicycles, but the victory of Copernicus was so near that
Chinese astronomers could surely well have done without them.
e Cf. the Hun Kai Thung Hsien Thu Shuo I (On Plotting the Coordinates of the Celestial Sphere and
Vault) by Li Chih-Tsao' of + 1607. He was a collaborator of the Jesuits.
f In some cases, the Jesuits were really only reminding the Chinese of things which they themselves
had developed long before, but which the degenerate science of the Ming had forgotten. Thus the
Euclidean definition of a geometrical point caused much admiration (Bernard-Maitre (I), p . SI),
neither the Jesuits nor their Chinese friends being aware that the Mohists had discussed such matters
before the Han (cf. Vol. z, p. 194 above). Similarly, Ricci's demonstrations of the use of geometrical
quadrants and other means of measuring heights, distances and depths, were attended with enthusiasm
(Bemard-Maitre (I), p . 57), no one apparently being aware of the survey techniques already explained
in the + 3rd-century Hai Tao Suan Ching (p. 31 above). Trigault least of all (cf. Gallagher ed. p. 3z6).
20. ASTRONOMY
spherical earth a and its division into spaces separated by meridians and parallels.
Fifthly, the new 16th-century algebra of the time of Vieta was made available to the
Chinese, with many new computing methods, and ultimately mechanical devices such
as the slide-rule. Sixthly, by no means the least valuable transmission was the most
up-to-date European technique of instrument-making, graduating of scales, micro-
meter screws, and the like. The spread of the telescope was the climax of this.b
On the other hand, the world-picture which the Jesuits brought was that of the
closed Ptolemaic-Aristotelian geocentric universe of solid concentric crystalline
spheres. c Hence they opposed the indigenous Hsiian Yeh doctrine of the floating of
the heavenly bodies in infinite space, and the irony was that they did so just at a time
when the best minds in Europe were breaking away from the closed Aristotelian
system. Hence also (second) they obstructed the spread of the Copernican heliocentric
doctrine in China, for after all they could not but be sensitive to the condemnation of
Galileo by the Church. It followed, thirdly, that they substituted an erroneous theory
of the precession of the equinoxes for the cautious Chinese refusal to form any theory
at all about it.d Fourthly, they completely failed to appreciate the equatorial and polar
character of traditional Chinese astronomy, and therefore, confusing the hsiu divisions
with the zodiac, equalised the duodenary equatorial divisions when there was no need
to do so.e Fifthly, in spite of the advance to equatorial coordinates which was just
being made by Tycho Brahe, the Jesuits imposed the less satisfactory Greek ecliptic
coordinates upon Chinese astronomy, which had always been primarily equatorial, and
actually constructed in Peking, as we have seen, an ecliptic armillary sphere (cf.
pp. 379, 45 1 ).
A fascinating glimpse of this paradoxical situation is seen in letters which Ricci
wrote on 28th October and 4th November 1595, enumerating the 'absurdities', as he
called them, of the Chinese. f They say, he wrote, that
(1) The earth is flat and square, and that the sky is a round canopy; they did not succeed
in conceiving the possibility of the antipodes. g
a This again was not new to China, as the Jesuits thought (cf. Trigault, Gallagher ed. p. 325) for it
had been part of the ancient Hun Thien theory (cf. p. 217 above). It is strange that Chinese cosmology
had so little affected Chinese cartography. The Chinese may perhaps be pardoned for a certain reluctance
in accepting Ricci's presentation of terrestrial sphericity, since he reserved the centre of the earth for
the hell of the damned.
b Between 1634 and 1638 the Jesuits made many gifts of astronomical apparatus to the last Ming
emperor (details in Bernard-Maitre (7), p. 450). The monarch himself observed the eclipse of 20 Dec.
16 38 .
C See especially Aristotle, De Caelo, Bk. 2. There is a charming story of one of the friends of the
Jesuits, Chhli Thai-Su,' accepting a prism of rock-crystal and decorating its case with an inscription to
the effect that this was a piece of the very material of which the sky is composed (Trigault, Gallagher ed.
p. 318). On the dissolution of the closed cosmos in Europe see Koyre (5); Dingle (2).
d Bernard-Maitre (1), p. 88. The true explanation was reserved for Newton (Berry (I), p. 235).
e De Saussure (16d); Bernard-Maitre (I), pp. 49, 76, 86, etc.
f Venturi (I), vol. 2, pp. 175, 184, 185, 207; arranged by Bernard-Maitre (I), p. 48.
g Ricci had certainly met with a survival of the Kai Thien theory (p. 210 above).
'u,:k*
20. ASTRONOMY 439
(2) There is only one sky (and not ten skies). It is empty (and not solid). The stars move
in the void (instead of being attached to the firmament).a
(3) As they do not know what the air is, where we say that there is air (between the spheres)
they affirm that there is a void.
(4) By adding metal and wood, and omitting air, they count five elements (instead of
four)-metal, wood, fire, water and earth. Still worse, they make out that these elements
are engendered the one by the other; and it may be imagined with how little foundation they
teach it, but as it is a doctrine handed down from their ancient sages, no one dares to attack
it.b
(5) For eclipses of the sun, they give a very good reason, namely that the moon, when it
is near the sun, diminishes its light. c
(6) During the night, the sun hides under a mountain which is situated near the earth.d
Here we see the elements of superiority in European science at the turn of the 16th and
17th centuries imposing a fundamentally wrong world-picture, that of the solid
spheres, on the fundamentally right one which had come down from the Hsuan Yeh
school, of stars floating in infinite empty space. e
The point is worth looking at a little more closely. Five years after these words had
been written by Ricci in his letter home, William Gilbert was saying in his De Magnete:
Who has ever made out that the stars which we call fixed are in one and the same sphere,
or has established by reasoning that there are any real, and, as it were, adamantine spheres?
No one has ever proved this, nor is there a doubt but that just as the planets are at unequal
distances from the earth, so are these vast and multitudinous lights separated from the Earth
by varying and very remote altitudes-they are not set in any sphaerick frame or firmament.
The intervals of some are from their unfathomable distance matter of opinion rather than of
verification; others less than they are yet very remote, and at varying distances, either in that
most subtile quintessence, the thinnest aether, or in the void .... It is evident then that all
the heavenly bodies set as if in destined places are there formed into spheres, that they tend
to their own centres, and that round them there is a confluence of all their parts. And if they
have motion, that motion will rather be that of each round its own centre, as that of the Earth
is, or a forward movement of the centre in an orbit, as that of the Moon is .... But there can
be no movement of infinity and of an infinite body, and therefore no diurnal revolution of
that vastest Primum Mobile. f
a As has already been mentioned (p. 198 above), an echo of the Greek spheres may have penetrated
to China about - 300, but it played no part in Chinese astronomical thought. See also p. 603 below.
'The Chinese had never heard', wrote Trigault later, 'that the skies are composed of solid substance,
that the stars are fixed and not wandering round aimlessly, and that there are ten celestial orbs, en-
veloping one another, and moved by contrary forces' (Gallagher ed. p . 326). Indeed, Kho Chung-
Chiung wrote against these ideas in his Rsiian- Yeh ehing of + 1628.
b The arguments in favour of the Aristotelian elements were not a whit better. Trigault, however,
related with pride the triumph of the Four elements over the Five in the lectures and pamphlets of
the Jesuits (Gallagher ed . p . 327) . Yet this was almost contemporary with the epoch-making work of
Jean Rey and John Mayow in Europe, and within half a century the whole edifice of element-theory
was finally exploded by Robert Boyle.
C Ironical. It will be remembered that this is the ancient Yin-Yang influence theory (p . 412 above),
which one or other of Ricci's interlocutors must have fished out of the Lun Ring.
d A relic of the legendary cosmology which Ricci must have obtained from some uneducated
acquaintance rather than from anyone skilled in astronomy.
e It is unfortunate that Cronin (I), in a widely-read and moving book published in 1955, still seeks to
perpetuate the Jesuit legend of the backwardness of Chinese cosmology and astronomy (cL e.g. p. 138).
f Thompson tr., p. 215.
440 20. ASTRONOMY
Twenty years earlier, Giordano Bruno, in his De Infinito Universo, had been pointing
the same moral, in his usual more violent way:
The difficulty proceedeth from a false method and a wrong hypothesis-namely of the
weight and immovability of the Earth, and the position of the Primurn Mobile, with the
other seven, eight, nine, or more, spheres, on which stars are implanted, impressed, plastered,
nailed, knotted, glued, sculptured or painted-and that these stars do not reside in the same
space as our own star, named by us Earth.a
Thus was the 'false method' and 'wrong hypothesis' in cosmology introduced to
China. But did any stimulus come back in exchange? '
Most of the scholastics, following Aristotle, had held that a plurality of worlds was
an impossibility.b But in the 17th century the doctrine rapidly gained ground,c and it
was accompanied by a great proliferation of 'scientific' romances of interplanetary
travel, which have been reviewed in an excellent book by M. H. Nicolson (I ).d Among
the literary works in which these themes were set forth there are certain coincidences
which hint that the scepticism of the Chinese as to the solid spheres had not been
without influence. Thus, for example, Francis Godwin,e in The Man in the Moone; or,
A Discourse of a Voyage Thither, by Domingo Gonsales, the Speedy Messenger (1638),
one of the earliest scientific romances, makes his narrator fly to the moon in a machine
propelled by wild geese. From there the earth looks like any other planet, and after
some time the narrator, 'free of that tyrannous lodestone, the Earth', and acquiring
another sort of lodestone as antidote to the earth's attraction,! floats down safely,
arriving precisely in China, where he meets both mandarins and missionaries. g Both
the Chinese and the lunar people speak a tonal language. In less romantic form, the
same idea was urged by John Wilkins, h in his Discovery of a World in the Moon, tending
to prove that 'tis probable that there may be another habitable World in that Planet (also
1638), and Christian Huygens (1698). But the Chinese theme occurs again in the
a Gentile, Op. Ital., vo!. I, p. 402; Lagarde, Op. Ital., vo!. I, p. 388; D. Singer (I), p. 71.
b De Caelo, especially Bk. I. See Duhem (I), vo!. 2, pp. 55 fr. Pietro d'Abano, however, had
suggested in + 1310 that the heavenly bodies might not be borne on spheres, but rather move freely in
space (Duhem (3), vo!. 4, pp. 241 fr.; Crombie (I), p. 202). On him see especially Thorndike (I), vo!. 2,
pp. 874 fr.; Sarton (I), vo!. 3, pp. 439 fr. c See McColley (I) and D. Singer (I).
d This trend began with the first English translation (by Francis Hicks) of the works of Lucian of
Samosata (b. + 120) which had dealt with voyages to the moon. There were other ancient works, such
as Cicero's (- 106 to -43) Somnium Scipionis (Keyes, 2), and Plutarch's (+48 to + 123) De Facie in
Orbe Lunae, which had contained similar ideas, but which had lain dormant through the long period of
dominance of 'solid sphere' conceptions. It will hardly be believed that Lucian's contemporary,
Chang Heng the great astronomer, mathematician and engineer, also wrote an imaginary journey
beyond the sun-his Ssu Hsiian Fu,' an essay contained in the Wen Hsiion collection (ch. 15): cf.
Hughes (7), pp. 79, 87, 117, 118; (8).
e + 15 62 to + 1633. He had known Bruno at Oxford, and later became Bishop of Llandaff and
Chester. Cf. M. H. Nicolson (I), p. 71, for a fuller account.
f It will be recalled that just such a device was imagined by H. G. Wells in his First Men in the
Moon.
g McColley (2) conjectures that' Domingo Gonsales' partly conceals Matteo Ricci-both were born
in 1552 and reach Peking in 1601; both have a subordinate called Diego (in Ricci's case, Didace de
Pantoja) and use Macao as their depot for dispatches to Europe. It is certain that Godwin borrowed
much from Trigault's De Christian a Expeditione apud Sinas.
h + 1614 to + 1672, Bishop of Chester. For a fuller account see M. H. Nicolson (I), p. 93.
1 ,I!.\ 14Jit
20. ASTRONOMY
The sincere (and well-justified) admiration of Ricci himself for the instruments of
Kuo Shou-Ching has already been noted. d But such was the decadence of the late
Ming period, and so convinced were the Europeans of their scientific superiority, that
the accounts of Chinese astronomy which got through to 17th-century Europe were
mainly unfavourable. One or two relevant passages are worth looking at. Thus Trigault
wrote:
They have some Knowledge also of Astrologie and the Mathematikes: In Arithmetike
and Geometry antiently more excellent, but in learning and teaching confused. They reckon
a Rosa Ursina (1630), p. 765 (Bk. 4, Pt. 2, ch. 29, Pro Caelo Liquido Auctoritates Astronomorurn),
tr. Bernard-Maltre (7), p. 57, eng. auct. Scheiner's informant must have been Trigault.
b Nieuwhoff had accompanied the Dutch ambassadors to Peking in + 1656 (Cordier (1), vol. 3,
p. 262). In the second part of the book which he wrote about this embassy and about China he said:
'Et les opinions qu'ont quelques-uns (des Chinois) dans la physique, conformes a celles de Democrite
et de Pythagore touch ant la pluralite des Mondes, monstrent asses combien ceux de cette Nation se
plaisent a l'etude des choses naturelles' (p. 14).
c (1), vel. 2, p. 73 . d P. 367 above.
20. ASTRONOMY 443
four hundred Starres more than our Astrologers have mentioned, numb ring certaine smaller
which do not always appeare. Of the heavenly Appearances they have no rules: they are
much busied about foretelling Eclipses, and the courses of Planets, but therein very erroneous;
and all their Skill of Starres is in a manner that which we call Judiciall Astrology, imagining
these things below to depend on the Starres. Somewhat they have received of the Westerne
Saracens, but they confirme nothing by Demonstration, only have left to them Tables, by
which they reckon the Eclipses and Motions.
The first of this Royal Family (the Ming) forbad any to learne this Judiciall Astrology but
those which by Hereditary right are thereto designed, to prevent Innovations. But he
'which now reigneth mayntayneth divers Mathematicians, both Eunuches within the Palace
and Magistrates without, of which there are in Pequin two Tribunals, one of Chinois, which
follow their owne Authors, another of Saracens which reforme the same by their rules, and
by conference together. Both have in a small Hill a Plaine for contemplation where are the
huge Mathematicall Instruments of Brasse before mentioned: One of the Colledge nightly
watcheth thereon as is before observed. That of Nanquin exceeds this of Pequin, as being
then the Seat Royall. When the Pequin astrologers foretell Eclipses, the Magistrates and
Idoll Ministers are commanded to assemble in their Officiary Habits to helpe the labouring
Planets, which they think they do with beating brazen Bels, and often kneelings, all the time
that they thinke the Eclipse lasteth, lest they should then be devoured (as I have heard) by
I know not what Serpent. a
Another passage, from Lecomte, is of much interest as giving an eye-witness account
of that nightly observation which had been going on for perhaps three millennia.
They still continue their Observations. Five Mathematicians spend every Night on the
Tower in watching what passes over head; one is gazing towards the Zenith, another to the
East, a third to the West, the fourth turns his eyes Southwards, and a fifth Northwards, that
nothing of what happens in the four Corners of the World may scape their diligent Obser-
vation. They take notice of the Winds, the Rain, the Air, of unusual Phenomena's, such as
are Eclipses, the Conjunction or Opposition of Planets, Fires, Meteors, and all that may be
useful. This they keep a strict Accompt of, which they bring in every Morning to the
Surveyor of the Mathematicks, to be registered in his Office. If this had always been practised
by able and careful Mathematicians, we should have a great number of curious Remarks; b
but besides that these Astronomers are very unskilful, they take little care to improve that
Science; and provided their Salary be paid as usual, and their Income constant, they are in
no great trouble about the Alterations and Changes which happen in the Sky. But if these
Phenomena's are very apparent, as when there happens an Eclipse, or a Comet appears,
they dare not be altogether so negligent. c
Now the two most important features in European astronomy at the time the
Jesuits began their work in China were (a) the invention and use of the telescope, and
(b) the acceptance of the heliocentric theory of Copernicus. The former they trans-
mitted, but the latter, after some hesitations, they held back. The reform of the Chinese
calendar, which usually looms so large, and of which some criticisms have already been
made (pp. 258, 404 above), has been exhaustively described by Bernard-Maitre (7); in
a The passage is taken from the recension of his De Christiana Expeditione (+ 1615) englished in
Purchas his Pilgrimes, vo!. 3, p . 384. Also Gallagher ed. p . 3I.
b Lecomte evidently had no idea as to the relative value of ancient and medieval records of celestial
phenomena in China and Europe.
C Memoirs and Observations, etc., p. 71.
20. ASTRONOMY
reality, it was much less significant than the two developments just mentioned. Owing
to the researches of d'Elia (I, 3) we are now fairly well informed about what really
happened. Szczesniak (2) has said that the Copernican conflict had an even more tragic
history in China than in Europe, since it lasted down to the end of the 18th century.
Duyvendak (6) has underlined the importance of the failure of the Jesuits to transmit
the heliocentric system of the universe.
Ricci died in Peking in 1610, the same year in which Galileo published his Sidereus
Nuntius. In the following winter, Christopher Clavius and other Jesuits of the Roman
College repeated his telescopic observations a and confirmed them. But this made the
Jesuits anti-Aristotelian rather than anti-Ptolemaic. Clavius, the teacher and friend of
Ricci, died in 1612. The two condemnations of Galileo's Copernican views b were in
1616 and 1632, and must have had considerable effect on the China Mission. The first
reference to the telescope in Chinese is in the Thien Wen Liieh I (Explicatio Sphaerae
Coelestis)c by Emanuel Diaz (Yang Ma-No2) of 1615, where Galileo is said to have
devised it because he 'lamented the weakness of the unaided eye' (ai chhi mu li 3). Venus
was seen as big as the moon, and Saturn looked as if it had a hen's egg on each side
(Fig. 185), while Jupiter's satellites were clearly visible (Fig. 187). In 1618 Johannes
Terrentius (Johann Schreck; Teng Yii-Han 4) arrived in China; he had been the seventh
member of the Cesi Academy, having been elected next after Galileo, and was an
astronomer and physicist of great gifts. He brought with him a telescope, which was
eventually given to the emperor in 1634, and remained in touch with Galileo, who was
not very helpful, and with Kepler, who took more interest. d Kepler sent out with the
Polish Jesuit Michael Boym (Pu Mi-Ko 5) e a set of the (Copernican) Rudolphine Tables
in 1627, and Boym, who stayed at Macao, passed them on with enthusiastic praise to
Peking.! In the previous year, Adam Schall von Bell (Thang Jo-Wang 6 )g had pub-
a Especially on the lunar mountains, the sun-spots, the phases of Venus, the shape of Saturn, the
moons of Jupiter, the nebula in Orion, the Praesepe cluster in Cancer, and many stars not before
visible. John Adam Schall von Bell, later to be the first European Director of the Chinese Bureau of
Astronomy, was present as a young man in the hall of the Roman College in May x6x I when Galileo
received a triumphant welcome from Clavius and his 'mathematicians' after their confirmation of his
discoveries.
b See Banfi (I) and de Santillana (x), two recent valuable contributions to this long discussed subject.
c Cordier (8), p. 18. On the coming of the telescope to Japan see Mikami (17).
d 'Father Terrentius', says Gaubil (5), p. 285, 'wrote to the celebrated Kepler, telling him what the
Yao Tien (chapter of the Shu Ching) reports about the stars. Undoubtedly it was on this occasion that
he sent him the Chinese method for computing solar eclipses. Kepler was also informed of the eclipses
in the Shu Ching and the Shih Ching, as well as of others taken from the Chhun Chhiu and the (dynastic)
histories. But now we have not been able to find here the copies of the letters, nor of the replies which
Kepler doubtless made to them.' Actually the letters and the answers were printed in 1630 in Silesia
(Pfister (I), p. 157), and reprinted in the Frisch edition of Kepler's works, vol. 7. pp. 667 ff. Cf.
Bernard-Maitre (7). On the general question of the relations of Terrentius (Schreck) and other Jesuit
scientists with Galileo and Kepler, see Gabrieli (I, 2) and Bernard-Maitre (12). Schreck knew them
both personally.
e See Szczesniak (6). f See Szczesniak (3).
g See his biography by Viith (x). Though Terrentius and then Rho had been in charge of calendar
reform from 1629 onwards, Schall von Bell was the first to receive official rank as Director (Chien Cheng7)
of the Bureau of Astronomy (Chhin Thien Chien 8). No Jesuit was ever President of it. The succession
PLATE LXIII
Fig. 185. Two pages from the Thien Wen Lueh (Explicatio Sphaerae Coelestis) of Emanuel Diaz (+ 1615)
relating for the first time in Chinese the discoveries made with Galileo's telescopes.
The right-hand page relds: 'Most of the above observations (on lengths of days and nights, eclipses,
etc.) were made with the naked eye. But such vision is short; how could it attain to even one ten-
thousandth part of the mysterious principles of the vast Heavens? Quite recently, however, a famous
scholar of the West, particularly learned in calendrical science and himself an observer of the sun,
moon and planets, deploring the weakness of his eyes, has made an ingenious instrument which helps
them. With this device an object one foot in size can be seen at a distance of 60 li as clearly as if it was
in front of one's eyes. The moon, seen through (this telescope) seems a thousand times larger than usual.'
The left-hand page reads : 'Venus appears as large as the moon; its light increases and decreases just
like the moon's. Saturn, as shown in the above diagram, seems to have a rounded shape like that of an
egg, with two small stars on each side, but whether or not they are attached to it we do not know.
Jupiter can be seen always surrounded by four small stars, continually revolving around it at great
speed, one at the west and one at the east, or vice versa, and sometimes all on the west side or all on
the east side-(in any case) their movement differs greatly from that of the 28 hsiu. For these stars
must remain in the regions of (each of) the seven planets, and form (indeed) a special sort of star.
Then, when one looks (with the telescope) at the great constellations in the firmament one sees an
immense multitude of small stars closely crowded together, hence the light from their bodies seems to
form a white stream, which we call the Milky Way. As soon as one of these instruments arrives in China
we shall give more details on its marvellous uses' (tr. d'Elia (3), mod. auct.).
The 'triple' appearance of Saturn was first seen by Galileo in + 1610 but he could never interpret it;
the disposition of the rings and satellites was not clarified until Huygens' Systema Saturnium of 1659.
PLATE LXIV
Fig. 186. The first Chinese picture of the telescope, the' far-seeing optick
glass', from Adam Schall von Bell's Yuan Ching Shuo of + 1626.
20. ASTRONOMY 445
lished a Chinese treatise on the telescope, Yuan Ching Shuo 1 (The Far-Seeing Optick
Glass) (cf. Fig. 186).a But not until + 1640, in Schall's history of Western astronomy
in Chinese, were the names of Galileo (Chia-Li-Lueh 2), Tycho Brahe (Ti-Ku 3),
Copernicus (Ko-Pai-Ni 4) and K.epler (Kho-Pai-Erh 5) actually mentioned. b
It is clear that in this early period, especially before the condemnation of Galileo,
the missionaries were not at one on Copernicanism. It was favoured by Boym, and
taught by Nicholas Smogul~cki (Mu Ni-K 06), another Pole, at Nanking, while
\Venceslaus Kirwitzer, who went out with Terrentius, was definitely a Copernican, but
1: 1 ;ok
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Fig. 187. Diagrams of the moons of Jupiter (from the Thu Shu Chi Chheng).
died young in 1626. In general it may be said that Chinese books between 1615 and
1635 described the telescopic discoveries, but did not mention Copernican ism, then
for a short time the heliocentric theory was described, but after news of the condemna-
tion had reached China a curtain descended and a return to the Ptolemaic view took
was as follows: Schall (1645-66), Verbiest (1669-88), P. M. Grimaldi (1688-1706 an d 1710-12),
A. Thomas (Acting, 1686-94), C. Kastner (1707-<), B. Kilian Stumpf (1712-20), I. Kogler (1720-46),
A. von Hallerstein (1746-74), Felix da Rocha (1774-81), J. d'Espinha (1781-3), and J. B. d'Almeida
(1783-1805). Pfister (I), p . 886, says that d'Almeida closed the line, but from Huc (I), himself a Lazarist,
we learn that the last missionary to be employed in the Bureau of Astronomy, perhaps not as Director,
was the Lazarist Gaetan Pires-Pereira (d . 1838).
a Cordier (8), p. 37. This book included a rough picture of the Crab Nebula, though neither Schall
nor his readers knew what its later importance for cosmology would be, nor that it had come from the
+1054 supernova observed only in China and Japan.
b Li Fa Hsi Chrlan;' see Pfister (I), p. 180. Such transliterations were long in use, cf. Chhou Jen
Chuan, chs. 43-6.
'i:HHlt 5 ~J sW
6.n;.1IIl
20. ASTRONOMY
place. a This had long before been clearly expounded in the Chien Phing I Shuo l
(Elementary Explanations of Astronomical Instruments)b of 1611 by Sabbathin
de Ursis (Hsiung San-Pa 2 ).
Humanistic colleagues have sometimes expressed surprise that the Jesuits could have
been so successful at preparing for the Chinese court a calendar of ' Renaissance' type
while at the same time adhering to the Ptolemaic world-system and rejecting the
Copernican. c The first answer is that on the purely calendricallevel there is nothing to
choose between them. The geocentric and the heliocentric hypotheses were in strict
mathematical equivalence; whether the earth or the sun was at rest, the lengths and
angles were identical, and similar triangles had to be solved.d Decision lay far beyond
the frame of reference of the calendar-computer; it needed the relatively accurate
observational data of the age of Cassini and Flamsteed. Secondly, the Chinese them-
selves had produced very good calendars for centuries before the time of the Jesuits
without employing any geometrical model of the solar system at all. A calendar is
only a method of reconciling terrestrial-celestial periodicities observed as carefully as
possible, predicting their recurrences, and adjusting conventional human time units
a In the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia there is a diagram of the Tychonic theory of the solar
system (Fig. 188 from Lifa tien, ch. 65, p. 3b); cf. Berry (I), p. 137. We have not found a diagram of
the Copernican.
b Pfister (I), p . 105.
e I am much indebted to Dr Victor Purcell for raising this point in challenging form.
d See the discussion of Price (2), p. 94.
20. ASTRONOMY 447
(months, days, etc.) to the best fit.a 'Nhere the Jesuits scored was in the more advanced
character of their instruments and the superiority of their mathematics (old geometry
indeed but quite new algebra). But it took them nearly a century to learn to profit by
the great wealth of recorded Chinese celestial observations.
A curious result of the Jesuit failure to make use of the Chinese records until the
time of Gaubil was that when Terrentius in 1628 expounded the telescopic discovery of
sun-spots in his Tshe Thien Yo Shuo I (Brief Description of the Measurement of the
Heavens),b there was no mention of the fact that they had been known for a dozen
centuries before the Europeans discovered them.
Szczesniak (I) has contrasted the situation of China with that of Japan. The effect
of the closure of Japan between 1616 and 1720 was to emphasise the contribution of
Dutch traders rather than that of Roman Catholic missionaries. When the first
modern observatory in Japan was founded about 1725 under the direction of Nakane
Genkei,2 Copernican ideas were fully admitted there. c But in China it was not until
the early 19th century, with the contributions of the Protestant missionaries, such as
Joseph Edkins, Alex. Wylie and John Fryer, that Copernican views really spread.
Some detail of their work will be found in Szczesniak (2). But it is impossible to accept
his contention that the main reason of the Jesuits for not propagating Copernicanism
was the resistance of the Chinese to any abandonment of the geocentric world-view;
this can have been only a part of the story. On the whole, one concludes that the Jesuit
contribution was not an unmixed blessing.
Nevertheless, the later work of the Society was indeed impressive. Between 1629 and
1635 the second generation of missionaries, including, besides Terrentius and Schall
von Bell, James Rho (Lo Ya-Ku 3 ), and, to a minor extent, Nicholas Longobardi
(Lung Hua-Min 4),d collaborating with Hsii Kuang-Chhi, Li Chih-Tsao and Li
Thien-Ching,5 produced a monumental compendium of the scientific knowledge of
the time. This was entitled, upon its presentation in the latter year, the Chhung-Chen
Li Shu 6 (Chhung-Chen Reign-Period Treatise on (Astronomy and) Calendrical
a A great deal of nonsense has been written about the calendar reform of the Jesuits in China.
Cronin (I), pp. 142,230, 231, writes as if the Gregorian Calendar (partly the work of Matteo Ricci's
teacher Christopher Clavius) adopted in Europe in 1582 was a corollary of the Ptolemaic theory. This,
he suggests, had been introduced to China by the Arabs, but rejected there, so that its absence caused
calendrical disorder. On the contrary, the Gregorian Calendar was simply another system of inter-
calation, more ingenious than its forerunners, but still arbitrary, as any such system of reconciling
incommensurables must be. Cf. Fotheringham (I), p. 743; Phi lip (I), p . 20.
b Pfister (I), p. 157.
C The growth of modern science in Japan lies outside our field. But attention may be drawn to an
interesting series of papers by Mikami (8, 9, 10,11, 14). A Japanese physician (Petrus Hartsingiu s
Japonensis, perhaps identical with Hatono Soha) studied in 17th-century Leiden, and managed to return
to his own country. An Italian missionary (Giuseppe Chiara) abandoned his mission, took a Japanese
name (Sawano ChUan 7 ) and settled down to spend his life translating Dutch scientific books, especially
on astronomy. On Nakane Genkei see Hayashi (2), pp. 354ff.
d We have met with him before in connection with Leibniz (Sect. 161, in Vol. 2, p. 501 above).
Science).a After the Manchus came in, ten years later, in 1645, Schall von Bell
attained greater favour, and the encyclopaedia was reissued as the Hsi- Yang Hsin Fa
Li Shu I (Treatise on (Astronomy and) Calendrical Science according to the New
Western Methods).b Eventually it formed the basis for the Yii.-Ting Li Hsiang Khao
Chheng 2 (Complete Studies on Astronomy and Calendar),C edited by Ho Kuo-
Tsung 3 and Mei Ku-Chheng 4 and printed in 1723. Later on, in 1738, after much
of it had been incorporated in the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia,d it was improved
by the addition of astronomical tables embodying the new observations of Cassini and
Flamsteed. These were the work of Ignatius Kogler (Tai Chin-Hsien 5) and Andrew
Pereira (Hsii Mou-Te 6).e
Here we must halt a moment. The reader will probably have noticed nothing
especially significant in the preceding paragraph, seemingly concerned only with the
recitation of fact. But actually it raises certain points of extreme importance in these
culture-contacts of the two great civilisations, and we must look at the facts more
closely. It is vital today that the world should recognise that 17th-century Europe did
not give rise to essentially 'European' or 'Western' science, but to universally valid
world science, that is to say, 'modern' science as opposed to the ancient and medieval
sciences. Now these last bore indelibly an ethnic image and superscription. Their
theories, more or less primitive in type, were culture-rooted, and could find no common
medium of expression. But when once the basic technique of discovery had itself been
discovered, once the full method of scientific investigation of Nature had been under-
stood, the sciences assumed the absolute universality of mathematics, and in their
modern form are at home under any meridian, the common light and inheritance of
every race and people. Of argument about elements and humours, Yin and Yang, or
, philosophical sulphur', there could be no end, the disputants could reach no common
ground. But the mathematisation of hypotheses led to a universal language, an
oecumenical medium of exchange, a reincarnation of the merchants' single-value
standard on a plane transcending merchandise. And what this language communicates
is a body of incontestable scientific truth acceptable to all men everywhere. Without it
a It has 100. 110 or 137 chapters (not of course 'volumes' as so often said). according to different
editions and sources. Cf. Pfister (I). p. 156; Bernard-Maitre (7). p. 452; Li Nien (4). vo!. I. p. 167.
(21). vo!. 3. p . 37.
b It now contained an appendix entitled Hsin Fa Piao 17 (Differences between the Old and the New
Astronomical Systems). and later on, in 1656, Schall von Bell added his Li Fa Hsi Chuan (History of
Western Astronomy). already mentioned, as another.
C This formed . with the treatise on acoustics and music. Lii Lii Cheng 1. and the companion one on
mathematics. Shu Li Ching Yiin. the three parts of the Lii Li Yuan Yuan (Ocean of Calendrical and
Acoustic Calculations). an official and imperial publication. There is room for some doubt about the
true authorship of the Li Hsiang Khao Chheng. though it was certainly Chinese and not Jesuit ; cf.
Hummel (2). pp. 93. 285. 922. Elaborate description by Bernard-Maitre (7). Cf. p. 53 above.
d Li fa tien. chs. 51--78.
e Andrew Pereira is of particular interest to us as he was the only Englishman among all the Jesuits
of the China Mission. He came of a family of the name of Jackson. settled in Oporto. doubtless con·
nected with the wine trade and naturalised Portuguese. He seems to have been a very sympathetic
character. and was a particular friend of the Yung-Cheng emperor, not otherwise an amateur of
missionaries. Cf. Pfister (I). p. 652.
20. ASTRONOMY 449
plagues are not checked, and aircraft will not fly. The physically unified world of our
own time has indeed been brought into being by something that happened historically
in Europe, but no man can be restrained from following the path of Galileo and
Vesalius, and the period of political dominance which modern technology granted to
Europeans is now demonstrably ending.
In their gentle way, the Jesuits were among the first to exercise this dominance,
spiritual though in their case it was meant to be. To seek to accomplish their religious
mission by bringing to China the best of Renaissance science was a highly enlightened
proceeding, yet this science was for them only a means to an end. Their aim was
naturally to support and commend the ' Western' religion by the prestige of the science
from the West which accompanied it. This new science might be true, but for the
missionaries what mattered just as much was that it had originated in Christendom.
The implicit logic was that only Christendom could have produced it. Every correct
eclipse prediction was thus an indirect demonstration of the truth of Christian theology.
The non sequitur was that a unique historical circumstance (the rise of modern science
in a civilisation with a particular religion) cannot prove a necessary concomitance.
Religion was not the only feature in which Europe differed from Asia. But the
Chinese were acute enough to see through all this from the very beginning. The
Jesuits might insist that Renaissance natural science was primarily ' Western', but the
Chinese understood clearly that it was primarily ' new' .
Thus the' Chhung-Chen treatise ' of 1635 reappeared ten years later as the' Western
treatise according to New Methods'. Schall von Bell had been wanting to use the word
' Western' a long time previously. In a letter to Francis Furtado (Fu Fan-Chi I) of
November 1640, he said he was aiming at a Hsi Kho z (Western Bureau) within the
Li Kho 3 (Department of the Calendar), but that the disadvantage of this was that it put
it only on a level with the Muslim Bureau (Hui-Hui Kho 4) already existing. He wrote :
' The word Hsi (Western) is very unpopular (with the Chinese), and the emperor in
his edicts never uses any word other than Hsin (New); in fact the former word is
employed only by those who wish to depreciate us.' a But after the change of dynasty
Schall evidently felt that he could freely use the term ' Western' ; after all, the Manchus
were foreign too. So for many years printed calendars bore the title ' ... i Hsi-Yang
Hsin Fa' (according to the New Western Methods). For this he was taken to task in
1661 by Yang Kuang-Hsien,s and three years later formally condemned by the
President of the Ministry of Rites for having used a formula' injurious for the dignity
of the empire'.b However, before long, Schall having died in 1666, his Belgian
successor Ferdinand Verbiest (Nan Huai-Jen 1)a was called to the Khang-Hsi
emperor (who had succeeded in 1662) and spent no less than five months daily with
him teaching and explaining the new mathematics and astronomy.b It was then about
1669 that the encyclopaedia was reissued with again a new title, theHsin Fa Suan Shu 2
(Treatise on Mathematics (and Astronomy) according to the New Methods).c The
emperor's insistence united him unknowingly with that group of men at the other end
of the world who exactly at the same time were meeting in the Royal Society to work
out the implications of the' new, or experimental, philosophy'-just as new for Europe
as for China. d
Down to the very end of the mission the Jesuits were the prisoners of their limited
motive and the Chinese sought persistently to emphasise the continuity of the new
science with the old. For example, in 1710 Jean-Fran~ois Foucquet (Fu Sheng-Tse 3 )
and others of the Society wished to make use of the new planetary tables of P. de la
Hire, e but the Father-Visitor would not permit it, for fear of 'giving the impression of
a censure on what our predecessors had so much trouble to establish, and occasioning
new accusations against our religion'. f Any acceptance of Copernican ism would
equally have raised doubts about all Ricci's teachings. In fact the penalty of enlisting
live science in the service of fixed doctrine was to inhibit its development-Urania's
feet were bound. Only in certain cases could the Jesuits move forward; for instance,
the armillary sphere of 1744 was a Chinese (and therefore 'modern') equatorial, not a
Greek ecliptic, instrument; the old European coordinates were quietly given up.
Meanwhile the Chinese were much concerned to show that the study of Nature had a
continuous history. This is transparent from passages such as the following: g
In the Wan-Li reign-period (+ 1573 to + 1619) the western foreigner Li Ma-Tou (Matteo
Ricci) made designs for an armillary sphere, a celestial and a terrestrial globe, etc. Li Chih-
Tsao of Jen-ho wrote a discussion on the discovery, construction and use of the armillary
sphere, which, though of some length, did not include diagrams. For (the new design) was
not essentially different from the (long-known) apparatus constituted by the' component of
the six cardinal points', the 'component of the three arrangers of time' and the ' com-
ponent of the four displacements'.h The main improvement was that whereas formerly the
polar altitude was fixed in the casting, the new model was so arranged as to be adjustable for
different latitudes-a very convenient thing . ...
The design and construction of astronomical instruments, and the making of observations
have always been the first duty of astronomers. Those who are technically skilful can devise
a See Bemard-Maitre (II), and de Burbure (1) from whom we reproduce Fig. 189.
b Large scrolls and wall-diagrams of planispheres, planetary motions, and astronomical instruments,
wdl printed in Chinese, both by Schall von Bell in the thirties and by Verbiest in the sixties, are still
extant, though very mre. I had the opportunity of examining a number of them in the possession of
Messrs P. R. Robinson, Ltd., in London in 1956. All published bibliographies are inadequate regarding
these charts. C Cf. Bemard-Maitre (7), p . 481 .
d Mr Jean Chesneaux was the first to see the importance of the successive changes in the titles of
the Jesuit b"oks, and I owe to him an appreciation of it. We have emphasised it together elsewhere
(ChesneauJ< & Needham, 1).
e Tabulae Astronomicae, Paris, 1702 (R. Wolf (3), vol. 2, p. 288).
t Pfister (1), p. 551. g Ming Shih, ch. 25, pp. 17a, 19b; tr. auet.
h Cf. pp. 343 if. above.
PLATE LXV
Fig. 189. Ferdinand Verbiest, habited as a Chinese official, with his sextant and his celestial globe.
The picture is a Japanese print by Utagawa Kuniyoshi (1797 to 1861), one of a series of 108 entitled
Tsugoku Suikoden Koketsu hy aju hachinin ikko (The Hundred and Eight Heroes of the Popular Novel
Shui Hu Chuan). The legend reads : 'Cbioku Seigoyo [Chih-To-Hsing, Wu Yung], a man from the
village of Tokei, having the cog nomen Gagaku-kyudo, and the literary name Karyu-sensei. In military
science he was not inferior to Komei [i.e. Chuko Liang] and Taikoho [i.e. Chiang Tzu-Ya], and for
wiles and stratagems he equalled Hanrei [i.e. Fan Li]. He was a general at Ryosanhaku [i.e. Liang Shan
Po, the headquarters of the rebellion described in All Men are Brothers].' None of these names resembles
in the least Verbiest's real Chinese name, N an Huai-Jen, but the allusion must be to his casting of cannon
for the Chh:ng government in + 1675 against Wu San-Kuei. His conflation with one of the heroes of
popular literature in this way is remarkable (photo. Michel, reproduced by de Burbure).
PLATE LXVI
Fig. 190. The Peking Observatory refitted by Ferdinand Verbiest (+ 1674), according to
the engraving made by Melchior Haffner fo r Verbiest's Astronomia Europaea of + 1687
and often copied elsewhere both in Chinese and Western books (e.g. Thu Shu Chi Chheng).
The view is taken from the south. The instruments shown are as follows, proceeding from
the north-east corner of the platform (background, right): sextant, q uadrant, horizon circle,
ecliptic armillary sphere, celestial globe, equatorial armillary sphere . The eastern wall of
the city, not shown, runs along the right-hand side of the picture.
Fig. 191. The Peking Observatory, photographed about 1925 from the north-east corner of the platform. On the right the armillary sphere of
Kogler & von Hal1erstein (+ 1744) and Verbiest 's quadrant. In the centre, Verbiest's celestial globe. At the back, in the southern row, from right
to left, Verbiest's ecliptic armillary sphere and horizon circle, then Stumpf's quadrant altazimuth (+ 1714) (photo. Whipple Museum Collection).
The background is formed by the roofs and trees of the city of Peking.
PLATE LXVIII
In 1669 there began the great refitting of the Peking observatory (Figs. 190, 191)e
under the care of Ferdinand Verbiest (Fig. 189). The instruments of Yuan or Ming
time were taken down from the astronomical platform on the eastern wall of the city,!
and a new set installed in their place, where they have remained until the present time.g
The Jesuit and later instruments are as follows: h
(I) Simple ecliptic armillary sphere, huang tao ehing wei i, 6 supported on four
dragon heads. Verbiest, 1673.
a These are not standard names but probably refer to instruments of quadrant altazimuth type.
b Pfister (I), p. 8z3, from Lettres Ed. IS! Curieuses, vo!. 4, p. zZ4.
C Cf. pp. 469, 478, 6z7 below. d Cf. p . 383 above.
e The literature on the instruments and their arrangement on the observatory platform is scattered
but copious. The best drawings of them in a Western work are those in Lecomte (French edition only).
Starting from the general view given by Verbiest himself (Fig. 190), which appears also in TSCC,
Lifa tien, ch. 93, pp. zb, 3 a, and was often copied (as by du Halde), the observatory can be studied in
the descriptions and illustrations of many successive authors from the middle of the last century-
J. Thomson (I), Mouchez (I), Bosmans (z), Damry (I), Planchet (I), Kao Lu (I), F . B. Robinson (I).
Very recently Chhen Tsun-Kuei (6) has produced a standard account of the instruments.
Intensive study has been devoted to the observatory's history by Mr P. A. Jehl of Paris, to whom
I am indebted for much interesting information.
f They long remained in and among the buildings belonging to the Bureau of Astronomy below the
platform, but in recent times two at least were kept at the Purple Mountain Observatory at Nanking
(cf. p. 367 above).
I have had the good fortune to be able to visit the Peking Observatory twice (1946 and 195z). Since
on the latter occasion the site was in a military area, I take this opportunity of thanking Captain Chou Li-
Kung for the very warm welcome which he accorded to our party. The instruments were in good
condition.
g Unless they have already been removed to indoor positions at the National Planetarium and
Museum of Astronomy first opened in Peking in May 1956. Dr Chu Kho-Chen has informed us that
some such better protection for them is planned. Apart from this, four of the Jesuit instruments
(nos. 3, 4, 6 and 8), together with the armillary sphere of Kuo Shou-Ching (see p . 369 above), were
carried away in 1901 by the Germans as part of their Boxer Rebellion indemnity, but returned to their
original places after the First World War, in 19zo. Their interim location had been the Sans Souci
Palace at Pots dam. Photographs of them taken there were published by R. Muller (I).
h Most of the best known enumerations are confused and erroneous, e.g. Couling (I), p . 40Z;
Fabre (I), pp. 76ff.; Arlington & Lewisohn (I), pp. 155ff.
'lI:If 'I!fi~ 3J{f;ti({:: .~j\,f;iJ 5~itf;iJ
6~n!twUfA
452 20. ASTRONOMY
(2) Simple equatorial armillary sphere, chhih tao ching wei i, I supported on the
arched back of a dragon. Verbiest, 1673.
(3) Large celestial globe, thien thi i,2 encased in a horizon framework with four
pedestals. Verbiest, 1673.
(4) Horizon circle for azimuth measurements, ti phing ching i,3 table supported on
four pedestals, pointers slung from an overhead bearing. Verbiest, 1673.
(5) Quadrant, ti phing wei i,4 or hsiang hsien i,S supported on a vertical shaft with
upper and lower bearings. Verbiest, 1673.
(6) Sextant, chi hsien i,6 on a single pedestal (Fig. 192). Verbiest, 1673.
(7) Quadrant altazimuth,a ti phing ching wei i.7 Stumpf, 1713-15.
(8) Elaborate equatorial armillary sphere,b chi heng tu chhen i. 8 Kogler, 1744,
assisted by von Hallerstein and Gogeisl, perhaps also by Gaubil and de la
Charme (Sun Chang 9).
(9) Smaller celestial globe,C hun hsiang lO •
Illustrations of the first six of these were published by Verbiest under the title of
I Hsiang Thu I I (Designs of Astronomical Instruments) with their description I Hsiang
Chih I2 (1673), d and finally incorporated into the Y u- Ting I H siang Khao Chheng I3
(Complete Studies of Astronomical Instruments) edited by Kogler & von Hallerstein
in 1744. A great deal of this, ric~ly illustrated, had appeared in the Thu Shu Chi
Chheng, e but the most beautiful drawings are those published by Tung Kao I4 in the
Huang Chhao Li Chhi Thu Shih IS (ch. 3) of 1759 and 1766. We have reproduced from
it the drawing of Verbiest's globe and other pictures (Figs. 136, 176, 177). We now add
two showing the preparation of other instruments (Figs. 193 and 194). The western
a This instrument is of a rather clumsy design, differing from all the others in having graduations
inlaid in brass, figures in Arabic numerals, but no founder's inscription and no dragon decorations
(cf. Chhen Tsun-Kuei (6), p. 45).
It has commonly been supposed that King Louis XIV of France presented it in these years to the
Khang-Hsiemperor, but no record of this remains in Chinese sources, as far as we know, and MrP. A. Jehl
informs me that no evidence of manufacture in Paris, or shipment, can be found. On the other hand,
Bemard Kilian Stumpf (Chi Li-AnI6), who was Director of the Astronomical Bureau from 171Z to 1720,
was afterwards said by his Chinese colleagues to have melted down some old bronze instruments to make
new ones (Pfister (I), p. 645). If this was so, the quadrant altazimuth must be a work of Stumpf's, and
its bronze must stem from instruments of the Yuan or Ming-which we would much rather have had
today than his.
b For the constructional details of this see p. 35Z and Table 31 above.
C There is considerable mystery about this instrument. Its casing and pedestal, though apparently of
18th-century style, differ from those of the Verbiest globe. It appears in photographs of the observatory
taken during the Potsdam interregnum and sometimes earlier, but disappears after 19ZO. One wonders
whether it could be the globe of Kuo Shou-Ching described in Yuan Shih , ch. 48, p. 5 b, presumably
seen both by Ricci and Lecomte (cf. Needham, Wang & Price), and eventually given an 18th-century
housing?
d Pfister (I), p. 354.
e Li fa tim, chs. 85 ff. Most of the illustrations of apparatus are in chs. 93-5, with explanations in
chs. 89--9Z.
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20. ASTRONOMY 453
-*
Fig. 193. Making the Jesuit astronomical instruments for the Peking Observatory in + 1673; a page
from the Thu Shu Chi Chheng showing the grinding of a bronze armillary ring.
Fig. 194. Testing the trueness of a bronze armillary ring (from the Thu Shu Chi Chhengj.
454 20. ASTRONOMY
counterpart to these publications was the Astronomia Europaea sub Imperatore Tartaro-
Synico Cam Hy (Khang-Hsi) appellato, ex Umbra in Lucem Revocata, of 1687, from
which we have already seen the illustration of the whole observatory. a In the same
period comes the book by another Jesuit, Francis Noel (Wei Fang-Chi I), published
at Prague in 1710, in which he gave for European readers much information on the
stems, branches, hsiu, etc., with a rough correlation of Chinese and European star-
catalogues, and a discussion of Chinese metrology.b During the 18th century many
observations on eclipses were made, largely by Jacques-Philippe Simonelli (Hsii Ta-
Sheng2) and published jointly by him with Kogler and Melchior dell a Briga between
1744 and 1747. A great deal of positional work was done with the new instruments,
and a catalogue of 3083 stars was included in the I Hsiang Khao Chheng edition of 1757,
under a preface written by the emperor himself. The astronomers responsible were
Kogler and Felix da Rocha (Fu Tso-Lin 3) with Augustin von Hallerstein (Liu
Sung-Ling 4 ) and Anton Gogeisl (Pao Yu-Kuan s). These observations have all been
reduced to modern expression and published in translated form by Tsuchihashi
& Chevalier. Another event of importance in this period was the Huang Tao Tsung
Hsing Thu 6 (Star-Maps on Ecliptic Co-ordinates)C by Kogler, published a few years
after his death in 1746.
The transmissions of the Jesuits seem to have affected a number of Chinese scholars
who were more or less outside their circle. The works ofWang Hsi-Shan,7 for instance,
deserve a special investigation. d His Wu H sing Hsing Tu Chieh 8 (Analysis of the Motions
of the Five Planets), published in 1640, proposed essentially what had been the system
of Tycho Brahe, namely, that the sun moves round the earth but all the other planets
move round the sun (+ 1583).e One of his diagrams is reproduced in Fig. 195. There
is no evidence that this was not independently thought out, perhaps from a bare hint
that someone in the West had conceived this idea. He followed it up three years later
with a larger work, the Hsiao-An Hsin Fa 9 (Wang Hsi-Shan's New (Astronomical)
Methods), which was an attempt to synthesise Western and Chinese ideas. So far as
I can see, this astronomer was a capable man; at least he understood the Chinese
system, and knew that the hsiu were equatorial divisions, which was more than the
Jesuits did.
His contemporary Hsiieh Feng-Tsu 10 was more closely connected with the Jesuits,
since he was a collaborator of Smogult;cki at Nanking,! and therefore probably a
a A work with a very similar title, the Liber Organicus Astronomiae etc., had been printed by Verbiest
in Peking as early as 1668. It has u5 plates of astronomical instruments (see Cordier (8), p. 46;
Pfister (I), p. 358).
b Cf. Slouka (I). Noel was also an accomplished linguist, sinologist and philosopher whose other
books (2, 3, 4) played a part in the Rites Controversy. He was strongly on the sinophile side.
C Pfister (I), p . 647.\
d So also does the rare bookHan Yu Thung l l (General Survey of the Universe) of + 1648 by Hsiung
Ming-Yii l2 and his son Hsiung ]en-Lin ll on general astronomy (see Hummel, 6).
e Berry (I), p. 137. Cf. Fig. 188. f Cf. p. 52 above.
Chinese and Western astronomy, and his treatise on eclipses Thien Pu Chen Yuan z
(True Origins of the Celestial Movements) was the first book in Chinese to make use
of logarithms. Other scholars followed tradition in being more interested in chrono-
logy, e.g. Hsu Fa3, who in +1682 supported the unorthodox 'Bamboo Books' datings
Fig. 195. A geometrical construction from Wang Hsi-Shan's Wu Hsing Hsing Tu Chieh (1' 1640) to
explain the Tychonic theory of the solar system.
in his Thien Yuan Li Li Chhuan Shu 4 (Complete Treatise on the Thien Yuan
Calendar).a About this time also was Shao Ang-Hsiao's 5 Wan Chhing Lou Thu Pien 6
(Study of Star-Maps from the Myriad Bamboo Tablet Studio).
As the 18th century went on, Chinese astronomers and mathematicians emancipated
themselves more and more from the spell which the Jesuit apparition had woven during
the decadent Ming and early Chhing times. The Li Suan Chhuan Shu (Complete
Works on Calendar and Mathematics) of Mei Wen-Ting 7 (1723), of which we have
• Cf. Pinot (2), p. 63; Puini (I). This was the book to which Schlegel was principally indebted.
20. ASTRONOMY
before spoken, included much astronomy. a His work stimulated a younger man,b
Chiang Yung,1 whose Shu Hsueh 2 (Mathematical Astronomy) and Thui Pu Fa Chieh 3
(Analysis of Celestial Motions) both appeared about the middle of the century. This
was contemporary with Sheng Pai-Erh's4 defence of the Tychonic against the
Ptolemaic system in his Shang Shu Shih Thien 5 (Discussion of the Astronomy in the
Historical Classic). c
At the end of the century, among several important works, mention may be made
of the treatise on celestial cartography, Kao Hou Meng Chhiu o (Investigation of the
Dimensions of the Universe), by Hsii Chhao-Chiin7 (1800).d Half a century later,
when Feng Kuei-Fen 8 gave tables of right ascensions and declinations of 100 stars
in his Hsien-Feng Yuan Nien Chung Hsing Piao,9 Chinese astronomical science might
be said to have merged at last with that of the world as a whole.
It was not to be expected that the over-emphasised, and in many respects erroneous,
claims of the Jesuits for the superiority of the European science of their time would
escape a strong reaction. Though this often took political and social forms, as may be
read in many accounts of the period, some Chinese astronomers of the old school were
actively in opposition. Thus in 1631 Wei.Wen-Khuei IO and his son Wei Hsiang-
Chhien II published two books on calendrical science (Li Yuan 12 and Li Tshe l3 ) which
were so important e that Schall von Bell had to write a refutation, the Hsiieh Li Hsiao
Pien. 14 On the other hand, the Chinese were generally open to conviction, for the
following statement was signed by ten officials of the Bureau of Astronomy:
At first we also had our doubts about the astronomy from Europe when it was used in the
chi-ssu year (1629), but after having read many clear explanations our doubts diminished by
half, and finally by participating in precise observations of the stars, and of the positions of
the sun and moon, our hesitations were altogether overcome. Recently we received the
imperial order to study these sciences, and every day we have been discussing them with the
Europeans. Truth must be sought not only in books, but in making actual experiments with
instruments; it is not enough to listen with one's ears, one must also carry out manipulations
with one's hands. All (the new astronomy) is then found to be exact.f
Unexpectedly, the Jesuit intervention led in due course to a rediscovery on the part of
the Chinese of the achievements of their own civilisation before the Ming decadence.
a Wylie (I), p. 90, gives a list of the component parts of this collection . Cf. p . 48 above .
b Who was destined to be the teacher of Tai Chen, see above, Sect. I7d, in Vol. 2, p . 513.
c It is to be regretted that the otherwise excellent biographical encyclopaedia of Hummel (2) is
distinctly weak on the scientific men of the Chhing, and recourse must be had to special studies, such
as that of Chhang Fu-Yuan (2) on H sU Po-Cheng 'S and Than YUn,I6 which, h owever, are as yet
insufficient.
d This contains the Ching Thien Kai '7 (Comprehensive Rhymed Catalogue of Stars) by Ricci
himself, with Li Wo-Tshun. '8
e It would be interesting to re-investigate these controversies in the light of modem knowledge.
f Tr. Bemard-Ma"itre (7), p. 445; eng. auct.
a EntsU was remarkably learned in the history of Chinese astronomy from Lohsia Hung through
I-Hsing and Chhi.ithan Hsi-Ta to Kuo Shou-Ching. But the discoveries of modern science temporarily
overshadowed all earlier contributions.
b Vol. I, p. 48.
c Ch. 72. Cit. in Ko Chih Ku W ei, ch. 2, p. lob.
d The name of the first ruler of the West Liao (Qara-Khitai) State, a short-lived colony of Chhi-tan
exiles in Turkestan (+ I125 to + UII) was Yehli.i Ta-Shih. The second part of his name was later
used to designate the State itself (Eberhard (9), p . 230; Wittfogel, Feng Chia-Sheng et al. pp. 619ff. ).
Cf. Vol. I, p. 133.
e Cf. Trigault (Gallagher ed. p . 552).
f Such as the reliance upon lucky and unlucky days (Trigault, Gallagher ed. p . 548).
20. ASTRONOMY
and with the Renaissance behind them they successfully achieved a task which had
proved beyond the powers of their Indian forerunners in the Thang, namely, to open
communications with that world-wide universal science of Nature into which the
Chinese achievements would also be built.
(k) SUMMARY
An epilogue to a long Section should have the grace of being short. It will by now be
abundantly evident that the Chinese contribution to the development of astronomical
science was a very remarkable one (see Table 37).a Without running over again all the
specific points to which attention has been drawn, we may mention: (a) the elaboration
of a polar and equatorial system strikingly different from that of the Hellenistic peoples,
though equally logical; (b) the early conception of an infinite universe, with the stars
as bodies floating in empty space; (c) the development of quantitative positional
astronomy and star-catalogues two centuries before any other civilisation of which
comparable works have come down to us; (d) the use in these catalogues of equatorial
(i.e. essentially modern) coordinates, and a faithfulness to them extending over two
millennia; (e) the elaboration, in steadily increasing complexity, of astronomical instru-
ments, culminating in the + 13th-century invention of the equatorial mounting, as an
'adapted torquetum' or 'dissected' armillary sphere; (f) the invention of the clock
drive for that forerunner of the telescope, the sighting-tube; and of a number of
ingenious mechanical devices ancillary to astronomical instruments; b and (g) the main-
tenance, for longer continuous periods than any other civilisation, of accurate records
of celestial phenomena, such as eclipses, novae, comets, sun-spots, etc.
The most obvious absences from such a list are just those elements in which occi-
dental astronomy was strongest, the Greek geometrical formulations of the motions
of the celestial bodies, the Arabic use of geometry in stereographic projections, and
the physical astronomy of the Renaissance. We often hear of 'the Greek genius for
inquiry-the desire to know not only the facts, but the reasons for the facts . . . " but
this is surely a false antithesis. It was not necessary that the reasons should be con-
ceived either geometrically or mechanically. The Chinese did not feel the need for
these forms of explanation-the component organisms in the universal organism
followed their Tao each according to its own nature, and their motions could be dealt
with c in the essentially' non-representational' 'form of algebra. The Chinese were thus
a Cf. the judgment of Lecomte in 1685 : • As for Astronomy, it must be confest that never did People
in the World addict themselves so constantly to it. This Science is beholding to them for abundance of
Observations; tho' the History that reports them in general, hath not been careful to descend to
particulars, which would be necessary for the reaping all the benefit such Elucubrations seem to
promise. However, it hath not been unprofitable to Posterity. We have above Four hundred Obser-
vations, as well of the Eclipses and Comets, as Conjunctions, that make good their Chronology, and
may conduce to the perfecting of ours' (p. 222).
b Outstandingly, the application of water-power to such apparatus for the rotation of celestial globes
and demonstrational armillary spheres from the + 2nd century onwards, and then the invention of the
first mechanical clock escapement at the beginning of the +8th (cf. Needham. Wang & Price). These
achievements will be fully described in Vol. 4 (Sect. 27).
C As the Babylonians, too, had dealt with them.
Table 37. Chart to show the comparative development of astronomy tn East and West
+ 2nd. Ptol.my
_..!I!::A:::R=:A=B;:S::I!..--!-_.J:1
man40il I Han discussions on
cosmology (+ JSt)
Ka; Thim /H,uan y.h/ HuN Thi..
(Chhi Meng) I
- I So, completion of
the system of the hSlu
I
+ 310 •• tar map of Chh.n Cho
•
- 28, beginning of
sun-~pot record.
+ 1St. 6a-y..r cycle
I I I
NaJuhatra annillary
ecliptic co-ordinates
iystem
- 10
spheres + 44 0 first celestial globe
4. Loh.ia Hung Chhi.n, Lo- Chih
+ 125. Chang H~ng
I
Co + 35 0 , Vu l-isi (precession)
and armiUary .pher •• Buddhist (with clock- driv.) + 672. star map
influence
(I-Hsing.
and many others I + 723 , Chhiithan Hs1· Ta's compilation
in following ~
c. + 940 , oldest existing
,
c· 73o).
,centuries MS. st:lr map
+ loth to + 14th, equatonal, I
giant instruments period
ar~il~~s~~e~ _~,,,, + 1086, Su Sun g's
,--- -
h~--
Copernicu ~
(heliocentric th.ory)
r--1~~------~~~----~--~--4---------_"------
'lit. - - .
+119~.Suchow
pl,nisph.r.
t . + I S8o, Tycho's adoption oC ~ + 1279. Kuo Shou-Ching and th.
inve ntion of the equatorial mount ing
equatorial co-ordinates
(giant instruments period)
I I J.suits
I
G;.~r:~;·I·rp·) r---.::.;;:.;.;;;;.:;:....::~ unification with world science
l
K.pl.r. I:.:.:.;;:::-....--+-,-S::lth'".-gt-..an-t--in-.-tr-u-m-.-n-t-s
. -p-.'riod
mechanic, + , t
20. ASTRONOMY
free from that obsession of European astronomers for the circle as the most perfect
figure, an obsession from which it took a Kepler to escape. Nor did they experience
the medieval prison of the crystalline spheres, those unexpectedly adamantine
materialisations of the spirit of Greek geometry. If, like all Chinese science, Chinese
astronomy was fundamentally empi rical and observational, it was spared the excesses
and aberrations, as well as the triumphs, of occidental theorising. But clearly it requires
a much more important place in the history of science as a whole than historians have
been wont to give it. a
Hardly any other subject known to me has been so much distracted by the difficulty
of disentangling facts from a maze of arguments often at cross-purposes and based on
insecure foundations. b The Jesuits, followed by the scholars of the 19th century, began
by accepting all the astronomical content of the Chinese legendary material. Their
successors, sinologically better informed, scrapped it wholesale, and Maspero (15) c
summarised the situation by denying that anything could be known of Chinese astro-
nomy before the - 6th century at best. But the ink was hardly dry on his paper before
it became evident from the profound studies of Tung Tso-Pin and others on the
oracle-bones that it would be possible to say a good deal about Chinese astronomy in
the middle of the - 2nd millennium, not from uncertain legend, but from very con-
crete inscriptions. d The study of this material is only now beginning,e and more finds
must be expected. Possibly they will throw light on the eastward radiation of primitive
astronomy from the lands of the Fertile Crescent.
All in all, it seems that de Saussure has been justified, by evidence of which he never
a At an earlier point we had occasion to note the presumption of a Master of Trinity who dismissed
all Chinese contributions to astronomy without being able to read a word of any. We owe a comparable
and entertaining statement to a Parisian scholar contemporary with him, L. P. Sedillot. 'C'est assez nous
occuper de ces aberrations d'un peuple qui n'a jamais su s'elever de lui-meme a la moindre speculation
scientifique; esclave de pratiques superstitieuses ou astrologiques, dont il ne s'est jamais entierement
degage, il n 'a tenu aucun compte des anciennes observations eparses dans ses annales, si tant est
qu 'elles soient reelles; et, au lieu d'examiner les apparences de la voute etoilee avec cette vive curiosite
qui s'attache aux phenomimes, jusqu'a ce que les lois et la cause en soient parfaitement connues, les
Chinois n'ont applique cette perseverance caracteristique dont on leur fait honneur, qu'a des reveries
sans portee en astronomie, triste fruit d'une routine barbare', (2), p. 603. Sedillot knew no more
Chinese than Whewell, but conceived that the substantial services which he rendered as an Arabist to
the history of Arabic astronomy authorised him to deny all credit to peoples further East. The only
value of these old comedies is to warn us of the necessity of modesty and open-mindedness.
b Hence some strange echoes. In the light of all that this Section has reported it is astonishing to read
the following statement in an authoritative history of astronomy published in 1954. 'It seems that
around - 1100 the Chinese had accurately established the obliquity of the ecliptic and the position of the
winter solstice in the sky, but after the - 5th century the study of astronomy was abandoned in China
and many of its findings even destroyed. All the later conceptions were imported afterwards by the
Arabs and Europeans' (Abetti (I), p. 24).
C I opened this Section by mentioning his summary as perhaps the best available today. But so
many advances have been made since 1930 that it is nevertheless very unsatisfactory. If we compare
the conclusions of this Section with what Maspero wrote, we could say that (a) Chinese astronomy may
be studied in its earliest forms in the -13th, not the -6th century; (b) it was not independent of
Babylonian; (c) Chinese mathematics was not so inadequate as he supposed; (d) the solar dates were not
first known in the -7th century; (e) the gnomon was probably not the oldest instrument; (f) the
sundial was not unknown; (g) Chang Heng's sphere was not the earliest Chinese armillary; etc.
d Even the names of many scapulimantic diviners of the - 14th century are known (see the Bio-
graphical Glossary in the concluding volume). It is very probable that they were star-clerks also.
e Of the 10,000 bone fragments in the possession of Academia Sinica, not more than 600 have yet
been studied, as by Tung Tso-Pin (1), from the point of view of the history of astronomy.
20. ASTRONOMY
knew, de Saussure, that practical navigator, who, though in the service of alien arms,
warmed to the genius of the Chinese people, perhaps precisely because his trade gave
him the necessary understanding. Allowing for a certain exaggeration of time, we can
still read with appreciation the words with which he closed one of his early papers (4)
forty years ago:
Amidst the darkness which veils the mysterious antiquity of China, the text of the Yao
Tien opens a scene before us. One of the terraces of the imperial palace distinctly appears;
it is the Tower of the Mathematics. A flickering rushlight reveals what is going forward,
and by the light it casts on the graduations of the clepsydras, we can discern the astronomers
choosing four stars, at that time equally located at the four quarters of the celestial equator,
but destined by their movements to reveal to later ages the extent of a history saecular by
more than forty times.
21. METEOROLOGY
(a) INTRODUCTION
Meteorology is a word which has undergone much change of meaning since the time
when it was born in ancient Greece. For Aristotle (as in his MeteoTologica a) it
included the study of many phenomena which are now known to be celestial, such as
meteors and meteorites b (from which it took its name), comets, and the Milky Way,
though at that time they were classed as belonging to the' sublunary' world. Ancient
meteorology also included much which would now be called physical geography, such
as the origin and nature of rivers, the distribution of land and sea, etc., and also
mineralogical matters such as the fonnation of metals and rocks. In the modern sense,
meteorology has become essentially the study of climate, weather and all the events
which go on within the earth's atmosphere, together with tidal phenomena.
There is no work in Chinese literature similar in scope to Aristotle's MeteoTologica,
but that does not mean that the Chinese were not deeply interested in weather matters.
In this Section we must glance at some of their contributions; for example, they were
long in advance of the West in certain methods of meteorological measurements, and
kept records of a more complete nature over a much longer time. c As regards the
understanding of the tides they were also sometimes considerably in advance of
Europeans. Nevertheless, the principal works on the history of meteorologyd make
hardly any use of Chinese material.
d Napier Shaw & Austin (I); Hellmann (I). I know of nothing in any Western language on the
history of meteorology in China except the paper of Chu Kho-Chen (2), which is very brief. Nor is
there any monograph in Chinese specifically devoted to the subject. Kimble (I), pp. 151-60, gives a
good description of medieval European meteorology.
e Cf. also Roxby (2, 3, 4). Unfortunately, Roxby's best work, done for the British Government,
remains unpublished, though printed, and cannot be cited; nor has it been available for the present
study, though a request for access to it was directed to the proper official quarter. I am now informed
that the book may be consulted, under restricted conditions, in certain British libraries.
21. METEOROLOGY
circulation, a the occasional tropical cyclones, and the procession of continental cyclonic
storms, all modified by the relief of the subcontinent. Though China's weather is
conditioned more by influences from the land-mass to the west than from the Pacific
Ocean to the east, yet the aridity of central Asia contends with the moisture of
the south-east Asian seas over a perennial Chinese battlefield. During the summer
the air masses over inner Asia become heated, expand, rise and overflow towards the
encircling oceans. The consequent reduced pressure causes warm moist oceanic air
to be drawn in along the surface, thus setting up a very large-scale convectional
circulation. Winter reverses the process. The resulting winds are the monsoon winds,
less regular in China than India, but equally the basic background of the climate.
Hence the fact, familiar to everyone who has lived in China, that the rainfall occurs
mainly in a distinct rainy season, occupying usually the three summer months.
The prevailing tendency for monsoonal indraught in summer and outflow in winter
is complicated by the eastward movement of high- and low-pressure systems migrating
from time to time. The low-pressure areas, or depressions, are most common in the
transition season (spring and early summer), and give rise to the characteristic
unsettled spells of cloudy and showery weather in central and north China associated
with changes in the air mass prevailing over this area. b The third element in the Chinese
climate is the tropical typhoon, a small but very intense disturbance with extremely
low pressure at the centre, steep barometric gradients, and wind velocities up to
165 miles an hour. Though the typhoon as a whole moves fast (often several hundred
miles a day), the total area under the sway of its damaging winds is frequently not
more than 100 miles in diameter. The typhoon originates in the Pacific, and after
travelling westward tends northward as it strikes the China coast, eventually dying
out in the interior provinces.
A climatic zonation of the provinces has been devised by Chu Kho-Chen (5).
To what extent has there been a saecular change in the Chinese climate? The
question has received a good deal of discussion, and the consensus of opinion has been
that China (or at least north China) was formerly both warmer and moister than at
present. This conclusion has been drawn mainly from phenological data contained in
ancient texts. Information about climate may be deduced from statements concerning
the recurrences of the annual phenomena of plant and animal life. One of the first
modern efforts in this directionC was that of E. Biot (13), who noted, for instance, the
references in the Shih Ching (Book of Odes) to rice culture and the growing of mul-
berry, jujube-tree and chestnut in the Yellow River area and north of it. His con-
clusion was that if there had been any change it had not been a great one. Chu
Kho-Chen (4), however, compared the phenological observations contained in books
• Mahdihassan (I) derives our word monsoon from the characters maa-chan.' regular soaking rains,
but the phrase is so uncommon, if it ever existed at all, that the argument is unconvincing. The usual
terms in Chinese are shih ling jeng' (old), hai jeng,' chi chieh jeng,4 and chi hau jblg S (more modem).
b Chu Kho-Chen (6).
C A gradual cooling of the Chinese climate had long been suspected by Chinese historians, e.g. Chin
Lii-Hsiang 6 (+ 1232 to + 1303) in his discussion of the Yiieh Ling, on which see p. 195 above.
'9P1ot '*1;-)1. 'mJJ. 4*ifiJJ. S*~/I.
6 ~RI~
2I. METEOROLOGY
Thu S hu Chi Chheng en cyclopaedia. This has n ot yet b een digested on the basis of modern knowledge.
d Cf. Inwards ' book (I ).
e See above, Vol. 2 , p . 308. t See above, Vol. 2 , p. 86.
It Ch. 39; see above, Vol. 2, p . 4 4, and also p. 650 b elow. h Cf. B & M, pp. 160 , 173 , 177 .
I i~ It
21. METEOROLOGY
(c) TEMPERATURE
It has already been noted that excessive seasonal cold and heat (han shu il) were among
the happenings which the Han 'phenomenalists' interpreted as 'heavenly reprimands'
for deficiencies on the part of the emperor or his administration. a It was thus for
essentially' astrological' purposes that records were kept of summers especially hot or
winters especially severe, and these found their way into the official histories. We also
noted b that temperature was important for the ancient Chinese on account of diffi-
culties in making the clepsydra keep accurate time. Records of excessive cold and heat
occupy four chapters in the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia,c and from these
dynastic history data Chu Kho-Chen (3, 4) has inferred the existence of long-period
climatic pulsations (Table 38). A rough correlation with the sun-spot frequency can
also be seen. Chu Kho-Chen was able to illustrate these figures by the witness of
contemporary diarists, such as Kuo Thien-Hsi,2 who kept a weather journal from
+1308 to + 1310, which was one of the coldest periods. d In China from the
+ 11th century at least there was a custom of keeping weather records for nine nine-
day periods following the winter solstice; this was called shu chiu han thien.3 In Ming
Fig. 196. Ferdinand Verbiest's air thermometer, c. + 1670 (from the Thu Shu Chi Chheng).
and Chhing times people often used to record the daily weather during this period on
special charts which were made for the purpose and filled in according to well-known
conventions. a
Renaissance quantitative thermometry was introduced to China by Verbiest, whose
instrument, similar to the air thermometer of Galileo and affected by barometric
pressure, is figured in the Thu Shu Chi Chheng b (Fig. 196).
(d) PRECIPITATION
The study of the Anyang oracle-bones has shown that as far back as the - 13th century
rather systematic meteorological records were being kept. Tung Tso-Pin has analysed a
a series of bone inscriptions from - 1216 in which rain, sleet, snow, wind and direction
of rain and wind are all mentioned for many ten-day periods. Many successful pre-
dictions are recorded because of the habit of the scribes of writing an additional note
on the bone that, in fact, for example, it did snow, after the divination process had
said that it would. As in other ancient civilisations, early meteorology was closely
connected with divination. In the Tso Chuan under date - 654, it is stated b that
particularly careful observations of cloud forms and other atmospheric phenomena
were made at the times of the solstices and equinoxes. We have already seen c that in
the Chou Li there is mention of a special official whose duty it was to observe pheno-
mena such as clouds and wind and to make prognostication from them. The Chhien
Han Shu bibliography lists several books on clouds, rain and the rainbow, one by a
certain Thai 1. 1 This continued throughout Chinese history; in the + 12th century,
for example, the Wei Liieh z of Kao Ssu-Sun3 has a section on divination by clouds,d
and the Thung Chih Lueh bibliography of about + 1150, which has often before been
quoted, lists no less than twenty-three books on meteorological forecasting. There was
also of course the desire to control as well as to foresee, hence much 'rain magic' in
ancient and medieval China. Ma Kuo-Han reconstructed e a fragmentary Han Chhing
Yu Chih Yu Shu 4 (Prayers for and against Rain).!
Of greater scientific interest is the recognition of the meteorological water-cycle in
China. Perhaps the oldest indication that this was understood occurs in the Chi Ni Tzu
book, a naturalist work probably of the late -4th century. There it is said that
the wind is the chhi of heaven, and the rain is the chhi of earth. Wind blows according to the
seasons and rain falls in response to wind. We can say that the chhi of the heavens comes down
and the chhi of the earth goes upwards. g
The waters flow eastwards from their sources, resting neither by day nor by night. Down
they come inexhaustibly, yet the deeps are never full. The small (streams) become large and
the heavy (waters in the sea) become light (and mount to the clouds). This is (part of) the
Rotation of the Tao. h
• (1), Pt. n, ch. 9, pp. 44a ff.; (5). b Duke Hsi, 5th year; Couvreur (I), vo!. I, p. 248.
C Above, p. 190. Cf. pp. 284, 476. d Ch. 8, p. I4b.
• YHSF, ch. 78, p. 46a.
r Cf. Sect. Ioh above, and Schafer (I).
g See above, Sect. 18/, Vo!. 2, p. 554. The words quoted are found in ch. 2, p . 3b in the text as
given in the Ma Kuo-Han collection, YHSF, ch. 69, p. 19a; cited also Thai-Phing Ya Lan, ch. 10,
p· 9a, tr. auct. Parallel statements, perhaps equally ancient, in Yo Chi, para. 3 (in Shih Chi, ch. 24,
p. 14a, tr. Chav!tJUles (I), vo!. 3, p. 253), and in Nei Ching, ch. 5, p . 2a (tr. Veith (I), p. 115).
h Ch. IS, tr. R. Wilhelm (3), p . 38, eng. auct.; vo!. I, p. 31.
21. METEOROLOGY
So also the Han book Ho Thu Wei Kua Ti Hsiang,1 one of the 'weft classics',a
says that the clouds are water from the Khun-Iun mountains evaporating and rising b
(Khun-Iun shan yu shui, shui chhi shang cheng C wei hsia 2 ). This statement would be
about - 50. In the + 1st century, however, the clear distinction between the circula-
tion in the atmosphere and the vast distances of the starry firmament had still not
become fully accepted, since Wang Chhung, in his Lun Heng, has an interesting passage
on the subject. As already mentioned, the Greeks were subject to similar confusions. d
Wang Chhung says:
The Confucians also maintain that the expression that the rain comes down from heaven
means that it actually does fall from the heavens (where the stars are). ·However, considera-
tion of the subject shows us that rain comes from above the earth, but not down from
heaven.
Seeing the rain gathering from above, people say that it comes from the heavens-
admittedly it comes from above the earth. How can we demonstrate that the rain originates
in the earth and rises from the mountains? Kungyang Kao's commentary on the Spring
and Autumn Annals says; e 'It evaporates upwards through stones one or two inches thick,
and gathers. In one day's time it can spread over the whole empire, but this is only so if it
comes from Thai Shan.' What he means is that from Mount Thai rain-clouds can spread
all over the empire, but from small mountains only over a single province-the distance
depends on the height. As to this coming of rain from the mountains, some hold that the
clouds carry the rain with them, dispersing as it is precipitated (and they are right). Clouds
and rain are really the same thing. Water evaporating upwards becomes clouds, which
condense into rain, or still further into dew. When the garments (of those travelling on high
mountain passes) are moistened, it is not the effect of the clouds and mists (through which
they are passing), but of the suspended rain water.
Some persons cite the Shu Ch£ng which says, 'When the moon follows the stars, there
will be wind and rain'f---or the Sh£h Ch£ng, which says, 'The approach of the moon to Pi
hS£u will bring heavy rain showers'.g They believe that according to these two passages of the
classics it is heaven itself which causes the rain. What are we to say to this?
When the rain comes from the mountains, the moon passes the (other) stars and approaches
Pi hs£u. When it approaches Pi hsiu there must be rain. As long as it does not rain, the moon
has not approached, and the mountains have no clouds. Heaven and Earth, above and below,
act in mutual resonance. When the moon approaches above, the mountains steam below, and
the embodied chhi meet and unite. This is (part of the) spontaneous Tao of Nature. Clouds
and fog show that rain is coming. In summer it turns to dew, in winter to frost. Warm, it is
rain, cold, it is snow. Rain, dew, and frost, all proceed from the earth, and do not descend
from the heavens.h
a 'Apocryphal Treatise on the River Chart ; Examination of the Signs of the Earth.'
b Ku Wei Shu, ch. 32, p . 4a.
C Note that this is the word which was afterwards applied to distillation.
d For their views of the relations of clouds and mountains, cf. the monograph of Capelle.
e Kungyang Chuan, ch. 12, p. Isa, Duke Hsi, 31st year .
f Ch. 24 (Hung Fan); Karigren (12), p. 35.
g Pt. 11, hk. 8, no. 8; Karigren (14), p. 184, no. 232; Waley (I), p. 120. Pi hsiu is of course the
Hyades.
h Lun Heng, ch. 32, tr. auct., adjuv. Forke (4), vol. I, p . 276.
21. METEOROLOGY
The passage is interesting not only on account of its clear understanding of the water-
cycle, but also because of the appreciation of mountain ranges in the precipitation
process. As to the seasonal lunar and stellar connections, the thought ofWang Chhung
(about + 83) is that in some way or other the cyclical behaviour of the chhi on earth ,
where water is distilled into mountain clouds, is correlated with the behaviour of the
chlli in the heavens, which brings the moon near to the Hyades at certain times. a
In later times the water circulation was well understood. The Shuo Wen, completed
soon after Wang Chhung's time, defines clouds as the ' moisture evaporated from
marshes and lakes' (jun chhi I). In the + 3rd century the cycle was discussed by Yang
Chhiian in his Wu Li Lun already mentioned.b Many statements of it can be found in
the Sung C and Ming,d where the views of a Yeh Meng-Te 2 and a Wang Khuei cor-
respond closely with those of the Arabic encyclopaedists such as Abo Yai:J.ya al-
QazwlnI, c. + 127o.e
In Europe the recognition of the water-cycle goes back to the - 6th century, with
Anaximander of Miletus.f Aristotle built his iV1eteorologica round the idea of two
terrestrial emanations (anathumiasis, a.vu8UfLiums), one aqueous (atmidodestera
a.TfLLOWOEaT€PU) and the other gaseous (pneumatodestera, 7rVEUfLUTWOEaT€PU).g The
former corresponds rather closely to the Chinese conception of the ascending aqueous
chhi of the earth; the latter may have originated from observations of such things as
the sulphur-depositing gases of fumaroles, and was called upon to explain the forma-
tion of minerals and metals in the rocks. We shall meet with its close analogue in what
the Huai Nan Tzu book has to say on the same subject. h One can only leave open the
possibility of some transmission in either direction, but the very early date at which
these ideas were developing seems to make it most unlikely. The general similarity
between chhi,3 pneuma (7rVEUfLU) andprtina, need not imply that there was anything but
a community of Mesopotamian origin and later independent developments. The word
chhi was from the beginning applied to the weather,i for which the oldest combined
phrase was chhi hou. 4 H ou has the general meaning of waiting, hence of some particular
time or duration, j and was also used for prediction of rain or wind, hou yu,5 hou Jeng. o
Chhi still persists in the modern term for meteorology, chhi hsiang hsueh. 7
a As usual with Wang Chhung, these ideas exemplify well the organic naturalist view of the universe ;
cf. Sect. 13/ above, in Vol: 2.
b Cf. p . 218 above. Quoted in the mid-12th century Hsii Po Wu Chih 8 (Supplement to the Record
of the Investigation of Things), ch. I, p. 4b.
C E\g. Yeh Meng-Te's Pi Shu Lu Hua 9 (Summer Holiday Discussions), ch. I, p. 23b, of about
+II50-or Chhen Chhang-Fang'sIO Pu Li Kho Than" (Discussions with Guests at Pu-li), ch. 2, p. 4b,
of about + I I 10.
d Li Hai Chi (probably late + 14th), p. sob; also in Chhi Hsiu Lei Kao.
e Mieli (I), p. IS0. f K . Freeman (1), p . 62.
g B & M, p. 242.
h Below, p . 640.
i And hence to the fortnightly calendrical periods, already mentioned, p . 405 above.
j Cf. the expression referred to above, Sect. I3g in Vol. 2, p . 330, concerning the correct times in
alchemy for the application of heat to reactions.
1 ~ ~ ~s. 3 ~ 'ff.\~ 5 ~m
8 if'! t8- 41iJ ;m 9 il. '-1ft t'i 10 ~ ~ 11
21. METEOROLOGY
In different ages individuals naturally acquired particular fame in rain forecasting.
One such was the magician Ching Fang I of the - 1st century; his lore was -recorded
to some extent in his I Chang Chu 2 (Commentary on the Book of Changes).a Another
was Lou Yuan-Shan 3 of the Sung. The + loth-century Thai-Phing Yu Lan encyclo-
paedia,b the Wei LUeh,c etc., quote an otherwise mysterious lost book by one ?uang
Tzu-Fa 4 of uncertain date, probably Han, on rain prediction, the Hsiang Yu Shu. s
Lacking our cloud classification (cirrus, cumulus, etc. d) the medieval Chinese devised
many technical terms which have not yet been properly analysed in the light of modern
knowledge. e Scudding black clouds, yellow clouds like covered chariots (fu chhe 6),f
shuttle-shaped (shu chu,71enticular) clouds, fish-scale (yii /in,s cho yU 9 ) clouds,g grass-
shaped (tshao mang 10) h clouds, etc. are mentioned. Thunderstorm alto-cumulus may
be meant by 'cap' (kuan II) clouds, and by clouds like flocks of sheep, or pigs or water
buffaloes. The ' anvil' shape of typical thunderclouds appears in Ching Fang's
description of clouds like drums and raised drumsticks. Alternatively, it seems to have
been designated by the term' catapult-carriage cloud' I (phao chhe yun 12), the shape
being that of a truncated triangle seen upside down. Another weather sign to which
much attention was paid was the lunar halo (yUeh yiin 13), caused by cirro-nebula at
great heights, and regarded by the Chinese as a sure sign of wind) Lunar haloes
showing rainbow colours were termed chu mu,I4 'typhoon-mothers'. Solar haloes
were closely studied. k In the Sung period a great weather expert was Liu Shih-Yen,Is
whose successes are described l in the Hou Ching LU I6 of Chao Te-Lin. I7 Rhyming
weather-lore of sailors is preserved in the Tung Hsi Yang Khao m and the Kuang Yu
Thu n of + 1579. Sung material of this kind is to be found in the Meng Liang Lu. O
Records of the phenomenon of red rain are preserved in the Thu Shu Chi Chheng
encyclopaedia.P
Even Chu Kho-Chen (2) thought that the first hygrometer in China was the deer-
gut instrument of Verbiest (Fig. 197).q But in fact the Chinese had taken advantage
of the hygroscopic properties of such things as feathers and charcoal from quite early
-times. In the Huai Nan Tzu book there are at least two mentions of a practice of
a And often quoted, for example, by the Thai-Phing Yu Lan, ch. 8, p. 2.b; Hsii Po Wu Chih, ch. I,
pp. 6a, 8b.
b Ch. 8, p. 7b. c Ch. 8, p. ISb.
d Due to Luke Howard, cf. Napier Shaw (I).
e Cf. Chin Shu, ch. I2., pp. loa ff.; tr. Ho Ping-Yii (I).
f Perhaps the conical tops of cumulo-nimbus.
g Presumably dappled cirro-cumulus.
b Presumably cirrus striae.
i Kung Chhi Shih Hua, ch. 5, p. 3a; Piao I Lu, ch. I, p. 6b ; Thang Yu Lin, ch. 8, p. 2.4a.
j TPYL, ch. 4, p. I2.b. k Cf. p. 474 below.
I Ch. 4, p. sa. m Ch. 9, p. lIb.
n Ch. 2., p . 74b. 0 Ch. 12., p. ISb.
P Shu cheng tien, ch. 143.
q TSCC, Lifa tien, ch. 95, p . 4Ia, explained in ch. 92., pp. 3a ff.
6
• J? YJ
s: if:
niSiI!!t
8 f,t.
J~Jt;*
•• III iIJ:
5
.0
.6 ~U
Wiii1f
1;i ~
&l
11 a
17 S • •
Fig. 197. Ferdinand Verbiest's deer-gut hygrometer, Fig. [98. A Chinese rain gauge of + [770 preserved
c. + 1670 (from the Thu Shu Chi Chheng). in Korea (photo. Wada).
21. METEOROLOGY 47 I
weighing elm charcoal a against a tared pan of earth with a view to rain prediction by
testing the moisture in the atmosphere. The first b simply says that when there is
dryness the charcoal will be light, and when there is damp it will be heavy (sao ku
than chhing, shih ku than chung I). The second c says that by suspending (hsuan 2 ) a
feather or some charcoal one can detect the chhi of dryness or damp, adding' Thus by
small things one can observe great ones, and know what is far away from what is near'
(i hsiao chien ta, i chin yu yuan 3). We meet with the same test in the Shih Chi d in
but three words hsuan thu than,4 to which the + 5th-century commentator (Phei Yin)
adds that it was performed especially at the solstices, perhaps with the object of fore-
telling the coming weather for the whole season. This is elaborated in the Kan Ying
Lei Tshung Chih s (Record of the Mutual Resonances of Things) by Chang Hua 6
(+232 to +300),e where the fullest details are given.! It is interesting that in the
15th century in Europe, Nicholas of Cusa used exactly the same method, weighing
wool against stones (Cajori, 5). The technique is often mentioned in later Chinese
texts.g
So much for the forecasting of rain. Since it had its inevitable sequel in the rising
of rivers and canals, with the danger of floods, always so serious in China, it would not
be surprising to find that the Chinese made use of rain gauges from an early period. In
Europe the very simple idea of catching rain in some kind of container so as to permit
measurement dates only from + 1639, when it was introduced by Benedetto Castelli
(a friend of Galileo) at Perugia. In recent years, meteorologists have become familiar
with Korean rain gauges of the + 15th century, through the work of Wad a (1, 1) and
Lyons. Among the earliest of these, known as tshe yu chhi 7 (rain-measuring instru-
ments), were several in bronze set up in + 1442, and concerning which the relevant
imperial decrees are preserved in Korean historical texts. They stood on Cloud-
Watching Platforms (yun kuan thai 8). In + 1770 meteorological observatories with
these rain gauges were set up in all the chief cities of Korea; one of them is here
reproduced (Fig. 198).
What has hitherto been less generally realised, however, is that the rain gauge was
not a Korean invention, but goes back a good deal earlier in China. h The chief
• If it really was charcoal. Peek has described a particularly hygroscopic kind of graphite (chhing
hui9 or hei hui IO ) which might have been what was used . Chang Hung-Chao (1), p. 202, agrees.
b Ch. 3, p. 6a. c Ch. 17, p. sa.
d Ch. 27 (Thien Kuan), p . 37a; Chavannes (I), vol. 3, p . 400.
e In Shuo Fu, ch. 24, p. 19a. Cf. Li Shun-Feng's Kan Ying Ching, in Shuo Fu, ch. 9, p. 2a.
f What may have been an ancient form of hygrometer is seen in the story of the skin of some kind
of sea-animal the hairs of which rose and fell in accordance with the tides. The reference is in the
+ 12th-century record of an embassy to Korea referred to below (pp. 492, 5 II); see Moule (3), p. 152.
Cf. Shan Chii Hsin Hua, p. 53a (H. Franke (2), no. 146).
g E .g. Piao I Lu," ch. I, p . I4a . Iron counterweights in TPYL, ch. 871, pp. 4aff.
h It may even be of Babylonian origin. Passages which seem to show the use of rain gauges have
been noted by Sammadar in the Arthasiistra (Shamasastry ed. p. 127), and in +2nd-century Hebrew
texts by Vogelstein (cf. Hellmann, 2).
evidence for this is that the mathematical book Shu Shu Chiu Chang by Chhin Chiu-
Shao, of + 1247, contains a problems on the shape of rain gauges,b here called thien
chhih tshe yu. 1 At that time there would seem to have been one in each provincial and
district capital. Chhin discusses the determination of the rain falling on a given area
of ground from the depth of rain-water which is collected in vessels of conical or barrel
shape.
Still more remarkable, the same book shows us that snow gauges were also in use,
chu chhi yen hsueh. 2 These were large cages made of bamboo, and Chhin gives sample
problems concerning them. c They were doubtless placed beside mountain passes and
on uplands. If local magistrates in the Sung really transmitted to the capital readings
on rain and snow fall, the high officials must have been greatly assisted in making their
calculations concerning the maintenance and repairs likely to be required for dykes and
other public works.
Needless to say, Chinese records have a very long and abundant list of floods and
droughts. The data are in all the chief pistorical compendia as well as the official
histories and encyclopaedias. d A great digest has been made of this information by
Chhen Kao-Yung et al. (1). In Western languages the pioneer work of Hosie (2, 3)
has been superseded by elaborate studies. e While keeping in mind certain insecurities
in the recording, such as failure to keep records in periods of chaos and struggle, some
periodicities can be made out. Table 39 is from Chu Kho-Chen (3). Chhen Ta (I)
has made the correlation that the migration to Malaysia took place in the very dry
+ 15th century, and that the migration to the Pescadores and Formosa accompanied
the very dry + 7th. The formation of Chinese colonies in Hawaii, North America and
South Africa was a 19th-century phenomenon. One can hardly overlook the fact that
the extremely dry centuries from + 300 to + 600 correspond with the long period of
political fragmentation terminated only by stable unification under the Sui and Thang.
Conversely the centuries of Thang and Sung stability were characterised by relatively
abundant rainfall.f
Naturally the Chinese records of bad weather contain references to damaging
storms of hail (pao 3). Horwitz (8) was moved to investigate the history of the practice
of firing mortar shells at hailstorm clouds in order to start the precipitation or deflect
it from the crops under protection. This is widely current today among vineyard
cultivators in the south of France, who use rockets. Horwitz found the first European
mention in the autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini, written at the end of the
a Ch. 4, pp. I07ff.
b This fact was first brought to my attention by my friend Dr Yeh Chhi-Sun.
c Ch. 4, p. 110. Remarkable work on the forms of snowflakes was published by a Japanese daimyo,
Doi Toshitsuru (+ 1789 to 1848), early in the nineteenth century (Sekka Zuselsu).
d E.g. TSCC, Shu cheng lien, chs. 76-80, 86-94, 124-32, etc. But no attempt has been made to
conflate them for world use.
e Those of Chu Kho-Chen (3), Yao Shan-Yu (I, 2, 3), Ting Wen-Chiang (2), K. Y. Cheng (I),
Schove (4) and others. For a general background to their work see Brooks (I).
f Cf. above, Vol. I, pp. I84ff. Li Chi (2) has also made correlations between climatic pulsations and
political disturbances.
21. METEOROLOGY 473
16th century, a but also noted, from the travel account of Bastian,b that during the
Khang-Hsi period (+ 1662 to + 1722) it was the practice of Lamas to have guns fired
off at rain clouds in Kansu. The civil officials were asked to take steps to obtain the
pardon of the gods of mountains and rivers on these occasions. Horwitz questioned,
therefore, whether the idea might not have originated on purely animistic grounds in
China and have been transmitted to the West-but we do not know the answer, and
the subject should be further investigated.
Raininess ratio
Century droughts per century
floods per century
+ 2nd 1'98
+3 rd 1·60
+ 4th 8'20
+5 th 2'06
+6th ,po
+7 th 3'3 0
+ 8th 1.32
+ 9th 1·80
+ loth 1·80
+ 11th 1"70
+ 12th 1'04
+13 th 1·80
+ 14th 1'05
+ 15 th 2·25
+ 16th 1'95
III , ill
474 21. METEOROLOGY
Sun Yen-Hsien [ considered that the rainbow was due to the reflection of the sunlight
from suspended water-drops. Two centuries had yet to elapse before Qutb aI-DIn
al-ShIrazI (+ 1236 to + 1311) gave in Persia the first satisfactory explanation of the
rainbow (essentially that of Descartes) in which the ray is refracted twice and reflected
once, through a transparent sphere. a
But the rainbow in all its beauty is far outdone by the strange complex of phenomena
which includes concentric haloes and (mock suns' or parhelia. Under certain atmo-
spheric conditions, when clouds of hexagonal or pyramidal ice-crystals, columnar or
b----------~+-+_+-~--_+--~~=_~--_4--~~~~---------b
az az
Fig. 199. Halo-components; cylindrical azimuth projection.
Key: a, sun; az, horizon ; b, parhelic circle; c, parhelia (mock suns); d, supra-solar column; e, infra-
solar column; j, Hall's halo; g, zz o halo; g' , upper tangent arc of zz o halo; 1', lower tangent arc of zzo
halo; h, 46° halo; i, upper arcs of circumscribing oval halo; j, lower arcs of circumscribing oval halo;
k, oblique arcs of Lowitz ; l, Parry's arc ; rn, extensions of g' enclosing zenith; n , upper tangent arc of
46° halo (circurnzenithal arc); p, infra-lateral tangent arcs of 46° halo (the supra-lateral counterparts
are predicted by theory but have never been seen).
plate-like, are falling slowly through the air at considerable heights, the sun is seen
surrounded by haloes, and flanked by as many as four centres of bright light (' mock
suns', Fig. 199c, c) at the same altitude. These are located at or near the junctions of
a Sarton (I), vol. z, pp. Z3, 1018; vol. 3, p . 141; Pledge (I), p . 67; Mieli (I), p . ISI ; Wiedemann (z);
Crombie (I). A few years later the same explanation was given by Theodoric of Freiburg in far-away
Europe, and by al Shlrazl's pupil, Kamal aI-Din al-Farisl. Cf. p. 16z above. See also Boyer (3) .
2I. METEOROLOGY 475
a bright horizontal line (the parhelic circle, Fig. 199b, b) with an inner and an outer
halo (Fig. 1999, h).a In addition, there may be a fifth suri image (the anthelion) at
r800 on the horizontal line, i.e. due opposite to the true sun, two more (the paranthelia)
at about 120°, and (very rarely) two at 90°. The haloes may be brightly coloured (with
red to the inside), but the parhelic circle is white. A vertical column or pillar may
cross it at the sun. b Haloes and mock suns are observable in all latitudes, but though
not commoner in northern and polar regions they are there more splendid and various
in form . The first European description was that of Christopher Scheiner in + 1630,
who saw a display at Rome, the second that of Hevelius at Danzig in + 1661, but the
most complex effect ever seen was probably that described by Tobias Lowitz at
St Petersburg in + 1794.
In China, however, astrologically minded star-clerks had been devoting meticulous
observation to halo phenomena centuries earlier, and so impressive they found them
that an emperor himself did not disdain to write an illustrated book which dealt, inter
alia, with such phenomena. c This is the Thien Yuan Yu Li Hsiang I FU,I by Chu
Kao-Chih,2 who reigned (for one year only) as Jen Tsung,3 in + 1425. We reproduce
here two of its pictures (Fig. 200a and b).
Even more surprising perhaps is the recent discovery of Ho Ping-Yu (I) that the
pages which the Chin Shu 4 (History of the Chin Dynasty) devotes d to the 'Ten
Haloes' (Shih Y un S) yield technical terms for almost every component of the solar
halo system. Complete haloes were known as yiin,6 and the multiple suns (shu jih 7)
were strung along the mi 8 (' complete' or parhelic circle). Partial lateral arcs of the
46° halo were termed erh 9 (' ear-rings '), those of the 22° halo pao 10 (' embracements '),
and of Hall's halo chiieh II (,thumb-rings', Fig. 199./). Partial upper arcs of the 46°
halo were hsii 12 (' arrays '), of the 22° halo kuan 13 (' bonnets '), while the jih tai 14 (sun
crown) can clearly be identified as Parry's arc (Fig. 199, I). Even the curious triangular
effects known as oblique Lowitz arcs (Fig. 199, k) are described as thi IS (' supporting
brackets '). The lower tangent arc of the 22° halo (Fig. 199, g") was called ying 16 (the
' tassels'), and the infra-lateral tangent arcs of the 46° halo (Fig. 199,P) had the very
appropriate name of chi 17 (' leaning lances '). Of course all kinds of presages were
• The inner halo is at 22° from the sun, the outer at 46°. Both have inverted tangent arcs (Fig. 199, g',
g", n) touching them at their highest and lowest points, though naturally the lower tangent arc of the
outer halo can rarely be seen .
b The most elaborate description of the phenomena will be found in the treatise of Pernter &
Exner (I), pp. 242 ff. The descriptions in standard works such as those of R. W. Wood (I), 2nd ed.
p. 437, 3rd ed. p. 394, or R. S. Heath (I), pp. 339ff., are often too brief to be fully comprehensible, and
indeed the accounts in some of the best-known reference books are wrong. The classical geometrical
explanation was given b y Bravais in 1847. There is an abridged account in Mascart (I), vol. 3, pp. 472 ff.
The most recent work on the subject is that of Liljequist in 1956, who illustrates many displays and
relates particular halo-system components to particular types of ice-crystal.
C It was never printed, but a manuscript copy, with coloured illustrations , is preserved in the
inferred from these appearances,a but the precision of the observations is astonishing.
We thus have in hand some twenty-six technical terms current in the +7th century
(the text dates from about + 635), and cannot but conclude that the Europeans of the
17th century were long anticipated in the close study of solar halo phenomena.
Indeed, some of these terms go much further back. In Section 20C, when discussing
the 'official' character of Chinese astronomy, we had occasion to mention the Shih
Chin, one of the prognosticatory officials mentioned in the Chou Li. According to the
description of his duties there given: b
The 8hih Chin I is concerned with the method of studying the Ten Haloes (shih yUnZ) in
order to observe extraordinary phenomena (in the heavens) and thence to prognosticate good
fortune or bad. The first is called chin l (' invasive' haloes), c the second is called hsiang 4
(the 'image'),d the third hsi 5 (or hui,5 'metal ornaments'),e the fourth chien 6 (,over-
shadowings '),c and the fifth an 7 (' darkenings', solar or lunar eclipses). The sixth is called
ming8 (gloom of fog, etc.), the seventh is called mi9 (the 'complete' parhelic circle), the
eighth hsU 10 (' ordered arrays '),g the ninth chi 11 (lit. rainbow, but explained as a synonym for
yUn,12 full haloes), and lastly the tenth hsiang ll (,suggestive' cloud-forms).h
The 8hih Chin is charged with tranquillising the people, and explaining to them what
heaven sends down upon earth.i At the beginning of the year he starts his observations, and
at the end of the year he analyses them.
This clearly shows that the star-clerks of the Chhin and Han were interested in halo
phenomena and carefully recorded them. We would in any case know this from the
short description of Ssuma Chhien, j which contains half a dozen of the technical
terms used in the Chin Shu and later writings. k
One cannot but wonder whether haloes and parhelia were not the basis of the
Chinese mythological story, to which there are many references in ancient works,. of
the appearance of ten suns in the sky simultaneously in the time of the emperor Yao. m
• A list of some 28 such displays, between the years + 249 and + 420, is given later on in the same
chapter, pp. 15a-17b, together with the political events which followed, and which they were thought
to have portended. For further details see Ho & Needham (I).
b Ch. 6, p. 29b (ch. 24, p. 30), tr. auct., adjuv. Biot (I), vo!. 2 , p. 84. For his staff see ch. 5, p. 7b
(ch. 17, p. 24), tr. Biot (I), vo!. I, p. 411.
c The Chin Shu defines these as the erh, the pao and the chiieh already mentioned, together with the
pei,'4 the upper tangent arc of the 22° halo and the circumscribing oval halo (Fig. 199, g', i) forming a
band convex to the sun.
d The same as the pei just described, but with the Parry arc (Fig. 199, I), looking like a great flying
bird with the sun in its claws.
e Vertical columns (Fig. 199, d, e).
f Probably partial upper arcs of Hall's halo (Fig. 199, f).
11 Partial upper arcs of all the haloes.
h For example, says the Chin Shu, a red cloud which takes the shape of a hunter. Cf. pp. 190, 284.
I By this time the seasonal occurrence of meteor showers, for example, was certainly known.
J Shih Chi, ch. 27, p. 29a, b, tr. Chavannes (I), vo!. 3, p. 385.
k So also some of the apocryphal treatises, e.g. the Ho Thu Wei Chi Yao Kou, in Ku Wei Shu, ch. 33,
p. lb.
1 E.g. Tso Chuan, Chu Shu Chi Nien, Li Sao, Chuang Tzu, etc. Cf. Granet (I).
m As Schlegel (7a) suggested long ago.
Jif s~
'0£t 12 • . IJ~
21. METEOROLOGY 477
This was discussed more than once by Wang Chhung in the Lun about + 80.Heng a
The suggestion seems at any rate more probable than that which would refer the
legend to the days of the ten-day week, all the suns of which would thus have been
brought upon the stage by the story-tellers at one and the same time. b
Fully circular coloured haloes are sometimes seen today from aircraft. Similar
phenomena have long been observed on mountains, notably in China the famous
'Buddha Light' (Fo kuang l ) nimbus on Omei Shan in Szechuan. c In +1177 Fan
Chheng-Ta recognised this as being a perfectly natural kind of rainbow; the same, he
thought, was also true of iridescent colours seen in certain waterfalls. d
• Chs. 84 and 3'1., tr. Forke (4), vo!. I, pp. 89, '1.71. It is interesting that Wang Chhung came to the
conclusion that the supernumerary suns were not true suns, but his arguments were not very
meritorious.
b It is curious that the total number of suns in a great display will amount to ten (four near the true
sun, two at 90. , the two paranthelia, and the anthelion). If the true sun be excluded, a parhelion at the
lowest point of Hall's halo will make up the number.
These paragraphs were first drafted in March 1954, at a time when minor but interesting displays of
parhelia had just been visible in Cambridge. We happened to have been consulting Wang Chhung's
chapter on the sun.
C Cf. for example, Franck (I), p . 579, for a description. The phenomenon is analogous to the
' Brocken Spectre' of Europe (Pernter & Exner (I), pp. 446ff.). See a recent case described by D. M.
Black (I).
d Wu Chhuan Lu, ch. I, pp. 13 b, 17b, 18a.
• Cf. TSCC, Chhien hsiang tien, chs. 65-<); Shu cheng tien, chs. 60-4.
f Ch. 3, p. 4a. g Ch. 8, p. :Z4a.
h E .g. in Lil Shih Chhun Chhiu, ch. 6'1. (vo!. I, p . 1'1.1), tr. R. Wilhelm (3), p . 159; and discussed in
the Yen Fan Lu 8 of Chh@ng Ta-Chhang 9 of + 1 175 .
I See the early + 9th-century Ling Nan I Wu Chih 10 (Record of Strange Things South of the Passes)
by Meng Kuan." 'Wind' had many proto-scientific significances, as in the ' hard wind' of the Taoists,
already mentioned (Vo!. '1., pp. 455, 483 above), which had a part to pby in the prehistory of aeronautics
(Sect. '1.7 below). In parallel with priina, and like chhi, other 'winds' were extremely important in
medical theory (Sect. 44) and in Buddhist embryology (Sect. 43).
J P.4b.
21. METEOROLOGY
instrument is perhaps the oldest of all pointer-reading devices, the importance of
which in the philosophy of the natural sciences requires no emphasis. In Europe it
does not seem possible to trace it back beyond the Tower of the Winds at Athens
(c. - 150) which Andronicus of Cyrrha fitted with a weather vane. a In China it must
be of about the same date, since the Huai Nan Tzu book speaks b of a thread or
streamer (wan 1), which a Han commentator explains as 'a wind-observing fan' (hou
jeng shan Z). c Military treatises from the San Kuo onwards call it wu liang 3 (' five
ounces '), alluding to the weight of feathers to be used in it. Later books bring out the
bird-like form which it was given, for example the mid + 4th-century Ku Chin Chu
(Commentary on Things Old and New), which calls it by its usual name (hsiang jeng
wu 4 ). Another term is hsien. s Its invention is variously ascribed to legendary person-
ages such as Huang Ti.d
Chu Kho-Chen (2) conjectures that some attempt was made in the Han to construct
an anemometer. This view is based e on passages in the San Fu Huang Thu 6 (Descrip-
tion of the Palaces at Chhang-an), a late + 3rd-century book attributed to Miao
Chhang-Yen.7 Discussing towers and pavilions, he writes: f
The Han 'Ling Thai' H (Observatory Platform) was eight li north-west of Chhang-an. It
was called 'Ling Thai' because it was originally intended for observations of the Yin and
the Yang and the changes occurring in the celestial bodies, but in the Han it began to be
called Chhing Thai. 9 Kuo Yuan-Seng,IO in his Shu Cheng Chill (Records of Military Ex-
peditions),g says that south of the palaces there was a Ling Thai, fifteenjen (=120 feet) high,
upon the top of which was the armillary sphere made by Chang Heng. Also there was a
wind-indicating bronze bird (hsiang jeng thung wu 12), which was moved by the wind; and it
was said that the bird moved (only, or faster?) when a 10oo-li (very strong?) wind was
blowing. There was also a bronze gnomon 8 feet high, with a (horizontal scale) 13 feet long
and 1 foot 2 inches broad. According to an inscription, this was set up in the 4th year of the
Thai-Chhu l3 reign-period (i.e. - 101).h
The evidence of this passage does not seem very clear, though unless the movements
of the bird had something to do with the strength of the wind there would hardly be
any point in referring to them at all. Apart from gusts and turbulence, the stronger
the wind the more fixed an ordinary weathercock would be. Moreover, elsewhere in
a See the discussions of Beckmann (1), vot. z, p. Z81, and Hellmann (z) . The subject is closely
related to the development of the compass-card, on which see S. P . Thompson (I). All these writers
discuss the Hellenistic and medieval names of the winds. Cf. below, Sect. z6h, i .
b Ch. 11, p. I7b.
C Cf. Lun Heng, ch. 43 (Forke (4), vot. I, p . I I I).
d As in Shih Wu Chi Yuan, ch. z, p . 46b.
e Personal communication from Dr Chu Kho-Chen.
f Ch. 4, tr. auct.
g This seems to be another name for Kuo Hsiang,14 the Taoist commentator, elsewhere referred to
(d. +3IZ). The book is apparently a lost one.
h This was just after the date of the astronomical work and calendar reform with which the names of
Lohsia Hung and Teng Phing are associated (cf. p . 30Z above).
1 *~ 5 .HI. 63 ~.1I
7 iYi~ ~ 11 i1t hl: ~I'.
12 *11 )I. SIAl .\'il;
21. METEOROLOGY 479
the same book (Chapter 2, on the Ran palaces), there is mention of a bronze phoenix
set on a tower roof' which faced the wind on a turning axle above and below, as if
flying'; this suggests the continuation of the axis to a lower floor where it could have
been fitted with a device to indicate, if not to record, the speed of rotation by the wind.
It is not out of place to reflect that the cup anemometer is a version of the paddle-
wheel theme, and that it was in the Ran (as we shall later see a) that the first water-
wheels appeared. Besides, the bronze phoenix is stated to have been 5 ft. high, which
seems rather excessive for a weather-cock, but not for a device where wind resistance
was sought. If this interpretation is justified, the Ran anemometer may have been an
anticipation of the modern four-cup type, for the early Renaissance instruments of
Egnatio Danti (1570) and Robert Rooke (1667) were of the pendulum pattern not
used today.b
A good description of a whirlwind with waterspouts is given by Yang Yii in his
Shan Chit Hsin Hua (New Discourses from the Mountain Cabin) of + 1360.
On the 15th day of the twelfth month, in the 8th year of the Chih-Cheng reign-period
(+ 1348), at about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, there appeared in the south four black
' dragons' coming down from the clouds, and taking up water. Shortly afterwards another
one appeared in the south-east, and lasted a considerable time before it disappeared. This
was seen at Chia-hsing city.c
The terrestrial vapours (ti chhiz) do not go up very high into the sky. This is the reason
why the sun appears red in the morning and evening, while it looks white at midday. If the
terrestrial vapours rose high into the sky, it would still look red then. e
He thus understood that when at a low altitude, the sun was seen through a thicker
layer of the earth's atmosphere than when it was high in the heavens. A century
earlier Kuo Pho had spoken f of the dawn and sunset mists as jen chin; 3 and in the
+ IIth century Shen Kua and othersg used expressions such as ChO,4 cho jens and
yen chhi chhen jen, 6 referring to misty atmospheres caused by small suspended particles.
As for mirages, an explanation substantially correct was given by Chhen Thing
in the Ming period. h
But such naturalistic theories did not still the superstitious fears of the Han people,
who, in accordance with the theory of phenomenalism, viewed the electrical discharges
of the heavens as 'heavenly reprimands' for improper governmental or private pro-
ceedings. Hence the firmly naturalistic statement of Wang Chhung in his Lun Heng
( + 83). We see him at his best in this passage, part of a special chapter on the subject.
At the height of summer, thunder and lightning come with tremendous force, splitting
trees, demolishing houses, and from time to time killing people. The common idea is that
this splitting of trees and demolishing of houses is due to Heaven setting a dragon to work.
And when the lightning strikes a person and kills him, this is attributed to some secret faults
which he must have committed, such as eating unclean things. The roar and roll of thunder,
they say, is the voice of Heaven's anger, like men gasping with rage. Ignorant and learned
alike talk thus, making inferences from the ways of men (to those of Heaven) in order to
make sense of what happens.
But this is all nonsense. The genesis of thunder is one particular kind of energy (chhi), and
one particular kind of sound. Its splitting of trees and demolishing of houses is one with the
rushing on men and the killing of them. All these effects happen at the same time. Are we
then to ascribe to a dragon the effects on trees and houses, calling in the supposed hidden
faults as an additional explanation where a person is concerned? A dragon at work would
be auspicious, and could not give rise to an inauspicious event. This would not be in accord
with its Tao. For the two things (the non-ethical and the ethical) to happen instantaneously
and with the same sound, is unreasonable ... .
The Li Chi speaks of goblets with thunder patterns carved on them. One thunder rushes
forth, the other reverts, one is coiled up and the other stretched out. They make a noise
when they rub against one another. Their crossing and colliding causes the deep rumbling
sound. (This representation is quite correct.) The crashing noise is the shooting forth of the
chhi. If this chhi hits a man, he dies.
a Cf. TSCC, Chhien hsiang tien, chs. 77-<;); Shu cheng tien, chs. 74-5.
b In this connection, the role played by thunder and other meteorological phenomena as symbols
in the I Ching (Book of Changes) may be recalled (above, Sect. 13g, in Vol. 2, pp. 312ff.).
c Ch. 4, p. 12b, tr. auct. Parallel words in the - 1st-century text, Chhun Chhiu Wei Yuan Ming Pao
(in Ku Wei Shu, ch. 6, p. 3b). We find the same idea in Chuang Tzu, ch. 26 (Wai Wu), and in the
Kuliang Chuan (cit. TPYL, ch. 13, p . 2a), so it was certainly current in the late Chou period.
21. METEOROLOGY
To speak truly, thunder is the explosion (chi!) of the chhi of the solar Yang principle.
This may be understood by the fact that in January, when the Yang begins to grow, we
hear the first thunders, while in May, when it is predominant, the thunder is continuous
and severe. In autumn and winter, when the Yang is dying away, thunderstorms decline.
In the summer, when the Yang is reigning, the Yin disputes its supremacy, so that there is
collision, friction, explosions and shootings. What happens to be struck will be harmed. By
pure chance a person sheltering under a tree or in a house may be hit and killed.
How can we test this? Throw a ladle of water into a smelting-furnace. The chhi will be
stirred and will explode like thunder. Those who are near may well be burned. You may
consider heaven and earth as like a furnace, the Yang chhi as the fire, and clouds and rain as
abundant water. Hence violent disturbances must arise. How could people who are hit not
be harmed and die?
When founders melt iron, they make moulds (hsing2) of earth and when these are dry the
metal is allowed to run down into them. If they are not, it will skip up, overflow and spurt
about. If it hits a man's body it burns his skin. Now the fiery Yang chhi is hotter than molten
iron, and the exploding Yin is damper than earth or clay. When the Yang chhi hits a man it
does more than cause a pain of burning.a
Lightning is essentially fire. Such chhi, burning a man, leaves a mark. If the mark looks
like some writing, people, seeing it, are tempted to regard it as a statement concerning his
guilt written by Heaven. This again is empty nonsense. If Heaven struck men dead with
lightning (of set purpose) it would take care to write its characters clearly in order, instead of
indistinctly and unclearly. Marks made by lightning are certainly not characters written by
Heaven .... b
The parallel with Lucretius springs to the mind:
Hoc est igniferi naturam fulminis ipsam
perspicere et qua vi faciat rem quam que videre,
non Tyrrhena retro volventem carmina frustra
indicia occultae divum perquirere mentis,
unde volans ignis pervenerit aut in utram se
verterit hinc partem, quo pacto per loca saepta
insinuarit, et hinc dominatus ut extulerit se,
quidve nocere queat de caelo fulminis ictus. c
Other Han scholars, such as Huan Than (before + 30), had urged the same point of
view. d
• In passing we may note the metallurgical significance of this paragraph as an indication of the
knowledge of cast iron technique in the + 1st century, antedating European practice by twelve centuries;
see below, Sects. 30 and 36.
b Ch. 23, tr. auct., adjuv. Forke (4), vo!. I, p. 285; Hughes (I), p. 324.
C De Rer. Nat. VI, 379 ff. Leonard's translation runs:
This, this it is, 0 Memmius, to see through '
The nature of the fire-fraught thunderbolt;
o this it is to mark by what blind force
It maketh each effect, and not, 0 not,
To unwind Etrurian scrolls oracular,
Inquiring as to the occult will of gods ...
Or what the thunderstroke portends of ill ... (p. 265).
On the fulgural divination of the Etruscans see Bouche-Leclercq (2) and R. Berthelot (I).
d TPYL, ch. 13, p. 8a .
I ~k 2 ff~
21. METEOROLOGY
Similar precise and objective descriptions were given in later centuries, as by Yang Yii
about +1360.d But the explanation of the true nature of thundere and lightning had to
await the full flood of post-Renaissance science.
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Fig. 200. Two pages from the MS. Thien Yuan Yu Li Hsiang I Fu by Chu Kao-Chih, emperor of the
Ming, c. + 1425 (Cambridge University Library), showing parhelic phenomena.
Translation :
(a) •Haloes (Yun) having straight Erh and threading the sun. Chu Wen Kung says that when there is
a yii11 with vertical erh an army will be defeated. The Sung History Memoirs also say that it means this,
adding that if the sun is threaded through, a commander will be killed.'
(b) • A solar halo (Yun) with four Erh, four Pei and four Chueh. Chu Wen Kung says that this
signifies conspiracies on the part of ministers ; let the gates be shut and (the emperor) not stir forth. The
Khai- Yuan Chan Ching says exactly the same, further advising the issue of (emergency) orders through-
out the empire. If within three days there is rain, the orders are to be cancelled.'
Thus although the motive was often astrological, the observations of the haloes were precise. In the
above drawings one can recognise the parhelic circle, the 22° and 46° haloes, and a variety of tangent
arcs.
PLATE LXXI
Fig. 20 I. The bore on the Chhien-Thang River near Hangchow (photo. Beer).
Fig. 202. Lin Chhing's picture of the bore on the Chhien-Thang River
(from Hung Hsueh Yin Yuan Thu Chi, 1849).
2I. METEOROLOGY
prognosticator Ching Fang,I mentioning great displays in - 193 and - 154, which
were attributed, like earthquakes, to excessive Yin. No complete listing of the Chinese
observations has yet been made, a since the phenomenon was not recognised very
clearly as an entity, and went by many names, e.g. chhih chhi2 (red vapour), pei chi
kuang 3 (north polar light), etc. A vast literature would thus have to be searched by
a sinologist and a meteorologist in collaboration. We noticed, for instance, a description
of a purple aurora in one of the Five Element chapters of the Hsin Thang Shu (New
History of the Thang) for + 882, but this particular one does not seem to occur in the
encyclopaedia's list. b An earlier aurora, covering the whole northern sky with shim-
mering red light in +763, was also recorded in Irish and Anglo-Saxon chronicles. c
One of the oldest Chinese descriptions d is that for - 30, when 'at night there were
seen in the sky luminous vapours, yellow and white, with (streamers) more than
100 feet long, which brightly lit up the ground. Some said that these were cracks in
the heavens (thien lieh 4); others said that they were the "swords of heaven" (thien
chien 5). ' This terminology is strangely reminiscent of the xaop.aTa (chasms) of Aristotle,
who thus refers to aurorae in the Meteorologica, e but any connection between the terms
is hard to believe. f Of course no explanation of the phenomena was possible until
modern times. Their close association with sun-spots has been realised since 1859.
a But see Kanda (I, 2), whose reference to, and translation of, the Fu Hou passage are, however,
both wrong.
b 'In the seventh month of the 2nd year of the Chung-Ho reign-period, on a ping-wll day, at night
the whole of the north-western sky was red; the vapour was like purple or deep crimson borders or
boundaries in the heavens', ch. 34, p. II b. Cf. the translations of these chapters by Pfizmaier (67).
C See Hsin Thang Shll, ch. 34, p. I I a, which however makes it late in + 762. A beginning has been
made by Schove (I, 6) at correlating the Chinese and European data. Cf. St0nner (I).
d Fu Hou Ku Chin Chu, in YHSF, ch. 73, p. sob; cit. TpYL, ch. 2, p. 6b. Compiled about + 140.
There is nothing exactly corresponding in the annals of the Chhien Han Shu, but in the previous year
(- 29) 'divine lights' had been seen in the first month' in all three districts' (ch. 10, p. 3 b). Perhaps
Fu Hou was one year out in his reckoning. The term thien lieh goes back to the - 1st century at least,
for the Chin Shu (ch. II, p. 7a) quotes a passage from Liu Hsiang which uses it.
e I, 5, 342 b. Cf. Seneca (Clarke & Geikie tr. p . 38).
f We are indebted to Mr Francis Celoria for drawing our attention to this similarity.
21. METEOROLOGY
a The far more terrifying and destructive tidal waves of the Sea of Japan were naturally not so
familiar to the Chinese, but Schlegel (7 r), p. 50, noted what is quite probably a reference to them in the
+4th- or + 5th-century Hai Nei Shih Chou Chi (entry under Pheng Lai). Waves rising to a hundred
feet in height, with no wind, need by no means be purely imaginary (cf. the description of Bemstein).
Tidal waves, of course, have nothing to do with tides, but are caused by underwater earthquakes or
volcanic explosions. At a distance, tidal regularities may be affected, as in the occurrence of + 1347
reported in Shan Chit Hsin Hua, p. z6a (H. Franke (z), no . 64).
b E .g. McGowan (3). Its first modern scientific analysis was that of Commander W. U. Moore in
1888. Cf. Moule (IS), pp. 19ff.
C Lin Chhing was a great expert in water conservancy and hydraulic works; we shall meet with him
the word chhao 1 was derived not directly from 'sunrise ' but indirectly from this
analogy, since the court assembled at dawn. The word hsi z is connected more directly
with the evening, since the phonetic is an ancient pictogram of the crescent moon.
Already in the early - 2nd century a good bore was expected at full moon, as appears
from the poetical composition Chhi Fa 3 (The Seven Beguiling Tales) a by Mei Sheng 4
(d. - 140):b
The guest said: ' At full moon in the eighth month I hope to go to Kuang-Ling 5 with the
feudal lords and with companions from far away, and with my brothers, to see the bore on
the River Chhii. 6 When we reach the spot, before we see the bore itself, but only the places
where the strength of the water has come, it will be alarming enough to make us tremble at
what it has over-ridden, uprooted, thrown into confusion, and swept away. . . . 'c
But a causal connection with the moon is not stated, and when the sick prince asks the
guest what the force is which drives the wave, he replies that, though not supernatural,
it is not recorded. In the + 1st century, however, the dependence of the tides on the
moon was clearly indicated, and by none other than Wang Chhung in his Lun Heng.
The whole passage affords so remarkable an example of how that great sceptic would
take a popular belief and tear it limb from limb, that I shall hope to be excused for
citing it in full. d Wu Tzu-Hsii,7 a virtuous minister e of the State of Wu in the feudal
period, had been unjustly killed or driven to death by his prince f Fu Chhai,8 and
thrown into the river about - 484. The popular belief was that the vengeful spirit of
the minister regularly thereafter roused the waves to their periodical wrath and havoc:
The story. (I) It has been recorded that the King of Wu, Fu Chhai, put
Wu Tzu-Hsii to death, and had (his body) cooked in a
cauldron, sewn into a leather sack, and thrown into the
River. Wu Tzu-Hsii, incensed, lashed up the waters, so
that they rose in great waves and drowned people. In
later times temples were erected to him on the Yangtze at
Tan-thu 9 in Kuei-Chi 10 as well as on the Che I I river of
Chhien-Thang,12 for the purpose of appeasing his anger and
stopping the wildness of the waves. Now the statement that
the King of Wu put Wu Tzu-Hsii to death and had him
thrown into the river, is reliable enough, but the idea that
out of spite Wu Tzu-Hsii lashes up the waters, is absurd.
Contradictory negative (2) Chhii Yuan,13 full of disgust, threw himself into the
examples. Hsiang l4 River, but (boisterous) waves did not arise on it.
Shen Thu-Ti 15 jumped into the Yellow River and died, but
waves did not appear in that case either.
a CSHK (Chhien Han sect.), ch. 20, p . 6b ; Wen Hsuan, ch. 34. b See Nagasawa (I), p. 148 .
C Tr. Moule (3). The Chhii seems to have been a river in Northern Chiangsu north of the Yangtze.
Objection comparing (9) Besides it is difficult to excite waves, but easy to move
mental and physical men. The living rely on the strength of their nerves, the
action. dead must use their essence and soul (ching hunt). Alive,
Wu Tzu-Hsii could not move the living, or preserve his
body, and himself caused its death (by suicide when the
King presented him with a sword). When the strength of his
nerves was lost, and his essence and soul evaporated and
dispersed (iei san 2 ), how could he excite waves?
Return to argument of (2). (10) Hundreds and thousands of people have found them-
selves in the predicament of Wu Tzu-Hsii-crossing rivers
in boats, they have not reached the other shore. But Wu
Tzu-Hsii was the only one who had his body boiled in a
cauldron first. After such treatment what harm could he do?
(He was not even drowned in the water directly.)
Parallel legends.a (11) King Hsiian J of Chou killed his minister, the Lord of
Tu. ~ Lord Chien 5 of Chao killed his officer Chuang Tzu -1. 6
Years later (the ghost of) Tu shot and killed King Hsiian,
and (the ghost of) Chuang felled the Lord Chien. Although
these stories seem (at first sight) true, they are really all
empty nonsense. But even supposing them true, Wu Tzu-
Hsii, whose body was no longer intact, having been broken
down by the boiling, was not in a position to have acted in the
same way against King Fu Chhai. So why consider the
beating of the waves a revenge? Or even as proof of Wu
Tzu-Hsii's retaining his consciousness?
(12) (The trouble is that) popular stories, though not true,
are represented in paintings, so that even scholars and wise
men are deceived by them.
A scientific view. (13) Now the rivers in the earth are like the pulsating blood-
vessels of a man. As the blood flows through them they
throb or are still in accordance with their own times and
measures. So it is with the rivers. Their rise and fall, their
going and coming are like human respiration, like breath
coming in and out. b
The natural processes of Heaven and Earth have remained
the same from the most ancient times (shang ku7 ). When the
Shu Ching says, •The Yangtze and the Han pursue their
common course to the sea', that was in the time before Yao
and Shun (the legendary emperors). When the rivers fall
into the sea, there is nothing but rapid motion (as a rule),
but when the sea enters the three rivers (i.e. the Chhien-
Thang, the Shan-Yin and the Shang-Yii already mentioned),
the waters begin to roar and foam, doubtless because their
channels are small, shallow, and narrow.
a Cr. Mo Tzu, ch. 31, tr. Mei (I), p . 16r.
b This is a microcosm-macrocosm theory (cf. above, Sect. 13f, in Vol. 2, p. 294). Respiratory
theories of tides were also held in Europe; see below, p. 494.
3~ 5111\
21. METEOROLOGY
Another example of a river (14) The River Chhiil in Kuang-Ling 2 also has such great
with a tidal wave; cf. (6). waves. As the poet says: 'Vast is the expanse of the
Yangtze, and great the waves of Chhi.i.' This is certainly due
to the passage being narrow and impeded. If after having
been done to death in Wu, Wu Tzu-Hsi.i's spirit were to go
and produce boisterous waves at Kuang-Ling, that would
certainly not be a sign of its intelligence. (No harm had
been done to it there.)
And what about rapids in (IS) When streams are deep they are still and broad, but
general? when they are shallow, with much sand and many rocks,
they boil up into rapids. A tidal bore and a rapid are much
the same thing. IfWu Tzu-Hsi.i is to be held responsible for
the tidal waves, who is it that lives in the rivers and makes
falls and rapids?a
And ordinary storms? (16) Besides, sometimes a storm excites the waters of the
three rivers, so that they drown people. Wu Tzu-Hsi.i's
spirit would have to be made responsible for the wind too .
Localisation of the effects. (17) Moreover, I remark that when the wave enters the three
rivers (of the Chhien-Thang estuary) it foams and rages
along the banks, but in the middle of the stream there is no
noise. So if Wu Tzu-Hsi.i is responsible, his body must (in
some way) be concentrated along each of the banks.
The moon is the answer to (18) Finally the rise of the wave follows the waxing and
the problem; cf. (13). waning moon, smaller and larger, fuller or lesser, never the
same. If Wu Tzu-Hsi.i makes the waves, his wrath must be
governed by the phases of the moon! (ju Tzu-Hsu wei thao,
Tzu-Hsii. chih nu i yueh wei chieh yell 3). b
Thus does Wang Ch hung prowl round the traditional animistic belief, attacking it
from a variety of angles before giving it the knock-out blow based on the correlation
of the tides with the moon.
The earliest reference to the sea walls built along the Chhien-Thang river to with-
stand the tides and the bore comes from Wang Chhung's time. His contemporary,
Hua Hsin,4 who was governor of the district from + 84 to + 87, seems to have been
the first to organise the construction of dykes of sufficient strength. c
In Wang Chhung's mind, the influence of the moon on the tides must have been
combined with a microcosm-macrocosm respiration theory, as we have seen. But
these naturalistic views had to contend in his time with others more primitive. The
Shan Hai Ching (Classic of the Mountains and Rivers)d stated that the tides were the
a Note again Wang Chhung's appreciation of the role played by the topography of the sea and
estuary bottom.
b Lun Heng, ch. 16, tr. auct., adjuv. Forke (4), vol. 2, pp. 247 ff. ; Moule (3), p. 149.
C Hou Han Shu, ch. 101 , p. lob; Thai-Phing Huan Yu Chi, ch. 93; Thung Tien, ch . 182, p. 966'2.
d This is generally regarded as a Former Han book built round material from Warring States times,
and perhaps going back te the school of Tsou Yen.
'iIII
21. METEOROLOGY
result of a sea-serpent or whale (hai chhiu I or chhing ni2) coming out from and going
into its cave. a The Buddhist books, with their stories of niigas, encouraged this idea.
However, in the + 3rd century, Yang Chhiian, in his Wu Li Lun (Discourse on the
Principles of Things),b reaffirmed that the moon, being itself of the purest aqueous
principle, influenced the tides, which were great or small according to her waxing and
waning.c His older contemporary Yen Chiin 3 had written the first monograph
specially devoted to tidal theory. Yang Chhiian's view was supported early in the
+ 4th century by Ko Hung, whose Pao Phu TZll says:
The waves of the sea heave up and down with the waning and waxing of the moon. The
chhao 4 is that which comes in the morning, the hsis is that which arrives in the evening.
The influence of the moon produces water, so when the moon is full the ch/zao is large.d
And Ko Hung goes on to correlate, not very successfully, the positions of the sun (and
hence the moon) in the four seaSOI1S with the behaviour of the tides at those times.e
He also offers a strange alternative theory that the tides are due to the' overflowing'
of the Milky Way, which passes under the sea in the diurnal revolution of the heavens.
It seems that what he had in mind was the noria or water-wheel which raises water in
buckets attached to its rim.f In a third passage he emphasises the importance of the
topography and configuration of estuaries and rivers with regard to the Chhien-Thang
bore, and scoffs at the story of Wu Tzu-Hsii, saying that the phenomenon had existed
since the foundation of heaven and earth, long before the quarrel between the King of
Wu and his minister.
The next advances were made in the Thang. Tou Shu-Meng,6 about +770, who
wrote the Hai Thao Chih7 (or Hai Chiao Chih 8 ) (On the Tides), seems to have been
one of the first to deal with the lunar theory of the tides with any scientific detail.
When the moon is passing through hsi-mu 9 and ta-liang, IQ he said, the water rises
higher. These two terms, it will be remembered, are two of the twelvefold divisions
of the equator and its hsiu, corresponding to the autumn and spring equinoxes
respectively.g Apparently Tou Shu-Meng thought that the moon actually caused the
a It seems impossible to find this passage in the text of the book as we now have it (cf. the relevant
Sino-French index), but it was quoted early, as in the Feng Thu Chi" (Record of Airs and Places) by
Chou Chhu 12 in the Chin (+ 3rd century), see Pelliot's note in Moule (3), p. 148 ; and TP YL, ch. 68,
P. 4b. b Already referred to, p. 218 above.
C Klaproth (I) seems to be the only sinologist who has noticed this passage, which he took from a
quotation given in the Thang encyclopaedia Thang Lei Ran " by YU An-Chhi.14
d We have not found the exact location of these remarks; as yet there is no index to Pao Phu Tzu, but
they are quoted in TP YL, ch. 68, p . 5 b, tr. Moule (3).
e He says that the tid es are higher in summer than in winter, which is true only for the day tides.
Natural, therefore, is his statement that they slowly increase during spring and diminish during autumn.
In his seasonal correlation he introduces the old erroneous calculations about the distance of the sun
from the earth (cf. pp. 21, 225, 257 above).
f See below, Sect. 27e. The passage might well be taken as evidence of the existence of this machine
in Ko Hung's time . g Cf. T able 34 above. See also de Sau ssure (16a) .
water to swell and contract. He was clear, however, on the monthly springs and neaps,
saying, ' In one night and day there are two chhao and two hsi, in one new and full
moon two springs and two neaps (i hui i ming tsai chhao tsai hsi I)'.a
In the following decades Feng Yen,2 in his Chien Wen Chi 3 (Records of Things
Seen and Heard) (+800), accurately described daily changes in the time of high
water. Li Chi-Fu,4 in his Yuan-Ho ChunHsien Thu Chih s (General Geography of the
Yuan-Ho reign-period) of + 814, was equally precise, saying that the tide is smallest
on the tenth and twenty-fifth days of the lunar month, and largest on the third and
eighteenth days. This was in particular reference to the Chhien-Thang bore, which he
graphically described. In + 850 came a short tractate which was to be famous, Lu
Chao's6 Hai Chhao Fu 7 (Essay on the Tides).b From this we know that regular tide
tables (thao chih 8) were already in use, and that the association of neaps with the
moon's quarters was fully accepted. At the same time, he retained some attachment
to the respiration theory, if this term may be applied to the somewhat vague concep-
tion of the original chhi puffing out and drawing in (yuan chhi i yueh 9). But he intro-
duced a new theme,c namely, that the sun had a part to play in the matter d (hai chhao
chih seng hsi tzu jih, erh thai yin tshai chhi hsiao ta yeh 10); the sun produced tides, but
the moon determined their dimensions. His essay was often afterwards quoted e and
criticised, as we shall see.
Of course, he did not think in terms of the gravitational attraction of the sun on the
mass of water, but supposed a kind of periodical explosion and consequent tidal wave
to occur each time that the white-hot sun entered the water. With such basically
erroneous theories in mind, it was not surprising that Lu Chao considered that the
farther away the moon (the Yin force) was from the sun (the Yang force) the larger
the tide would be-a conclusion exactly opposite to what we know now to be the
truth.f
Another point of view was taken by Chhiu Kuang-Thing 11 about + 900, in his
Hai Chhao Lun 12 (Discourse on the Tides), which took the form of a dialogue between
two characters, the Old Fisherman of the Eastern Sea (Tung Hai Yli Ong 13) and the
Recluse of the Western Hill (Hsi Shan Yin Che I4 ). He thought it was absurd to
a Tou Shu-Meng was frequently afterwards quoted, in Sung books, such as the Yiin Lu }I,fan
Chhao 15 (Random Jottings at Ylin-lu) by Chao Yen-Wei,16 and other books shortly to be mentioned.
b To be found in TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 315, p. 6b.
C Or perhaps built further on views which Ko Hung had held.
d Today of course we know that this is true, the attractive force of the sun being comparable with
that of the moon by the ratio 3 to 7 roughly.
e As in the Chiu Jih Lu 17 (Daily Journal), a Sung book by a Mr Chao 18 who adopted the pseudonym
Kuan Yuan Nai Te Ong l9 -The Old Gentleman of the Water-Garden who attained Success through
Forbearance. There is much on the tides in this book, which is abridged in Shuo Fu, ch. 14, p. 3a.
r The largest tides occur when the gravitational forces of the moon and the sun pull in the same
direction.
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The original forces (yuan chhi s) breathe in and out, and the sky following the forces
expands 'and contracts,d while the tide going and coming in the seas follows the sky and
flows and ebbs. Since the sun is the mother of the double Yang, and Yin is born of Yang,
the tide is subject to the sun; and since the moon is the essence of the Yin, and water is Yin,
the tide follows the motions of the moon. For this reason, following the sun and responding
to the moon, copying the motions of the Yin and yet subject to the Yang, the tide is at its
highest at new and full moon, contracts as the moon waxes or wanes, is at its lowest at the
first and last quarter, and grows just before full and new moon. That is the reason why
there are large and small tides.
Now beginning at new moon at the tzu double-hour (II p.m. to 1 a.m.) in the middle of
the night, the tide is high at the earth's tzu position, 4'165 kho.e When the moon is removed
from the sun at the earth's chhen point by the daily movement of 3'72 kho, which tallies with
the positions which the moon has reached in relation to the position of the sun, the tide is
bound to respond. After the moon has passed the full, it still travels eastward, and the tide
is governed by the sun and again responds to it westward, until, on reaching 4'165 kho of
tzu at the next new moon, sun, moon, and tide all meet again at the tzu position. Thus we
know that the tide is bound to be governed by the sun and turn to the west, so that when
the moon approaches (the meridian at) tzu (about midnight) or wu (noon), the spring tide is
certain to be at its highest, and when the moon reaches (the meridian at) maD (about 6 a.m.)
or yu (about 6 p.m.) the neap tide is certain to be at its lowest. There may be small differences
of lateness or earliness, but on the whole the flow and ebb, the springs (ying 6 ) and neaps
(hsii7), do not miss their proper times. f
a Another work of about the same time was the Chhao Shuo 8 (Discussion of the Tides), interesting
because its author, an official of Hangchow, was the distinguished Taoist who edited the Yiln Chi
Chhi Chhien collection-namely Chang Chiin-Fang' (Mo Chi!O (Things Silently Recorded), p. 59a).
b Cf. above, p. 324, and below, Sect. 27c.
C Especially in the Hsi Chhi Tshung Hua" (Western Pool Collected Remarks) of Yao Khuan" later
in the same century. This in its turn was drawn on for the Hsien-Shun Lin-An Chih!3 (Hsien-Shun
reign-period Records of the Hangchow District) by Chhien Yiieh-Yu 14 of + 1274. This was the source
translated by Moule (3).
d One cannot escape being reminded here of the ancient theories of expansion and contraction,
dissipation and congelation (above, Sects. 10 and 16).
e A kho (quarter) was rather less than IS minutes because there were generally 100 in the day-and-
night of 12 double-hours, not 96. f Tr. Moule (3), mod.
2 l¥ it!1Il
, .\I
* 8 it! IDt 3 l¥ it! 111 i~
' m:ttUJ
l3.1&lfc:tc;t; 14l'1!fIDt1J:
49 2 2I. METEOROLOGY
From this passage, though somewhat obscurely expressed, it is clear that attempts were
being made at quite accurate observation early in the + 11th century. It is also clear
that a distinct notion of 'influence' on the part of the celestial bodies was in mind.
Exactly how near this came to a formulation in terms of 'gravitational' attraction or
force depends on the interpretation of the terms used. For example, Chang Tsai (the
Neo-Confucian), about the same time, spoke of the ching I of the moon, a radiating
, seminal virtue', and of the hsiang kan 2 of the water, i.e. its response. a It is not clear
why the time of two minutes past midnight in the above passage is given with such
refinement, but the moon's transit at new and full would be approximately midnight.
The average daily change of fifty-six minutes in the time of the transit is also not far
wrong. b Part of Yen Su's work consisted of a detailed tide-table for Ningpo.
Other tide-tables of this date were those of Lu Chhang-Ming 3 in + 1056, which are
contained in the Shun-Yu Lin-An Chih 4 (Shun-Yu reign-period Records of the
Hangchow District)C by Shih Rs The Cho Keng Lu of + 1368 saysd that these tables
were inscribed by Hsuan Cha0 6 on the walls of the Che-chiang Thing7 pavilion
which stood on the banks of the Chhien-Thang river. e Compare with these facts the
+ 13th-century tide-table giving the time of 'filod at london brigge' which exists in
a British Museum manuscript. f This is the earliest in Europe.
In the latter half of the century Shen Kua took Lu Chao to task for his theory that
the sun was involved in the causation of the tides. In the Meng Clzhi Pi Than we read:
Lu Chao says that the tide of the sea is formed because it is stirred up by the rising and
setting of the sun. This has not the slightest basis. If the tide were due to this cause it would
have a diurnal regularity. How could it happen that it sometimes comes in the morning
and sometimes in the evening?
I have myself given much study to its periodical motion, and found that the tide comes to
high water whenever the moon makes its meridian transit. If you wait for this moment you
will never miss the tides. Here I am referring to the tide on the coast itself; the farther you
are away from the sea (i.e. up an estuary or the like) there will be a delay varying according
to the place .. . . g
Thus in + 1086 Shen Kua clearly defined what we now call the' establishment of the
port', i.e. the constant interval between the theoretical time of high tide and the time
when it occurs at the place in question, or in other words the degree of continental
retardation. h
In September + 1124, Hsu Ching 8 wrote the preface to his Hsuan-Ho Feng Shih
Kao-Li Thu Ching 9 (Illustrated Record of an Embassy to Korea in the Hsi.ian-Ho
a Cheng Meng, ch. 4, p . 6b. On stimulus and response see Vo!. 2, p . 304, and of course Sect. 39
below.
b It should be 51.
c Ch. 10, p. sa. d Ch. 12, p . ua.
e His exact date is obscure. f Cotton MSS., Julius D, 7.
g Pu appendix, ch. 2, para. 3, tr. auct. Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), Vo!. 2, pp. 93 I fI.
h Cf., for example, Barlow & Bryan (I), p. 347.
'lJ$ti§!\:t;:~ ,.~
91i: fIl*{tMi.I1*~
21. METEOROLOGY 493
reign-period), though the book was not printed till 1167. Hsi.i had accompanied
a Chinese ambassador to that country upon the accession of a new Korean king, and
we shall meet with his book again in connection with the history of the magnetic
compass. a The relevant parts on the tides have been translated by Moule (3), and will
not here be given as they only set forth at greater length what had already been said
by Yen Su and Shen Kua.
Such the position remained until the coming of modern science in the 18th century.
In the Yuan, Liu Chi 1 band Cheng Ssu-Hsiao zc supported the respiratory theory.
During the Ming decadence there had been little save the discussion in Wang Khuei's
Li Hai Chi, d which made no advance on the Sung. In 1781 Yi.i Ssu-Chhien 3 made
a collection of the medieval writers on tidal theory, the Hai Chhao Chi Shuo. 4 It now
only remains to glance at the comparable development in Europe.
Although, as has been said, the weak or imperceptible tides of the Mediterranean
did not invite study by the Greek and Hellenistic scientists, it cannot be said that they
were unknown. Indeed, the first formulations of lunar influence in Europe anticipated
those of the Chinese. e One of the earliest mentions of tides refers to that at Suez on
the Red Sea, where there is a variation of some six feet; it was made by Herodotus f
(almost the contemporary of Wu Tzu-Hsi.i). When Tsou Yen was telling of the en-
circling seas, Pytheas of Marseilles at the other extreme bound of the Old World was
experiencing the tides of the English Channel (c. - 320). Just at this time, too, the
sailors of Alexander the Great, upon reaching the mouth of the Indus near Karachi,
were much surprised not only by the tides but by some kind of tidal bore.g And
Aristotle's pupil, Dicaearchos of Messina, conjectured (like Ko Hung later) that the
sun was responsible in some way for the tides.
It seems that Antigonus of Carystos (c. - 200) was the first of the Greeks to suggest
that the moon was the primary influence. His position was thus similar to that of the
poet Mei Sheng, but advance was more rapid since Seleucos the Chaldean of
Seleuceia on the Persian Gulfh correlated the tides with the moon's motions about
- 140, and half a century later Poseidonius of Apameia i (contemporary of Lohsia
Hung) stated the meridian rule, the quarter rule of springs and neaps, and the com-
bined actions of moon and sun. j This level was not reached in China until the Thang
and Sung, as we have seen, but while the Chinese were advancing, Europe (apart from
a few repetitions in Latin authors, often incorrect) forgot the progress which had been
made. With the exception of Bede the Venerable (ft. +700, just before Tou Shu-
J 11£
494 2I. METEOROLOGY
Meng), there was nothing done between - 100 and + 15oo.a Bede, stimulated, like
the Chinese, by the close presence of striking tidal phenomena, noted local differences
and gave a good account of the tides in general in his De Temporum Ratione. Curiously,
he made the same mistake as Tou about the tides at the equinoxes.
Meanwhile other theories had been competing with the moon in Europe as in China.
The microcosmic-macrocosmic respiration idea, first found perhaps in Strabo,b had
great success throughout the Middle Ages, and captivated as remarkable a mind as
Leonardo da Vinci, who actually tried to calculate the size of the world lung. There is
also a parallel to the sea-cavern story of the Shan Hai Ching; it seems to originate in
Wang Chhung's older contemporary, the geographer Pomponius Mela (ft. +43), and
found supporters such as another geographer in the same century as Tou Shu-Meng-
Paul Warnefrid (d. + 797).c There is no clue here as to any transmission of ideas.
The conception of the 'establishment of the port', adumbrated by Bede, came to
full expression in Giraldus Cambrensis' Topographia Hibernica d of + I I 88. We met
with it in China in + 1086. But the Chinese had a clear priority as to the systematic
preparation of tide-tables, which, as we have seen, go back to the + 9th century at
least. In the + 11th they were much more enlightened on the theory of the subject
than the Europeans until the Renaissance. The crowning irony was that Galileo
rejected Kepler's lunar theory of tides on the ground that it was astrological. e It was
not until the time of Newton that the true gravitational explanations of tidal pheno-
mena were worked out and accepted. Yet it would never have occurred to any Chinese
observer that the moon could not have an effect on terrestrial events-such a separation
would have been contrary to the whole world view of organic naturalism.f
a For the ideas on the tides current in medieval Europe see Kimble (I), pp. 161-8.
b Geogr. lII, 8. C Sarton (I), vol. I, p. 539.
l H1 3 Ell
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
boundaries are seen in the character for country (kuo I) where the frontier encloses
the symbols for' mouths' and' dagger-axes', the eaters and the defenders (K929c).a
Bone and bronze forms of the character which came to mean 'map' (thu 2) actually
show a map. Unfortunately, this word acquired a general signification covering any
kind of diagram or drawing, so that in cases where a book disappeared at an early
time it is not possible to be sure whether the thu which it was said to have had were
really maps.b In any case it would not be far off the mark to guess that the picto-
graphic character of Chinese encouraged the idea of mapping. c
As for the ideas about the shape of the earth current in ancient Chinese thought,
mention has already often been made d of a prevailing belief that the heavens were
round and the earth square (cf. Forke, 6). But there was always much scepticism about
this. Thus in the Ta Tai Li Chi Tseng Shen, replying to the questions of Shanchii Li,
admits e that it was very hard to see how, on the orthodox view, the four corners of the
earth could be properly covered (ssu chio chih pu yen yeh 3). We saw also, in the astro-
nomy Section,! that it was repeatedly stated (as by Yii Sung and Chang Heng) in the
+ I st and + 2nd centuries that the universe was like a hen's egg, and the earth was
like the yolk in the midst of it. g Chinese thinkers of all ages joined Yii Hsi (c. + 330)h
in expressing scepticism about the square and flat earth: if it was square, said Li Yeh, i
the movements of the heavens would be hindered (chih ai4). In his view, it was
spherical, like the heavens, but smaller; and all supporters of the Hun Thien theoryi
must have tended to believe this. k The influence .of these views on Chinese carto-
graphy, however, remained slight, for, as we shall see, it revolved around the basic
plan of a quantitative rectangular grid, taking no account of the curvature of the earth's
surface'! At the same time Chinese geography was always thoroughly naturalistic, as
witness the passage about rivers and mountains already quoted from the Lii Shih
Chhun Chhiu. m
a Cf. ' wapentake '.
b Cf. pp. 206 above, and 518, 536 below.
C Mention should be made somewhere here of the forgotten glossary of Chinese geographical
technical terms by Stanley. A glossary of topographical terms such as are met with on Chinese maps
was prepared by L. Giles (12).
d Pp. 21 I, 213, 220, 383 above.
e Ch. 58, tr. R. Wilhelm (6), p. 126, and given in full above, Vo!. 2, p. 269.
f Pp. 21 I and 217 above.
g Cf. Ko Hung: 'According to the commentary on (Chang Heng's) Hun Thien I (Manual of the
Armillary Sphere), the heavens resemble an egg, while the earth is like the yolk within the egg, and is
situated alone in the heavens. The heavens are vast and the earth small' (Chin Shu, ch. 11, p. 3 a). He
would have been speaking about + 300.
h See p. 220 above.
I Ching-Chai Ku Chin Chu (+ 13th century) cited in Ko Chih Ku Wei, ch. 4, p . 12a.
J Above, pp. 216 if.
k In the + I Ith century one of the Chheng brothers (I-Chhuan or Ming-Tao) wrote' Below the earth
there must be heaven (also). What we call earth is nothing but an object inside heaven. It has assembled
like a mist, and just because over a long period it has not dispersed, it is considered the counterpart of
heaven' (Honan Chheng shih I Shu, ch. 2B, p. sa). Cf. Yao Ming-Hui (1).
I We noted above how slow the Chinese were to take account of this in connection with the differing
lengths of the gnomon's shadow (p. 225).
m Sect. IOC above in Vo!. 2, p . 55 (R. Wilhelm (3), p. 112).
'11 2 III
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 499
Fig. Z03. A page from the Ko Chih Tshao of Hsiung Ming-Yti ( + 1648), with a diagram to explain the
sphericity of the earth. He speaks of it in the classical phrase of Han astronomers-' as round as a
crossbow-bullet'. But Western influence is seen in the graduation ef the sphere into 360° rather than
3651°. Moreover, while one continent bears pagodas, and the circumnavigating ships are of Chinese rig,
the antipodes are equipped with a large European building like a cathedral (photo. Hummel).
a See p. ZI7 above. The antiquity of this conception in China was emphasised by the Khang-Hsi
emperor in his studies of + 1711.
500 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
In this connection it would be interesting to make a study of the steps by which the
expression ti lil (lit. 'earth pattern') came to have its present meaning of geography.
This was certainly being used in the + 1st and + 2nd centuries as we use it now. Earlier
there was no doubt a close connection with geomancy,a but the significance of the
term li, about which so much has already been said,b and which fundamentally
implied pattern and organisation as well as rational principle, will not escape us.
In what follows we shall have to compare rather carefully the parallel march of
scientific geography in the West and in China. It may be said at the outset that both
in East and West there seem to have been two separate traditions, one which we may
call 'scientific, or quantitative, cartography', and one which we may call 'religious,
or symbolic, cosmography'. The European tradition of scientific map-making was
completely interrupted for centuries by a dominance of the latter, though originally
it was older than the Chinese, but the parallel Chinese tradition, once it had begun,
was not so interrupted. Before taking up these interesting comparisons, however, it
is necessary to say something about the geographical classics and treatises of China
through the centuries.
Presumably the oldest Chinese geographical document which has come down to us is
the Yu Kung 2 (Tribute of Yu) chapter of the Shu Ching (Historical Classic), which
after having been granted any date back to the end of the - 3rd millennium, is now
considered to be probably - 5th century, approximately contemporary with the prc-
Socratic philosophers in Greece. c It will be remembered that Yu the Great was the
legendary hero-emperor who 'mastered the waters' and became the patron of
hydraulic engineers, irrigation experts and water-conservancy workers in after ages.
The chapter is of great interest for many reasons; it lists the traditional nine provinces,
their kinds of soils, their characteristic products, and the waterways running through
them. It is thus important for the early history of soil science and hydraulic engi-
neering, and constitutes a primitive economic geography.d The accepted view is that
the part of China covered by the Yu Kung chapter included the lower valleys of the
Yangtze and the Yellow Rivers, with the plain between them and the Shantung
peninsula; e to the west the upper reaches of the Wei and Han rivers were known,
together with the southern parts of the provinces of Shansi and Shensi. This was
hardly the half of the region which Chinese civilisation was ultimately to occupy.
To give an idea of the text, we may read the account of the first two provinces.
a See Sect. 14a in Vol. z, pp. 359ff. b See Sect. 18J. in Vol. z, pp . 557ff.
C That is to say, ch. 6 is not one of the sixteen chapters which are regarded as certainly pre-Confucian
As has often been pointed out, this ancient inventory of the Chou 'empire' is
essentially in terms of physical geography; the boundaries of the 'provinces' (chiu
chou 3 ) are natural, not political. It is also completely devoid of magic, and even of
fantasy or legend, apart from the appearance of Yu himself. The majority of details
concern the three' inner' provinces (Chi, 1 Yu 4 and Yung 5), while the six outer ones
are less fully described. The words taG shan, 6 'tracing out the mountains', seem to
show that the idea of mountain-ranges, called shan mo 7 (' veins of mountains') by later
scholars, was present in the mind of the writer. e
It is usual to hold f that the Yu Kung implies a naIve map of concentric squares
(Fig. 204). This is based on the concluding sentences of the chapter, where it is said
that throughout a zone 500 li (presumably in all directions) from the capital there are
the' royal domains' (tienfu 8 ), within the next concentric zone of 500 li are the' princes'
domains' (hou fU 9 ), then come the 'pacification zone' (sui fU 10 ), the zone of allied
barbarians (yao fu 11), and lastly the zone of cultureless savagery (huang fu 12). There is
nothing in the text, however, to justify the traditional view that these zones were
concentric squares; this was probably just assumed on the basis of the cosmological
doctrine of the square earth. The point is more important than it may seem, for if the
zones were thought of as concentric circles, this ancient gradient system might have
a Approximately the North China plain north of the Yellow River (Herrmann, I).
b We m u st defer till Section 41 on agriculture the exact interpretation of the pedological terms
used here.
c North-western Shantung (Herrmann, I).
d Tr. Karlgren (12), p. 12; mod. e Cf. Ong Wen-Hao (1).
f De Saussure (16e); Rey (I), vol. I, p. 402; copied by J. O . Thomson (I), p. 43 . Medhurst (I),
'.
p. II8, gives such a diagram.
~ JIf~
~ ~'\
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-t
-of RIl
l1!flf{l III
~ ! ~ltf~
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L
,~
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~T; ...
....,..c 0<\"'; .o(~ 0<\1"'1 ~
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t J1Jl1~1
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r..." ::~t
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== t }}!t._~ ~
Fig. 204. The traditional conception of the radiation of ancient Chinese culture from its imperial centre.
From SeTS, ch. 6, YU Kung (Karlgren (12), p. 18). Proceeding outwards from the metropolitan area,
we have , in concentric rectangles, (a) the royal domains, (b) the lands of the tributary fe udal princes
and lords, (c) the ' zone of pacification', i.e. the marches, where Chinese civilisation was in course of
adoption, (d ) the zone of allied barbarians, (e) the zone of cultureless savagery. The systematisation can
n eve r have been more than schematic but Egypt and Rome might have used a similar image, all
unconsciou s of the equally civilised empire at the eastern end of the Old World.
been one of the sources of the East Asian discoidal tradition of ' religious cosmography'
which we shall study in its place. a On the other hand concentric squares would fore-
shadow a rectangular grid.
In general, it may be said that the Yii Kung, the first naturalistic geographical
survey in Chinese history, is approximately contemporary with the first map-making
a See p. 565 below.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 50 3
in Europe. This is associated with Anaximander (ft. -6th century).a But the Chinese
document is much more detailed and elaborate than anything which has come down
to us from Anaximander's time. Throughout Chinese history the influence of the
Yii Kung was enormous; all Chinese geographers worked under its aegis,b drew the
titles of their books from it, and tried unceasingly to reconstruct the topography which
it contained. c
Brief consideration must now be given to the curious subject of the Nine Cauldrons
of the Hsia (Hsia ting I) and the book known as the Classic of the Mountains and
Rivers (Shan Hai Ching2). The cauldrons were supposed to have been cast with
pictures or maps of some kind illustrating the various places or regions of the country
and the strange things found in them. d The book has generally been regarded as the
text relating to these pictures. The locus classicus concerning them is in the Tso Chuan,
and purports to relate to the year - 605.
The prince of Chhu (State) attacked the barbarians of Lu-hun. In the course of this, he
arrived at Lo and held a review of his troops on the (royal) territory of Chou. The High
King (of Chou), Ting, sent Wangsun Man 3 to present his compliments to the prince. The
latter (who had already conceived the design of usurping the overlordship) questioned the
envoy as to the size and weight of the Nine Cauldrons (symbols of the sovereign authority).
Wangsun Man replied' The sovereignty depends upon the virtue of the king, not upon the
cauldrons. Formerly, when the dynasty of the Hsia had attained the height of its greatness,
the distant regions made pictures of the (material and spiritual) things natural to them (yuan
fang thu wu 4 ), and the governors of the nine provinces made tribute offerings of metal. With
this (Yii the Great) caused cauldrons to be cast on which these pictures were represented
(chu ting hsiang wu s). In this way the people were instructed so that they could recognise
all things and spirits both good and evil (shen chien 6 ). And thus when they travelled over
the rivers and marshes, and through the mountains and forests, they did not meet with any
adversities. (They did not go in fear of the weird spirits and genii of mountains and waters).
Moreover, spirits such as the Chhih,7 the Mei 8 and the Wang-liang 9 did not come to meet
them (were not offended at their intrusions). Thus concord reigned between men and spirits,
and the people received the favour of Heaven. But Chieh (the last High King of the Hsia)
having fallen into viciousness, the cauldrons passed to the dynasty of the Shang, which kept
them six hundred years. Chou 10 (the last High King of the Shang) having reached the
bounds of cruel despotism, they passed to the dynasty of the ChouY Whatever size the
cauldrons may be, they are heavy if the High King has great virtue, and light if he is unjust
and perverse. True virtue is protected by Heaven with constancy. When the High King
Chheng installed the cauldrons at Chia-ju, the oracle predicted that his House would reign
for thirty generations and seven centuries. Such is the will of Heaven. It is true that the
virtue of the Chou is not what it was, but the mandate of Heaven has not changed, and
the time has therefore not yet come to make enquiries about the weight of the cauldrons.' a
We are certainly here in the presence of an ancient tradition, perhaps magical and
ritualistic rather than geographical. In an interesting and learned monograph Chiang
Shao-Yuan has developed the view that the pictures on the urns or cauldrons were
primarily those of spirits, analogous to the fauns, nymphs and nereids of Greek
mythology, but more terrifying, which the ancient Chinese believed to haunt the wilds.
These numina of localities would be what the text refers to as the pai wu, I the 'hundred
beings ' , though the less familiar wild animals would also be included. Travelling
officials or envoys would know what god should be honoured with sacrifice in what
place. b
A similar atmosphere pervades the Shan Hai Ching, which, however, bears also a
resemblance to the Yii Kung in that it often mentions the existence of quite reasonable
minerals, plants and animals. c An elaborate table of these, together with the fabulous
animals, plants and semi-human races and peoples, has been drawn up by Ho Kuan-
Chou & ChengTe-Khun(l). These authors, with Maenchen-Helfen, also discuss the very
difficult problem of the date of the book. It was certainly current in some form in the
Former Han period (Ssuma Chhien refers to it),d and a good deal of the material, on
internal evidence, goes back to the time (and probably the school) of Tsou Yen e (late
-4th century). Some of the contents are likely to be much older even than that, for
Wang Kuo-Wei (2) pointed out that one of the personages mentioned in the Shan Hai
Ching, Wang Hai,2 was already a god of some kind in the Shang period (- 13th century)
and appears as such on the oracle-bones. f On the other hand, the later chapters (6-18)
may be of Later Han or even Chin date. As Wang Yung says, many of the topographic
features mentioned in the book can be approximately identified, and it forms a veritable
mine of information concerning ancient beliefs about natural things such as minerals
and drugs. g
The chief discussion has centred round the fabulous beings and peoples described.
Taking the view that the Shan Hai Ching is the oldest 'traveller's guide' in the world,h
Schlegel attempted a number of naturalistic identifications-thus (7 b) the wen shen
a Duke Hsiian, 3rd year, tr. Couvreur (I), vo!. I, p. 575; Chiang Shao-Yuan (I), p. 130; eng. auct.,
adjuv. Chavannes (10).
b Wang Chhung, in his usual manner, scoffs at the whole story (Forke (4), vo!. I, p. SOS). But it
had great veneration throughout Chinese history, and in + 697, for example, urns were cast with
representations of the provinces on them in imitation of those of Yii the Great (see Chavannes, 10).
Again, in + 1104 Wei Han-Chin,' a thaumaturgist from Szechuan, was entrusted with the casting of
nine new urns by the tottering government of the Northern Sung (Sung Shih, ch. 462, p. lob; for the
context see Needham, Wang & Price).
C There is a translation, now old, of the first (mountain) section by de Rosny (I). A brief account
of the contents of the whole book is given by Maspero (2), p. 611. Finsterbusch (I) has recently studied
it with relation to Han art motifs.
d Shih Chi, ch. 123, p. 2Ib. e Cf. above, Sect. I3C in Vo!. 2, pp. 232ff.
f Cf. Chiang Shao-Yuan, p. 42 n.
g Tokarev (I) has identified the minerals mentioned in it.
h With which Chiang Shao-Yuan concurs, p. 273.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 505
kuo I were probably barbarian tribes of the Kuriles which practised tattooing, the pai
min kuo 2 and maD jen 3 (hairy white people) were probably the Ainu (7 h), the yii i kuo 4
must have been the 'malodorous barbarians' of the Siberian coast from whom the
Chinese imported fish glue for bows in very early times (70), and so on. He fortified
his identifications, which are still of interest, by passages from many other ancient and
medieval Chinese books. But a large proportion of the peoples mentioned are clearly
fabulous-heads that fly about alone, winged men, dog-faced men, bodies with no
heads, and the like. Since a great many of these appear also in Greek mythology, the
problem of transmission at once presents itself. De M ely (2) collected from late encyclo-
paedias some seventy kinds of these fabulous beings (nearly all of which appear in
the Shan Hai Ching),a and in all but very few cases could point to their analogues in
Greek and Latin authors. Herodotus (- 5th century) is one of the earliest sources, but
there is much similar material in Strabo b and Pliny. It was assembled and concen-
trated by Gaius Julius Solinus in the + 3rd century in his Collectanea Rerum Memora-
bilium, which was essentially a compilation of the' nonsense' in Pliny, and which, with
its title changed to Polyhistor in a + 6th century revision, supplied abundant' marvels'
for geographers throughout the European Middle Ages. c It is interesting to compare
a couple of illustrations from the Shan Hai Ching with parallels from Solinus
(Fig. 205 a, b, c, d).
The transmission question has been discussed by Wang I-Chung (1); Maspero (2);
de Mely (2) and Laufer (9) among others. Occidental scholars have been strongly
inclined to regard this Chinese body of mythical teratology as of Greek origin. In
certain cases they may be right. The story of the battles of the pygmies with the cranes,
which occurs in many ancient Greek authors, is first found in the Wei Liieh 5 of
Yii Huan,6 a + 3rd-century book (the time of Solinus).d But it is going too far to
derive all the fabulous beings of the Shan Hai Ching from Greek sources; some of
them may well go back in China beyond the time of Herodotus. Attempts, such as
that of Wei Chii-Hsien (3), to trace them to Indian mythology, are not convincing
either, yet it may well be that some primary Indian or Iranian (or even Mesopotamian)
source may have radiated them in both directions (cf. Kennedy, I). That Babylonian
a Among them may be mentioned : (a) fiying h eads; (b) acephali; (c) cynocephali; (d) winged men
(cf. the winged genii often seen in Han tomb-reliefs); (e) men with holes through their chests; (f) sirens
or unipeds (also frequent in Han tomb-reliefs; cf. Fig. 28 in Vol. I, p . 164); (g) men with interlaced
legs; (h) long legs; (i) long anns; (j) giants; (k) men with no bellies; (I) long ears; (m) pygmies at war
with cranes; (n) steganopods or sciopods which use their feet to shade themselves from" the sun;
(0) tailed men; (p) centaurs; (q) one-anned men; (r) cyclops or monoculi; (s) beings with eyes or whole
faces in their chests; (t) three-headed men; (u) three-bodied men; (v) worms with human heads;
(w) shapeless golem with wings; (x) tiger-headed centaurs; (y) lions with human heads; (z) men with
bifurcated tongues or limbs. Somewhere in the network of legends a place has to be found for the
three-legged crow supposed to reside in the sun (p. 436 above); for the one-legged Khuei, the thunder-
drum musician (Granet (I), p . 507) ; and other specialists.
b Who himself was very sceptical (11, i, 9).
C Lloyd Brown (I), p. 86; Bunbury (I), vol. 2, p . 675. Solinus mentions the Seres, but only repeats
Pliny respecting them . If there was transmission it would have been long before his time.
d Cf. TPYL, ch. 796, p. 7a.
3 'f: A
506 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
*~
:X,
. ii.~
1\~
fiN
liH
5fiif\
J.i) rflf
S~:
~
(a) (c)
(b) (d)
Fig. 205. Comparative representations of fabulous beings from the Shan Hai Ching (- 6th to + 1St
centuries) and from the Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium of Solinus (+ 3rd century). a, b, acephali;
c, d, long-eared men.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
diviners were extremely interested in terata we know from the special works of
Oppert (I), Lenormant (I , 2) and R. C. Thompson (I).a Maenchen-Helfen shows
fairly convincingly that the passages of the book which describe paradise-like places b
derive from earlier Indian legends. Wittkower identifies Ctesias ( - 4th century) and
Megasthenes ( - 3rd) as the chief sources of transmission westwards.
What is curious is that the material has not yet been examined from the point of
view of the history of biology. To an embryologist it seems obvious that most of the
different abnormalities which form the basis of the corpus of legend could have been
derived from human and animal monstrosities naturally occurring. Reference may be
made to the book of C. J. S. Thompson on the history of teratology, and the classical
experimental work of Dareste. So Cordier (4) traced the Eastern and Western legends
of cynocephali to hirsute-faced human beings, citing living Burmese examples, as well
as to cynocephalic monkeys. If this point of view should prevail, there would be no
reason to assume any transmission at all, at any rate to account for origins. Such an
interpretation would, however, not be inconsistent with the more social appraisal
suggested by Sinor (I), in which the existence of these myths would be related to a
kind of xenophobia present in all ancient peoples.
Another book of semi-legendary type which has some geographical interest is the
Mu Thien Tzu Chuan 1 (Account of the Travels of the Emperor Mu). This was trans-
lated long ago by Eitel (I) and more recently by Cheng Te-Khun (2). It was one of
the documents discovered in + 28 I in the tomb of a ruler of the Wei Z State, Hsiang
Wang3.or An Li Wang,4 who had died in -245. There has thus always been some
doubt about the authenticity of the book, but the modern view is that although it has
nothing to do with the period in which this High King of the Chou is supposed to have
lived ( - loth century) it is doubtless a Warring States composition. c The book gives
an account of three peregrinations of the king, including all kinds of festivities, hunts
and side-trips. Rough identifications of the mountains visited and deserts and rivers
crossed are possible (de Saussure, 26, 26 a). But there is much legendary material in
the book, especially the visit of the king to the fabulous imperial goddess of the west,
Hsi Wang Mu. s
While a considerable legendary element still persists in the books of the Chhin and
early Han time, such as the Lit Shih Chhun Chhiu and the Huai Nan Tzu, concrete
geographical information is more and more taking its place. d Especially chapter 4 of
the latter book (tr. Erkes, I), which concerns the earth's surface, is of geographical
interest. In this connection it is interesting that we are told that one of the accusations
against Liu An, Prince of Huai Nan, was that he and his group of Taoist magician-
a Our very word 'monsters ' comes from monstrare, to show ' because', as St Augustine said, 'they
betoken somewhat' (City of God, II, 303).
b Cf. the Taoist versions (Sect. 10i in Vo!. 2, p . 142).
c Cf. Chavannes (1), vo!. 2. pp. 6 if.; vo!. 5, pp. 446 if.
d The views of Tsou Yen in the late - 4th century on the nine continents of the world, of which
China formed only one, have already been the subject of discussion in Vo!. 2 (Sect. 13c, pp. 233, 236).
They remained well known in the Han, for Wang Chhung criticises them favourably towards the end
of ch. 31 of the Lun Heng (tr. Forke (4), vo!. 1, p. 256).
3 Jl:£
508 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
scientists had made use of maps (ti thu l).a In this his chief associate seems to have
been the otherwise unknown Tso Wu.2 But the story of Chinese cartography must be
postponed for a few pages.
From the + I st century onwards, each of the official histories contains a geographical
section (Ti Li Chih 3), the whole forming an immense compilation concerning
the changes in place-names and local administrative divisions controlled by the
dynasty, descriptions of mountain ranges, river systems, taxable products etc. The
first of these, that in the Chhien Han Shu,b is supposed to have been written by Liu
Hsiang about - 20 and incorporated later, c with additions by Chu Kan.4 There is an
index to it by Sargent (2). Very little of the geographical chapters in the official
histories has ever been translated. d
We may now consider the other main classes of Chinese geographical literature as
developed during the centuries. They may perhaps be summarised as follows:
(I) Anthropological geographies;
(2) Descriptions of the southern regions ;
(3) Descriptions of foreign countries;
(4) Accounts of travels ;
(5) Hydrographic books;
(6) Descriptions of the coast;
(7) Local topographies: (a) districts controlled from a walled city; (b) famous
mountains; (c) cities and palaces;
(8) Geographical encyclopaedias.
The human geographies developed rather naturally from the descriptions of fabulous
peoples of the type of the Shan Hai Ching. The generic name for this literature, Chih
Kung Thu 5 (Illustrations of the Tribute-Bearing Peoples), does not, however, appear
until the Liang (about + 550), when it occurs as the title of a book e prepared by Chiang
Seng-Pa0 6 or Hsiao 1.7 But Chuko Liang is said to have written a Thu Phu 8 on the
southern tribes already in the San Kuo period ( + 3rd century).f In the Thang and
other dynasties it was customary for foreign tribute-bearers to attend at an office
known as the Hung LU,9 where the officials took notes of the geography and customs
of their countries, and committed these to writing as part of an ever-growing body of
government intelligence g (Fig. 206). In due course this gave rise to numerous books.
a Chhien Han Shu, ch. 44, p. r r a; Chih Lin Hsin Shu 10 (by Yu Hsi the astronomer), in YHSF, ch. 68,
P·3 8b .
b Ch. 28B. c Maspero (r6).
d But there are some partial translations of the separate chapters on foreign countries.
e Hsiieh Chai Chan Pi, ch. 2, p. 9b. The locations and customs of more than thirty peoples were
said to have been described and illustrated. Hsiao I was the personal name of the Emperor Liang
Yuan-Ti.
f Hua Yang Kuo Chih, ch. 4. g Thang Hui Yao, ch. 63 (pp. ro89fI.) .
S~RIIiI
10 m; ~ tr '*
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 50 9
Fig. 206. A late Chhing representation of the attendance of barbarian envoys presenting tribute at the
Hung Lu Department where details of their countries and products were recorded. From SeTS,
ch. 25, Li Ao (Medhurst (r), p. 209)·
510 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Thus in +628 there was the Wang Hui Thu l (Illustrations of the Princely Assembly) a
by Yen Li-Pen,z who also produced a Hsi Yii Chu Kuo Feng Wu Thu 3 (Illustrated
Account of the Strange Customs and Products of the Western Countries). Another
famous work of the kind was the Ka-Hsia-Ssu Chhao Kung Thu Chuan 4 (Illustrated
Account of the Kirghiz) by Lu Shu s about +844. In the Sung the genre was con-
tinued in several notable books, for example, the Hua I Lieh Kuo Ju Kung Thu 6 (Illu-
strated Enumeration of the Tribute-Bearing Regions, both Chinese and Barbarian) by
Tshui Hsia. 7 Few of them now remain, but there is the Huang Chhing Chih Kung Thu S
(Chhing Dynasty Illustrated Records of Tributary Peoples) by Fu Heng,9 one of
Chhien-Lung's generals who campaigned in Sinkiang and Burma.
There were no very sharp lines of distinction between this ethnological geography
and what might be described as ethnology and folklore proper, since there were in all
centuries, and still are, "large enclaves of territory occupied by tribal peoples only very
partially affected by Chinese culture-the Miao, the Yao, the Yi, the Chia-jung, etc.
Moreover, as Chinese civilisation expanded to the south, more and more descriptions
of the strange things, as well as the topography, of the southern regions, were written.
Works on folk customs and their geographical distribution were termed Feng Thu
Chi,IO and descriptions of unfamiliar regions I Wu Chih.1I Of the former, the oldest
are the Chi-chouFeng Thu ChilZ(Customs of the Province of Chi)b by Lu Chih 13 about
+ 150, and the Feng Su Thung I of Ying Shao about + 175, already mentioned. c
Chu Kan (whom we have just met) also wrote one, but it has not survived. The
customs of the tribal peoples aroused a continuing interest on the part of Chinese
scholars, and in the + 17th-century Chhen Ting 14 gave an account of them, with a
critical analysis of previous works on the same subject, in his Thung Chhi Hsien Chih IS
(Brief Notes from Thung-chhi).d Reference has already been made e to the important
early descriptive books about the southern regions-Yang Fu's + 2nd-century Nan I I
Wu Chih (Strange Things from the Southern Borders), and Wan Chen's + 4th-century
Nan Chou I Wu Chih (Strange Things of the South). Sometimes these works were
devoted entirely to the plants and animals; we shall therefore meet with them again
in the Sections on the biological sciences. In the Sung the distinguished scholar Fan
Chheng-Ta 16 wrote an important book on the topography and products of the southern
provinces, Kuei Hai Yii Heng Chih.17
a See Hsiieh Chai Chan Pi, ch. 2, p. 9b. Yen Li-Pen is better known as a painter.
b The first province mentioned in the YU Kung inventory, see above, p. 501.
c Vo\. 2, p. 152.
d Manuscripts with coloured illustrations of the tribal peoples dating from the 18th century and
later are not uncommon; there is one in the Wcellcome Medical Library. This literature has been
reviewed by Jager (3). e Vo!. I, p. 118.
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22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
An enormous literature still exists, after all losses, on the geography of foreign
countries. Among its earliest representatives was the thu shu I (illustrated account) of
the Huns mentioned as having been presented in - 35. a But it is unlikely that Chang
Chhien in the - 2nd century had failed to provide some kind of charts and illustrations
of the peoples whom he had visited in the West. In the + 2nd century Tsang Min 2-
produced an elaborate memorandum dealing with fifty-five countries. b Between the
Han and the Thang some twenty books of importance are listed by Hsiang Ta (1).
There was, for example, the Wu Shih Wai Kuo Chuan 3 (Account of Foreign Countries
in the time of the Wu Kingdom) by Khang Thai 4 about + 260. All this was greatly
intensified in the Thang period when intercourse with other countries, especially India,
was so widespread. In an earlier Section c the works of the Buddhist pilgrims, largely
geographical, have already been described, for example, the Fo Kuo Chi of Fa-Hsien
in the + 5th century, and the Ta Thang Hsi Yii Chi of Hsuan-Chuang in the + 7th.
But religious pilgrims were not the only men who wrote of foreign countries; as time
went on ambassadors and envoys made a great contribution to this literature. The
reader may remember Wang Hsuan-Tshe, the bold Chinese representative at the
court of Magadha in the + 7th century, who took back to China the Indian alchemist
apparently able to make mineral acids. d Now Wang Hsuan-Tshe himself wrote a book,
Chung Thien-Chu Kuo ThuS (Illustrated Account of Central India), which only remains
in the form of fragments. In the Sung this source of travel opportunities led to a
number of books of great importance. In + 1124 Hsu Ching, an official in the train of
a Chinese ambassador to Korea, wrote an account of the voyage and the country, the
Hsiian-Ho Feng Shih Kao-Li Thu Ching (Illustrated Record of an Embassy to Korea
in the Hsuan-Ho reign-period).e Similarly, in + 1297 a description of Cambodia, the
Chen-La Feng Thu Chi,6 was given by Chou Ta-Kuan,7 a counsellor of the Chinese
ambassador there. f This was in the Yuan, but interest was also directed towards the
North at the time, very naturally, and we find, for instance, a Mongol geographer,
Na-Hsin,8 producing an archaeological topography of all regions known to the Chinese
north of the Yellow River, the Ho Shuo Fang Ku Chi.9
The climax of this literature was reached in the Ming, with the + 15th-century
voyages of Cheng Ho, the famous admiral,g which gave rise to a number of books; but
a Chhien Han Shu, ch. 9, p . 12b (Dubs (2), vol. 2, p . 332). There is more in this than meets the eye,
and we shall shortly discuss it further (p. 536).
b Hou Han Shu, ch. 88, p. 16b. It dealt mostly with central and south Asia.
c That on Contacts, Sect. 7i in Vol. I, pp. 207ff.
d Vol. I, pp. 2IIff. Cf. Levi (I).
e We have met with this before (pp. 471, 492) and shall do so again (Sects. 26i, 29) in connection with
the history of the magnetic compass, navigation, etc. The book originally included maps, afterwards lost.
f Here may be mentioned the work of Pelliot (16) on the Chinese knowledge of Cambodia (Fu-
Nan lO ) as an example of the close investigations which sinologists have made of certain aspects of
Chinese geographical learning. The translations by Pelliot (9, 33) of the Chen-La Feng Thu Chi replace
the older one of Remusat (3). In Chinese there is a monograph by Feng Chheng-Chlin on the relations
of China with the South Seas.
g Cf. above, Vol. I, p. 143, and below, pp. 557ff.
we shall defer mention of these until a little later on account of their close connection
with the history of cartography. Two earlier books, however, cannot be omitted. One
is the Ling Wai Tai Ta I (Information on what is Beyond the Passes), by Chou Chhii-
Fei,2 written in + 1178, and dealing with the geography of many Asian kingdoms,
even far to the west. The other is the Chu Fan Chih 3 (Records of Foreign Peoples),
by Chao J u-Kua 4 in + 1225, of which there is a famous translation by Hirth &
Rockhill. a Mention of it reminds us of yet another source of information about foreign
countries, namely, trade, for Chao's work was mainly inspired by contacts with Arab
merchants who came and went with their goods in the Chinese ports. Four centuries
later, the same stimulus was still effective, as we see from Chang Hsieh's S Tung Hsi
Yang Khao 6 (Studies on the Oceans East and West), in which the geography of thirty-
eight kingdoms, mostly islands in south-east Asia, is described (+ 1618). Military
expeditions also gave rise to geographical literature, as in the case of the Chiao Li Chiao
Phing Shih Liieh 7 (Materials on the Pacificatory Expedition to Annam during the
Li Dynasty) of + 1551. Finally, mention may be made of the I Yii Thu Chih 8 of
about + 1430, earlier in the same dynasty (Illustrated Record of Strange Countries),
to which sinologists have given much attention, partly on account of its rarity.b The
book is anonymous, but there are indications of authorship which point to the Ming
prince Ning Hsien Wang (Chu Chhiian 9) whom we often meet in other connections. c
Hummel (8) has sketched the state of Chinese geographical knowledge of foreign
countries at the time when the Jesuits arrived, referring to the Hsien Pin Lu 10 (Record
of All the Guests) compiled by Lo Yiieh-Chhiung 11 in + 1590.
How does this general picture compare with the development of descriptive
geography in the West? The Chinese had nothing of the quality of Herodotus or even
of Strabo at times contemporary with them, but during the gap between the + 3rd and
the + 13th centuries, when European learning sank so low, the Chinese were far more
advanced, and steadily progressing. The floor was held in Europe by Solinus and his
myths, almost as if the Shan Hai Ching had continued to dominate in China without
competition from diplomats like Khang Thai, pilgrims like Fa-Hsien, ethnographers
like Ying Shao, and trade superintendents like Chao Ju-Kua. In the Thang period,
almost the only reasonable representative that the West could produce was the Syrian
bishop J acob of Edessa ( + 633 to + 708).d As Sarton points out, however, e the Arabs
match up better. By the Sung, about + 950, they were laying the foundations of later
Western geography, with al-Ya'qubI, Ibn Khurdadhbih, al-Ma'sudI, Ibn al-Faqih,
a Others also tried their hand, e.g. de Rosny (.~).
b Moule (4); Hummel (7); see also Sarton (r), vol. 3, p. r627. The only copy known is in the Cam-
bridge University Library (see Fig. 207a,b). It was, however, reprinted in the Wan Yung ChCllg Tsullg
Pu-Chhiu-Jen Chhiian Pien 12 (The' Ask No Questions' Complete Handbook for General Use), an
encyclopaedia issued b y Yu Wen-Thai 13 in + 1609.
C Vol. r, p. 147.
d A pupil of our old friend Severus Sebokht (Vo!. I , p. 220). Cf. Sarton (I) , vol. I , p . 500.
e ( I ), vol. 2, p. 41.
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Fig. 207. Two pages from the I Yu Thu Chih (Illustrated Record of Strange Countries) of c. + 1430,
perhaps written by the alchemist, mineralogist and botanist Chu Chhiian, a prince of the Ming (Ning
Hsien Wang), and almost certainly profiting from the zoological and anthropological knowledge gained
in the expeditions of Cheng Ho.
(a) A zebra (fu lu).
(b) An inhabitant of the country of Black-clothed People, no doubt some outpost of Arab culture.
The description says that they hide their faces from Chinese visitors, and anyone who sees them is
killed. Bargainers in trade are separated by a curtain, but one has to be careful for if the native merchants
are dissatisfied with the deal one is likely to be pursued and slain.
Photographs from the unique copy in the Cambridge University Library.
al-I~takhri and Ibn I:Iauqal. Arabic geography reached its climax with al-Idrisi in the
+ 12th century but still yields many good names in the + 13th.a Of course, the West
had had its pilgrim literature, analogous to that of the Chinese Buddhists, beginning
with 'the first of the Christian guide-books', b the Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem
of + 333; and its records of trading voyages, such as the Christian Topography of Cosmas
• See Mieli (I), pp. 79,114,158,198,210,3 01 , and the collection of de Goeje (1).
b Beazley (I), vol. I, pp. 26, 57. This genre long continued, as in the itinerary to the Holy Land
written by the Irish monk Symon Simeonis just a thousand years later (Sarton (I), vol. 3, p. 787).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Indicopleustes written about + 540, when the Liang were in power at Nanking. a But
when one reads the careful chronicles of the Renaissance, such as the True Story of the
Conquest of New Spain by Bernal Diaz del Castillo about 1520, or the Relaci6n de las
Cosas de Yucatdn of Diego de Landa (1566), one feels that the West was only now
beginning to follow a path of objective description which the Chinese had been
treading for the previous millennium and a half. Already once we have met with this
pattern, when examining the growth of knowledge of the tides,b and it will manifest
itself again throughout the present Section, with especial clarity in the cartographic
field.
We may pass to the next class of writings. In view of the great importance of water-
ways for the Chinese social and economic system at all times, it was natural that close
attention should be paid to them. The first treatise of the kind was that of Sang Chhin I
of the -1st century, the Shui Ching2 (Waterways Classic), but the text as we now have
it is thought to be from the hand of some geographer of the San Kuo period, at any
rate before + 265. It gives a brief description of no less than 137 rivers. About the
beginning of the + 6th century it was enlarged to nearly forty times its original size by
a great geographer Li Tao-Yuan3 and given the title Shui Ching Chu 4 (The Water-
ways Classic Commented).c This constitutes a work of the first importance. d From
the titles of several other books (Chiang Thu 5), it would seem that rivers were being
mapped from the Chin onwards.
Among treatises of this kind in the Sung may be mentioned the Wu Chung Shui Li
Shu 6 (The Water-Conservancy ofthe Wu District) by Shan 0 7 (+ 1059). Shan spent
more than thirty years exploring the lakes, rivers and canals in the region of Suchow,
Chhangchow and Huchow. A hundred years later Fu Yin 8 wrote the Yu Kung Shuo
Tuan 9 (Discussions and Conclusions regarding the Geography of the Tribute of Yii),
in which he dealt mainly with the Yellow River valley. Some diagrammatic charts,
presumably of the + 12th century, are still included in his book (Fig. 208).
In the Chhing dynasty much larger works were produced. The Hsing Shui Chin
Chien lo (Golden Mirror of the Flowing Waters)e is owing to Fu Tse-Hung l l and
appeared in + 1725. It includes many panoramic maps showing the locations of
rivers and lakes (Fig. 209). Then there was the Shui Tao Thi Kang 12 (Complete
a Beazley (1), vo!. I, pp. 41, 273. b P. 493 above. Cf. p. 101.
c Hu Shih (5) has written on the involved later history of the text.
d It deals incidentally with certain foreign countries, e.g. northern India, but this is not its best
side (Petech, 1). One has to wait until + 1535 for anything like it in Europe, if indeed the book of
Corrozet & Champier may sustain a comparison.
e Its size was more than doubled by its continuation, the Hsii Hsing Shui Chin Chien, prepared by
Lei Shih-Hsii 13 and Yii Cheng-Hsieh" before 1832. All these men were high officials in charge of
river conservancy.
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22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Fig. 208. A diagrammatic chart of the river systems of West China, from Fu Yin's Yii Kung Shuo Tuan
(Discussions and Conclusions regarding the Tribute of Yu) of c. + 1160. The great bend of the Yellow
River round the Ordos Desert and its passage through the Lung Men gorges will be seen at the top,
while lower down the old road and canal connecting the Wei River with the Han River (i.e. the Yellow
and Yangtze River systems) through the Chhinling mountains can be made out. In Szechuan, Chheng-
tu and Mt Omei are marked.
516 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Fig. 209. A panoramic map from Fu Tse-Hung's Hsing Shui Chin Chien (Golden Mirror of the Flowing
Waters) of + 1725. The lake in the foreground is Lake Thaihu in Chiangsu and the round walled city
to the left is Wuchiang; the vista is thus looking east. The Grand Canal is shown crossing the panorama
towards Hangchow past the village of Wang-ching. Beside the city of Wuchiang the famous' Drooping
Rainbow Bridge' (Chhui Hung Chhiao) is marked, and two other bridges are shown. A reproduction
such as this cannot do justice to the delicacy of the original.
a There is no sharp line of distinction between these works on river geography and works on river
conservancy as a technique, which we shall study in Sect. 28J below.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Seaboard Strategy), a with maps' in the rudest style of art'. b The stimulus had been the
marauding raids of Japanese pirates which were a great affiiction to all the maritime
provinces during this century. But coastal protection against encroachment of the sea
also gave rise to a special literature, as an example of which may be mentioned the
Chhih H siu Liang CM H ai- Thang Thung Chih I (Historical Account of the Coastal
Protection Works of Chekiang Province, prepared by Imperial Command) written
by Fang Kuan-Chheng 2 in + 1751.
One of the finest monuments of this period is a silk scroll which has been carefully
studied by Mills (8). It derives from the same origins as the series of maps of the
Chinese coast found in Chhen Lun-Chhiung's 3 Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu 4 (Record of
Things Seen and Heard about the Coastal Regions) of + 1744. Wylie points out C that
Chhen's father was one of those concerned with the subjugation of Formosa at this
time, and that he collected his information among the sailors into whose company he
was consequently thrown. Scroll maps of this character continued to be produced for
well over a hundred years afterwards, and Mills (7) has recently described two more
which have been acquired by the British Museum.
The series of local topographical writings, wrote Wylie (I), are probably unrivalled by
any nation for extent and systematic comprehensiveness. Anyone at all acquainted
with Chinese literature is familiar with the host of 'gazetteers', as they came to be
called, which are really local geographies and histories (termed in general fang chih,5
if of provinces thung chih,6 and of smaller districts fu chih,7 chou chih 8 or hsien
chih 9). In other literatures there is little comparable to this forest of monuments which
the industry of provincial scholars erected over the centuries. d The earliest of the
genus, it might be considered, is the Yiieh Chiieh Shu 10 (Book of the Former State of
Ytieh), by an unknown author about + 52. But the work which is generally regarded
as the beginning of the story is the Hua Yang Kuo Chih II (Historical Geography of
Szechuan),e written by Chhang Chhti 12 in + 347. In this there is much about rivers,
trade-routes, and the various tribes. f Szechuan had also been subjected to mapping,
for in the book of Chhang we read of a Pa Chiin Thu Chingl3 (Map of Szechuan)
apparently made in the Later Han about + 150.
a This geographer left many valuable works in MSS., ten of which were published in 193Z with
the title Cheng Khai-Yang Tsa Chu. 14 In Fig. ZIO we reproduce a portion of a Ming map of the
Chekiang coast, the photograph of which we owe to the kindness of Mr R. Alley.
b Wylie (I); Hlimmel (IZ).
C (I), p. 48.
d Cf. Hummel (9).
e Literally 'Record of the Country south of Mt Hua'.
f There is a description by S. H. Feng (I), but the book merits translation in full.
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SI8 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Such local map-making, however, was slow to spread, for this kind of title does not
appear much until the bibliography of the Sui Shu (late + 6th century) when suddenly
many are mentioned. a With the growth of a stable bureaucracy, in which men were
generally sent to serve in places far from their homes, the local topographies acquired
social importance. About + 610 the emperor ordered officials all over the country to
compose records of customs and products, illustrated by maps or diagrams, and to
present these to the imperial secretariat. Hence arose the Chu Chun Thu Su Wu Chhan
Chi I (Record of the Local Customs and Products of all the Provinces), which apparently
included maps, though not certainly, since all was later lost. The Sung dynasty con-
tinued energetically this compilation and collection of local records. Not long after it
had come to power, in +971, the emperor ordered Lu To-Sun2 to 're-write all the
Thu Ching in the world', and this official, pursuing his colossal task, travelled through
the proyinces collecting all the relevant available texts. They were then worked
together by Sung Chun,J and by + 1010 no less than 1566 chapters were finished.
Some kind of cartographic survey was clearly involved in these activities, for the
Sung Shih says:
Yuan Hsieh 4 (d. + IZ20) was Director-General of government grain stores. In pursuance
of his schemes for the relief of famines he issued orders that eachpao 5 (village) should prepare
a map which would show the fields and mountains, the rivers and the roads in fullest detaiL
The maps of all the pao were joined together to make a map of the tu 6 (larger district), and
these in turn were joined with others to make a map of the hsiang 7 and the hsien 8 (still larger
districts). If there was any trouble about the collection of taxes or the distribution of grain,
or if the question of chasing robbers and bandits arose, the provincial officials could readily
carry out their duties by the aid of the maps.b
Chu Shih-Chia (1) and other scholars have shown that less than 10 per cent of the
Sung local topographies date from the earlier or northern period of the dynasty. But,
on the other hand, though map-making was practised all through the Sung, after the
move to the south, geography apparently became less literary-descriptive and more
practical and cartographic. As to the kind of material which was collected by the
officials, one might mention the interesting Sha-Chou Thu Ching 9 and Tun-huang Lu 10
from the extreme north-west of the empire, dating from + 886, studied and trans-
lated by L. Giles (8, 9), while from the south-east there was Fan Chheng-Ta's Wu
Chun Chih II of about + 1185.c In another connection d we have already referred to two
famous Sung topographies of the Hangchow district in the + 12th and + 13th
centuries. A typical topography such as the Chiang-yin Hsien Chih 12 goes back to
+ 1194·
a Geographers of importance in this movement were Lang Wei-Chih,'J Yii Shih-Chi'4 and Hsii
Shan-Hsin. 15
b Ch. 400, p. Sa, tr. auct. C Not printed till + 1229.
d The discussion of the tides above, pp. 491, 492. Cf. Chu Shih-Chia (2) .
Fig. 210. Part of a late Ming panoramic map of the Fukien coast, looking eastward s, about lat. 27° N.; one of a set of photographs
by Mr R. Alley. The first large walled city on the left is Fen Shui Kuan on the Chekiang border, then comes the Phu-men inlet and
the fort of Thung Shan Ying. The large walled city on the right is Fu-ning (mod. Hsia-phu); as this ranked as a chou only in the
late Ming period the scroll is approximately dated . Out to sea on the right is the island of T a Yu Shan with its profile correctly
drawn (unlike the two small islands on the left which ha\'e been turned at right angles). This is probably the kind of coastal map
which was made and used by the geographers of the late + 16th century, the time of Chen g Jo-Tseng (see Mills, 8).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Wu Chhi-Chhang (2) estimates that even before the end of the Sung the number
of titles amounted to 220. The quantity of these books then increased from the
Ming onwards, till today there is hardly a town, however small, which does not
have its own historical geography. Than Chhi-Hsiang's catalogue of the local topo-
graphies in the Peking National Library lists 5514, and registers of other private and
public collections by Chu Shih-Chia (3, 4) give 8771. a In earlier times they were not
considered a very meritorious type of literature, but rather as 'perfunctory documents
the compilation of which supplemented the income of impecunious provincialliterati'
(Hummel,9). But in the + 17th century their value was officially recognised; eminent
scholars such as Tai Chen and Chang Hsueh-Chheng wrote some themselves, and
in due course these books became invaluable source-material. b
The fang chih were not only confined to cities and their administrative districts.
Similar books were devoted to famous mountains. c A special stimulus to this was the
location of Taoist and Buddhist monasteries in mountain regions. d Wylie (1) refers to
more than a dozen examples of these books, among which the + 11th-century Lu Shan
Chi! (about a famous mountain near the Poyang Lake), by Chhen Shun-Yu,2 and the
+ 18th-century Lo Fou Shan Chih 3 (the mountains north of Canton, where Ko Hung
had his alchemical laboratory), by Thao Ching-I,4 may be mentioned. But there must
be many dozens of them.
At the other extreme of urban interest come the books which dealt with cities alone. e
Here the type-specimen is perhaps the Lo-Yang Chhieh Lan Chi,s a description of
Buddhist establishments at the Northern Wei capital, by Yang Hsuan-Chih,6 about
+ 500. Of greater interest, however, are the two books Tu Chheng Chi Sheng7 (The
Wonder of the Capital) and Meng Liang Lu 8 (The Past seems a Dream), both about
Hangchow under the Sung.! There are others besides.
What is there in the West to compare with this vast mass of literature? Greek
and Hellenistic antiquity supplies no real parallel,g and there seems little to adduce
• Here there may be some duplication-the probable overall figure is some 6500.
b Aurel Stein (7) once had occasion to verify a point which had seemed most improbable to him
before he knew the locality. He wrote' This ... illustrates afresh the risk run in doubting the accuracy of
Chinese records without adequate local knowledge'.
C We have spoken already of the sacred mountains of China in Vol. 1, p. 55. Their numinous quality
goes back, no doubt, to the mountain worship of primitive times; see K . Kanda (1).
d Thus when I visited Chin-Ytin Shan in Szechuan the abbot kindly presented me with a copy of
the Chin- Yiill Shall Chih 9 (Cloud-Girdled Mountain Records), by Thai-Hsti and Chhen-Khung.
e They are among the earliest to develop. Chao Chhi's'o San Fu Chiieh Lu" (Verified Records of
Three Cities) was written about + 153 but it did not survive. The three cities were Chhang-an (Sian),
Feng-i (Ta-li) in Shensi, and Fu-feng (Hsiang-yang). We still possess, however, the San Fu Huang
Thu 12 (Description of the Three Districts in the Capital, Chhang-an), attributed to Miao Chhang-
Yen, IJ probably of the San Kuo period , late + 3rd century.
r These books preserve many fascinating details of the life of the city a short while before Marco
Polo visited it. Cf. below, p. 551. The former was by a Mr Chao (The Old Gentleman of the
Water-Garden who attained Success through Forbearance) in + 1235; the latter was by Wu Tzu-Mu"
in + 1275. Parts have been translated by Moule (5, 15). On the plans of the city see Moule (15), pp. 12ff.
g There was, of course, Pausanias' Description of Greece, about + 168.
* *'Jli
12
a As by Palladius into Russian in 1866, and by Bretschneider (2), pp. 35 ff. A recent appreciation is
due to Fedchina (I).
b Cf. pp. 416 and 293 above.
C Tr. Bretschneider (2), pp. 109 ff.
I ~ iit ');1;
6~1t~
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
back again, but otherwise they were perfectly correct. In + 1280 Khubilai Khan sent
out a scientific expedition under Tu Shih 1 to clear up this question, and the results
were embodied in a book Ho Yuan Chi z by the geographer Phan Ang-Hsiao. 3 Chu
Ssu-Pen a made use of Tibetan sources as well as this work, and there is a special
chapter on the upper course of the Yellow River in the Yuan Shih.b
Elsewhere c we touch upon the road guides which are extant in Chinese literature,
and were prepared primarily for practical purposes. Bretschneider (4) has translated
such an itinerary of the Ming period, from Chiaylikuan (Fig. 14 in Vol. I, facing p. 103),
the then 'gate of China' on the Old Silk Road north-west of Lanchow, to Istanbul.
It is, indeed, in the Ming that we come to the prince of all Chinese itinerary-makers,
the traveller Hsli Hsia-Kho 4 (+ 1586 to + 1641), a man whose interests were neither
official nor religious, but scientific and artistic. There is a good account of him by
Ting Wen-Chiang (3), and a collective work on him by several authors recently
appeared under the editorship of Chang Chhi-Ylin. For more than thirty years he
perambulated the most obscure and wildest parts of the empire, exposed to all kinds
of difficulties and sufferings, often dependent on the patronage of local scholars who
helped him after he had been robbed of all his belongings, or local abbots who were
willing to pay him for composing a history of their monastery. On sacred mountain
and snowy pass, beside the rice-terraces of Szechuan and in the semi-tropical jungles
of Kuangsi, there inevitably was to be seen Hsli Hsia-Kho with his notebook. His
biographers agree in saying that he thoroughly disbelieved in the theories of the geo-
mancers, and wished to go and see for himself the dispositions of the great mountain
regions radiating from the Tibetan massif. His notes, typical excerpts of which have
been translated by Ting Wen-Chiang, read more like those of a 20th-century field
surveyor than of a 17th-century scholar. He had a wonderful power of analysing
topographical detail, and made systematic use of special terms which enlarged the
ordinary nomenclature, such as staircase (thiS), basin (phing 6 ), etc. Everything was
noted carefully in feet or li, without vague stock phrases. d
Ting (himself an outstanding geologist, and one of the best scientific minds which
China has produced in the present century) gave an example of Hsli Hsia-Kho's
perspicacity. In Yunnan true crystalline schists are rare, and Ting while on a journey
in 1914 thought that he had discovered in the Yuan-Mo Valley a curious outcrop of
typical mica schists among the red sandstone of that province. But he found that Hsli
had noted it three centuries earlier. On 6th December 1639 he observed that at this
place 'the rocks shine like gold sand, brilliantly yellow in the sunlight like flakes of
mica pressed together'.
Hsli Hsia-Kho's chief scientific achievements were, first the discovery of the true
source in Kweichow of the West River (Hsi Chiang) of Kuangtung. Secondly, he
of science. It is now nearly half a century since Chavannes (10) published his funda-
mental paper in which he sketched the growth of accurate mapping in China. a Before
that time the limitations of a Santarem b or a Huttmann, who thought that Chinese
cartography began in the Yuan period, or even that Chinese maps had never been
graduated at all, were perhaps pardonable, but now it is time that the picture was
appreciated as a whole. c We shall follow Chavannes, adding to his material as we go,
for there were certain aspects of which he did not treat. But first we must glance at
the vicissitudes of map-making in the West.
The development of Greek cartography has so often been expounded that it is only
necessary here to remind ourselves of its essential features in very few words.d It
began with Eratosthenes ( - 276 to - 196),e the contemporary of Lii Pu-Wei, whose
application of a coordinate system to the earth's surface originated from his determina-
tion of the earth's curvature. The famous observations of the gnomon shadows at
summer solstice at Syene and Alexandria led to the approximately correct figure of
25,000 geographical miles for the earth's circumference.! It is to be noted that the
spherical earth was as much at the basis of Greek cartography as the flat earth was at
the basis of Chinese. But in practice it made less difference than would seem at first
sight, for the Greeks never developed satisfactory projections for describing the
spherical surface on a flat sheet of paper.
The oikoumene, or inhabited world, of Eratosthenes was oblong, 78,000 stadia (about
7800 geographical miles) in length, and 38,000 stadia from north to south. This was
crossed by a series of parallels (of latitude), chosen according to solstitial gnomon
shadow-lengths, and another series of meridians, chosen arbitrarily. The fundamental
parallel was that of Rhodes, which began at the Sacred Promontory in west Spain,
touched the Sicilian strait and the tip of Greece, and after passing through Rhodes ran
along the south edge of the Taurus mountains. The fundamental meridian was that
of Syene, Alexandria, Rhodes and Byzantium; Syene being supposed to lie exactly on
the tropic. This meridian was even more inaccurate than the parallel, both involving
considerable distortion of the true positions of the places named. Another meridian
passed through Carthage, Sicily and Rome. There was no way of determining the
distances between these meridians except dead reckoning, mostly by sea voyages, and
the length of the Mediterranean consequently came out about one-fifth too great. g
a Som e years after Chavannes, the same field was covered independently (in Japanese) by Ogawa (1, 2)
but the inAuence of this in the W est has been negligible. The papers of Soothill (4) and Cressey (2)
add little to Chavannes. b (r), p . 359.
C I fear that this has still not b een achieved even in the latest general history of cartography (Bagrow (r)
in r9<;r).
d The account of Bunbury, though old, still remains one of the fullest and best.
e B & M, p . 474. f Bunbury (r), vo!. r, pp . 6r5 ff.
g Among special studies on Greek parallels and meridians, those of Heidel (r) and Diller (r) may
be con sulted.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Hipparchus (ft. - 162 to - 12S),a the contemporary of Liu An and his school,
criticised the work of Eratosthenes and introduced various rectifications, including the
term climata for the areas between parallels. The parallels of Eratosthenes had been
arbitrary, but Hipparchus made them equal and astronomically fixed. In the oikou-
mene there were eleven, the southernmost one being half-way between the equator
and the tropic, the next corresponding to a solstitial day of 13 hours, the next to one
of 13! hours , etc. The northernmost one, passing through north Britain, corresponded
to a solstitial day of 19 hours. For longitude he made no new advance.
With Ptolemy (ft. + 120 to + 17o),b who was working at the same time as Tshai
Yung, the accurate or scientific cartography of the ancient world reached its greatest
height. No less than six out of the eight books of his Geography are occupied with
tables of latitude and longitude of specific places, given to a precision of one-twelfth of
a degree. c But the longitudes were really only guesswork. Hipparchus, indeed, had
suggested a way of measuring them by observations at different stations of the onset
of lunar eclipses, but only one or two experiments of this kind were available to
Ptolemy. The ancient world was not able to organise scientific observations on the
scale required. However, Ptolemy greatly reduced the estimate of the length of Asia
which had been given by Marinus of Tyre (the distance from the 'Stone Tower'd to
Sera Metropolis), and in this he was fully justified. e On his largest map, which covered
180 0 of longitude and 80 0 of latitude, he made an attempt to show the meridians and
parallels as curved lines. f
Here, however, we have to take notice of a point which will prove of particular
interest to us, namely, that in his maps of smaller areas or individual countries,
Ptolemy used a simple rectangular grid. In this he followed the example of Marinus
of Tyre, whom we have just mentioned.g Marinus (ft. c. + 100) has perhaps had less
credit than is his due in the history of cartography, for like that of Eratosthenes, his
work is known to us only at second hand. h It will be worth remembering that he was
especially interested in the extension of geographical knowledge towards the East, and
made use of the data supplied by Maes Titianus, a Syrian engaged in the silk trade
with the Chinese (Seres).i It will also be worth while bearing in mind that Marinus
of Tyre was an exact contemporary of the astronomer Chang Heng. Marinus was
content, then, to draw his latitude parallels and longitude meridians at right angles to
each other.
None of the maps made in Ptolemy's time has come down to us. What the people of
i i
-t . t-
j
Fig. ZII. Ptolemy's world map as reconstructed by the Venetian Ruscelli (+1561). Longitude is
expressed in fractions of hours east of the Fortunate Islands, latitude designated by the number of
hours in the longest day of the year (from Lloyd Brown).
After the time of Ptolemy, the Great Interruption sets in. European map-making
suffers a degeneration so extreme that it would hardly be believable if we were not so
familiar with it. Scientific cartography is drastically replaced by a tradition of religious
cosmography.d All attempt at coordinates is abandoned, and the world is represented
as a disc e divided by a few partitions into continents, across which rivers and mountain
ranges stray in wild disorder. There is no lack of these 'maps' or 'Mappaemundi', to
a Cf. B & M, pp. 79zfr.; Lloyd Brown (I), opp. p. 54.
b Lloyd Brown (I), p. 73.
e Beazley (I), vol. I, p . 381; B & M, p. 1038; K. Miller (2).
d On the comparative background of this, Eliade (2), pp. 3 15 fr., is worth reading.
o Or sphere, if Taylor (z) is right.
PLATE LXXIII
Fig. 212. World map of Martianus Capella (fl. +470), from a MS. of the Lib" Floridus,
c. + 1150 (from Kimble). The northern hemisphere to the left is drawn in the T-pattem.
the southern has simply an unknown continent.
PLATE LXXIV
Fig. 213. The 'Psalter Map' of the mid + 13th century, a T-O design centred
on Jerusalem. Note the 'Wall of Gog and Magog' to the left at the top, built
(according to legend) by Alexander the Great to keep out the' barbarians' of
East Asia, but probably a European echo or rumour of the real Great Wall. The
Indian Ocean appears as the dark wedge to the right at the top (from Beazley).
PLATE LXXV
Fig. 214. A world map of the type due to Beatus Libaniensis (d. + 798), from a Turin
MS. of + 1150 (from Lloyd Brown). Here again the T -0 shape is seen. Paradise and
Eden are placed in the Far East at the top; below the Mediterranean with its many
islands separates Europe from Africa.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
use the medieval term, a which may be found in numerous collections. b Their classifica-
tion has been the subject of an interesting paper by M. C. Andrews. c The usual name
for them is 'wheel-maps' or 'T-0 maps'-the significance of the latter we shall see in
a moment.
These strange representations are divisible into various families among surviving
manuscripts. They are found as illustrations to the texts of numerous medieval
authors, among whom the following may be mentioned. First comes the In Somnium
Scipionis of Ambrosius Theodosius Macrobius ( + 395 to + 423),d who is accompanied
by Orosius(ft. +410) and his Historia adversus Paganos,e and followed by Martianus
Capella (ft. +470) and his Satyricon. f These men still show the influence of Ptolemy
(Fig. 212), but after the + 5th century Ptolemy is hardly ever mentioned. With Isidore
of Seville (ft. +600 to +636)g further degeneration has taken place, as we see from
the diagrams attached to his Etymologiae. At the end of the + 8th century, the work
of the Spanish priest Beatus Libaniensis (d. + 798) h in his Commentary on the Apo-
calypse set the style for a large number of medieval wheel-maps, the earliest extant
example dating from + 970 and the last from + 1250, approximately.! In the map
which Henry of Mainzj added in + I I 10 to the Imago Mundi of Honorius of Autun,
there is a certain improvement, but not much, and that of William of Conches
(d. + 1154) is also notable. k The so-called Psalter Map of the mid + 13th century
(Fig. 213) is important on account of the emphasis which it gives to the orbocentric
position of Jerusalem, but this is seen also extensively in other medieval wheel-maps.l
The significance of this we shall appreciate later. To illustrate another example, I give
a map of the Beatus type from a Turin MS. of + II50 (Fig. 214).m The degree of
schematisation which could be reached may be appreciated from Fig. 215, taken from
a Venetian edition of Isidore of Seville of + 1500.n
Let us look at the accompanying sketches (Fig. 216), which summarise the main
forms of European religious cosmography. The earliest of them, which has been
called Macrobian, still retains the Ptolemaic recognition of a southern sub-equatorial
half of the world, an unknown antipodean continent. But for the oikoumene the geo-
grapher is content with a T, the Mediterranean forming its vertical stroke, and the two
parts of the horizontal stroke being represented by the Rivers Tanais (Don) and Nile.
The position of Jerusalem, if marked, is always orbocentric. Later traditions, such as
that associated with the name of Beatus, dispense altogether with the antipodes or
southern hemisphere, and draw the oikoumene as occupying the whole of the world
a More than 600 are known, but few or none date from before the + loth century.
b Such as those of Santarem (1,2), K. Miller (I), Yusuf Kamal (I), Beazley (I), Lloyd Brown (I).
Kimble (I). Taylor (2), etc.
C Cf. also Taylor (I). d Kimble (I), p. 8; Beazley (I), vol. I, p . 343 .
e Kimble (I), p . 20; Beazley (I), vol. I, p. 353.
f Kimble (I), p. 9; Beazley (I), vol. I, p. 340.
~ Kimble (I), p . 23; Beazley (I), vol. 1, p. 366.
h Lloyd Brown (1). pp. 94,119.126; Kimble (I), p. 183; Beazley (I), vol. 2, pp. 549, 550, 554.
i Santa rem (2), pI. XII; Yusuf Kamal (1), vol. 3, pp. 871, 947.
j Beazley (1), vol. 2, p . 563 . k Yusuf Kamal (I), vol. 3, pp. 868, 921.
1 E.g. the Hereford Mappamundi (Moir & Letts). Cf. Beazley (I). vol. 3, p. 528.
m Beazley (I), vol. 2, p. 552. n Lloyd Brown (I), p . 103.
53 0 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
disc. A third tradition preserved a vague memory of the Hellenistic climata, showing
them simply as parallel lines without meridians and superimposed on no geographical
features. This is found, for example, in the + I I 10 map (Fig. 217) of Petrus Alphonsus
of Huesca, a Spanish Jew. a But it goes back to Macrobius.
Fig. 215. The extremely schematised world map of Isidore of Seville (+ 570 to +636) in a Venetian
edition of his Etymologiae of + 1500. Interpretation on the right (from Lloyd Brown).
ranean gulf. a Conversely the late + loth-century' Cottoniana' map, which seems
to have been prepared in the household of an Archbishop of Canterbury by an
Irish monk, shows on a square plan the main contours of the European land-masses
better than any Western map before the portolans. b It is to the 'portolans', or handy
sea-charts, that we must now turn.
....,.....-.--
C~
I Olt/CNS
•
Fig. 217. The climate map of Petrus Alphonsus, c. + 1110 (from Beazley). Seven cli11latn are given
until at the bottom the cold and uninhabitable northern region is reached. Instead of a southern
continent in the upper hemisphere we are shown the towers of' Aren Civitas', i.e. Arin, the mythical
prime meridian city of the Arabic geographers, which has been identified as Ujjain in India, capital
of the + 5th-century Gupta kings (see p. 563 below).
PLATE LXXVII
Fig. 218. The universe according to Cosmas Indicopleustes' Christian Topography, c. + 540.
The rising and setting suns move round the great mountain in the n orth; the inlets of the
Mediterranean, Red Sea and Persian Gulf are shown below, the heavens have the shape of
a barrel vault, and within them the Creator surveys his works (from Beazley) .
Fig. 219. One of the oldest extant portolan charts, the P. Vesconte map of + 13" (from Beazley).
Rhumb-lines, rectangular grid, and graduated edge can all be seen, and at the top is the cartographer's
signature and date. The part of the map shown portrays some coasts in the Levant.
PLATE LXXVIII
Fig. 220. Spain on the portolan of Angelino Dulcerto, + 1339 (from de Reparaz-Ruiz).
Behind the rhumb-lines and grid the Straits of Gibraltar and the whole outline of the peninsula
clearly appear, with an abundance of names of ports and coastal features, marked by flags
to indicate territorial authorities.
PLATE LXXIX
- --~
Fig. 221. Ceylon on a Byzantine grid -map in a Mt Athos MS. of c. + 1250 (from
Langlois). The name Taprobane can be seen in the second row of compartments
from the top. This grid system was presumably a survival of Ptolemaic coordinates
and existed only in limited parts of the Greek world during the Middle Ages.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 533
gave the distances separating them (between - 285 and - 2+7). But for the most part
this knowledge grew up in the technical patrimony of seafaring men through the
centuries and was not committed to writing by scholars. It was the coming of the
magnetic compass which liberated it from this obscurity. As for the immediate stimulus
of the portolans, Arabic influence has long been suspected,a and there is now a ten-
dency to look still further east. b
The developments following the portolan period, and the effect of the Renaissance
on cartography, are well known. c Prince Henry the Navigator, of Portugal (+ 139+ to
+ 1+60), was one of the greatest figures not only in the organisation of celebrated
expeditions, but also in the revival of the knowledge of Ptolemy's geographical ideas. d
During the previous centuries the Ptolemaic coordinates had been known and repro-
duced only in the Greek-speaking world. Greek manuscripts showing them are known,
for example, the Urbino MS. of about + 1200 (reproduced by J. Fischer) and the
Mount Athos MS. of about + 12S0 (reproduced by Langlois). Here Fig. 221 shows
the representation of Taprobane (Ceylon) e in the latter. The earliest Latin manuscripts
date from about + I+IS. By + 1+75 Ptolemy was firmly back again. Then came the
time of Gerard Mercator ( + 1512 to + 159+) and the great world map on his cylindrical
orthomorphic projection of + IS38.f With the Mariner's Mirror ofWaghenaer ( + IS8+)
and the contemporary maps of Ortelius we are fully in the modern period. g
The essential point which is now to be made is that just as the scientific cartography of
the Greeks was disappearing from the European scene, the same science in different
form began to be cultivated among the Chinese. A tradition which continued without
interruption down to the coming of the Jesuits was born in the work of Chang Heng
(+ 78 to + 139), the contemporary, as has been said, of that Marinus of Tyre who was
one of Ptolemy's principal sources. But before we can mention him it will be more
logical to glance at the evidence for Chinese map-making before his time.
Fig. 222. Ching Kho's attempt to assassinate the King of Chhin, afterwards Chhin Shih Huang Ti, in
- 227, with a dagger hidden in a rolled silk m ap taken from a wooden case. The king is seen leaping
away on the left and in the centre the dagger with its tassel is deflected by a pillar at the foot of which is
the map-case. Beside it is another case containing the head of Fan Yi.i-Chhi which Ching Kho had also
presented to the King of Chhin. Above is Ching Kho's 13-year old assistant, Chhin Wu-Yang, too
frightened to do anything, and on the right the King's physician, Hsia Wu-Chi.i, has secured Ching Kho
with his medicine-bag. The relief is one of those in the Wu Liang tomb-shrines (+ 147). For the full
story see Bodde (15).
This was in - 207. While the other generals were engaging in pillage, Hsiao Ho 2
sought out the secretarial offices and took charge of all ordinances, reports and maps.
These were of inestimable advantage to the Han dynasty. a They must have lasted till
the end of the + 1st century, for Pan Ku, who died in + 92, refers to them at least
twice in the Chhien Han Shu. b But by Phei Hsiu's time (+ 3rd century) they had
disappeared- they were probably incised on wooden boards. All through the Han
there are references to maps. When Chang Chhien had returned from the West
( - 126), the emperor consulted, we are told,c ancient maps and books (ku thu shu 3 )
a Shih Chi, ch. 53, p. 1 h. b Ch. 28A, p . 15a, and ch. 28B, p . 4a.
C Chhien Han Shu, ch. 61 , p. 3h.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
and decided that the mountain from which the Yellow River took its source should be
called Khun-Lun. The first use of the expression yu ti thu ,I derived from the con-
ception of earth as a chariot and heaven as a chariot-roof, a comes in - I I7, when maps
of the whole empire were submitted to Han Wu Ti in connection with the investiture
of three of his sons as feudal princes. b There was a famous military map-making in
-99, when the general Li Ling2 was campaigning against the Huns. He made a
complete chart of the mountains and steppes as far as thirty days' journey north of the
frontier, and sent a copy of it back for presentation to the emperor. c As might be
expected, Wang Mang was aware of the importance of maps, and delegated a special
official, Khung Ping,3 to assemble and study them in connection with problems of
fiefs.d
Much discussion has centred upon the thu shu 4 (charts and documents)e which were
presented to the emperor in - 35. These have already been mentioned above
(p. 5 II). The incident is one which has numerous implications.! In the previous year
the Protector-General of Central Asia, Kan Yen-Shou,s and his assistant, Chhen
Thang,6 had made an unauthorised expedition as far west as the Talas River, where
their forces stormed the city of the Hun leader (Shanyu) Chih-Chih 7 and killed him.
This was in retaliation for his murder of a Chinese diplomatic envoy in - 43. When
they returned to China it was at first uncertain whether they would be punished for
having forged an imperial order, or honoured for their signal military success. What
concerns us is that after presentation 'his (or its) thu-shu were (or was) shown to the
honoured ladies of the imperial palace (i chhi thu shu shih hou kung kuri jen' 8). The
problem of what these documents were has considerable importance because this
battle was the one in which it is believed that the Chinese soldiers fought against some
I50 Roman legionaries who had taken mercenary service, after the famous defeat of
Crassus in Parthia ( - 54), with the Sogdians or the Huns.g The difficulty lies in the
ambiguity of the word thu which could mean either maps or pictures.
Duyvendak (I 6) formed the view that the account of the battle given in the bio-
graphy of Kan Yen-Shou in the ChhienHan Shu h constitutes in fact a series of captions
and explanations for a set of pictures afterwards lost. They could have been analogous
to the battle pictures found in some of the Later Han tomb-shrines. Dubs (30)
raised upon this a further hypothesis, that these pictures were similar to the repre-
sentations carried in Roman triumphal processions, and that their existence was
directly due to information about the practice provided by the Roman legionaries
captured by Kan Yen-Shou and Chhen Thang.
Perhaps it may be doubted whether the result was very scientific. But there was living
at the time a young man who was destined to be, as Chavannes ( IQ) calls him, the
father of scientific cartography in China. This was Phei Hsiu 9 ( + 224 to + 27 I).
In + 267 Phei Hsiu was appointed Minister of Works (Ssu Khung 10) by the first
emperor of the unifying dynasty of the Chin. The 35th chapter of the Chin Shu pre-
serves e particulars of the map-making in which he then engaged, together with the
text of his preface to the maps. It is of great interest.
Considering that his office concerned the land and the earth; and finding that the names of
mountains, rivers and places, as given in the Yli Kung, had suffered numerous changes
since ancient times, so that those who discussed their identifications had often proposed
rather forced ideas, with the result that obscurity had gradually prevailed; Phei Hsiu made
a critical study of ancient texts, rejected what was dubious, and classified, whenever he
could, the ancient names which had disappeared; finally composing a geographical map of the
Tribute of Yli in 18 sheets, with the title Yu Kung Ti Yu Thu. I I He presented it to the
emperor, who kept it in the secret archives.
a It is interesting that Phei Hsiu should have employed this term (LU), for its most ancient form
(K498) was a pictogram of a net for catching birds. It has already b een encountered as a technical term
for ratio in the mathematics Section, p. 99 above.
b Chavannes (10) suggests that Phei Hsiu himself had begun by being cartographer to the Chin
general staff, as one might say.
C Note the use of an expression here which compares the distance between the parallel lines with the
I~~ 2?} ~V 3 ~~ 4 ~
6FJff).tJf~~Z.I!I:-tit 7 PJi J.?j£~JItz.llt-tit
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
lengths of derived distances (i.e. the third side of the triangle which cannot be walked over)
(so i ting so yu chih shu yeh I).a
(4) '(Measuring) the high and the low (kao hsia Z ).
(5) '(Measuring) right angles and acute angles (fang hsieh 3 ).
(6) '(Measuring) curves and straight lines (yii chih4). These three principles are used
according to the nature of the terrain, and are the means by which one reduces what are
really plains and hills (lit. cliffs) to distances on a plane surface (so i chiao i hsien chih i yeh 5).
'If one draws a map without having graduated divisions, there is no means of distin-
guishing between what is near and what is far. If one has graduated divisions, but no
rectangular grid or network of lines, then while one may attain accuracy in one corner of the
map (i yu 6),b one will certainly lose it elsewhere (i.e. in the middle, far from guiding marks).
If one has a rectangular grid, but has not worked upon the tao li principle, then when it is
a case of places in difficult country, among mountains, lakes or seas (which cannot be
traversed directly by the surveyor), one cannot ascertain how they are related to one another.
If one has adopted the fao li principle, but has not taken account of the high and the low,
the right angles and acute angles, and the curves and straight lines, then the figures for
distances indicated on the paths and roads will be far from the truth, and one will lose the
accuracy of the rectangular grid (shih chun wang chih cheng i7). C
'But if we examine a map which has been prepared by the combination of all these
principles, we find that a true scale representation of the distances is fixed by the graduated
divisions. So also the reality of the relative positions is attained by the use of paced sides of
right-angled triangles; and the true scale of degrees and figures (tu shu 8 ) is reproduced by
the determinations of high and low, angular dimensions, and curved or straight lines. Thus
even if there are great obstacles in the shape of high mountains or vast lakes, huge distances
or strange places, necessitating climbs and descents, retracing of steps or detours-everything
can be taken into account and determined. When the principle of the rectangular grid is
properly applied, then the straight and the curved, the near and the far, can conceal nothing
of their form from us.' d
Although Phei Hsiu left us so clear an account of his methods, his actual maps did
not survive in any form, though modern scholars have made attempts at reconstructing
them-Herrmann (8, 9), for instance, who considers Phei Hsiu quite worthy to be
compared with Ptolemy. In +J697 Hu Wei 9 had already made such a reconstruction
in his Yii Kung Chui Chih 10 (A few Points in the Vast Subject of the Yti Kung).e There
was a tradition among later scholars f that the map of Phei Hsiu had been constructed
a Again the interpretation differs from Chavannes, who took taG fi" to mean simply distances
measured out on roads. He was therefore unable to make sense of the sentence about the third principle
in the succeeding paragraph. In connection with this and the three following principles, we may recall
that Phei Hsiu was a contemporary of Liu Hui, whose work on surveying by the use of similar right-
angled triangles was discussed in the mathematics Section (p. 31 above).
b Note the use of a technical term in geometry, related to the extraction of roots, discussed above
(p . 66) in the mathematics Section.
C Chavannes confessed his inability to translate this phrase. It was because he had misinterpreted
the second principle. Note the sorites form of the whole paragraph.
d Tr. auct., adjuv. Chavannes (10), Vacca (6).
e Huang Chhing Ching Chieh, ch. 27, p. 53b .
f So Chhiian Tsu-Wang in Huang Chhao Ching Shih Wen Pien, ch. 79. p. J2b (c. + 1750).
a For instance, Liu Hsien-Thing 9 in his Kuang Yatlg Tsa Chi'o (c . +1695).
b Chhen Phan (2) has recently drawn attention to another version of Phei Hsiu's complaint against
the maps of earlier times and their inaccuracy. It is a fragment quoted in the Chiu Chia Chin Shu Chi
Pen It (Collected Texts of Nine Versions of the History of the Chin Dynasty) by Thang Chhiu U (ch. 5).
Phei Hsiu specifically names the maps (thu) attached to the Ho Thu Wei Kua Ti Hsiang,'3 one of the
'weft' classics (Ku Wei Shu, ch. 32).
C Cf. what was said above (pp. 77, 107) about the origins of coordinate geometry.
d Actually the use of the word ching for the geographical north-south direction and of wei for the
east-west direction, goes back to the Han in the Ta Tai Li Chi (ch. 81; cf. R. Wilhelm (6), pp. 250 if.).
This is found also in the commentaries of Kao Yu '. of the Later Han (on Lii Shih Chhun
Chhiu, chs. 62 if., and on Huai Nan Tzu, ch. 4). It may be noted that this is the opposite of the modern
usage, where ching means latitude and wei longitude. The change seems to have come about in the
Thang.
e Wang Yung (1), pp. 60, 68.
f In his Hsiian-Ho Po Ku Thu Lu 15 (Hsiian-Ho reign-period Illustrated Record of Ancient Objects),
cit. KCC Y, ch. 56, p . la.
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54 2 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
divinities (ling I), trigrams (kua 2 ), the duodenary cyclical characters (chih3), the fort-
nightly periods (chhi4), and so on. Each side of the square being divided into three
by the eight radiating divisions which separate the twenty-four azimuth points into
groups of three, then if coordinate lines were drawn a across the space so enclosed, nine
small squares (yeh 5 or chiu kung 6 ) would be formed. b The wordyeh 5 will be met with
again in connection with the astronomical-geographical work of Li Shun-Feng in the
Thang (see below, p. 544). The central division was called chen. 7C Wang Fu adds that
there are intersecting points of the coordinates (tsho tsung ching wei 8 ), and that on the
background of the mirror the five sacred mountains (wu Y09) are sometimes repre-
sented. d Although we are doubtless dealing here with very symbolic or diagrammatic
representations, they did go back, on boards and mirrors, to the cosmological specula-
tions of the Han people, and could not have been unknown to Chang Heng and Phei
Hsiu. Moreover, the ancient methods of divination in which 'pieces' like chess-men
(chhi I O) were thrown on to a marked board, perhaps the shih itself, seem to have been
connected with another old system of coordinates, namely, the multiplication table,
for which the characteristic expression is li-chheng. 11 It will be remembered (pp. 9,
36, 107 above) that one of these was found in the Tunhuang manuscripts (Li Nien, 7).
Another Tunhuang manuscript e has the title Chiu Kung Hsing Chhi Li-Chheng I2-
'Tabulation of Data in the Calendar of the Nine Palaces in which the Chess Pieces
Move'. This calendar had been introduced by the astronomer Li Yeh-Hsing in + 548,
and the tables were drawn up by Wang Chhen.f But the exact connections between
the coordinate system of chess (or rather' pre-chess " if the term be allowable) and that
of cartographic practice require much further investigation.
The mention of astronomical aspects of the map grids raises at once the question to
what extent the Chinese cartography of Phei Hsiu and Chang Heng was keyed to
celestial phenomena. In this respect there would seem to have been little difference
between the Chinese and the Greeks, for while the latter used the gnomon shadow and
the length of the solstitial day to determine latitude, the former were also perfectly
aware that the shadow length varied continuously in the north-south line.g The ChOll
Li saysh that the Surveyors (Thu Fang Shih l3) concern themselves with the method
of the gnomon shadow template i (chang thu kuei chih fa 14) for determining the sun's
shadow length, and by its aid measure the earth, constituting fiefs and principalities,
i.e. presumably fixing their boundaries. As for longitude, the Chinese were no worse
a The expression used is thou,'S lit. 'thrown across', which may be significant; see on, Sect. 26i.
b Cf. the nine divisions of heaven (yeh S ) in Huai Nan Tzu, ch. 3. The other term persisted for many
centuries as chiu hung ha 16 to mean the squared paper on which children practised writing characters.
C Again a significant word, which will occur in connection with the Buddhist-Taoist wheel-maps,
s
Fig. 223 . A recon struction of the shih o r diviner's board of Han times (Rufus (2)
after Harada & Tazawa), a symbolic representation of h eaven and ea rth w hich is
conn ected with the origins of the magnetic compass. The sq uare plate of the ea rth
was surmo unted b y a rotating round plate sig ni fy ing the h eavens. The forme r was
marked with cyclical characters and hsiu , the latter carried the figure of the Great
Bear, with cyclical cha racters and prognosticatory signs. Fragments of these boards
were first found in two Han tombs in Korea, the tomb of Wang H sU (d. + 69),
and the P a inted Basket tomb .
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 543
off than the Greeks. Its measurement with any degree of accuracy did not become
possible until the 18th century, with the invention of the marine chronometer. a
Throughout antiquity and the middle ages, dead reckoning was the only way.b
therefore have been, to all intents and purposes, a map of Asia. a Herrmann (8) notes
that this scale is about I: 2,000,000. One is tempted to compare the great map of
Chia Tan with that of Cassini (c. + 1680) at the Paris Observatory,b which had a
diameter of 24 ft . and used a polar azimuthal projection.
Chia Tan's contemporary Li Chi-Fu was also a geographer of importance. c One of
his maps was connected with his Yuan-Ho Chiin Hsien Thu Chih already mentioned,
and another was concerned with all the fortified points and strategic locations north of
the Yellow River. This was set up in the imperial baths and the emperor (Hsien
Tsung) consulted it daily.d Li Te-Yii I (the son of Li Chi-Fu) continued geographical
work when governor of Szechuan, making military maps to facilitate the control of the
barbarian tribes. e All these maps were connected with itineraries. At about the
same time Yuan Chen 2 had a road-map prepared on the occasion of the marriage of a
princess to the Khagan of the Uighurs in + 82I. f Chia Tan prepared itineraries from
China to Korea, Tongking, Central Asia, India, and even Baghdad;g others are extant
in the excellent Man Shu 3 (Book of the Barbarians) by Fan Chh04 (c. +862), and
most of these have been analysed by Pelliot (17) and Chavannes (14).h
It is possible that in the Thang a further effort was made to link geographical with
celestial coordinates. The hint arises from an obscure group of writings which
Chavannes overlooked but to which Wang Yung has drawn attention. In this period
we hear of certain maps (fang chih thuS or fang yii thu 6 ) which yet do not seem to be,
as their names would at first sight imply, associated with local topographies; and which
are associated with Taoist and Buddhist scholars, especially Li Shun-Feng, I-Hsing
and Lii Tshai.i The astronomical chapters of both the Thang Shu say that Li PO,7 the
father of Li Shun-Feng, resigned his official position to live the life of a Taoist, and
produced one of these maps) The text continues:
The celestial bodies are suspended in the heavens without changing as time passes, but
the names of provinces and districts have always changed, and thus have made difficulties
for the scholars of later generations. So in the Chen-Kuan reign-period ( + 627 to + 649)
Li Shun-Feng wrote his Fa Hsiang Chih 8 (The Miniature Cosmos),k in which all the
a Chiu Thang Shu, ch. 138, p . 7 b. Ancient place-names were inserted in black, and those of Chi a
T an's own time in red.
b Lloyd Brown (I), p. 219.
C Cf. above, pp. 490, 520.
d Chiu Thang Shu, ch. 148, p . 6a; Hsin Thang Shu, ch. 146, p . 5b .
e Hsin Thang Shu , ch. 180, p. 3a.
r TSCC, Ching chi tien, ch. 429, i wen, p. 3a.
g Hsin Thang Shu, ch. 43 B, p. I4a.
h This was something in common with European geographical literature, which was full of itineraries,
from the Bordeaux Pilgrim of +333 onwards (Beazley (I), vot. I, pp. 26, 57). Cf. pp. 513, 524 above.
I All have been encountered before, pp. 350, 202, and 323 .
j We met him already as an astronomer, p . 201 above.
k From other passages we know that this lost book discussed the merits and defects of various types
of annillary spheres (Chiu Thang S hu, ch. 35, p. I a; H sin Thang Shu , ch. 31, p. I b; YuHai, ch. 4, p. 21 a) ,
but it must have done much more than this.
s 11 is. III
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 545
provinces and districts of the Thang were included. At the beginning of the Khai-Yuan
reign-period (+713 onwards), I-Hsing remodelled this work and reduced its size.-
The biographies of Lii Tshai and of Shang Hsien-Fu I in the Chiu Thang Shu speak b
of similar maps made about + 630 and + 695 respectively. Significantly, the latter
was an astronomer in charge of the imperial observatory. Then there was an official,
Lii Wen,2 who wrote a preface c about +800 to a geographical work Ti Chih Thu 3 by
Li Kai 4 in which he said:
The boundaries of every square inch correspond to the celestial divisions on high. The
(relation between the) phenomena in the heavens and the aspect (i.e. physical features) of
the earth can thus ire brilliantly seen (Fang tshun chih chieh erh shang tang hu fen yeh; chhien
hsiang khun shih ping jan kho kuan 5).d
The problem now is, what exactly was this cartographic movement in the Thang?
There are three obvious possibilities. First, fen yeh certainly included straight astro-
logy. The association of particular earthly regions with sections of the sky was a very
old idea in China, found in early Han and pre-Han texts. e But it may also have laid a
new emphasis on the importance of showing physical features as opposed to political
territorial divisions. To the fixed stars would correspond the fixed mountains and
rivers, not the changeable city names. As we shall see in a moment, this might be
the background of the greatest extant achievement of + 12th century map-making.
Thirdly, the efforts of these Taoists and Buddhists may have been directed towards
a really astronomical coordinate system. It would have been just as easy to draw
meridian lines parallel to the hour-circles separating the different hsiu, as it had been
for the Greeks to draw them on the model of celestial longitudes. And it would have
been just as difficult for the Thang people to have fixed their terrestriallongitudes in
any way, as it was for everyone else before the construction of Mr Harrison's marine
chronometer. f I am not sure that this would have implied (as would seem at first sight)
a spherical earth, though by the time of the Thang there had been so many foreign
contacts that men such as Li Shun-Feng could hardly have been unaware that there
was such a hypothesis. g It will be remembered that already for the + loth century
documentary evidence exists h that a projection analogous to that of Mercator was used,
the hsiu being represented as long rectangles centred on the equator and of course very
distorted towards the poles. It would, then, have been possible to fit the system of the
hsiu into the traditional terrestrial rectangular grid.!
a Chiu Thang Shu. ch. 36. p. 1 a. tr. auct.; cf. Hsin Thang Shu. ch. 31, p. Bb. b Chs. 79 and 191.
C He had been ambassador to Turfan. which may have encouraged his geographical interests.
d La Ho-Shu Wen Chi. ch. 3. tr. auct.
e Cf. p. 200 above. La Shih Chhun Chhiu. ch. 62. Huai Nan Tzu. ch. 3. pp. 15 a. b. systematised in
Chin Shu. ch. 11, pp. 19a ff. f Cf. Gould (1) .
g Besides. they would have known the ideas of the founders of the Hun Thien cosmology long
before. h Cf. pp. 264. 276 above regarding the Tunhuang manuscript star-map .
i The chief study of this fen yeh system is due to Hsti Wen-Ching.6 who produced it in + 1723
(Thien Hsia Shan Ho Liang Chieh Khao 7 ).
Fig. 224. Early attempt at contour mapping; on the right a representation of the Thai Shan mountain
range from a + 17th-century edition of the Wu Yo Chen Hsing Thu, the text of which is of much earlier
but uncertain date. On the left, for comparison, a contour map of modem type. From Ogawa (1).
encyclopaedia b show that at some time or other quite precise measurements were
made of the breadth and depth of gorges. The date of the text is uncertain, but it may
be significant that the title is mentioned in the Han Wu Ti Nei Chuan 3 (The Inside
Story of Emperor Wu of the Han), an anonymous Taoist romance probably of the
+ 4th century attributed to Ko Hung. This contains a cartographical passage which
will be examined later in connection with the Chinese wheel-map tradition.
As has been indicated above (p. 521) a great deal of geographical work was done in
the Sung, and it is from this period that the oldest examples of Chinese cartography
still extant derive. Early in the dynasty (before + 1000) there is an account C of a map
a Cf. the geomantic diagram already reproduced in Fig. 45 (Vol. 2, opp. p . 360). There can be no
doubt that for many centuries in China specialists in particular sciences or pseudo-sciences had their
own quite effective conventions in physical geographic mapping.
b E .g. TPYL, ch. 44, p. sa; ch. 663, p. lb.
e Sung Shih, ch. 292, p. 6b.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 547
of the Western countries, and strategic maps of Kansu, prepared by a geographer in
the imperial service, Sheng Tu. I A Commissioner of the Tibetan Borderlands,
Liu Huan,2 made a map of the mountains and presented it to the emperor in + 104-0.a
Remarkably accurate plans of cities had already been made in the Thang. In + 1080 Liu
Ching-Yang 3 and Lu Ta-Fang were instructed to make a historical map of the city
of Chhang-an (Sian), which they did to scale (che fa 4) at 2 in. to the mile, identifying
and marking sites of ancient palaces and the like. b This is the basis of the plans
preserved in the Chhang-an Chih Thus of Li Hao-Wen. 6
But all other records of the + 11th century are overshadowed by the two magnificent
maps which still exist, carved in stone in + II37,c and now in the' Forest of Steles'
(Pei Lin7) at Sian. To these the papers of Chavannes (10) and Aoyama (4) were
primarily devoted. The first is entitled Hua I Thus (Map of China and the Barbarian
Countries), the second Yu Chi Thu 9 (Map of the Tracks of Yu (the Great)). Both are
about 3 ft. square (see Figs. 225 and 226).
Though the dates of the present examples are the same within a few months,d the
first seems a good deal more archaic than the second. It has no grid, the coast-line is
sketchy, the Shantung peninsula is not shown, and the river-systems are imperfect.
The barbarian countries are represented rather by texts than by geographical markings,
but within China both places and mountains are shown. As the latest date in the
textual material is + 104-3, this date may be taken as very probable for the first com-
position of the map. On internal evidence, the anonymous geographer had the Thang
map of Chia Tan at his disposal. e The inscriptions mostly concern the barbarian
peoples, and have been fully translated by Chavannes. Neither map shows Formosa
though both have Hainan.
The second map (Fig. 226) is one which does the greatest credit to the Sung carto-
graphers. Its inscription says that the grid scale is 100 li to each square. Its coastal
outline is much firmer, and comparison of the network of river systems with a modern
chart shows at once the extraordinary correctness of the pattern. Anyone who com-
pares this map with the contemporary productions of European religious cosmography
(e.g. Figs. 212, 214-, 217) cannot but be amazed at the extent to which Chinese geo-
graphy was at that time ahead of the West.f But although the Map of the Tracks
of Yu has a more modern look than the first of these two maps, it seems rather to have
belonged to a different and not much younger tradition. On the copy preserved at
a Sheng Shui Yen Than Llt lo (Fleeting Gossip by the River Sheng) by Wang Phi-Chih," ch. 2, p. 9b.
b Yiin Lu Man Chhao, ch. 2, p. 11 a.
C The reign-period given is that of a transient Chinese buffer-state in a puppet relation to the Liao.
d One was engraved in the 4th, the other in the loth month.
e Soothill (4) actually urges that this was Chia Tan 's map, from which the sheets for the barbarian
lands had been lost, and that the texts were a substitute for them. Sung bibliographies show that
versions of Chia Tan's map were still extant.
f Heawood (in Soothill, 4) pronounced it superior to even the best Hellenistic efforts. There was
nothing like it in Europe till the Escorial MS. map of about + 1550 described by de Reparaz-Ruiz (2).
s~:!i:ii!;;1II
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GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
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n ; 19
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i r. 11
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Fig. 225. The Hua I Thu (Map of China and the Barbarian Countries), one of the two most important
monuments of medieval Chinese cartography, carved in stone in + 1137 but probably dating from
about + 1040 (from Chavannes). The size of the original, which is now in the Pei Lin Museum at Sian,
is about 3 ft. square . The name of the geographer is not known.
Fig. 226. The Yii Chi Thu (Map of the Tracks of Yii the Great), the most remarkable cartographic work
of its age in any culture, carved in stone in + 1137 but probably dating from before + 1100 (from
Chavannes). The scale of the grid is 100 li to the division. The coastal outline is relatively firm and the
precision of the network of river systems extraordinary. The size of the original, which is now in the Pei
Lin Museum at Sian, is about 3 ft. square. The name of the geographer is not known.
PLATE LXXXII
Fig. 227. The oldest printed map in any culture, a map of West China (Ti Li chih Thu) in
the Liu Ching Thu (Illustrations of Objects mentioned in the Six Classics), an encyclopaedia
edited by Yang Chia in the close neighbourhood of + 1155 (copy in the Peking ational
Library). This map should be compared with that in Fig. 208; though it does not reach
as far south. Provincial names are indicated here in white on black, and the line of the
Great Wall is prominent.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 549
It is of interest that in both these maps the north is at the top, and this is true for all
the Sung maps which have survived. The practice of placing the south at the top
seems to have originated among the Arabs rather than the Chinese a and to have become
known only later in China. There is a Sung map included in the late Chhing book of
Chang Chien 1 on the Hsi-Hsia State, Hsi-Hsia Chi Shih Pen M02 (Rise and Fall of
the Hsi-Hsia), which must date from before + II25, and in which the north is at the
top (Pelliot, 18). We illustrate another from a Sung edition of the Liu Ching Thu
(Illustrations of Objects mentioned in the Six Classics) in the Peking National Library
(Fig. '227). This was edited by Yang Chia 3 and printed in the close neighbourhood
of + II 55; here the interest is that it gives us our first Chinese printed map. The
first European printed map does not come until about two centuries later, in the
Rudimentum Novitiorum (the Llibeck Chronicle, an account of the history of the
world),b printed in that city by Lucas Brandis in + 1475. If the two are compared
(Fig. 228), the advantage seems to lie much with the Chinese cartographer, whose
work, though crude, shows no tendency to compress the topography into an artificial
disc-like form, and confines itself to the practical setting-down of the characters
of place-names instead of scattering artistic and mythological drawings over the
board. c
Of the many other Sung maps which have not survived, and of their makers, details
will be found in Wang Yung. d Some of the most distinguished men of the time culti-
vated cartography, for instance Chu Hsi the Neo-Confucian philosopher, Shen Kua,
Huang Shang 4 the astronomer, e and Lu Chiu-Shao 5 the learned brother of the idealist
philosopher Lu Chiu-Yuan. An historical map, Chih Chang Thu,6 was made f by Shui
An-Li.7 A passage from Shen Kua indicates the high strategic value which was placed
on maps in the Sung period, and the disinclination to allow cqpies of them to leave
the country. He says:
In the Hsi-Ning reign-period ( + 1068 to + 1077) ambassadors came from Korea bringing
tribute. In every hsien city or provincial capital which they passed through they asked for
local maps, and these were made and given to them. Mountains and rivers, roads, escarp-
ments and defiles, nothing was omitted. When they arrived at Thiehchow they asked for
maps, as usual, but Chhen Hsiu, 8 who was then prefect of Yangchow, played a trick on them.
He said that he would like to see all the maps of the two Chekiang provinces with which
7
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fJt ~ ill
*
55 0 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
","dot"..
Fig. 228. The first printed European map, for comparison with Fig. 227; Lucas Brandis' woodcut for
the Rudimentum Novitiorum of + 1475 . Here the T-O influence is still at work, but hardly succeeds in
organising the confusion; Babylonia appears twice, Dacia adjoins Norway, and the Earthly Paradise is
still in the Far East.
they had been furnished, so that he could copy them for what was now wanted, but when he
got hold of them, he burnt them all, and made a complete report on the affair to the emperor.-
The other most important epigraphic monument of the Sung time is the companion
stele to that which shows the stellar planisphere already examined (p. 278 above). This
is still at Suchow, where it has been seen and studied by many modern scholars.b
_ Meng Chhi Pi Than, ch. 13, para. 11, tr. auct., adjuv. Chavannes (10). The Liang Chhi Man Chih
(ch. 5, p . 4b) amplifies this -by saying that a previous ambassador to Korea, Lu To-Sun,' had brought
back complete maps of that country about + 970; so the Koreans were only trying to 'get their own
back'. Cf. Addendum below.
b Chavannes (8), Vacca (5), Aoyama (5), Wang Yung (1). It was one of four which Huang Shang had
presented to the throne in + I 194, but Aoyama considers that in all its essentials it goes back to Shen
Kua's time a century or more earlier. Indeed it purported to represent China as it was before the loss
of the capital (Khaifeng) to the Chin Tartars in + 1126.
PLATE LXXXIII
Fig. 229. The Ti Li Thu (General Map of China), a map in the Hua I Thu tradition
(cf. Fig. 225), made by Huang Shang about + 1 193 and engraved on a stone stele at
Suchow by Wang Chih-Yuan in + 1247 (from Chavannes). The size of the original map
is about 3 i x 3t ft. The character chui in the title is an old alternative form for ti.
Fig. 230. One of th e narrative fre scoes in the Chhien-Fo-Tung cave-temples near Tunhuang in Kansu . This painting is of early Thang date
(-+- 7th-century) from cave no. 268 (T217. P7o) and measures about 9 ft. long x 7 ft . high (photo. Lo Chi-Mei).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CART OGR AP H Y 55!
Made in + 1193, it was engraved on stone in + 1247 by Wang Chih-Yuan.1 It is in
the 'China and Barbarians' rather than the 'Tracks of Yti' tradition (see Fig. 229),
mountains and forests being more naturalistically drawn in, with no grid, and with
place-names inserted in cartouches, just as on the fanciful topographic story-pictures
of the Thang so abundant on the walls of the cave-temples at T unhuang (see Fig. 230).
The coast-line and the Shantung peninsula are, however, better than in the + 1137
map. The inscriptions have been fully t ranslated by Chavannes (8). The same series
of steles has also an important city-map of Suchow, engraved in + 1229 (Moule, 15),
interesting in connection with those made for Sian four centuries earlier. Thus we
have a plan of the city some fifty years before it was visited by M arco Polo.
Regarding the foreign countries of the barbarians south-east of the South Sea, and north-
west of Mongolia, there is no means of investigating them because of their great distance,
although they are continually sending tribute to the court. Those who speak of them are
5 ••
55 2 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
unable to say anything definite, while those who say something definite cannot be trusted;
hence I am compelled to omit them here. a
As we shall see, however, Chu's successors had access to better information, though
their cartography did not equal his.
For about two centuries this great map existed only in manuscript or epigraphic b
form, but in + 1541 it was revised and enlarged by Lo Hung-Hsien l (+ 1504 to
+ 1564), and printed about + 1555 under the title Kuang Yu Thu 2 (Enlarged Ter-
restrial Atlas). The preface reads:
Chu Ssu-Pen's map was prepared by the method of indicating the distances by a network
of squares (yu chi li hua fang chih fa 3), and thus the actual geographic picture was faithful.
Hence, even if one divided (the map) and put it together again, (the individual parts) in the
east and west fitted faultlessly together .... His map was 7 ft. long and therefore inconvenient
to unroll; I have therefore now arranged it in book form on the basis of its network of squares.c
Apart from the general map (see Fig. 231), there were sixteen sheets of the various
provinces, sixteen of the border regions, three of the Yellow River, three of the Grand
Canal, two of sea routes, and four devoted to Korea, Annam, Mongolia and Central
Asia. The scale was usually 100 li to the division, but sometimes also 40, 200, 400 or
500.d Lo Hung-Hsien naturally drew on many other Yuan and Ming sources e in his
revision, including the schematic grid-map of the north-western countries (Hsi-Pei Pi
Ti-Li Thu 4 ) in the Yuan ehing Shih Ta Tien s (History of Institutions of the Yuan
Dynasty), + 1329 (Fig. 232).f
In spite of Chu Ssu-Pen's caution about far-distant regions, it is a remarkable fact,
as Fuchs (I) has pointed out, that he and his contemporaries already recognised the
triangular shape of Mrica. In European and Arabic maps of the + 14th century the
tip of Mrica is always represented as pointing eastwards, and this is not corrected until
the middle of the + 15th century ; the Chinese atlas of + 1555, however, has it pointing
south, and other evidence shows that Chu Ssu-Pen must have drawn it in this way as
early as + 1315.g From the middle of the + 16th century, further editions of the
Kuang Yu Thu continued to appear, the last being that of + 1799. h
a Tr. Fuchs (I).
b It is known that an epigraphic copy was still extant in + 1715. We now have no access to the original
form of the map. C Tr. Fuchs (I).
d The + 16th-century printed editions employ quite modem symbolism to indicate physical features
and sizes of settlements. Thus cities of the first order are indicated by a white square, those of the
second rank by a white lozenge, and those of the third by a white circle; post-stages by a white triangle
and forts by a black square, etc. (see Fig. 233). Colours to indicate areas and frontiers are known to have
been used in a military map as early as + 1084. e Fuchs (I), p. 13.
f There is a special study on this by Ting Chhien (cf. Pelliot, I9); but the most comprehensive
identification of the place-names on it is that of Bretschneider (2), vo!. 2, pp. 1-136, who includes a
map with transliterations. See below, p. 564.
g I am indebted to Dr W. Fuchs personally for the establishment of this fact. Wang Yung (I),
p . 91, is wrong in supposing that the map containing Africa was introduced only in the edition of
+ 1579 edited by Chhien Tai.6
h Cf. Klaproth (2); Himly (I) . The study of these editions, some of which are very rare, is a com-
plicated matter, for which the reader is referred to Fuchs (I) and Hummel (IO). The later ones are not
Fig. 231. Two pages from the Kuang Yii Thu (Enlarged Terrestrial Atlas), begun by Chu Ssu-Pen about + 1315 and enlarged .by Lo Hung-Hsien about + 1555 ; the general
map of China on a grid scale of 400 li to the diviiion. The black band in the north-west represents the Gobi Desert. A map deriving from this was printed in Purchas his Pilgrimes .
554 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
LW
"'I'
" ~[;Il E.* !~
r~
*ll!,I!ibc
I", fY
,
'.
I-
w ~t" I.
~,
'.'. - ~. !ik. I-
~~ie:
IM Il '.
\~
-
.~ ~
IlL
~
..11. lim
-. '.
.J I--
,
.
#
a!
I
...f~
it p,; .~
Fig. 232. The schematic grid-map of the north-western countries in the Yuan Ching Shih Ta Tien
(History of Institutions of the Yuan D ynasty), + 1329. North is at the right-hand bottom corner. This
system of marking nothing but place or tribe names on a scale grid has been called the ' Mongolian style '
in cartography.
The other two geographers of whom we have already spoken specialised rather on
the construction of maps of the maximal known world, such as that of al-Idrisi two
centuries before them. Li Tse-Min, of whom we know nothing save that he flourished
around +1330, produced a Sheng Chiao Kuang Pei Thu l (Map for the Diffusion of
Instruction). That of the monk Chhing-Chiin (+ 1328 to + 1392) must have been
made some forty or fifty years later; it was called Hun-! Chiang-Li Thu z (Map of the
Territories of the One World). Both of these maps got to Korea in + 1399 through
the agency of the Korean ambassador, Chin Shih-Heng,3 and were there combined in
+1402 by Li Hui4 and Chhiian Chins,a with the title Hun-! Chiang-Li Li-Tai Kuo Tu
chih Thu 6 (Map of the Territories of the One World and the Capitals of the Countries
so good as the earlier, and some even d istorted the grid system to correspond with the size of the page.
On the other hand, other maps, for example one of Japan, were gradually added. Statistical data on
population, etc. were also expanded. A copy of one edition reached Florence in + 1606; for its history
see Moule (14) and Frescura & Mori (I). A manuscript translation of the text was made in + 1701 by
Francesco Carletti with a Chinese collaborator, and the identity of this was recognised after still a
further hundred years by Klaproth ( I). Rightly he called it • un des monumens geographiques les
plus curieux que je connaisse, apres le livre de Ptolemee' . Meanwhile the Kuang Yii Thu in China
had been the model from which the Jesuit Michael Boym made some fine manuscript maps still extant,
about + 1654 (see Fuchs, 5), and a little later it was the basis of the Atlas Sinensis of Martin Martini
(below, p . 586). a Cf. p . 279 above.
Just about the time when Chhiian Chin and his group of Korean geographers were
combining the Yuan world-maps into one, there began that remarkable series of
Chinese maritime explorations which have already been mentioned above. b During
the first half of the + 15th century a series of expeditions under a eunuch admiral
ranged far and wide in the South Seas and the Indian Ocean, greatly adding to Chinese
geographical knowledge and bringing back all kinds of rarities to the imperial court.
Here it is in their cartographical aspect that we must consider them, but we can hardly
do so without a slightly fuller explanation than they before received. c
Two texts will suffice to give an idea of the scale of the expeditions. The first is from
the Li-Tai Thung Chien Chi Lan 3 (Essentials of History):d
al-Afranslyah. Apparently neither al-Idrisl nor Ibn Khaldiin mentions the Azores. That the Korean
world-map of + 1402 does mention them is quite extraordinary, for they were not rediscovered by the
Portuguese until after + 1394, and not generally known till about + 1430.
a (2), vol. I, p. 299, and vo!. 2. Cf. the valuable name-index of Hallberg (I).
b E.g. in the historical Section (6j), Vol. I, p. 143.
C General accounts are available in the papers of Mayers (3), who was the first to study them;
Pelliot (2), Duyvendak (8, 9, 10, II), Mills (3), etc. Recent Chinese monographs are those of Fan
W~n- Thao (1); Feng Chheng-Chiin (1), and Cheng Hao-Sheng (1); there is also the valuable paper of
Liu Ming-Shu (2).
d By Lu Hsi-Hsiung 4 (editor and compiler), + 1767.
PLATE LXXXV
Fig. 234. The Korean world map of + 1402, HU1I-1 Chiang-Li Li-Tai Kuo Tu chih
Thu (Map of the Territories of the One World and the Capitals of the Countries in
Successive Ages), by Yi Hwei (Li Hui) and Kwon K eun (ChhUan Chin), cf. Fig. 235.
This portion shows the Korean peninsula and, to the left, the coasts of China (from
Aoyama).
PLATE LXXXVI
Fig. 235. North China on the Korean world map of + 1402. The great bends of the Yellow River, marked in
white, can be seen, and the serrated black line of the Great Wall. The large lake in Sinkiang may have indicated
Lop Nor (from Aoyama).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 557
In the third year of the Yung-Lo reign-period ( + 1405), the eunuch Cheng Ho, I commonly
known as the 'Three-Jewel Eunuch', a native of the province of Yunnan, was sent on a
mission to the Western Ocean.
The emperor, under the suspicion that the last emperor of the Yuan dynasty might have
fled beyond the seas, commissioned Cheng Ho, Wang Ching-Hung 2 ,a and others, to pursue
his traces. Bearing vast amounts of gold and other treasures, and with a force of more than
37,000 soldiers under their command, they built great ships, sixty-two in number, and set
sail from Liu-chia-chiang b in the prefecture of Suchow, whence they proceeded by way of
Fukien to Chan-Chheng, and thence on voyages throughout the western seas.
Here they made known the proclamations of the Son of Heaven, and spread abroad the
knowledge of his majesty and goodness. They bestowed gifts upon the kings and rulers, and
those who refused submission they overawed by force. Every country became obedient to
the imperial commands, and when Cheng Ho turned homewards, sent envoys in his train
to offer tribute. The emperor was highly gladdened, and after no long time commanded
Cheng Ho to go overseas once more and scatter largesse among the different States. On this,
the number of those who presented themselves before the throne grew ever greater. Cheng
Ho was commissioned on no less than seven embassies, and thrice he made prisoners of foreign
chiefs. His exploits were such as no eunuch before him, from the days of old, had equalled.
At the same time, the different peoples, attracted by the profit of Chinese merchandise,
enlarged their mutual intercourse for purposes of trade, and there was uninterrupted going
to and fro. Thus it came to pass that in those days' the Three-Jewel Eunuch who went down
into the West' (San Pao Thai-Chien hsia hsi-yang 3 ) became a proverbial expression; and all
who, in after times, were sent as bearers of commissions to the countries by sea, were wont
to impress the outer nations with the name of Cheng Ho. Yet, as regards China, the treasure
that was lavished on these undertakings brought no profit in return; while, of the soldiers
in the expeditions, many perished by shipwreck or were cast away in distant lands, so that
the number who returned, after nearly a score of years had elapsed, was not more than one
or two in ten. c
By a fortunate discovery of recent years, we are enabled to gain a glimpse of how these
things seemed to Cheng Ho and his companions. In 1937 Wang Po-Chhiu discovered
a stele in Chhang-Io, Fukien, which bears an inscription of sailors' gratitude to a Taoist
goddess, dedicated at the New Year in + 1432, just before the seventh and last
expedition weighed anchor.
The imperial Ming dynasty, in unifying seas and continents, surpasses the Three Dynasties,
and goes even beyond the Han and the Thang. The countries beyond the horizon and at the
ends of the earth have all become subjects, and to the most westerly western, or to the most
northerly northern countries, however far they may be, the distances and routes may be
calculated. Thus the barbarians from beyond the seas, though their lands are truly distant,
have come to audiences bearing precious objects and presents.
The emperor, approving of their loyalty and sincerity, has ordered us (Cheng Ho) and
others, at the head of several tens of thousands of officers and troops, to embark upon more
than a hundred large ships, in order to go and confer presents on them, thus to make manifest
a Cheng Ho's vice-admiral. b Near present Shanghai.
c Ch. 102, tr. Mayers (3), mod. The last sentence is, of course, orthodox Confucian anti-eunuch
propaganda.
55 8 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
the transforming power of the (imperial) virtue, and to show kind treatment to distant
peoples. From the third year of the Yung-Lo reign-period (+ 1405) till now, we have
seven times received the commission of ambassadors to the countries of the Western Ocean.
The barbarian countries which we have visited are: by way of Chan-Chheng (Champa),
Chao-Wa (Java), San-Fo-Chhi (Palembang) and Hsien-Lo (Siam), crossing straight over
to Hsi-Lan-Shan (Ceylon) in South India, Ku-Li (Calicut) and Kho-Chih (Cochin),a we
have gone to the western regions Hu-Lo-Mo-Ssu (Hormuz),b A-Tan (Aden), and Mu-Ku-
Tu-Shu (Mogadishiu, in Africa).c All together more than thirty countries large and small.
We have traversed more than one hundred thousand li of immense water spaces, and have
beheld in the ocean huge waves like mountains rising sky-high. We have set eyes on barbarian
regions far away hidden in a blue transparency of light vapours, while our sails, loftily
unfurled like clouds, day and night continued their course with starry speed, breasting the
savage waves as if we were treading a public thoroughfare. Truly this was due to the majesty
and the good fortune of the Court, and moreover we owe it to the protecting virtue of the
Celestial Spouse (Thien Fei I).
The power of the goddess, having indeed been manifested in previous times, has been
abundantly revealed in the present generation. In the midst of the rushing waters it happened
that, when there was a hurricane, suddenly a divine lantern was seen shining at the mast-
head, and as soon as that miraculous light appeared the danger was appeased, so that even
in the peril of capsizing one felt reassured and that there was no cause for fear .... d
The discovery of this and other similar inscriptions is all the more valuable as for some
reason or other the official records in the imperial archives subsequently disappeared.
Nevertheless, the expeditions gave rise to four books of great importance, which
have been analysed by Pelliot (2). The earliest was the Hsi-Yang Fan Kuo Chih z
(Record of the Barbarian Countries in the Western Ocean) by Kung Chen J in + 1434;
quickly followed by the Hsing Chha Sheng Lan 4 (Triumphant Visions of the Starry
Raft)e by Fei Hsin s in + 1436-both of these men had been among Cheng Ho's
officers. Then came the turn of one of the Chinese Muslim interpreters, Ma Huan,6
who in + 1451 produced the Ying Yai Sheng Lan 7 (Triumphant Visions of the
Boundless Ocean).f The presence of Ma Huan was particularly natural since it is now
established that Cheng Ho's real family name was Ma, and that he also was of Yunnan
Muslim extraction.g The last of the four books is the Hsi-Yang Chhao Kung Tien Lu 8
a All these places were visited on the first three expeditions (+ 1405 to + 1407, + 1407 to + 1409,
+ 1409 to + I4II). On the third, the ruler of Ceylon (Vlra Alakesvara, sometimes wrongly styled
Vijaya Bahu VI) made difficulties, and was taken in temporary captivity to China.
b The fourth voyage (+ 1413 to + 1415) added Hormuz and the Persian Gulf. On this occasion
Chinese Muslim interpreters were attached to the staff; hence the presence of Ma Huan.
C The last three expeditions (+ 1417 to + 1419, + 1421 to + 1422, + 1431 to + 1433) explored the
east coast of Africa, including Melinda, and brought back, among other things, the giraffe. The eluci-
dation of all these dates is due to Duyvendak (9).
d St Elmo's Fire. ·Tr. Duyvendak (8, II), mod. auct.
e The usual term for ships carrying ambassadors.
f Translations of this famous work are available by Groeneveldt (I); Rockhill (I); Phillips (2);
and Duyvendak (10). It is reproduced in part in TSCC, Pien i tien, chs. 58, 73, 78, 85, 86, 96, 97, 98,
99, 101, 103, 106.
g Liu Ming-Shu (2); Duyvendak (8) .
Fig. Z36. One of the sea-charts from the Wu Pei Chih. Though not printed until + I6zI, these charts
date from the expeditions of Cheng Ho ( + 1405 to + I433). In the above map the coast at the top is that
of western India, that at the bottom representing Arabia. To the left is the opening of the Persian Gulf,
to the right is the entrance to the Red Sea. The Indian Ocean is thus compressed to a schematic corridor
in which sailing tracks are marked with precise compass-bearings and other instructions. Places can be
identified by the numbers Hormuz (86), Muscat (81), Socotra (60), Aden (6z), Bombay (Mahaim) (67).
Alongside each one is given the altitude of the pole-star in chih (finger-breadths); further details on this
and other points of navigation will be found in Sect. Z9J. Such charts as these may be considered
Chinese portolans but they are quite different in type from the portolans of the West (from Phillips).
is at the top, but east, and part of the distortion is in order to squeeze the Indian Ocean
sufficiently to allow of representation within the limits of the size of the book. These
maps have been exhaustively analysed and their place-names identified by
G. Phillips (1); and it is not possible to accept the low estimate of them entertained
by Liu Ming-Shu (2).a Indeed, they correspond, not only in nature, but also in date
(early + 15th century) with the portolan charts of Europe, the only difference being
that they give their compass bearings in words instead of drawing rhumb-lines from
arbitrarily chosen centres. b As to their accuracy, we are indebted for a close examina-
tion to Mills (1) and Blagden, who were both familiar with the coastline of the whole
Malayan peninsula, and formed a high admiration for the precision of the Chinese
sailing directions. Moreover, Mulder (1) has recently considered the material from the
pilot's point of view. Routes are generally given for inner and outer passages where
islands are concerned, sometimes with preferences if outward- or homeward-bound.
Bearings are given by cyclical characters, sometimes doubled, and sometimes with the
addition of the word' red' (tan I) which probably meant' due' south, east or north as
a Rockhill (I) preferred the maps in the + 1564 Yu Ti Tsung Thu' (General World Atlas) by Shih
Ho-Chi,' but they are not comparable. Shih's maps belong to the tradition of Chu Ssu-Pen, in which
the grid covers land but not sea, and though he shows South Africa just as Chu did, correctly enough,
his disposition of islands is very arbitrary.
b • The Chinos ', wrote Mendoza (+ I585), • doo governe their ships by a compass divided into
IZ partes, and doo use no sea cardes, but a brief description of Ruter (Routier), wherewith they doo
navigate and saile . . . .' Of course some of the later Western portolans are of very superior execution.
1ft
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
the case might be. a An accuracy of 5° was general, which is to be considered excellent
for a pilot of + I425.b
There has been some discussion as to possible foreign influence on the Wu Pei Chih
charts, which it now seems safe to take as associated with Cheng Ho's expeditions.
Duyvendak (10) and Pelliot (2) suspect Arabic influence. c Fan Wen-Thao (1) notes
that Shih Pi 1 brought home from Java in the early Yuan period (before + 1297) a map
of the country, and in + 1372 the king of a place which Feng Chheng-Chlin (1) has
identified as Coromandel sent one. The difficulty is, however, that no Arabic portolan
has so far been discovered, and we are therefore very ill-informed about the nautical
charts which the Arabic merchant captains must surely have had. Until this is eluci-
dated it will be hard to decide to what extent the makers of the Chinese charts received
stimuli from Arab sources. We shall return to this subject in the sub-section on
navigation (29fbelow). In the meantime we must be content, with Mills, to take leave
of Cheng Ho as we watch him 'crashing north at a steady six knots' on his last
homeward voyage.
The extensive Arab-Chinese contacts of which we have just been speaking make this
a convenient place to consider the next portion of the whole picture, namely, the role
of the Arabs in the history of cartography.d Their close relation with the Byzantine
world gave them an early contact with the remains of the Hellenistic geographers, and
Ptolemy was available to them from the middle of the +9th century. In the time of
al-Ma'mun's Caliph ate ( + 813 to + 833) new lists of latitudes and longitudes were
prepared. e It was therefore natural that the tradition of quantitative cartography was
never quite lost among the Arabs.
Nevertheless, for the earlier centuries ( + 8th to + 11th) the other tradition, that of
religious cosmography, was very strong if not entirely dominant. Many examples of
Arabic T -0 maps and wheel-maps with climates f are known. There was also a tendency
to greater geometrical schematisation, so that the appearance of the wheel-maps lost
all resemblance to the actual contours of sea and land. These things may be seen in
the albums of K. Miller (4) and of Yusuf Kamal. I reproduce one of the highly
geometrised maps in Fig. 237; it is that of Abu Isi)aq al-Farisi al-I!?takhriabout +95o.g
a Probably standing for tan,' 'single', i.e. 'dead on'. Some markings on the compass were actually
painted red; cf. Sect. z6i below.
b Cf. the studies of Chang Li-Chhien (1) and S. Wada (1). Dumoutier (1) has described an Annamese
'portolan', but we have not had access to his reproduction of it.
c But as Mr J. V. Mills points out to us, the tradition could have been purely Chinese. Chu Ssu-Pen
already showed the sea-routes between Fukien and Manchuria as paths running horizontally across his
charts (see Fuchs (1), pis. 37 and 38).
d This may be studied in Kimble (1), who devotes a special chapter to the' rise and fall' of Muslim
geography; in Beazley (I), vo!. 3, and in the special monograph of Nafis Ahmad (I).
e K. Miller (3) has compared the Arab and Hellenistic values for the degree and the earth's circum-
ference.
f See pp. SZ9ff. above.
g Sarton (I), vo!. I, p. 674; Hitti (I), p. 385; Mieli (I), p. 115.
562 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
The great Sicilian geographer al-IdrIsI made aT-map anda climate-map about + 1154. a
The most ancient Turkish world-map, by Ma}:lmud ibn al-I:Iusain ibn Mu}:lammad
al-KashgharI in + 1074, which shows Khanbaliq (Peking) and Kashgar, is also of the
wheel-type. b Wheel-maps with climate 'latitude' lines were still current in the
+ 13th century, for example, that of ZakarIya' ibn Mu}:lammad al-QazwInIc (+ 1203
to + 1283) figured by Yusuf Kamal. d They compare very poorly with the contem-
Fig. 237. An Arabic wheel-map. that of Abii ISQ!iq al-F!irisl al-IHakhrl and Abii al-Q!isim MUQarnrnad
ibn I:Iauqal (+950 to +970). It clearly shows the strong tendency to geometrical stylisation charac-
teristic of the second period of Arab cartography (Mieli (I) , pp. I IS. 201). In the original. east was at
the top. just as in the T -0 maps of contemporary Latin Europe. but instead of the Earthly Paradise the
Arab scholars knew enough to place in the Furthest East both China and Tibet. Note also how the tip
of Africa points eastwards. a mistake which the Chinese geographers were the first to correct (from
Beazley after Reinaud).
porary Chinese maps which we have been examining. By the + 14th century, how-
ever, the general configuration of the known world was becoming fairly clear. When
in the Lebanon in 1948, I had the privilege of examining a manuscript book written
in his own hand by Na!?Ir ai-DIn al-rusI in + 133 I, and belonging to the collection of
Professor Sami Haddad at Beirut. Entitled Memoranda on Astronomy,e it gives a world-
map on a disc or sphere, with climates for the northern half only (Fig. 238). Like the
a Miller (4). vol. 3. p. 160. For other similar ones see his pp . 131. 135. II6.
b Miller (4). vol. 3. p. 142. C Sarton (I). vol. 2. p . 868.
al-Andalusir~-t_::;;;;:;;;:::;:;;;;;::::::;;::;:;;;I~-"":::;:"'--'=------l,,-\
Hindi-Sln
Persian
Gulf
Hind
Fig. 238. The world-map of al-Tusl (orig. sketch from autograph MS. copy), + 1331.
In comparing the scientific cartography of the Muslims with the Chinese, there are
three chief maps to keep in mind. The first and most famous of these was the world-
map of Abii 'Abdallah al-Sharif al-Idrisi (+ 1099 to + 1166),C made about + 1150 for
Roger 1I, the Norman king of Sicily, and often reproduced in modern works. d This
was fully in the Ptolemaic tradition, using nine parallels of latitude (climates) and
eleven meridians of longitude, but arranged on a projection like Mercator's and
• Beazley (I), vol. 3, opp. p . 521.
b Actually the Arab cartographers invoked a mythical city, Arim or Arym, which was supposed to
be situated on the central meridian of the oikoumene some 10° east of Baghdad. In spite of this, Mecca
was often placed orbocentrically (Wright (I), p. 86). The name Arln seems to derive from the Indian
city of Ujjain in MlIlwll which had been one of the capitals of the + 5th-century Gupta kings and the
site of a famous observatory. Ptolemy had known it as Ozene. Arabic geographers spoke of Arln as
•the cupola of the earth', a phrase which suggests connections with the central mountain of ancient
Indian cosmology.
C Sarton (I), vol. 2, p. 410 ; Mieli (I), p . 198.
d K. Miller (4); Yusuf Kamal (1), vol. 3, p . 867; de Reparaz-Ruiz (1).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
making no attempt to allow for the earth's curvature. a In this respect it resembled
the Chinese grid-maps. AI-IdrlsI made use of a great variety of sources for his informa-
tion about further Asia and Mrica, for example, Ibn Khurdadhbih'sb itineraries of
the Muslim world (+ 9th century) and al-Mas'udI's c descriptions of the East ( + loth).
Kimble expresses surprise at the failure of Latin scholars to make any use of al-IdrlsI's
work, composed though it was at the chronological and geographical focal point of
Islamic and Christian civilisation. From the reproduction here given (Fig. 239),
which may be compared with Fig. 226, the advantage seems to rest with the con-
temporary Chinese grid-map of + II37. Yet early in the next century Abu 'All al-
I:Iasan ibn 'All al-Marrakushld gave a list of 134 coordinate reference-points which
connected geography with astronomy more closely than was ever the case in China.
For although the altitude of the sun or the pole-star fixed the latitude, the Arabs made
more thorough use of the old Hellenistic suggestion of determining the longitude by
comparing the onset times of lunar eclipses.
The two other sets of maps of importance for our argument are essentially grid-
maps constructed not by Chinese but by Muslims. The first of the kind were those
made by Hamdallah ibn abu Bakr al-MustaufI al-QazwlnI (+ 1281 to + 1349)e to
illustrate his Ta'rikh-i-Guzida (Select Chronicle).! AI-MustaufI al-QazwlnI was
certainly in contact with East Asia, since in other works he gives the Mongol equivalents
of plant and animal names. His three maps of Iran are on rectangular grids, and his
two world-maps, though discoidal, have grids (Fig. 240). The manner of inserting
nothing but place-names, without symbols for any physical feature, is identical with
that seen in the Yuan Ching Shih Ta Tien of + 1329 (see above, p. 554). This 'Mongol
style ', if such we might call it, appears again in the maps of I:Iafi~-i Abrug(d. + 143 0 ). h
Most interesting of all, the non-astronomical grid system has even a contemporary
Latin representative. The world-map of Marino Sanuto has already been mentioned, i
but this Italian was responsible also for a map of Palestine, which illustrated his Liber
Secretorum Fidelium Crucis (a kind of Crusader's geography). This mapj dates from
+ 1306 and shows twenty-eight' spatia' ruled from north to south, and eighty-three
'spatia' ruled from east to west (Fig. 241). But this is the solitary example of the use
of a grid by any European before the later portolans and the revival of Ptolemy. It
may not be without significance that it was a map of an Arab country.
The outlines of a possible general scheme of transmission are now becoming clear.k
How far did the Arab attempts at quantitative cartography at the beginning of the
+ 14th century influence the later development of the European portolans? Was Arab
quantitative cartography entirely due to the knowledge of Ptolemy, or was there some
a Kimble (I), p. 57. b Hitti (I), p. 384; Sarton (I), vol. I, p. 606.
C Sarton (I), vol. I, p. 637. d Mieli (I), p. 210; Sarton (I), vol. 2, p. 622.
e Sarton (I), vol. 3, p. 630.
f K. Miller (4), pis. 83, 84, 85, 86; Yusuf Kamal (I), vol. 4, pp. 1255 fT.
Ir Sarton (I), vol. 3, p. 1855.
h K. Miller (4), vol. 3, p. 178 and pis. 72 and 82.
i On him see T. Fischer (I) and Kretschmer (I); Sarton (I), vol. 3, p. 769.
j Reproduced by Yusuf Kamal (I), vol. 4, pp. 1162 fT., esp. p. 1173; Nordenski6ld, pI. VII.
Described by Beazley (I), vol. 3, pp. 309, 391, 521, 529.
k Vemet (I) has also perceived this.
,.
IX
• • •
G Q::ry
~
s9 I
c£9 10.....
0- - .,.
0> .....
t
- 'I", 0
. 1 ~. " • • 1
• • • 1\ ,.1 . _
N I
x IX
taken into account, just as in the Chinese grid-maps. For al-Idrisl China was still an unkno\\n land Raslanda, perhap:>. m('3nt for thl!' F.lt6cs. p~rbp, the on In If the mythlC".,1 I le of I·'ncsland 1n thr
Fig. 239. The world -map of AbO' Abdalliih al-Sharif 0.1- Tdrlsi (c. + 1150), made for Roger lI, King of Atlantic (from K. :\!illcr and Yusuf KUlllll).
behind the V·laB of Gog and l\lagog (left bottom) but lndia (though not marked ss a peninsub) and the
~orm~n Sicily. It may be compared with the contemporary Chinese map of + 1137 (Fig. 226). Here East Indies were better known . To the left of the amoeboid British Isles (right bottom) is the isbnd of
south 18 at the top, and though there are nine parallels and eleven meridians the earth's curvatu re is not
Fig. 240. One of the maps of Iran in the 'Mongolian style', i.e. with no features but grid and place-names, made by Hamdalll1h ibn
abo Bakr al-Mustaufl al-Qazwlnl, c. + 1330, to illustrate his Ta'r!klz-i-Guzlda (Select Chronicle) (from K . Miller and Yusuf Kamal).
PLATE LXXXVIII
Fig. 241. The map of Palestine on the Chinese grid system made by Marino Sanuto to illustrate his Liber Secretorum
Fidelium Crucis (+ 1306) (from Yusuf Kamal).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
stimulus from the grid-maps of China, where the tradition had long been current?
The Arab colony at Canton was certainly well established by the middle of the + 8th
century, and the two following centuries saw the extensive travels in China of Sulaiman
the Merchant and of Ibn Wahb al-Ba!?rLa Then the Mongol conquests of the + 13th
century brought the Arab and Chinese worlds in closest contact. Perhaps Marino
Sanuto was employing a characteristic Chinese practice without knowing it.
Only one major component of the overall picture remains to be described, namely, the
existence of a tradition of religious cosmography in East Asia. This was not recognised
by former sinologists but has been established in recent researches, especially by
Nakamura (I). Essentially, this type of map is centred on the legendary mountain in
Central Asia or the north of Tibet, Mt Khun-Lun; 1 west of which are unknown
regions, while to the east Korea, China, Indo-China and India form a series of pro-
montory-continents extending into the eastern oceans. Around these outer seas there
is a ring-continent itself surrounded by further ocean. Quite a number of these maps
have been published, as by Courant,b Cordier c (Fig. 242), Yi Ik-Seup(I), Hulbert(l)
and Rosetti (I), as well as N akamura himself. They are particularly frequent in Korea,
where they occur as woodcuts, manuscripts and paintings on screens. Though they
undoubtedly represent archaic tradition , paradoxically most of them are of late date
(17th and 18th centuries). Nakamura showed, however, that many legendary names
of countries taken from the Shan Hai Ching appear on them (110 out of 145), while
others come from the Yu Kung chapter of the Shu Ching, the Mu Thien Tz u Chuan,
Lieh Tzu, etc. Often there are annotations in the corners copied straight out of Huai
Nan Tzu. No place-name later than the + 11th century has been seen on any of them.
There can be no reason for doubting that the Koreans received this tradition from
China, though it seems never to have been so popular there. Herrmann reproduces d
a Chinese map of exactly this type dating from + 1607 by Jen Chhao. e There is
another in the Thu Shu Pien 2 (On Maps and Books)f of +1 562 by Chang Huang,3
entitled Ssu Hai Hua I Tsung Thu 4 (Complete Map of China and the Barbarian Lands
within the Four Seas). This again has Mt Khun-Lun in the centre. g The compiler
says:
This map is copied from a Buddhist work. It represents Jambudvlpa (the oikoumene)
within the four oceans of the universe . ... Although this map, taken from the Fo Tsu Thung
Chi, does not clearly represent the shape of the world, I give it here. Such Buddhist attempts
are not as a rule convincing. a
This note is of much interest, since it indicates the Buddhist-Taoist nature of the
tradition, and the low value in which it was held by scholars who knew the scientific
tradition of Phei Hsiu. The Fa Tsu Thung Chi l (Records of the Lineage of Buddha
and the Patriarchs) still exists in the Tripitaka; b it is due to a monk Chih-Phan Z and
dates from + 1270. Its cosmographical content seems to go back, through +7th-
century intermediates of which only the names are known, to the Ssu Hai Pai Chhiian
Shui Yuan Chi J (Record of the Sources of the Four Seas, and the Hundred Rivers)
with maps, prepared by another monk, Tao-An,4 in + 347.
It is just about this time that we have a text which is perhaps the principal literary
reference to this wheel-map tradition. It occurs in the Han Wu Ti Nei Chuan (Inside
Story of the Emperor Han Wu Ti), a Taoist work of the Chin period attributed to
Ko Hung. Ogawa (1) drew attention to this, but without seeing its proper relevance.
The emperor is on a visit to the legendary goddess of the West, Hsi Wang Mu.
On this occasion the emperor also saw certain baskets in which there were small books
bound in purple silk. He asked whether these contained the techniques of the holy immortals,
and if he could be allowed to glance at them. Hsi Wang Mu took them out, and showed
one of them to him, saying, 'This is the Wu Yo Chen Hsing Thu 5 (Map of the True Topo-
graphy of the Five Sacred Mountains). Only yesterday all the immortals from Chhing-
Chheng 6 Mountain c came to me asking for it, so I shall have to give it to them. It was made
by San-Thien Thai-Shang Tao-Chiin 7 (The Highly Exalted Taoist Adept of the Three
Heavens)d and it is extremely secret and important. How could so gross a person as you be
fit to carry it? I will bestow upon you instead the Mysteriously Shining Scripture of Life
(Ling Kuang Seng Ching 8 ) so that you may communicate with the spirits and strengthen
your will (to immortality).'
But the emperor, prostrating himself, insisted on having the map. Hsi Wang Mu then
said: 'Formerly, in the 1st year of the Shang-Huang Chhing-Hsii 9 reign-period, e San-Thien
Thai-Shang Tao-Chiin went down to see the wide world, and investigated the differences
of lengths and breadths among the rivers and seas. He also observed the differences of
height among the hills and mountains. Then he established the (position of the) Pillar of
Heaven (Thien Chu 10) f and arranged the geographical features in their positions all around
it. Then he placed (on the map) the five mountains (in a manner) imitated from the method
1 f*ilI.a1f*B 3gg~alll7lti&t~
S3i.~~~1II 73;RxJ:iI:8
9J:~m-"
PLATE LXXXIX
Fig. 242. Religious cosmography in East Asia; an 18th-century Korean MS. wheel-
map in the Buddhist tradition centred on Khun-Lun Shan (equivalent of Mt
Meru) and entitled Ssu Hai Tsung Thu (Comprehensive Chart of the Four Seas) .
umerous islands are shown in the oceans, and many countries in the ring-continent.
At east and west there are two islands each with a Tree of the Sun and Moon; cf.
the' Arbores Solis et Lunae' appearing in the east at the top of Figs. 213 and 228
above. Cf. the' Insula Solis' in the same position in Fig. 212 . North is here at the
top, and north of the central plain of China (Chung Yuan) the line of the Great
Wall can be seen crossing the Yellow River (from Cordier, 3).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
of concentric zones (i.e. taking one as central and disposing the others symmetrically) (chih
wu yo erh ni chu chenfu ' ). The position of honour (the central position) was given to Mt Khun-
Lun, where the dwellings of the immortals were depicted. An important position was also
given to the island mountain of Pheng-Lai a where the halls of the spirits were shown. The
Water of An2 (the moon?) was written in as very holy and sublime, since it is the origin of
the extreme Yin influence. The Thai Ti 3 (Great Emperor, i.e. the sun?) was similarly placed
in the wilderness where the Fu-Sang tree is.b A little hill no bigger than ten feet square can
be the place where human fates are decided. A small island in the stormy sea has enough
room for the Nine Sages. Each continent C has its proper name .. .. All of them are located
in an orderly manner in the huge environing ocean with its tremendous waves. The rivers
are also seen flowing (on the map), some green and some black. The assembly of spirits is
depicted cradled on the waves; all the immortals and jade girls are gathered there. Some of
their names are hardly known, but their real features are distinctly displayed. Thus by the
use of the compass and the square the rivers and their upper reaches were measured, and
the mountains drawn with circularly curving lines (phan chhii 4). The mountain-ranges bend
back upon themselves and the smaller hills wander back and forth (ling hui fou chuan 5). The
height of the mountains and the extent of their slopes (shan hao lung chhang 6 ) are shown by
lines. turning and curving (chou hsiian wei she 7 ). Indeed, they look like written characters
(hsing ssu hua tzu 8). Thus the written names of the mountains were determined by their
respective natural shapes, and the reality of the mountains is enshrined in symbols. d The
diagrams of the shapes (of the mountains) were kept secret in Yuan-Thai,9 but when they
were taken out they served as charms and talismans among the immortals. By their aid,
Taoists can pass safely over all mountains and rivers. The hundred gods and the assembly
of immortals showed the greatest respect for this map and acclaimed it. Although you are
not their equal, you have often visited mountains and marshes, you have the heart of an
eager seeker after truth, and you have not lost sight of the Tao. I rejoice that this is so, and
now therefore I will give you the map. Keep it, I enjoin you, with as much care as men show
to their lords and their parents. For if the secrets of it should leak out to ordinary people,
evil fortune will overtake you.' e
There can thus be no doubt that we have to do with a mixed Buddhist-Taoist tradi-
tion of religious cosmography, analogous to that of Europe, but with Mt Khun-Lun
as orbocentric instead of Jerusalem. Its connection with the protective charms of the
Taoists is interesting-Pao Phu Tzu, chapter 17, is entirely concerned with this sub-
ject, and I reproduce one of Ko Hung's numerous diagrams (ju shan fu 10) which seems
to depict at least four of the five symmetrical mountains (Fig. 243). Among the
Tunhuang manuscripts at the British Museum, there is a Shou Shou Wu Yo Yuan
Fall (The Received Method of Drawing the Circles of the Five Mountains).! But it
would take us too far from the present argument to follow this further.
a Cf. Sect. 13C in Vol. z, p. Z40. b Cf. Granet (I). Suns hung like fruits on a mythical tree.
C Cf. the ideas of Tsou Yen (Sect. 13C in Vol. Z, p. Z36) .
d Now we can understand the idea behind the Taoist' tallies' and charms which would protect
adepts who had to cross wild mountains. Bearing in their hands the very essences of the topographic
pattern, they would be immune from any evils which the spirit of the mountain, if not understood,
might do them (cf. Sect. 10 in Vol. z, esp. p. 140).
• Tr. auct. f British Museum, Stein no. 3750.
I ~3i$ifiiIlUUaM 2:lC*
61l1illiMlA 7 m~~rt
IIN3'C3i~IlIl*
568 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
The cosmography of Tsou Yen in the - 4th century had, as we have seen, a an
environing ocean, though not a central mountain. So also did that of the Kai Thien
astronomical theorists. b When Yung Heng,I therefore, in the Sung, says in his Sou
Tshai I Wen Lu 2 (Collection of Strange Things Heard)C that' in the east, north and
south there are seas with different names, but actually it is all one sea', he was not
necessarily influenced by the wheel-map tradition, though this may be a reference to
it. However, the Ho Thu Wei Kua Ti Hsiang (one of the apocryphal or weft classics)
saysd that the Khun-Lun Mountain is in the centre of the earth, corresponding to
heaven, and that the eighty regions are scattered all around it (pu jao chih 3). China is
in the south-east and occupies only one of these regions. If
this was written towards the end of the later Han, one can
perhaps see in it the combination of the indigenous world-
picture deriving from Tsou Yen with that which came from
India. e
Obviously everything points to an Indian origin of these
wheel-maps; and perhaps of all wheel-maps a Babylonian
one.! A glance at the work of Kirfel on the cosmography
of the Indians shows immediately that in Buddhist and Jain
ideas, long before our era, there were four continents centring • •
upon Mt Meru (Uttarakuru in the north, Piirvavideha in the
east, Jambiidvlpa in the south, and Aparagoyana in the
west). Brahmanic tradition also has the ring-continent,
I <> I
Fig. 243. A Taoist talisman
I
modified by what were perhaps echoes of Greek 'climates'. from Ko Hung's Pao Phu
The classical literary exposition of this cosmography is that Tzu, c. + 300, intended to
protect those who wandered
of the Abhidharma-kosa (bk. 3) ,g probably composed about through wild mountains, and
+ 370. Crystallised in stone by the Khmer people, builders perhaps a crude diagrammatic
representation of their dis-
+h
of t h e ( 9t century) Ph nom Bakh en b etween A ngkor Vat position.
and Angkor Thorn, it is still one of the wonders of the
world. h One can hardly doubt that this cosmographic tradition came into China with
Buddhism, perhaps joining earlier indigenous conceptions of Mt Khun-Lun as central.
But never did it triumph over the tradition of scientific cartography there, as its
analogue did in Europe.
f,
N!
W
'-----l-~-:--------------~' cr~ ..
Fig. 244. Chinese survey methods; a reel of measuring tape (from the
Suan Fa Thung Tsung of + 1593).
It seems quite safe to assume that by the beginning of the Han, the Chinese were
in possession of the simple and ancient survey instruments which had been known to
the Babylonians and Egyptians. a As we have seen,b the astronomical use of the
gnomon goes back to the earliest Chou or Shang times, and it could not have been set
up without the use of the water-level and the plumb-line. Ropes, cords (Fig. 244) or
chains must also have been used, together with graduated poles (Fig. 245). One of the
earliest literary references to calculations of surveyors in the field may be that in the
a From the considerable literature on ancient surveying methods, I will refer only to the paper of
Lyons (2) on ancient Egyptian, and of Waiters (I) on Greek and Roman, instruments. For the Middle
Ages and the Renaissance there is now a valuable book by Kiely (I) and an excellent study of topo-
graphical maps by Price (7). b Pp. 284ff. above.
570 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Fig. 245. Chinese survey methods; apparatus figured in the Wu Ching Tsung Yao (Collection of the most
important Military Techniques) by Tseng Kung-Liang ( + 1044). To the left a graduated vertical pole
(tu kan) and a surveyor with his sighting-board (chao pan); to the right a water-level (shui phing) with
three floating sights and two plumb-lines (Chhien chi, ch. I I). The text of the description of these
instruments in Tseng's book follows verbally that of a much earlier work, the Thai Pai Yin Ching
(Manual of the White and Gloomy Planet of War) written by Li ChhUan in +759.
Shan Hai Ching, a where Yii the Great orders two of his legendary assistants (Ta Chang I
and Shu Hai 2) to pace out the size of the world. Shu Hai, says the text, held the
counting-rods in his right hand (yu shou pa suan 3) and pointed to the north with his
left. This, at any rate, gives a glimpse of late Chou or early Han surveyors. Similarly,
the Chou Li speaksb of the compass and square, the plumb-line and water-level (kuei,4
ChU,5 hsien,6 shui phing 7 ) in more than one place. c
a Ch. 9, p. 3a. b Ch. II, p. 15b (ch. 40, p. 52; tr. Biot (I), vo\. 2, p. 481).
C Cf. Mbtg Tzu, IV (I), i, 5.
'**
,7ItlP-
2ft~ 61\!i
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 57!
One of the developed forms of the plumb-line was the groma,a associated with Rome
and Hellenistic Egypt, but possibly of older origin. It consisted of two sets of plumb-
lines fixed at right angles and arranged to turn round a vertical axis. One pair could
be used for sighting and the other to determine the direction at right angles. It seems
that the Chinese of the Han also used this instrument-the Khao Kung Chi section
of the Chou Li saysb that the builders (Chiang Jen I) 'level the ground (by the use of)
water (-levels), and suspend (plumb-lines) (shui ti i hsien 2 ).' Then 'they test the
verticality of posts, gnomons or poles, by the plumb-line (chih yeh i hsien 3).' To
the first of these phrases the + 2nd-century commentary of Cheng Hsiian says that' at
the four corners (of an instrument) four straight (lines) hang over the water, and (the
surveyors) observe with this the high and the low; when this has been decided the
ground can be levelled'. c
Other names for the water-level were chun 4 (which may be an ancient pictogram
of the instrument), shui hings (the ' water balance'),d and shui nieh. 6 Fig. 245, taken
from the Wu Ching Tsung Yao (Collection of the most important Military Techniques),
by Tseng Kung-Liang in + 1044, shows what seems at first to be a kind of plane table
or altitude theodolite. But the description shows that it is a trough with three floats,
each bearing a fiducial sight. e The other important invention of Hellenistic antiquity,
besides the groma, was the dioptra of Heron of Alexandria (c. + 65). This was the
ancestor of the altazimuth theodolite of today, but how nearly its actual use approxi-
mated to that of the latter is a point of some doubt (Lyons, 2). That the Chinese used
sighting-tubes (wang thung 7 ) from the Han period or earlier has already been indicated
above.! I have not, however, come across any early descriptions which would suggest
that it was mounted on a graduated quadrant, except, of course, in the special case of
armillary rings. If these were already coming into use in the - 4th century, it is hard
to believe that the advantages of an azimuthal quadrant mounting for surveying would
not have been appreciated. The surveyor's sighting-tube shown in Fig. 146 is mounted
for altitudes.
A good deal has already been saidg of the practical geometry set forth by Liu Hui
(cf. Fig. 246) in his Hai Tao Suan Ching (+263),h and we have noted i the significant
fact that he and Phei Hsiu were contemporaries. Teng Ai,S a general of the Wei State,
was also living at that time, and it is recorded of him that whenever he saw a high
mountain or a broad marsh, he always' estimated the heights and distances, measuring
a Singer (2), p. 113 .
b Ch. 12, p . lsa (ch. 43, p . 19; Biot (1), vol. 2, p . 553). Cf. p. 231 above.
C Chiang Yung, in his commentary on the Khao Kung Chi section (Chou Li J I Chi; Ya0 9 ), deals
with the matter in some detail (ch. 7, p. 6b) .
d Cf. Schlegel (5), p. 408.
e Another good iltustration of this is in the late Chhing Hsiu Fang So Chih 10 (Brief Memoir on Dyke
Repairs), by Li Shih-Lu. I I
f P. 33 2 • The reference to it in Huai Nan Tzu will be remembered.
g P. 31 above. h Tr. van Hee (7, 8).
I P. 540 above.
11
...
i
Ji
Fig. 246. An illustration of survey geometry from the Thu Shu Chi Chhbtg; measuring
the height of an island crag (Li fa tien, ch. 122).
by finger-breadths, before drawing a plan of the place and fixing the position of his
camp ' .a The account adds that people used to laugh at him for being so particular.
But the remark is interesting as showing how widespread in the + 3rd century were
survey techniques involving, for the most part, the properties of similar right-angled
triangles.
Perhaps the most important survey instrument of the European Middle Ages was
a Wei Chih ' (in San Kuo Chih), ch. 28, p. 17b, quoted in TPYL, ch. 335, p. 2a.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 573
the baculum, cross-staff, or Jacob's staff. a In its simplest form it was a graduated rod
about 4 ft. long, of rectangular cross-section, and having a cross-piece which could
slide along this while remaining at right angles to it. Measurements of a distant line
which could not be reached and paced were made by standing approximately half-
way along it at different distances from it, and sighting the two ends of the line past
each end of the cross-piece. The dimensions of the staff being known, and also the
distance between the observer's positions, the length of the line could be calculated b
Fig. 247. The use of Jacob's Staff; an illustration from the De Re et Praxi Geometrica
by Oronce Fine (Paris, + 1556).
(see Fig. 247). The accepted view is that this simple device was first described by the
Provens:al Jewish scholar, Levi ben Gerson ( + 1288 to + 13#), in 132I.c It certainly
a D . E. Smith (I), vol. 2, p. 346; Lloyd Brown (I), p. 182; Feldhaus (I), col. 543; Taylor (3,4,5).
Some, like the writer, may have come across Thomas Bancroft's epitaph on William Holorenshaw :
Lo in small closure of this earthly bed
Rests he who heaven's vast motions measured,
Who, having known both of the land and sky,
More than famed Archimed, or Ptolemy,
Would further press, and like a Palmer went,
With Jacob's Staff, beyond the firmament.
b The instrument had other uses, for instance, it could measure altitudes of celestial bodies.
c See Sarton (I), vol. 3, pp. 129, 600. One form of it had of course been described by Ptolemy
(Almagest, v, 14) and Pappus (Commentary, v), under the name of the dioptra, but it was only capable
of measuring very small angles. The diameter of the sun was obtained by its aid. We are indebted to
Dr Derek Price for a reminder of this. Ptolemy's' triquetrum' (cf. above, p. 373) was also an allied
instrument. When one of its limbs was freed from the vertical zenith-pointing position by ai-Kind! in
+ 9th-century Baghdad, it became essentially a quadrant without a graduated arc, and could be used to
measure the angular distances of any two stars, not only the zenith distances of stars at culmination.
AI-Kindl's description has been translated by Wiedemann (9), and the fact that the manuscript in
question was copied as late as + 1212 suggests that the instrument was then still being found useful.
By making two observations from different positions in a straight line, the heights or lengths of distant
terrestrial objects could also be ascertained, and this use was also described by ai-Kind!. But all these
instruments had actual material limbs along the lines of sighting; the turning-point came when some-
one appreciated the simple fact that the cross-piece of a cross-bow, if equipped with sights at each end
and made to slide on the butt, would do just as well. On Levi ben Gerson and the cross-staff see also
Steinschneider (4), pp. 248, 270.
574 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
lasted a long time, till about + 1594, when it was replaced by the backstaff of John
Davis. a This in its turn gave place in the + 18th century to reflecting instruments,
which were the direct forerunners of the modern sextant. It would be natural to
assume, then, that knowledge of the cross-staff reached the Chinese through Arab
contacts in the' + 15th century, if not indeed still later through the Jesuits. b Similarly,
it has been supposed c that the use of cross-wires in sighting-tubes or alidades was
introduced to China by the visit of Jamal aI-DIn in + 1267. The Yuan Shih, however,d
speaks only of holes taking the place of the sighting-tube in his armillary sphere, and
of two sighting-tubes embodied in his triquetrum instrument (tshe chhiI).e
The following remarkable passage from Shen Kua shows that the cross-staff was
known already in the + IIth century, in the Sung, and that the cross-wire grid had an
ancestry as far back as the Han. This is what he says:
When I once dug in the garden of a house at Haichow, I unearthed a crossbow trigger-
mechanism (or, a crossbow-like instrument). On looking at the whole breadth of a mountain,
the distance on the instrument was long; on looking at a small part of the mountain-side, the
distance on the instrument was short (because the cross-piece had to be pushed further away
from the eye, and the graduation started from the further end) (chhi wang shan shen chhang,
wang shan chih tshe wei hsiao tuan 2). The (stock of the crossbow) was like a rule (chhih 3) with
graduations in inches and tenths of an inch. The idea of it was that by (placing) an arrow
(tsu 4 ) (across it at different points) and looking past the two ends of the arrow (mu chu tsu
tuan s) one could measure the degree (tu 6 ) of the mountain on the instrument, and in this
way calculate its height. This is the same as the method of similar right-angled triangles (kou
ku 7) of the mathematicians.
Now the Thai Chia 8 chapter f (of the Shu Ching) speaks of a man with his bow drawn and
his finger on the trigger' aiming at the target (wang hsing 9) embraced in the graduations (tu 6)
(of his sights), and so letting fly '. I suppose that this degree system (tu 6 ) was something like
the graduations on the crossbow-instrument just described.
Then in the Han time (Liu) Chhung, Prince of Chhen (Chhen Wang Chhung 10) was very
skilful with the crossbow; he could hit the bulls-eye with a hundred per cent score. His
method was: g , Thien fu ti tsai, tshan lien wei chi, san wei san hsiao, san wei wei ching, san hsiao
wei wei, yao tsai chi ya.' 11 These words are (at first sight) rather obscure and difficult to
understand. 'Thien fu ti tsai' (Heaven covers and the Earth sustains) probably refers to the
motions of the hands in holding the crossbow, one in front and one behind. The next four
characters (' tshan lien wei chi') refer to the position of the arrow (tsu 4) (used as cross-piece)
J m~ • ;It ~
llJ :& ~ ~ llJ Z ru ~ 'J- ~ 3 R
5§i£~~ 6 Jr '-ro a 8 .x1fl 0tt.1t
JI 7dfl i1l! ~ ~~~ ~ 3 tt 3 'J- 3 tt ~ j~. 3 'J- ~ ~ ;:: ~ tI :If
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 575
in relation to the degrees marked (on the stock), and this position in turn depends upon the
distance of the target. This is the' Triple Connection' (tshan lien 1) ; it is like a steelyard or
balance (and with it the proper elevation of the crossbow can be assessed). It is exactly the
same principle as the use of similar right-angled triangles for the measurement of heights and
depths. The' san ehing san wei' (three lengthwise and three crosswise; i.e. a grid or cross-wire
sights) are set up on the frame (pheng 2 ) (or, as if a framework), and by means of them (the
archer) can mark his target, whether high or low, to the right or to the left.
I once arranged such a 'three lengthwise and three crosswise' (grid) on a crossbow, and
also sighted the target with the cross-piece arrow, and the result was that my shots were
successful seven or eight times out of ten. If graduations are added on the trigger-mechanism
(itself), the accuracy will be still further improved. a
The significance of this passage, written about + 1085, is that in Europe the cross-
staff was also known as the crossbow or arbalest, and may plausibly be supposed to
have developed from that particular propulsive mechanism. Now, as we shall see
later,b the crossbow was much more ancient and widespread in China than in Europe.
It seems to have been introduced from the East twice, first for artillery use only, in
Hellenistic and early Byzantine times, and then in the + I Ith century for what became
a period of crossbow dominance. Hence an application to surveying at the time of
Levi ben Gerson or somewhat before, would be natural. In China, on the other hand,
it formed the standard weapon of the Han armies, and was in continuous use from
the - 4th century onwards. c Could this fact have had something to do with a superiority
in survey methods which assisted the continuity of grid cartography after Phei Hsiu?
In any case, Shen Kua certainly had in his hands a crossbow-like instrument with
graduated divisions for the measurement of heights, breadths and distances. This is
what we saw that Phei Hsiu considered so necessary as one of his' Essentials of Map-
Making' .d Shen Kua further believed that the sighting techniques of the Prince of
Chhen nine hundred years before had also involved an instrument with a stock
graduated for use as a cross-staff. That Liu Chhung and other Han marksmen used
cross-wire grid sights is well assured from other evidence e but the epigram does not
attest the use of the cross-staff at that time, as Shen Kua thought, and if it was not
known then it was certainly not known in the Shu ehing period. The time of Phei Hsiu
himself would be a reasonable guess for its introduction.
If the cross-staff was really first developed in China, and afterwards found its way to
Europe, the association with Levi ben Gerson suggests that its transmission may have
been effected through Jewish circles.! The probable role of Hebrew travellers and
merchants in carrying ideas and techniques between East Asia and Western Europe
a Meng Chhi Pi Than, ch. 19, para. 13, tr. auct. Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vol. 2, p. 635.
b In Sect. 30e on military technology.
C It was even developed in the Sung, as we shall see, into a repeating weapon of machine-gun type
(Sect. 30e).
d P. 540 above.
e On this see Sect. 30e below.
f See Addendum on p . 681 below.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
has already been noted, a and we shall find another possible example of their influence
in a topic in Section 27 c on engineering. b
A passage on the application of survey methods to cartography is also contained in
the Meng Chhi Pi Than:
As for the geographical books (writes Shen Kua) there was formerly a Fei Niao Thu [
(Bird's-Eye Map)c but we do not know who its author was. The Fei Niao system may be
explained as follows. As roads and paths are sometimes winding and sometimes straight,
without any definite rule, if a walker starts out in anyone of the four directions from a given
point along a path, his pacing will not help us to get the direct distance. Therefore what we
call 'straight lines in the four directions' (ching chih ssu chih 2) have to be measured by other
methods, just as a bird can fly in a straight line unaffected by the convolutions of mountains
and rivers.
I recently made a map ofthe counties and prefectures (Shou Ling Thu 3) d on a scale (fen lii 4) of
2 inches for 100 li. I used the methods of chun wang S (rectangular grid), hu yung 6 (mutual
inclusions),- phang yen 7 (checking from the side),! kao hsia 8 (heights and depths), fang
hsieh 9 (right angles and acute angles), and yu chih [0 (curved and straight lines). With these
seven methods one can work out the distances as a bird would fly them. The finished map
had fang yu ll (four-cornered, square, divisions) strictly to scale (yuan chin chih shih[2). Then
the four (azimuth) directions and the eight positions may be increased to twenty-four,
these being designated by the twelve cyclical signs, eight of the denary series of cyclical
signs, and four of the kua (trigrams). Thus later generations with the help of my recorded
data, and using the twenty-four directions, will be able to reconstruct the map showing
the positions of districts and towns without the slightest mistake, even if the original copies
should be lost. g
This statement is of particular interest, for it suggests rather strongly that towards
the end of the + 11th century Chinese cartographers were recording compass-bearings,
as in modern ordnance surveys. It will be remembered that elsewhere in the same
book we have the earliest definite reference to the magnetic needle in any literature. h
Maps of the kind here described by Shen Kua may therefore have resembled the
Mediterranean portolans of three centuries later, where a series of compass roses are
accompanied by a network of approximate meridians and parallels. i But in + 1085
a In Sect. 13 e, f (VoJ. 2, pp. 278, 297 above), concerning the passage of philosophical ideas, tables
of categories, and the like.
b The invention of the Cardan suspension.
c Or 'As-the-Crow-Flies' Map, suggested the late Prof. A. C. Moule. Shen Kua is perhaps alluding
to the maps of Chang Heng (see above, p. 538).
d Other texts assembled by Hu Tao-Ching (1), voJ. 2, pp. 991 fr. show that this map was imperially
commissioned in + 1076 and presented in + 1087.
e This technical term is not one of Phei Hsiu's, but it may well refer to similar right-angled triangles,
and is perhaps an extension of his taG li (cf. p. 539 above). Cf. Hai Tao Suan Ching, problems 1-6. Hu
Tao-Ching's text reads ya yung."
f Again, this technical term is not one of Phei Hsiu's. Cf. Hai Tao Suan Ching, problems 7 and 9.
g Pu Appendix, ch. 3, para. 6, tr. auct.
h Cf. Sect. 26i below.
i Chu Kho-Chen (4) and Wang Chen-To (5), p . 114, concur.
This serves to remind us of another point of social importance, namely, the stimulus
which the characteristic water conservancy works of China must have given to the art
of cartographic survey.d Many problems of this kind are contained in Chhin Chiu-
Shao's mathematical work of + 1247, the Shu Shu Chiu Chang (Figs. 248 and 249).
The question may be raised whether the hodometer or taximeter carriage was used
to any extent by the ancient and medieval Chinese cartographers. The simple applica-
tion of gear-wheels involved has already been alluded to in Section 71 on culture
contacts, e where it was pointed out that the first references to hodometers in China are at
least as early as those in Europe. They go back to Prince Tan of Yen ( - 240 to - 226)
a Cf. p . 560 above. b Yu Hai. ch. 14, p. 37b.
C Meng Chhi Pi Than, ch. 25, para. 8, tr. auct. Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vo!. 2, pp. 795ft'.
d Cf. the abiding interest shown by Phei Hsiu and others in everything connected with the Yii
Kung.
e Vo!. I, pp. 152. 195. 229. 232 above.
Fig. 248. Plan of an irrigation survey problem by Chhin Chiu-Shao, + 1247 (Shu Shu Chiu Chang,
ch. 6). The total length of the p arallel canal is given as 118 li or 59 km. The irrigated fields are marked
with the character thien, the major river dyke is called an, and the minor dykes chheng. Cartographical
accuracy comes second in these representations to geometrical formalisation.
'./-;
.).
,l ./
~
~~~
-J.-
~
~ I ~
~ _d.!J ·I ~
;- i+
if: \:;t1~~'I+.q~~.,'+ I
ji.~
Fig. 249. Sung Ching-Chhang's reconstruction of the preceding problem in his Shu Shu Chiu Chang
Cha Chi (1842), ch. 3. He draws the map with closer approach to reality and inserts further details such
as the sluice-gate (tau men) at the entrance to the parallel canal, and the smaller lateral derivates (hsiao
chiang). The main canal runs along! li away from the river and takes 2! li to reach that position.
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 579
and to Han Yen-Shou (between - 140 and -70). The proper place for the main
discussion of the hodometer (called chi li ku chhe, I 'mile-counting drum carriage ')
will be in Section 27 c on engineering, but in view of the fact that Chinese map-making
must have involved so much dead-reckoning, one cannot help wondering whether
such men as Chang Heng, Phei Hsiu and Chia Tan did not make some use of it. The
Renaissance cartographers seem to have done so. Lloyd Brown reproduces a an
illustration of a surveyor's carriage with a dial-recording hodometer from Paul
Pfintzing's Methodus Geometrica of + 1598. The French physician Jean Femel had
in the same century measured a meridian line between Amiens and Paris by the use of a
hodometer.b However, no Chinese text has yet come to light which demonstrates the
employment of this device by the cartographers. In steppe or plain country, if not in
mountainous regions, it could have been helpful.
We shall also examine in the appropriate place the famous' south-pointing carriage'
(ting nan chhe 2 ), which was a more elaborate application of gearing principles. This was
probably invented in the Han, and could conceivably have been of cartographic value
in open regions where the ground was not too broken, though one has the impression
that it belonged to the mechanical arcana of the emperor and was not capable of much
practical use. Again, we have not found any text which would relate it to map-making.
Shen Kua must therefore take an important place in the history of relief maps, as of
other aspects of geography.b But there are further records of Sung scholars interested
in the relief technique. About + 1130, Huang Shang l made a wooden relief map,c
and this attracted the attention of the great Neo-Confucian, Chu Hsi, who requested
his friend Li Chi-Chang 2 in a letter to try and find it.d Chu Hsi himself constructed
relief maps in sticky clay (chiao niJ) as well as in wood. Lo Ta-Ching 4 records in his
Ho Lin Yii Lu S (Jade Dew from the Forest of Cranes) a conversation with Chao Shih-
Shu 6 (i.e. Chao Chi-Jen 7) who told him of the philosopher's love for mountain scenery,
which he would always go out of his way to visit. Then he added:
Chu Hsi also made a wooden Map of the Countries of the Chinese and Barbarians
(Hua I ThuS), upon which the convexities and concavities of mountains and rivers (wa tieh
chih shih 9) were carved. Eight pieces of wood were used, with hinges to connect them
together. The map could be folded up and one person could carry it. Whenever he travelled,
he took this along with him. But it was never really completed. e
How far back the idea of relief maps goes before the time of Shen Kua is not clear,
but there are several features in ancient Chinese art which may well have given rise to
it. One of these is the custom of representing sacred mountains in sculptured relief
upon incense-burners and jars. Laufer has described in detail f the well-known bronze
'hill-censers' or Vast Mountain Stoves (po shan hsiang lu 10) of the Han dynasty, some
examples of which have survived. These are mentioned in all Chinese archaeological
works, such as the Chhing Hsi Chhing Ku Chien 11 (Hsi Chhing Catalogue of Ancient
a Ch. 25, para. 22, tr. auet., adjuv. Chavannes (10). Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vol. 2, p. 813.
b See the special article on him by Chu Kho-Chen (4).
C Yu Hai, ch. 14, p . 38a.
Fig. 250. Two kinds of vessel from which the earliest relief maps may have originated. On the left (a),
a pottery' hill-censer' (po shan hsiang lu) of the Han period, its cover moulded so as to represent one of
the magic mountain islands of the Eastern Sea. On the right (b), a pottery mortuary jar the lid of
which also represents modelled mountains. After Laufer (3), pis. LV and LVII.
ascending hot-air current. In later times, these hill-censers, fitted with long handles,
were adopted in Chinese Buddhism for liturgical purposes, and many of the donors
depicted on the frescoes at the Tunhuang caves may be seen carrying them. But as
Chinese archaeological books often suggest a Taoist identification, the usual view is
that the hill-censers were originally supposed to represent the famous sacred island-
mountains in the Eastern Sea, of which Pheng-Lai 4 was the most important. The
representation of these mountains long persisted in other materials, such as the large
blocks of jade thus carved, many of which were in the imperial collections in recent
a Especially ch. 38, pp . 40 ff. The' Western Retreat' was a library and museum in the imperial palace.
b Illustrations and comment in Laufer (3), p. 192; Siren (1), vol. 2, pIs. 35, 36, 37; Hentze (1),
p. 203; R. L. Hobson, vol. 1, p. 7; Koop (1), pI. 57.
C On stylistic evidence Wenley (1) places at least one existing specimen in the late Warring States
period.
d Ch. 1, p. 8a.
e Cf. below, Sect. 27.
3T*i
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
times. a The identification with Pheng-Lai seems probable enough, as the tradition
seems to have begun about the time of Taoist dominance under Han Wu Ti. More-
over, Han mortuary jars with lids representing a mountain in relief are also common,b
and here the connection with ideas of immortality would be evident (Fig. 25ob). It
may well be that the idea of relief maps originated in this way.
This is, however, not the only possibility. Wang Yung has pointed out that the
earliest Chinese maps (as indeed we have already seen)C were carved on wood, citing
the' Fu Pan Che' I-Bearers of the Tables of Population-to whom Confucius always
used to bow. d There seems here a very old connection between geographical maps and
population statistics. e Among the many other meanings of the word pan (also written
pan 2) is that of the mould with branching channels used for casting coins,! as also, of
course, the carved board from which each page of a book was printed. No doubt
in China the carving and incising of characters was particularly important from the
oracle-bones and the bamboo slips onwards, and so might have given rise to the idea
of the material representation of the earth's surface in relief. Of course carved inscrip-
tions were also a feature of the Babylonian and Egyptian civilisations. In any case,
there is one strange account of what may have been a relief map in the - 3rd century,
which cannot be omitted. In describing the tomb of Chhin Shih Huang Ti, the Shih
Chi says:
In the tomb-chamber the hundred water-courses, the Chiang (the Yangtze River) and the
Ho (the Yellow River), together with the great sea, were all imitated by means of flowing
mercury, and there were machines which made it flow and circulate. Above (on the roof)
the celestial bodies were all represented; below (presumably on the floor or on some kind of
table) the geography of the earth was depicted. g
Here, at the least, there must have been channels for the mercury to flow in, so that
a relief map is implied. This was in - 210.
Then, in the Han, we find in + 32 a mention of strategic maps made by a general,
Ma Yuan,3 in which the disposition of mountains and valleys was represented by
modelling in rice. h He demonstrated this before the first emperor of the Later Han at
a critical moment in the campaigns which established this dynasty. The same technique
persisted in the Thang, for in the + 9th century Chiang Fang 4 wrote a special essay on
the subject, Chii Mi Wei Shan Fu. 5
The use of wood for maps led to one rather remarkable development in the + 5th
century, namely, the making of what seems to have been a 'jigsaw map'. The story
comes from the official history of the Liu Sung dynasty, which says:
Hsieh Chuang 6 (+421 to +466) made a wooden map ten feet square, on which mountains,
water-courses and the configuration of the earth were all well shown. When one separated
a Hansford (I), pI. XXIX. b Laufer (3), pp. 198 fT.
e P. 535 . d Lun Yu, X, 16, iii.
e This we see in its late fonn in the Kuang Yii Thu. f Cf. below, Sect. 36.
g Ch. 6, p. 31a (tr. Chavannes (I), vol. 2, p . 194; Wieger, TH, p. 225).
h Hou Han Shu, ch. 54, p. 6b. The passage has been translated by Bielenstein (2), p. 50.
.... '-"" .
- ........ ~..! .;. . .,
.-_.-
Fig. 25 I. The first edition of Matteo Ricci's world-map (+ 1584), reproduced by Chang Tou-Chin in his Thu Shu Pien of + 1623
(from d'Elia (2), vol. 2, PI. VIII). Entitled Yii Ti Shan Hai Chhiian Thu, it has straight parallels and curving meridians; China is
represented almost at the centre, with' the capital of the Great Ming D ynasty' in prominent characters. A large and straggling
antarctic continent is shown, perhaps to balance the land masses of the northern hemisphere. Was the part of it south of the East
Indies meant for more than New Guinea? This raises the question of an Asian tradition (which the Jesuits may have encountered)
of a great unknown southern continent; see Sect. 29 hereafter.
PLATE XCI
Fig. 252. A corner (one-twelfth) of the definitive world map of Matteo Ricci (+ r602) entitled
Khun Yii Wan Kuo Chhiian Thu. The projection was similar, but the larger format permitted the
inclusion of far more information. Here can be seen the western part of Africa, Spain, France,
Ireland and the western coasts of England and Scotland. A north polar projection occupies the
left-hand top corner, and at the top on the right are two small eclipse diagrams (from d ' Elia (3),
vol. 2, PI. II).
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
(the parts of the map) then all the districts were divided and the provinces isolated; when
one put them together again, the whole empire then once more formed a unity.a
But there seems to be no further mention of this in Chinese history. Though the date
of the first map of this kind in the West is not easy to determine, it would be hard to
believe that it was as early as this.
As for terrestrial globes, none is mentioned in Chinese texts until the Yuan time,
when there is a description of the model brought by Jamal aI-Din in + 1267.b
Apparently it had little effect, for such globes were not again made until the Jesuit
period.
Fig. 253. One of the maps illustrating the Chih Fang Wai Chi (On World Geography) of Giulio Aleni,
+ 1623, one of Matteo Ricci's Jesuit cartographic successors in China. This portion shows Spain,
France and the British Isles. East Anglia is labelled An, Scotland Ssu-kho-chhi-ya, and Ireland Hsi-
pai-ni-ya, Spain being I-hsi-pa-ni-ya. Iceland appears as I-lan Tao , with further west the mythical
island of Fei-lan Tao (Friesland). The adjacent sheet has a spouting whale and a large ship of European
rig---exotic reading for a Chinese scholar.
cartography has been described by Chhen Kuan-Sheng (I) and Hummel (II). To
Bernard-Maitre (8) we owe an exhaustive discussion on all aspects of Chinese geo-
graphy in the + I7th and + I8th centuries, which, however, belongs to the history of
science in general rather than to that of the characteristic Chinese contributions. Sub-
sequently the art and science of map-making was cultivated by several of the Jesuits-
Sanbiasi's 'Ricci-type' map of + I 648 has been described by Mills (2), and Verbiest's
22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY 585
stereographic projection map of + 1680 by Ahlenius. For these later works the reader
is referred to Fuchs (3, 5), Bernard-Maitre (8), and Herrmann (8).a
Great geographical and cartographic activity took place in the Khang-Hsi reign-
period ( + 1662 to + 1722) when the emperor was personally interested in extending
the scientific knowledge of his vast dominions. Much use was made of Manchu and
Mongol travellers and explorers. In + 1677 the Manchu officials U muna band Sabsu c
explored the Long White Mountain region in Manchuria, and between + 1712 and
+ 1715 Tulisen d made a long journey to visit the Torguts on the Lower Volga. In
continuation of the Thang and Yuan expeditions to the sources of the Yellow
River, and the wanderings of Hsu H sia-Kho (cf. above, p. 524), Lasi e and Sulun f
conducted a five-month expedition in Tibet in + 1704, which led, after the further
investigation of Amidag in + 1782, to the official publication Chhin-Ting Ho Yuan Chi
Lueh. l
Meanwhile an elaborate programme of work had led to the Khang-Hsi Jesuit Atlas,
the Huang Yu Chhuan Lan Thu, 2 which has been reproduced and exhaustively studied
by Fuchs (2,3). The original idea seems to have been that of Jean Franyois Gerbillon
(Chang Chheng 3 ), who persuaded the emperor to undertake a complete survey of the
empire. The project lasted from + 1707 to + 1717, and when complete was not only
the best map which had ever been made in Asia, but better and more accurate than
any European map of its time. The individual sheets,h dissected, and without the
coordinates, were incorporated in the Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia (+ 1726).
The Jesuit who bore the chief responsibility was Jean-Baptiste Regis (Lei Hsiao-Ssu 4);
among his assistants were J oachim Bouvet (Pai Chin 5) and Pierre J artoux (Tu Te-
Mei 6), together with Chinese scholars such as Ho Kuo-Tung. 7 The atlas was engraved
on copper plates in + 1718 by Matteo Ripa (Ma Kuo-Hsien 8) i and afterwards repro-
duced many times, in Europe as well as in China.
The history of this period would have to deal, not only with the bringing of
Renaissance cartography to China, but also with the advances made by Western
geographers in knowledge of Asia which the new access to Chinese sources permitted)
Joao de Barros first published at Lisbon ( + 1563) his Terceira Decada da Asia, which
consisted of translations from Chinese geographical texts. k The first map of China to
appear in a European atlas was that of Fr. Ludovico Georgio, a Portuguese Jesuit, in the
a Pp. 287 ff. The parallel history of cartography in Japan may be approached through the papers
of Ramming (I); Dahlgren (I).
b Wu-Mo-Na.9 C Sa-Pu-Su.10
d Thu-Li-Shen Y e La-Hsi. lZ
f Shu-Lan.13 g A-Mi-Ta. 14
h Of China proper and Manchuria, not of Tibet and Mongolia.
i A secular priest, not a Jesuit. His m emoirs are not without interest . A copy of his map, preserved
in the Chinese College at Naples, has been described by Petech (3). On the whole project see also
Bemard-Maitre (14) .
J Tenri University has made available a collection of Western maps of Japan between 1552 and 1840
Anon., 6). See also the review of Szczesniak (8). k Cf. Boxer (I), p . lxxxvi.
d Whose journeys to the East are described in Purchas, Pt. I, Bk. iv, ch. 2, p. 384.
e The general disposition of river and lake systems is the same, thus Erh Hai in Yunnan is crescent-
shaped in both, and the relations of Yellow River and Great Wall in Shensi are identical. The map in
Purchas reproduces the symbols for city sizes, but their meaning seems not to have been understood.
It also inverts the names of Szechuan and Kweichow provinces.
f Cf. Forke (9), p. 479. g See Bernard-Maitre (8) and Mills (7).
h Cf. Pfister (I), pp. 774, 776, 818, 821, 865.
i Translation by des Michels Cl). Cf. Forke (9), p. 563.
j I am grateful to Mr J. V . Mills and Dr W. Fuchs for drawing attention to this.
Orbocentric wheel-maps
(Babylonian or Indian origin?)
IEuROPE I .",.",,--___ ICHINA \
Beatus (+ 8th)
I
$
recovery of Ptolemy ( + 9th)
transmission of
magnetic compass
Chia Tan
I
( + 8th)
:
I
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I
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al- Idrisi (+ 12th), I Sian rectangular grid-maps (+ 12th) I
(---- :
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transmission of ~ Suchow maps (+ 13 th )
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rectangul ar grid
I
(al-Qazwini. + 14th)
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(+ 12 70 )
I ~_"",",,"------- Marino Sanuto I Chu Ssu-Pen (+ 14th) I
I 06
( + 13 ) I (Hafiz i Abru. + 15th) (Kuallg Yli Thu) I
1 recovery oof Ptolemy by + 1475 ? .. I :
I
I I
M ercator ( + 1569)
Wu Pei ChilL charts (+ 15th) I
I
I
ends + 17th
transmission of Renaissance cartography
10.
,
Fig. 254. Babylonian discoidal map on a clay tablet of the -7th century (Cuneiform Texts in
the British Museum, vol. 22, pI. XLvm).
and the Christian monk al-NajranI (Ibn al-Nadlm). It would almost be surprising if
men such as these had brought back with them no knowledge of Chinese quantitative
cartography. Moreover, al-MustaufI al-QazwlnI was working in the period of Mongol
dominance (early 14th) and his type of map (a grid with place-names only) is identical
with contemporary Chinese maps. The suggestion is therefore permissible that the
advances of cartography in + 14th- and + 15th-century Europe were due, not only to
the study of Ptolemy by the Arabs, but also to some transmission of quantitative
cartographic principles from China.
We may now return for a moment to the religious cosmographic tradition. This was
quite clearly present among both the Arabs and the Chinese, though with the latter,
at any rate, it never dominated in geography to the extent which it did in medieval
59 0 22. GEOGRAPHY AND CARTOGRAPHY
Europe. Perhaps Confucian good sense and Taoist skill prevented any enthusiastic
reception of the Buddhist world-conception centring on Mt Meru (Khun-Lun). But
its ultimate origins invite a third question. Was it really Babylonian? In India it seems
to be of considerable antiquity. Winter (I) has reminded us of its presence in a part of
the Jain Canon (the Surya-prafiiapti)a which may go back to the later part of the
- 1st millennium. Hence it may not be without significance that Akkadian and
Babylonian maps (Fig. 254) ranging from about -2500 to - 500 are known, and that
they are all discoidal. b In any case, there can be little doubt that the Chinese received
it from India.
It only remains to add that while the transmission of Renaissance cartography to
China in the time of Matteo Ricci cannot be underestimated, the reverse transmission
of geographical information about East Asia to the + 17th-century geographers of
Europe must also be remembered. It was owing to the solid work of generations of
Chinese map-makers that knowledge of this part of the world became incorporated in
modern geography.
23. GEOLOGY
[AND RELATED SCIENCES]
valuable, such as that of Bromehead (I). The well-known book of Geikie deals
essentially only with the post-Renaissance development of geology, and the same
applies to that of Zittel, now rather old. The most important Chinese work is that of
Chang Hung-Chao, Lapidarium Sinicum, which is a thorough discussion of some of
the most important mineral substances mentioned in Chinese texts, including many
disputed questions of nomenclature. a The mineralogical parts of the books of the
Pen Tshao I type have given rise to several works of importance in Western languages,
notably those of de Mely (I), Read & Pak (I), and Geerts (I). These, together with
smaller contributions covering more specialised parts of the field, will be discussed
below in their proper place. For the mineralogical knowledge of classical antiquity in
Europe, there is the old and forgotten, but still useful, compendium of selected texts
and comments by Lenz (I), besides recent work by Hitler (I), Wellmann (I) and others.
Monographs by Berger and Sagui parallel these for geology. On medieval mineralogy
Mieleitner may be consulted. In working on this subject one has to bear in mind the
literature on mining in China; b it is enormous in size and scope, and we have not been
able to check more than a small part of it for points of mineralogical interest. c
In the first place the capacity for accurate observation and representation of geological
forms as shown in Chinese pictures and book illustrations should not be under-
estimated. If one takes up a modern book such as the Hsia Chiang Thu Khao 2 (Illustra-
tions of the Yangtze Gorges), typical of many produced during the last century, but
with drawings and text in purely Chinese traditional style showing no trace of Western
influence, one finds that many geological formations are very clearly represented. In
the copy which I saw in Chungking d in 1946 I noted scarps, flat-tops and peneplains,e
granite boulder tors,! a picture showing very fine dipping strata,g a mesa hill cap of
hard rock or a monadnock,h and a red sandstone hogback anticline. i It is probable
that a whole text-book of geology could be illustrated largely from Chinese pictures
a Among subsidiary articles in Chinese, I may refer to Yin Tsan-Hsiin (1). There is a forgotten
glossary of Chinese geological and mineralogical terms by Muirhead. Though the book of Ko Li-Phu
(A. W . Grabau) has not been accessible to us, I believe that it deals mainly with quite modern times.
b Most of it of course concerns mineral deposits in China as described by modern geologists, both
Chinese and Western, or the modern exploitation of these deposits; but accounts of traditional mining
practice are embedded in it. Among the books on the mineral wealth of China, those by W. E. Wang
and by Torgashev may be mentioned.
C Comparisons with the mineralogy of the Arabs will of course be desired; here I can only indicate
a few pointers to that literature-Wiedemann (I), Ruska (I), Mullet (I). For comparative mining
traditions see Sebillot (I).
d It included the text of the Hsia Chiang Chiu Sbzg Chhuan Chih 3 (Record of the Yangtze Gorges
Lifeboat Service); cf. Worcester (I), p . 28. Dr Michael Bolton kindly brought it to my attention.
e Pp. I, 13, 24. f P . 30.
g P. 32. h P. 54.
i P.63.
23. GEOLOGY 593
and book illustrations, mountain scenery having always been one of the favourite
subjects of artists. For a study of this observational side of geology in China abundant
material would be found in the local histories and geographies, the hsien chih, I a class
of literature which has already been described. a Numerous illustrations of this kind
are scattered through the late encyclopaedias, such as the Thu Shu Chi Chheng of
+ 1726, in the Shan chhuan 2 division. So also the late geographies, such as the
Ta Chhing I Thung Chih of + I73o,b would have to be drawn upon; it was from
this that Biot (IS) selected a number of fragmentary geological notes, as, for
example, on the basaltic columns (shih sun sen pU 3 ) at Shih-Men Shan 4 in Yunnan. c
If we look through the section of the Thu Shu Chi Chheng just mentioned, we have
no difficulty in finding many scenes of geological interest. Fig. 255 shows an example
of the rejuvenation of a valley, the previously stabilised floor having been cut sharply
through by new river erosion, forming sharp river terraces. Another effect of water
is seen in the superficial deposit of water-rounded boulders (Fig. 256), which the
artist, however, has strewn rather too freely in unlikely positions. In Fig. 257 we have
a platform of marine denudation with a wave-cut arch; following this level to the right
the eye detects further relics of the same platform. The manner of representing the
crags on the right at the top is a conventional one, seen in many such pictures, and
perhaps related to calligraphic traditions and techniques; its geological meaning is
not obvious. d Fig. 258 is another example of extreme rejuvenation. The' crag and
platform' motif was a favourite one. Dipping strata are faithfully reproduced in
Fig. 259, and the Permian basalt cliffs of O-Mei Shan are seen in Fig. 260. Fig. 261
is interesting as it shows in the distance a very typical U-shaped glacial valley, as well
as dipping strata in the foreground. Finally, the karst limestone pinnacles, rising with
extreme abruptness out of the flat plain, so typical of the landscape of Kuangsi, are
shown in Fig. 262, which represents the neighbourhood of Kweilin.e
Perhaps the most striking of all such pictures is that which the Sung painter Li
Kung-Lin 5 (ft. c. + IlOO) made of an exposed anticlinal arch at Lung-Mien Shan 6
(Fig. 263).f
The fact that so many identifications are possible is in itself a remarkable testimony
of the faithfulness to Nature with which Chinese painters manipulated their brush-
strokes. To illustrate geological structures was indeed far from their thoughts, and the
accurate description of such forms may well have little to do with the aesthetic
a P. 5 1 7 above.
b Cf. p. 521 above. It would be of interest to follow back these iconographic traditions as far as
possible; they could certainly be traced to the Sung.
e The remarkable descriptive work of Hsii Hsia-Kho at the end of the Ming has already been
noticed above, p. 524.
d One can see it applied elsewhere in the illustration of the crystals of calcite given in the Pen Tshao
Kang Mu. On all such conventions Petrucci (3) is to be consulted.
e I am much indebted to Mr Brian Harland for his advice in these geological identifications.
f These mountains are north-west of Thung-chheng in Anhui, just north of the Yangtze between
Hankow and Nanking.
2 tU JII
594 23. GEOLOGY
Fig.255. Geology in Chinese art: (a) the rejuvenation of a valley at Li-Shan , near Fei-hsien, in Shantung
(TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 23).
Fig. 256. Geology in Chinese art: (b) deposit of water-rounded boulders at I-Shan in southern Shantung
(TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 26).
23. GEOLOGY 595
Fig. 257. Geology in Chinese art: (c) a platfonn of marine denudation with a wave-cut arch at
Lao-Shan near Tsingtao on the Shantung coast (TSCC, Shan chhuan lien, ch. 29).
Fig. 258. Geology in Chinese art: (d) extreme rejuvenation of a valley at Kuang-Wu Shan in northern
Honan (TSCC, Shan ch/wan tien, ch. SI).
23. GEOLOGY
appreciation of Chinese painting itself, yet surely the old empirical closeness to Nature
of the Taoists was still there, and the world depicted was the real world. After we had
made the study of landscapes on which the preceding paragraph was based, we found
that others had already approached the matter in a different way. For many centuries
Chinese literature has contained handbooks or guides for painters which include a
great variety of type-forms or standard components of pictures, and among these,
Fig. 259. Geology in Chinese art: (e) dipping strata Fig. 260. Geology in (:hinese art: (f) the
at Hsiang-Shan south of Khaifeng near the tomb Permian basalt cliffs of O-Mei Shan in western
of Pai Chii-I (TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 64). Szechuan (TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 173). This
region is the site of famous Buddhist abbeys, and
from the top of the mountain, one of the westem-
most peaks of the Tibetan massif, the Fo Kuang
(Buddha Light), a kind of Brocken Spectre, can
often be seen (cf. p. 477 above).
a Late Japanese popular publishing abounded in manuals of this kind, which are thus among the
commonest of all Japanese books in occidental collections and private libraries.
b In the Chhu chi (first series).
C With the collaboration of D . McLachlan. We thank Dr Cheng Te-Khun for these references.
23. GEOLOGY 597
Apart from certain general terms, such as lun khuo 1 (outline mountain ranges like
a pile of cut-off wheel-rims) and chang kai 2 (the last enveloping outline of a peak far
away), the forms are termed tshun 3 (mountain wrinkles), i.e. standard representations
of mountain curvatures. Of these the teachers distinguished rather more than twenty
variations of what was possible for a brush. Glaciated or maturely eroded slopes,
sometimes steep, are shown by the technique called' spread-out hemp fibres' (phi ma
tshun 4 ), and mountain slopes furrowed by water into gullies are drawn in the ho yeh
Fig. 261. Geology in Chinese art: (g) a typical Fig. 262. Geology in Chinese art: (h) limestone
U-shaped glacial valley in the distance with karst masses and pinnacles near Kweilin in
dipping strata to the right; Chhi-Chhli Shan near Kuangsi (TSCC, Shan chhuan lien, ch. 193).
Pao-ning in northern Szechuan (TSCC, Shan Cf. VO!. I, Fig. 4.
chhuan lien, ch. 178). This scenery is typical of
theSzechuan-Shensi border and the road through
the Chhin-Ling mountains.
12 =m ~
8
13 11- 1$ ~
9
14 * 1$ ~
10 11
23. GEOLOGY
cleavages across strata, with vertical jointed upright angular rocks, looking somewhat
like crystals, are depicted in the' horse-teeth' (ma ya tshun I) technique. These are
only a few of the technical terms, but they show the degree of systematisation that was
reached.
The great importance of this passage for the history of palaeontology will be referred
to shortly. But, as Grabau has pointed out, the main geological interest of the conversa-
tion (which would have taken place about + I 170) is that Chu Hsi recognised the fact
that the mountains had been elevated since the day when the shells of the living animals
had been buried in the soft mud of the sea-bottom. f Three centuries later, in the time
view that the mountains were actually formed by the effects of the waters under the sea, afterwards
rising in violent cataclysms high above sea-level, seems to have been particularly associated with the
Neo-Confucian philosopher Tshai Yuan-Ting,' the exact contemporary of Chu Hsi. For Mr J . R.
McEwan informs us that Japanese 18th-century books frequently give as the authority for this view a
work entitled Tsao-Hua Lun s (Discourse on the Creation) attributed to Tshai. Unfortunately this is
not mentioned among his other b ooks as listed in Sung Shih, ch. 434, p. 6b, or Sung Yuan Hsiieh An,
ch. 62, nor is it referred to by Forke (9), p . 203 . On the other hand Tshai did write a book on geomancy
(the Fa Wei Lun,6 Effects of Minute Causes) and from his sayings recorded in the above sources one
can see that the expression tsao-hua-the Author or Foundation of Change--was always on his lips.
Indeed, this expression parallels the favourite phrase Ko Chih' (cf. Vo!. I, pp. 48-9) and signals titles
of interest to us. Perhaps the Tsao-Hua Lun was an opuscule preserved only in Japan. Now it may
be significant that the Tao Tsang contains (TT3I8) a Tsao-Hua Ching (Creation Canon; full title
Tung-Hsiian Ling-Pao Chu Thien Shih-Chieh Tsao-Hua Ching 8) of unknown date and authorship,
which ' explains the structure of the universe, heavens, earth, hells, sun, moon, continents, upheavals
by water, fire and wind, renewed creations' and so on. Buddhist influence is obvious, but there is a
geological relevance too. We think that this was probably compiled in the Thang period, for the
Tsao-Hua Chhilan Yil 9 (The Beginnings of the Creation) by Chao Tzu-Mien 10 (now lost), which appears
in the Thang Shu bibliography, was very probably connected with it. A Ming commentary, the Tsao-
Hua Ching Lun Thu" by Chao Chhien,12 still exists. In another direction, geological thought links up
with alchemy. Below, p. 638, we shall study some remaining fragments of a Tsao-Hua Chih-Nan 13 by
Thu Hsiu Chen ChUn 14 (Guide to the Creation, by the Earth's Mansions Immortal), especially in
connection with the theory of the growth of metals in the womb of the up risen mountains. To accelerate
such growth artificially was one of the alchemists' principal aims. Hence, presumably, the Tsao-Hua
Chhien Chhui lS (The Hammer and Tongs of Creation) by the Ming prince Ning Hsien Wang l 6
(cf. Vo!. I, p. 147, and Sect. 33 below). And even the title of a lost Ming book makes sense in
this connection-the Tsao-Hua Fou Hung Thu l7 (Diagrams of the Natural Incubation of Mercury),
i.e. the formation of its ores in the earth; by an alchemist who called himself Sheng HsUan
Tzu 18 (the Ascending-Mercury Master). In using the word' Creation' for the translation of all these
titles, we must remind the reader that the conception of creation in the full sense ex nihilo was entirely
un-Chinese (see Vo!. 2, p. 581). The Author of Change was no person, but a numinous allegory of
the T ao.
a The importance of Chu Hsi's statement has been fully realised by modern Chinese scientists, as,
for example, by the doyen of living Chinese geologists, Li Ssu-Kuang (1) . Also by western writers,
e.g. Silcock (I).
b Waley (13), p. 44.
*
10 11
Ma Ku said, 'Since I was last invited here I have seen that the Eastern Sea has turned into
groves and fields (sang thien I). This change has occurred three times. The last time I arrived
at Mt Pheng-Lai b (for an assembly of Hsien immortals) I noticed that the sea was only half
as deep as it had been at the previous meeting. It looks as if the sea will again be turned to
mountains and dry land.'
Fang Phing 2 laughed and said, 'The sages all maintained that where the sea is now the
dust will one day be fiying.'
Even in stones and rocks on lofty heights there are shells of oysters and clams to be seen.
Some think that they were transformed from the groves and fields once under the water
(sang thienl).c
Those who do not recognise the 'three' yet boastfully claim to know the 'ten', are like
the River People who lost the direction of their destination, and blamed it on the unskilful
hand of the direction-finder. f If one does not know the length or shortness of small moments
a TSCC, Shan chhuan tien, ch. 149, i wen, p. 2a. Also in Yen's collected works, ch. 13. He was a
Taoist (Thang Yu Lin, ch. 6, pp. 2bff.).
b The magic island in the Eastern Sea, cf. above, Sect. 13C in Vol. 2, p. 240.
c Tr. auct.
d Yet Sarton (I), vol. 3, p. 213, calls' astounding' the early + loth-century statement of al-Mas'udi
that sea could turn into dry land, and land again be covered by the sea.
e Ch. 3A, p . 3 1a.
f The significance of this passage, together with others in the same book, for the history of the
magnetic compass, will be referred to below, Sect. 26i.
23. GEOLOGY 601
of time (chha-na I), a how can one appreciate what Ma Ku meant by the' sang thien' (i.e. the
long periods of centuries during which the sea is turned into dry land)? If one does not
understand how to distinguish between very small quantities (chi-wei 2 ),b how can one
understand the hundreds of millions (of units) which form the whole universe?c
It is therefore safe to say that at some time between the + 2nd and the + 6th centuries,
the expression sang thien had a familiar connotation equivalent to what we should now
call ' geological time'. Another reference to these ideas occurs in the Chin Shu (History
of the Chin Dynasty), which speaks of Tu Yii 3 ( + 222 to + 284) as follows:
Tu Yii often used to say that the high hills will become valleys and the deep valleys will
become hills. So when he made monumental steles recording his successes he made them
in duplicate. One was buried at the bottom of a mountain, and the other was placed on top.
He considered that in subsequent centuries they would be likely to exchange their positions. d
Here again there was a long lapse of time between Tu Yii's own period and the time
when the Chin Shu was written, just before + 635, yet the Chin Shu is considered
well informed and its writers must have had access to reliable sources. Besides, an
earlier book, the Shih Shuo Hsin Yu, e describes how Huan Wen 4 said about + 360 that
the whole Chinese continent would sink beneath the sea. Whether or not we should
really refer these ideas to the + 3rd century or before, there can be no doubt that they
are pre-Thang, and thus long before Chu Hsi. In the Thang, moreover, they were
widespread; there is, for instance, a famous poem of Chhu Kuang-Hsi,s one of Yen
Chen-Chhing's contemporaries, which says that 'the sea will be changed into groves
of mulberry-trees'.f Mter the + 8th century the term sang thien came to be applied
poetically to the sea in general. g In + 1210 the poet Chang Tzu,6 for example, brought
the idea into several of his writings. h In the + 14th century it must have been very
common, for a writer such as Chhen Thing7 has recourse to it in his Liang Shan Mo
Than 8 (Jottings from Two Mountains)i to explain why an iron chain which was
a I.e. Skr. k~atla, 'atomic' instants of time.
b I.e. piled-up particles, 'atoms', Skr. paramti1)u. We shall return to these terms in Sect. z6 b.
c Pp. 3 b, 4a, tr. auct.
d Ch. 34, p. llb, tr. auct.; cit. in TPYL, ch. 589, p. zb. The story is often quoted, as in the +9th-
century Lin Chio Chi 9 (The Unicorn Horn Collection of Examination Essays), p. l2a. Tu Yti, a
minister of State, was also a geographer, astronomer, and patron of engineers.
e Ch. 3B, p. I9a; also Yii Chien, ch. 3, p. 7a.
f Cf. the Thang inscriptions recorded in the Ku Kho Tshung Chhao, pp. 3Za to 61 b. And a poem by
a Buddhist abbot of the +9th century in one of the Tunhuang scrolls (Bib. Nat. Pelliot no. ZI04); for
this reference we thank Mr Wu Chhi-Yti.
g The same chapter of the Thu Shu Chi Chheng which quotes Yen's essay, gives a number of others
by men such as Tseng Ying-Hsiang 10 of the Ming; and Huang Ju-Heng, 11 Hsiung J en-Lin 12 and Hsieh
Chao-Shen I3 of the Chhing-all expressing the same idea of geological transformations by changes in
the relative level of sea and land. Cf. Thang Chhiieh Shih, ch. I, p. Z4a; Ao Yii Tzu (c. + 1040), ch. I,
p. 4b; Sung Chhuang Pai Shuo ( + I I 57), p. I I a; Chhing Po Pieh Chih ( + 1194), ch. 3, p. I b; Tung Hsiao
Shih Chi (+I30Z), ch. 4, p. 7a, ch. 11, p. 6b.
h Nan Hu Chi
" (Southern Lake Collection of Poems), ch. z, p. I4a, ch. 3, p. lb.
i Ch. 9, p. 4b.
a Cf. Yu Yin W~n Ta, p . 7a; Kuei Chhien Chih, ch. 14, p. lob.
b Cf. Sect. 16d in Vol. 2, p. 420 above. C Taken from TPYL, ch. 871, p. 6a.
d Cf. Franke (5), Maspero (5).
e Ch. 18. It is quoted by the + 3rd-century Nan Fang Tshao Mu Chuang.
r (I), p. 330.
g See above, Sects. loj and 13j, Vol. 2, pp. 95ff., 296.
h Paraphrased translation by Dieterici (I). See Rushdi Said (I).
These eroded cliffs which Shen Kua saw are shown in Fig. 264 taken from the
Thu Shu Chi Chheng. b Shen Kua also describes sedimentary deposition.
When I went to Hopei on official duties I saw that in the northern cliffs of the Thai-Hang
Shan 3 mountain-range, there were belts (strata) containing whelk-like animals, oyster-shells,
and stones like the shells of birds' eggs (fossil echinoids). So this place, though now a thousand
li west of the sea, must once have been a shore. Thus what we call the 'continent' (ta lu 4 )
must have been made of mud and sediment which was once below the water. The Yii
Mountain,S where Yao C killed Kun, was, according to ancient tradition, by the side of the
Eastern Sea, but now it is far inland.
Now the Great (i.e. the Yellow) River, the Chang Shui,6 the Hu Tho,7 the Cho Shui 8
and the Sang Chhien 9 are all muddy silt-bearing rivers. In the west of Shensi and Shansi
the waters run through gorges as deep as a hundred feet. Naturally mud and silt will be
carried eastwards by these streams year after year, and in this way the substance of the whole
continent must have been laid down. These principles must certainly be true. d
Thus Shen Kua fully understood in the + 11th century those conceptions which, when
stated by James Hutton in 1802, were to be the foundation of modern geology.e
Again, Tu Wan, in the Yiin Lin Shih Phu of + 1133, makes clear references to
weathering and erosion processes. f We can therefore certainly not follow Hoover &
Hoover in their statement that Agricola's writings in + 1546 were 'the first adequate
declaration of the part played by erosion in mountain sculpture'.g Exposed fossil-
containing strata had been described byTu Mu 10 thirty years earlier as something long
known and familiar.h
There is plenty of material in Chinese literature on other interesting questions of
general geology, but as it has not been systematically worked up, I shall have to be
content with simply drawing attention to some of the subjects on which much m ore
could be found.
a MCPT, ch. 24, para. 14, tr. auct. Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vol. 2, p. 762.
b Shan chhuan tien, ch. 132.
C Legendary emperor; cf. Vol. 2, p. 117, for Kun, the father of Yti the Great.
d MCPT, ch. 24, para. 11, tr. auct. Cf. Hu Tao-Ching (1), vol. 2, p. 756.
e Shen Kua's contemporaries had no thought of denouncing his views as heretical and irreligious.
But neither was any Geological Society founded to search for facts which should test them.
f E.g. ch. I, pp. 6b, 9a. Cf. also Hua Man Chi," Ch. I, p. 5b; Tung Hsiao Shih Chi," ch.I1, p. 6a,b,
ch. 14, p . 2b.
g (I), p. xiii. Nor was erosion and sea encroachment first expounded by John Ray in + 1692, as is
often said. h Nan Hao Shih Hua, p. I3a.
In 6 f/1.*
7 W i~ 12 il\il 'i!f~.
23. GEOLOGY 60 5
Fig. 264. Geology in Chinese art: (j) the eroded Fig. 265. Stalactites (khung kung nieh, yin
cliffs of Yen-Tang Shan near Wen chow on the coast nieh or chung ju), stalagmites (shill chhuang),
of southern Chekiang (TSCC, Shall chhuan tien, and crystalline deposits (shill lIua) ; from Li
ch. 132). These were some of the mountains Shih-Chen's P en Tshao Kang Mu of + 1596.
which stimulated Shen Kua in the + 1 Ith century
to consider erosion and sedimentation, and to state
the basic geological principles concerning them.
The study of caves (tung I ) and the formations found in them has been pursued
throughout Chinese history; they were of particular interest to the early Taoist
hermits, and the word continued always to have a numinous significance in the Taoist
religion. Stalactites (Fig. 265) are included in the earliest lists of inorganic and
chemical substances and drugs which have come down to us, namely, the Chi Ni Tzu
book (probably - 4th century) a and the Shen Nung Pen Tshao Ching 2 (Pharmacopoeia
of the Heavenly Husbandman), the first of the Pen Tshao series b and in date either
Former Han or + 1st century. In these lists they bear the name which they retained
till the end, shih chung jU 3 (stone bell milk).c Another ancient named was khung kung
nieh. 4 The Shen Nung Pen Tshao Ching also distinguishes stalagmites as yin nieh. s
a Cf. above, p . 402 and in Vol. 2, Sect. 18/, p. 554.
b Cf. below, Sect. 38, where the series is tabulated.
C See below, Sect. 33, with its tabulations of the mineral and chemical substances recognised in
the old Chinese literature. d Cf. Chang Hung-Chao (1), pp. 213 fr.
'i!ij
606 23. GEOLOGY
Ko Hung about + 300 refers to them in connection with one of the varieties of his
magical mushrooms (chih1).a Though the passage in the Pao Phu Tzu is obviously
embroidered, it is clear what he is talking about.
The 'stone-honey mushroom' (shih mi chih2) grows in the stone caves of the Shao-Shih
mountain. In those caves are deep valleys through which one cannot pass. If a stone is
thrown into such clefts its sound is heard for half a day. There is a stone pillar standing more
than a hundred feet from the entrance to the caves, having on top of it what looks like an
upturned lid, ten feet high. One may observe the stone-honey chih fall from the roof of the
cave and slip into this cover. At definite intervals drops invariably appear and fall like rain-
water off the eaves of houses. Single drops fall continually. Though the stone-honey chih
never ceases to fall, the lid never overflows. Above the cave characters are inscribed in
'tadpole' script, saying, 'Those who succeed in eating one tou of stone-honey chih will
enjoy life for a thousand years.' Although all the Taoists long to visit this place, few are
able to do so. One could perhaps catch the drops with a wooden bowl attached to the end
of a strong bamboo rod, but I know of no one who has succeeded. Still, since we have the
inscription, someone in former generations presumably did. b
In the later mineralogical books, such as the Yun Lin Shih Phu 3 (Cloud Forest
Lapidary) of the Sung,C stalactites and stalagmites are always discussed. d Other names
found are chiang shih4 (ginger-stone), shih phiS (stone spleen) and wei shih 6 (stomach
stone). Like all other products, whether inorganic, herbal or animal, they had pharma-
ceutical uses, for which the various Pen Tshao books may be consulted.
The existence of underground streams was well recognised. There is mention of one
in a Sung book, the Hsien Chhuang Kua I Chih 7 (Strange Things seen through the
Barred Window),e by Lu Ying-Lung. 8 A connection of some wells with the sea was
suspected in certain cases, where the water-level seemed to rise and fall with the tides,
hence the name hai yen 9 -eye of the sea. A Thang book, the Yu-Yang Tsa Tsu
( + 8th century), speaks of this, as also two Sung books, the Mo Kho Hui Hsi ( + 1080)
and the Yo-Yang Feng Thu Chi 10 (Customs and Notable Things of Yo-yang), by
Fan Chih-Ming,11 of later date.!
A great deal of information about springs is to be found in the encyclopaedias g and
geographical collections. The role of petrifying springs in the history of geological and
mineralogical thought is so important h that it is not surprising that these attracted
a These have never been identifiable, but were probably stone concretions of unusual shapes and
colours, which were thought likely to confer immortality if powdered and swallowed.
b Ch. 1I, p . 3 b, tr. Feifel (3), p. 6; mod.
e Ch. 3, p . 8a. See below, p. 645. d Cf. Ling Wai Tai Ta, ch. 7, p. 13b.
e P . lIa.
f Cf. the curious idea, widespread in + 16th- and + 17th-century Europe, that sea-water was con-
veyed subterraneously to the mountains and there distilled by internal heat as if in an alembic
(Adams (I), p. 440). See also on mineral waters Yung Chheng Shih Hua, ch. I, p. lIa; Yii Chien,
ch. 9, p. 3 b, Thang Yii Lin, ch. 8, p. 23 a.
g E.g. TSCC, Khun yii tien, chs. 31-42. h See Adams (1).
2;fiW;"!t. 3~t*;p~
7Mmm~;E; 8 ~I!f!\~
23. GEOLOGY
much attention in China also. A good description of one occurs in the early + 6th-
century Shu I Chi (Records of Strange Things).
The Yang Chhiian l (spring) is located north of Thien-Yii Shan 2 (mountain). A clear
stream flows forth several dozen yards. Herbs or pieces of wood placed in the water are all
turned to stone (hua wei shih 3 ), clear and hard. a
The Thang encyclopaedia, Thang Liu Tien, discussing the Five Elements, has, among
various other sections, one on a 'Ping River' (Ping H0 6). People now do not know what this
means. But when I used to talk with the generals in Fu and Yen 7 at the An-Nan 8 camp, I
found in the army records that many soldiers had been lost at the Fan River. They said that
the Yiieh people called it nao sha 9 and the northern people called it huo sha 10 • C At the Wu
Ting river, going over with a horse, the sand shifted a hundred feet away from where one
was, like people treading on curtains, though where we trod was firm. In some places,
however, they would sink in. Horses, camels, and waggons have all been engulfed, and
hundreds of soldiers have disappeared there. This is indeed liu sha 4-flowing sand. Ping
may also be written pan 11 meaning' deep mud'. This is why' Ping Ho' came to mean, in the
divination books, bad luck, like the present term, khung wang,12 i.e. 'emptiness and death'. d
There are certainly localities in north-west China today which still present the same
difficulties. A recent experience is to be found in the book of Band & Band, e who
describe an awkward passage in 1943 near the north bend of the Yellow River by
saying that it was like' walking on chocolate blancmange'.
The phenomenon of 'singing sands' is also referred to in Chinese texts. This is
particularly associated with the sand dunes surrounding the temple and lake of Yueh-
Ya Chhuan I 3 some miles west of Tunhuang (Cable & French).f The nature of the
phenomenon has been much discussed.
13 A fft
608 23. GEOLOGY
The second ancient term of interest, jo shui (,weak water'),a is often taken simply as
the name of a river. But ancient authors repeatedly state that wood will not float in it.
Kuo Pho (about +300) says, in his commentary on the Shan Hai Ching, that it will
not bear the weight even of a wild-goose feather (pu sheng hung maD I) . In a passage
from his contemporary, Ko Hung, already quoted,b we have met with the same idea
before. So also Chang Shou-Chieh,2 the great Thang commentator of the Shih Chi,
says that 'without the help of a boat made of feathers you will not be able to cross it'
(fei maD chou pu kho chi 3 ).c While some may prefer to believe that these were fancies
derived from an ancient name, the suggestion may be put forward that in all these
cases the foundation for the stories was the natural occurrence of petroleum seep ages. d
The reference is often to various parts of Central Asia now hard to identify, but such
seep ages certainly exist and have existed in the western provinces, especially Kansu
and Szechuan. Fractions of fairly low boiling-point can occur (paraffins and naphthas)
as well as the thick black natural oils, and it could easily be imagined that in some
circumstances these would attract attention as 'waters' in which even wood or feathers
would sink. e The natural petroleum which occurred at Lao Chun Mia0 4 in Kansu
(near Suchow) was locally known and used for greasing cart-axles many years before
the present oilfield with its refineries was established there. It is mentioned in many
old records such as the Yuan-Ho Chun Hsien Thu Chih, which records that in the
Northern Chou period, between + 561 and + 577, it was used successfully in war
against the Turks who were besieging Chiu-chhuan (Suchow).f Chang Hung-Chao
discusses these natural seepages,g and mentions some of the other terms used for rock-
oil or petroleum, such as shih YU,s shih chhi 6 (,stone lacquer '), shih chih shui 7 (,stone
fat water '), and meng huo yu 8 (' fierce fire oil '). h Stone lacquer was probably one of the
earliest terms; as such the Po Wu Chi,9 a book i written by Thang M€:ng 10 about + 190,
knows it.
a Besides the references mentioned above, we have it in many descriptions of Western Asia, e.g. Hall
Han Shll, ch. 118, the Nestorian Stone, the Wei Liieh, the Wen Hsien Thung Khao, ch. 339, the Chu Fan
Chih, etc. all translated and discussed by Hirth (I); see esp. p. 291.
b Above, Vol. 2, p. 438.
c Ch. 123, p. 6b (the Ferghana chapter).
d It is interesting that the Indians told Megasthenes of a river in the north, everything thrown into
which sank like stone. It was called Silas, presumably from Skr. silii, stone (Megasthenes, Frag. 19;
Arrian, Indica 6, 2; Strabo, XV, c, 703; Bevan (I), p. 404). Cf. Marco Polo, ch. 22 (Moule &
Pelliot ed.).
e For Western and Arabic references, cf. Forbes (4a). Cf. John Eldred's account of Mesopotamian
seep ages in + 1583 (in Forbes (4b), p. 26) and Tardin's book of + 1618.
f In Sect. 30 we shall give a detailed account of its military use about + 1100.
g (1), pp. 205 fr. h As to this last term, cf. Sect. 30 below on military technology.
i 'Notes on the Investigation of Things.' Not to be confused with the Po Wu Chih of a century
later, as Wittfogel, Feng et al. do (I), p. 565, probably through trusting to TSCC.
3 ~F:e:flr~P]'~
8 f{ 1'< iill
23. GEOLOGY 60 9
This Later Han record of miscellaneous scientific matters says:
In the mountains south of Yen-shou I a there are certain rocks from which springs of
'water' arise. They form pools as big as bamboo baskets, and the stuff flows away in small
streams. This liquid is fatty and sticky like the juice of meat. It is viscous like uncongealed
grease. If one sets light to it, it burns with an extremely bright flame. It cannot be eaten.
The local people call it' stone lacquer'. b
Another version of the story, cited by Li Tao-Yuan in the + 6th century,C adds that it
was used for greasing cart-axles,d and the bearings of water-power trip-hammers. e
Apart from the use of naphtha in warfare, f natural petroleum was later used, in the
Sung, for obtaining carbon for ink. Shen Kua says:
Petroleum (shih yu) is produced in Fu 2 and Yen 3 (places in Shensi and Kansu). This
'oil-water' (chih shui 4) is the same substance as that which old accounts g describe as coming
from Kao-nu Hsien. 5 It comes out mixed with water, sand and stones. In the spring
the local people collect it with pheasant-tail brushes,h and put it into pots where it looks like
lacquer. It can easily be burnt, but its smoke, which is very thick, makes the curtains all
black. I once thought that this smoke might be useful, and tried to collect its deposit for
making ink. The black colour was as bright as lacquer and could not be matched by pine-
wood resin ink. So I made a lot of it and called it Yen-Chhuan Shih 1 6 (Yen River Stone
Juice). I think that this invention of mine will be widely adopted. The petroleum is abundant,
and more will be formed in the earth while supplies of pine-wood may be exhausted. Pine-
forests in Chhi and Lu have already become sparse. This is now happening in the Thai-
Hang mountains. All the woods south of the Yangtze and west of the capital are going to
disappear in time if this goes on, yet the ink-makers do not yet know the benefit of the
petroleum smoke. The smoke of 'stone charcoal' (shih than yen 7-coal) also makes cloths
black (and could be used for ink).i
The striking feature of this passage, written about + 1070, is not that Shen Kua used
petroleum to produce a black smoke,i just as is done in physiological laboratories
today for making kymograph papers, but that he foresaw the de-forestation of his
country, and thought that the' inexhaustible' supplies of oil in the earth could be used
as a substitute for wood. It is rather characteristic of the Chinese pre-industrial era
that petroleum presented itself to an exceptionally intelligent man (as Shen Kua
certainly was), not as a new and immensely significant source of power, but only a new
way of making ink.
a In Shensi, mod. Yenan.
b In Ma Kuo-Han's collection, YHSF, ch. 73, p. 4b; tr. au ct .
C Shui Ching Chu, ch. 3, p. 28b.
There was a little lake of water which would burn. If one set light to it, a brilliant flame
would appear all over its surface as if coming forth from the water. If one poured water on
it to extinguish it, the water changed to fire and burned. The Chinese ambassador and his
suite cooked their meal on it. Later he asked the king of that country about it ... and was
told that it protected a gold casket containing the diadem of Maitreya. b
In Tai-Yii Shan 3 there is an abyss a thousand miles deep, in which water is always
boiling. Metal or stones thrown into it are attacked and reduced to mud. In winter the
water dries up and yellow smoke billows forth from the ground many yards high. People
who live among these mountains dig down to the depth of several tens of feet and get scorched
stone like charcoal, which will burn with flames. It can be ignited by a candle, and the flames
are blue. The deeper they dig the more fire they get.d
This does not sound like an eye-witness account, and some believe that it was a descrip-
tion of Mt Etna brought by Syrian traders, though it seems at least equally likely that
it may derive from reports of the south seas brought back by official travellers like
Khang Thai, who was envoy to Indo-China about + z60. e There is, moreover, another
text in one of the apocryphal classics, which Chhen Phan (4) thinks goes back to the
time of Tsou Yen (-4th century), but is more probably late Han. Here belongs also
the mention of a volcano in the spurious Yiin Cheng chapter of the Shu Ching; f the
fire consumed even jade and stone.
Of hot springs, however, there were always plenty in China.g In the Thang, Hsti
a We have met him before in several connections (Vol. I, p. 2II; Vol. 2, p . 42 8).
b Ch. 16, p. ISb, tr. Levi (I), p. 3 14 ; eng. auct. The common-sense approach of the Chinese is most
characteristic.
C The Europeans had volcanoes at much closer quarters, h ence th e larger interest shown by them
anciently in this (cf. Adam s (I), pp. 399 ff. and elsewhere).
d Ch. 10, p. 6a, tr. au ct. For other ea rly references see TPYL, ch . 869, p . Sb , ch. 871, p. 3a.
e His account of Cambodia is in Liang Shu, ch. 54, p. 6b; Nan Shih , ch. 78, p . sa.
f Ch. 9, tr. Medhurst (I), p . 128.
g The author has very pleasant personal remembrances of the b aths at Fuchow (Fukien) , Peiw~n
chhtian (Szechuan), and An-n ing (Yunnan). He takes this oppo rtunity of recording his deep indebted-
ness in many ways to the friends in whose company h e visited and enjoyed them , Dr Huang Hsing-
Tsung and Dr Wu Su-Hs tian.
23. GEOLOGY 6II
Chien,1 in his encyclopaedic Chhu Hsiieh Chi 2 (Entry into Learning), noted a that if
the upper reaches of a stream smell sulphurous, its springs are likely to be warm or
hot. b About + 800 Li Ho 3 described an arseniferous spring. In the Sung, the author
of the Chhi Tung Yeh Yii believed that the heat was caused by the combustion of
sulphur and alum underground. c In the Ming, Wang Chih-Chien 4 listed many curious
kinds of mineral-laden waters and their effects.d A whole monograph could of course
be written on Chinese ideas concerning volcanic phenomena. e
(c) PALAEONTOLOGY
Though the term 'fossils' is now reserved for the remains of plants and animals
embedded in the strata of the earth's surface, its original meaning was much wider and
included everything of interest which could be obtained by digging. We shall glance
later on at the medieval and Renaissance theories of ' lapidifying' emanations or juices,
in connection with the early ideas on the generation of minerals. Here we are con-
cerned only with the gradual recognition of the fact that some of the life-like forms
discovered in the rocks were in fact the remains of ancient animals, perhaps of species
now extinct. If it be held that palaeontology did not begin until after the appearance
of classificatory systems of Linnean character, it has nevertheless what must then be
called a pre-history going back for many centuries. This is what we have to trace in
comparing Chinese with occidental statements on the subject.
Sometimes it is convenient to begin at the modern end and work backwards.
Andrade (I) informs us that Robert Hooke, during the latter part of the 17th century,
was 'the first to recognise the true nature of fossils and their importance as a record of
the earth's history'. According to Raven,! John Ray, the great systematist (+ 1627 to
+ 1705) was' one of the first to assert that fossils were the remains of living organisms'.
The quotations already given from Shen Kua ( + 11th century) and Chu Hsi ( + 12th)
would alone suffice to show that these statements cannot be true. In any case, the
progress of correct views in the 16th and 17th centuries may readily be followed in the
discourse of Adams g on the 'lapides figurati', as they were then called. Von Zittel h
also shows that while some of the most industrious collectors (such as Martin Lister
and Edward Lhwyd) I held erroneous ideas, the right explanations were given by
Palissy (+ 1580), Alessandro degli Alessandri (+ 1520) and Girolamo Fracastoro
(+ 1517). All these followedj the achievement of Leonardo da Vinci, who in + 1508
wrote his famous passage about the shells of oysters found in high mountains. k But
Avicenna (Ibn Sina) in + 1022 had said the same thing, in almost the same words,l
• Ch. 7, pp. 8afr. He attributed the statement to Chang Hua's Po Wu Chih, c. +290.
b So also Thang Tzu-Hsi'ss I Chao Liao Tsa Chi, ch . I . p . 40b.
c Ch. I, p . 6a. d Piao I Lu, ch . 2, p. 7a.
e Cf. Chhih Ya, ch. 2, p. 5; I Chao Liao Tsa Chi, ch. I, p . 26a.
f (i), p. 170. g (I), pp. 250 fr.
h (I), p. 17. i Gunther (I), vol. 14.
J And, if Duhem is right (I, vol. 2, pp. 283 fr.), derived from him.
kEd. McCurdy (I), vol. I, p. 330. 1 Holmyard & Mandeville (I), p. 28.
612 23. GEOLOGY
while al-BIriini in + 1025 had deduced the former presence of a sea from the finding
of fossil fishes. a This takes us back to the time of Shen Kua and Chu Hsi. There are
no immediately previous contributions from Europe or Islam, and it will therefore be
convenient at this point to see how far back the recognition and study of fossil remains
goes in China, before returning to the contributions, mostly afterwards forgotten, of
Greek and Hellenistic writers.
Recapitulating what was said a few pages above, it will be remembered that Yen
Chen-Chhing in about + 770 clearly associated the occurrence of fossils with what we
should now call sedimentary strata afterwards lifted into mountains. The leading idea
under which he did so was that of the' mulberry-grove', a Taoist technical term which
could have sprung, one feels, straight from the nature-mysticism of Chuang Tzu, with
its conviction of the mutability of all things. It is in the light of this, which we were
able to trace back at any rate to the end of the Han ( + 2nd century), that we may read
the quotations to be given on the following pages concerning particular types of fossils.
We shall begin with fossil plants, and then deal briefly in succession with the remains
of extinct invertebrates-brachiopods (a group in which the fossil forms far surpass
the living ones in number and variety), cephalopods (ammonites, nautiloids) and other
molluscs; and arthropods (trilobites, an extinct group; and fossil crustacea). Lastly
something will be said about fossil reptiles and mammals.
This was written probably towards the end of the + 9th century. Half a century later
these petrified pines of Yung-khang attracted the attention of the Taoist poet
Lu Kuei-Meng,1 who wrote two poems on them. a
The fossilisation of pine trees was appreciated also in the Sung. In the Mo Kho
Hui Hsi (+ 1080) we read:
In Hu Shan 2 there are Pu 3 tree (-trunks)b several feet in length, of which half has been
changed into stone and half is still the hard wood. Tshai Chiln-Mo,4 seeing these and thinking
them particularly strange brought one to his house and I myself c saw it there. d
The Cheng Lei Pen Tshao 5 of about + 11IO remarked, in words quoted textually in
subsequent pharmacopoeias:
Now in Chhuchow 6 there is a kind of 'pine-stone' (sung shih 7) which looks like the trunk
of a pine, but which is actually stone. Some say that these really were once pine-trees, which
in the course of ages have been transformed into stone. People polish them and keep them.
They are of the same nature as asbestos. e
It was good observation that only part of a tree-trunk may petrify.f But there may have
been some confusion with another kind of stone called sung fin shih 8 (pine-forest stone),
which was found in Szechuan; this simply has elaborate dendritic markings due to
crystallisation of manganese dioxide. g One of the first descriptions of this is in the
Tung Thien Chhing Lu Chi,9 by Chao Hsi-Ku 10 ( + 13th century).h
In ot her cases also it is not easy to be sure whether true fossil plants are being
described, or whether the writers really mean something else. Thus the Kuei Hai Yu
Heng Chih (Topography and Products of the Southern Provinces), about + 1I75,
speaks of 'stone plum-trees' (shih mei ll ) and 'stone cypresses.' (shih pOI2), but as it also
says that they grow in the southern seas, they were probably different kinds of cora1. i
Yet if this is so it is odd that Fan Chheng-Ta did not use the usual word fo r coral,
shan hU,13 which is at least as old as the +7th century) He also distinctly says that
they are of the same nature as the fossil crabs (shih hsieh 14 and shih hsia I 5).
4~:f\'~ 5m ~*1$i
9 7liU7Uin..~~
14 E M IS E W
23. GEOLOGY
Yao Yuan-Chih,I in his + 17th-century book, the Chu Yeh Thing Tsa Chi z
(Miscellaneous Records of the Bamboo Leaf Pavilion), says: 'Not only wood but also
herbs can change into stone. When this happens to plants the "water-absorbing stone"
(shang shui shih 3) is produced'. a The usual name for this stone was han shui shih,4
and Chang Hung-Chao has been able to identify it b as calcareous tufa formed from
some species of Chara. It seems that recognition of this stone goes back to the Thang. c
Fossil bamboo-shoots are much spoken of in the Sung period. Lu Yu's 5 Lao Hsiieh
An Pi Chi 6 (Notes from the Hall of Old Learning)d describes the finding of these shih
sun 7 at Chhengtu, but he talks of caves and wells in the same passage, and may
perhaps have referred to stalagmites. On the other hand the following words of Shen
Kua seem to indicate fairly clearly some kind of fossil plants:
In recent years [c. + r080] there was a landslide on the bank of a large river in Yung-Ning
Kuan 8 near Yenchow. 9 The bank collapsed, opening a space of several dozens of feet, and
under the ground a forest of bamboo shoots was thus revealed. It contained several hundred
bamboos with their roots and trunks all complete, and all turned to stone. A high official
happened to pass by, and took away several, saying that he would present them to the
emperor. Now bamboos do not grow in Yenchow. These were several dozens of feet below
the present surface of the ground, and we do not know in what dynasty they could possibly
have grown. Perhaps in very ancient times the climate was different so that the place was
low, damp, gloomy, and suitable for bamboos. On Chin-Hua Shan 10 in Wuchow ll there
are stone pine-cones, and stones formed from peach-kernels, stone bulrush roots, stone
fishes, crabs, and so on, but as these are all (modern) native products of that place, people
are not very surprised at them. But these petrified bamboos appeared under the ground so
deep, though they are not produced in that place today. This is a very strange thing.e
One cannot help being reminded of the providential landslide which turned Roderick
Murchison into a geologist.
With the fossils of animals we are on much surer ground. The brachiopods are a very
ancient phylum of invertebrates bearing a superficial resemblance to bivalve molluscs.
Owing to the fact that the many extinct species of Spirifer and related genera had
shells which look like the outstretched wings of a bird, the Chinese name for them was
shih yen [Z (stone-swallows). These 'stone-swallows' were identified as fossil brachio-
pods by Davidson in + r8S3.f The first important reference to them seems to be
towards the end of the + 5th century, when Li Tao-Yuan said in the Shui Ching Chu
(Commentary on the Waterways Classic):
In Shih -Yen Shan I there are a sort of stone oysters (shih kan 2) which look like swallows.
Hence the name of the mountain. There are two varieties of these stone shapes, one large
and one small, as if they were parents and offspring. During thunderstorms these 'stone-
swallows' fly about as if they were real swallows. (Yet) Lo Han said: 'Now the (stone-)
swallows do not fly about any more.' a
Li Tao-Yuan was quoting here from the Hsiang Chung Chi 3 of Lo Han, 4 who had been
an official of the Chin (ft. c. + 375),b so it seems likely that the fossils had been recog-
nised at least as early as the + 4th century.
From the Thang Pen Tshao ( + 660) onwards, these fossils were incorporated into
the pharmaceutical compendia. Fig. 266, which shows a drawing of them, is taken
from the Pen Tshao Kang Mu. c From the centuries following the time of Li Tao-
Yuan more than thirty texts are known which emphasise the value and beauty of these
stone-swallows and describe their collection as imperial tribute. These include the
geographical chapters of the Thang dynastic histories. d It is noteworthy that Li Tao-
Yuan, who spoke of 'stone oysters', came nearer the truth than the many later writers
who accepted the technical term 'stone-swallows' without question. Yen Chen-
Chhing, in the important passage quoted above (p. 600) on mountain formation, used
the same words as Chu Hsi (la pang,S molluscs), yet what he actually saw may well have
been brachiopod fossils. They were recognised by Tseng Min-Hsing in + 1176 as
having once been in the sea. e
It was a curious idea that the stone-swallows came out of the rocks and flew about
in windy and stormy weather. But the legend at any rate stimulated a Sung scholar to
disprove it experimentally in the + 12th century. It had considerable authority; not
only had Lo Han mentioned it, but his +4th-century contemporary, the famous
painter Ku Khai-Chih,6 had definitely affirmed it,! as also many later writers. But
Tu Wan was not content to believe the story, and wrote (+ 1133) in his Yun Lin Shih
Phu (Cloud Forest Lapidary):
Fig. 266. Drawings of fossil animals from Li Shih-Chen's Pen Tshao Kang Mu of + 1596. At the top
to the left, shill hsieh, i.e. stone crabs. Below, to the left, shih she, i.e. stone serpents; and to the right
shih yen, i.e. brachiopods such as Spiri/er and related genera.
cliffs, and found many of these stone shapes with the form of swallows. Some of them I
marked with my pen. As the rocks were exposed to the blazing sun they cracked and
weathered when thunder showers came, and the ones which I had marked fell to the ground
one after another. It was because of the expansion in the heat and contraction in the cold
that they fell flying through the air. They cannot really fly. The local people have in their
houses many stone plates which show these stone-swallow shapes. a
The texts frequently say that the stone-swallows were dissolved or preserved in
vinegar for use as medicine. The Lung-Chhuan Hsien Chih I (Lung-chhuan Local
Topography) of + 1762 says: 'People who like to do unnecessary things catch them
in nets, cut each one into two, and put them into a vessel with vinegar in it. Those
which can move after being put in are supposed to be the best ones.'b No doubt the
pharmacists deceived themselves in thinking that spontaneous splittings of the stone
were real movement, but perhaps what they did was r.ot so unnecessary after all. It is
a Ch. 2, p . 3 b, tr. auct. b Tr. auct.
23. GEOLOGY
at any rate interesting that geologists still use acetic acid today for removing calcareous
matrix from phosphatic fossils so as to bring out fine detail. Tu Wan seems to allude
to this very practice when he says a that the workers use' drugs' to etch certain stones. b
But even more to the point is the fact that the traditional Chinese diet was always
lacking in calcium (owing to the absence of milk products from the diet), and a good
source of assimilable lime was greatly needed. Even if a large part of the calcium in
fossil bones and other mineral materials was in the form of phosphate rather than
carbonate, some calcium acetate would certainly be formed, and this would be more
suitable for pharmaceutical use, corresponding indeed to the employment of calcium
lactate and other similar organic salts today. The Pen Tshao Kang Mu prescribes
fossils for dental and other troubles likely to be due to hypocalcaemia. c
By the time of Li Shih-Chen in the + 16th century a certain confusion had come
about between the stone-swallow fossils and a bird, the cave-dwelling martin, Chelido
dasypus, which had the same name (shih yenl).d This had been introduced into the
pharmacopoeia by the + loth-century Jih Hua Pen Tshao,2 and of course used for
different purposes. Li Shih-Chen clears up any doubts, however, and treats of the
fossil brachiopod and the bird in two quite different chapters of the Pen Tshao Kang
Mu. e
True fossillamellibranchiate molluscs are also mentioned, as we have already seen
from several quotations (' stone oysters '), and gastropods too (' conchs '), or what were
thought to be so. The Thang Pen Tshao notes the resemblance of the former to the
stone-swallows. Chou Chhii-Fei, about + 1178, in his Ling Wai Tai Ta,! speaking of
Hsiangchow 3 in Kuangsi, says that apart from the stone-swallows, there are many
fossils of another kind resembling sea oysters (hai kan4) which, once living, have
become inlaid (khanS), as it were, into the stone. He adds that these are not the real
stone-swallows, so that a clear distinction must have been made in his time. But
fossil lamellibranch molluscs did not acquire an important place in the lapidary parts
of the pharmaceutical compendia, though the San Tshai Thu Hui encyclopaedia
(Ming) gives a shih ko 6 (fossil clam) along with the true stone-swallows. g
Some very impressive coiled fossil shells of soft-bodied animals which possessed
an external skeleton were recognised by the Chinese, at any rate from the Sung
onwards, the first Pen Tshao in which they appear being Su Sung's7 Pen Tshao Thu
Ching 8 (Illustrated Pharmacopoeia) of + 1070. I illustrate these' stone-serpents' (shih
she 9 ) in Fig. 266, but an even cruder drawing h is contained in the + 1468 edition
4 #Hlt 5 ifX
10 I A Jlnfi mIi 1(. ~ NI
23. GEOLOGY
of the Cheng Lei Pen Tshao. 1 An alternative name was yang chio 10 2 (ram's horn
conchs).a Su Sung b wrote:
The stone-serpent appears in rocks which are found beside the rivers flowing into the
southern seas. Its shape is like a coiled snake with no head or tail-tip. Inside it is empty. Its
colour is reddish purple. The best ones are those which coil to the left. It also looks like the
spiral shell of a conch. We do not know what animal it was which was thus changed into
stone. But (the petrifaction) must have been similar to that which occurred in the case of
the 'stone-crabs'. c
Here it is interesting that sinistral and dextral coiling was noticed, and fossils showing
it would have been almost certainly gastropods rather than cephalopods. Then Khou
Tsung-Shih, 3 in the Pen Tshao Yen 1 4 of + I I 15, acutely observed that in his opinion
the stone-serpent had never been a snake like modern snakes.
The stone-serpent is in colour like earthen plates on old walls or like hanging hawthorn
berries. d Both ends are the same size. The stone-serpent is a very different kind of thing
from the stone-crabs, for they were once real crabs subsequently changed (into stone), but
the stone-serpent was never a snake (such as we find nowadays). People use it very little."
And about the same time the author of the Hsi Chhi Tshung Yu (Western Pool
Collected Remarks) attributesg to Wang Chin-Chhen 9 the idea that there were
particular places under the sea where serpents and crabs were petrified.
Another kind of cephalopod with external skeleton gave rise to conspicuous fossils,
the orthoceratids, or straight-shelled nautiloids. Ordovician limestone containing
them was known by the time of the Ming at any rate as 'pagoda-stone' (pao tha shih 10), h
the septa of the fossil encouraging such an analogy. Other names were' Thai Chi shih' I
on account of a fanciful resemblance to the circles which the Neo-Confucians liked
to embody in their philosophical diagrams, a and also ' straight-horn stone' (chih chio
shih 2 ). Chang Hung-Chao figures a fine specimen of Orthoceras sinensis from a locality
in Hupei. b The nautiloids were not used in medicine, nor was it realised that they were
animal remains.
Fossil arthropods had more of a success in medieval China than the fossil cephalo-
pods just mentioned. Stone containing trilobites was called' bat-stone' (pien fu shih 3),
from the resemblance which the cross-sections of these animals have to the wings of
bats.C In + 1637 Wang Shih-Chen 4 gave a detailed description of these fossils in his
Chhih Pei Ou Than 5 (Chance Conversations North of Chhih-chou). But already four-
teen centuries earlier trilobite-containing rocks had been prized, for Kuo Pho, in his
commentary on the Erh Ya dictionary, says that another name for bats was chih mo 6
and that the men of Chhi use such' bat-stone' for inkstones (chih mo yen 7). The fossils
were probably identical with what was called shih tshan 8 (' stone silkworms '), and as
such they entered the pharmacopoeias. d The earliest in which they were mentioned
was the Khai-Pao Pen Tshao 9 of +970.
Pleistocene crabs were much more widely known. The same early Sung lapidary
introduced them into medicine. e The most common fossil species of China is Macro-
phthalmus latreilli, frequently found in Hainan and Kuangsi; and the name by which
they were always known was shih hsieh, 10' stone crabs'. Fan Chheng-Ta mentions
them several times in his Kuei Hai Yu Heng Chih (+ 1175)/ and in one place suggests
that they were formed from sea-foam, which is a little reminiscent of the 'succus
lapidificus' of European medieval writers. He also says there was a different variety
(shih hsia I I). But plenty of other writers from Sung to Chhing g affirm that they were
real crabs which had been caught in the mud and afterwards petrified. As in the case of
the stone-swallows, there was in late times a confusion with a living species,h which
Li Shih-Chen had to clear up.
Fossil and sub-fossil vertebrates in which the Chinese were interested included the
remains of fishes, reptiles and mammals. The earliest reference to fossil fish has
recently been the subject of a discussion started by Sarton (4), who reported the
examination of such specimens by King Louis IX in + 1253, as given in an account by
a Cf. Sect. 16d above (Vol. 2, p. 461).
b (1), pI. Xl.
C Chang Hung-Chao (1), figures masses of trilobites (Drepanura premesnili) in Cambrian rock from
'i1i.fiJ:6
7 i!& illil!.
.. ~'If A. tJ
620 23. GEOLOGY
the chronicler Joinville in 1309. Pease (I) then adduced the famous passage from
Xenophanes at which we shall glance briefly later, and Eisler (3) conjectured that
certain terms on Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions might refer to fossil fish. Of a
more certain character was the passage from al-BlrunI (+ 1025) translated by Prostov.
Goodrich (6) drew attention to the words of Chu Hsi already quoted, though they
are not strictly relevant to the point at issue, since shell-fish are not fish. It was
left to Rudolph (2) to draw on the excellent discussion of Chang Hung-Chao,a which
shows that, so far as China is concerned, we can start definitely in the + 6th century.
The first reference to 'stone fishes' (shih yii J) comes in the Shui Ching Chu of Li
Tao-Yuan (d. + 527).
The Yiin Lin Shih Phu of + 1133 has a long passage on the subject.
At the top of the mountains in Hsiang-hsiang Hsien in Thanchow 4 there are horizontal
stones buried in the earth. Digging down several feet one can unearth slabs of blue stone;
this is called the 'cover of the fish-stone'. Below this the stone is bluish grey or whitish,
and removing layer by layer, you come upon the shapes of the fishes. They look like' false
carp' (chhiu chiS).c Their scales and antennae are all as perfect as if drawn with ink .
Digging down twenty or thirty feet blue stone is again seen; this is called the' support of the
fish-stone'. Underneath is sand and earth. In the stone the fishes seem to follow one another
as if they were swimming. Sometimes their shapes are injured or indistinct, obscured by
spots, as if the river-weeds had been petrified with them. Then among hundreds of specimens
hardly one or two are clear. The fishes in the stone have no definite orientation, but lie
in all directions; sometimes they are coiled like dragons. Occasionally one can get them out
complete so that both sides can be seen in all perfection.
The local people make falsifications of these fish by painting stone with lacquer. But if
you scrape it and burn it you can easily distinguish by the smell what is true and what is
false.
Moreover, in Lung-Hsi 6 (Kansu) there is a place called Yii-Iung (Fish-Dragon). Here
also if you take out the stone and split it you can obtain many fish shapes, just the same as
what is produced in Hsiang-hsiang. I wonder whether in very ancient times the mountains
fell down upon the rivers in which these fishes lived, so that after many ages they were
condensed into stone (sui chiu thu ning wei shih 7 ), as we see them now.
Here we find an unusually precise description of the geological location of the stone,
and the account of a palaeontological test. This seems to have been necessitated by
some considerable demand for the fossil fish, which encouraged forgeries, but it was
aesthetic rather than medical, for they were not prominent in the Pen Tshao books.
Or else it was because they were regarded as charms for good harvests, and placed in
cupboards to keep away' silver-fish' (Lepisma), bookworms, and other harmful insects.b
The commonest fossil fishes in Chinese rocks are Lycoptera spp.c
The bones and teeth of fossil reptiles, birds and mammals were always known in
China as 'dragon's bones' and 'dragon's teeth' (lung ku l and lung chhih 2). What L i
Shih-Chen says about them in the Pen Tshao Kang Mu has been translated by Read. d
While most of them were undoubtedly of mammalian origin, and from a great variety
of species (Rhinoceros, Mastodon, Elephas, Equus, Hippotherium, etc.) some of them
were bones of deinosaurs and pterodactyls. The great esteem in which 'dragon's
bones' were held medicinallye aided modern palaeontologists to their discoveries of
fossil man in China (Sinanthropus pekinensis), as Davidson Black describes. M oreover,
it was through the examination of drug-store material that the first discovery of the
inscribed oracle-bones f was made just before the beginning of the present century.g
It is an interesting fact that the incorporation of vertebrate fossils in the pharma-
copoeia occurred earlier than in the case of others already described; for the bones are
mentioned in works of Han or San Kuo period such as the Shen N ung Pen Tshao Ching
and the Ming I Pieh Lu, while the teeth appear firs t in the Chin Li shih Yao Lu 3
(Mr Li's Record of Drugs). The Chhien Han Shu (c. + 100) says in its chapter on
irrigation and water-conservancy: 'A canal was dug at Cheng 4 to introduce the
waters of the Lo 5 River to Shang-yen 6 • . •• During the excavations dragon bones were
found and therefore the canal was named the "Dragon-Head waterway".'h This was
approximately in - 133. i So also Wang Chhung says, about + 83, that ' when the
floods had been controlled and were flowing to the east, strange bones were found where
the serpents and dragons had been; thus there was evidence of these queer creatures. ' j
Xenophanes says that the sea is salt because a great variety of mixed materials flow into it.
He further says that the land and sea were once mixed up, and even thinks that the land is
dissolved in course of time by moisture. For this he says he has the following proofs. Shells
(of sea-animals) are found far inland and on mountains, and he tells us that in the stone-
quarries at Syracuse imprints (remains) of fish and a certain kind of seaweed have been
found, while at Paros in the depths of the rock there are impressions of sardines, and at
Malta similar moulds of all kinds of marine creatures. He says that it follows from this that
at one time all these lands were under water. After all things had been turned into mud, the
impressions were dried out and consolidated. And men must all perish when the earth has
been carried down into the sea and (again) become mud; and from that point generation
will begin anew, and these changes take place in all the world. b
Here the echo of the Indian periodical cataclysms is interesting, but one can see that
if the passage really belongs to Xenophanes the pre-Socratics were able to think along
lines which seem very advanced when we meet with them in a Chu Hsi or a Leonardo.
As for later references to fossils in Greek authors, some have proved to be mere mis-
understandings,C but others are quite definite, as, for example, in Strabo,d Pausanias,e
a Pen Tshao Yen I, and copied in later compendia. The mythological aspect of the subject, about
which there is, of course, a large literature (e.g. Hornblower, 2), is not really relevant here. The point
is that the medieval Chinese scientists associated the animal in their minds with the genuine fossilised
material.
b Refutationes, I, 14, IS, tr. Bromehead (I), Heath (4), K . Freeman (I), p. 103; mod. Although all
western classical scholars seem to accept with little hesitation the genuineness of such quotations given
after a lapse of eight centuries, one cannot help remarking that sinologists would show great reluctance
to do so in a parallel Chinese case. The passage comes from a rather corrupt text, but the references
given will indicate some of the emendations and the reasons for them.
e Bromehead (I), p . 104.
d Geogr. I, iii, 4.
e I, xliv, 6.
23. GEOLOGY
Plinya and so on. Conclusions of a geological character, however, were not usually
drawn; the facts were simply noticed as curiosities. Theophrastus ( - 370 to - 287)
started the idea of fish-spawn being scattered among the rocks and then petrifying, or
of a special vis plastica which was able to bring about morphogenesis but not to confer
life and movement on the product. b Mter the patristic period, the presence of fossil
sea-shells in rocks was taken simply as evidence for the flood, as, for example, in
Priscian's Latin translation of Dionysius Periegetes (c. +436)C or Isidore of Seville's
Etymologiae (c. +630).d Finally, interest in fossils completely died out until the
Renaissance.
The picture thus presented is very reminiscent of the Great Interruption which was
so prominent in the history of quantitative cartography.e Brilliant insights or great
achievements were attained by the Greeks, but from about the + 2nd to the + 15th
century China was much more advanced than Europe, until modern science begins to
appear. The pre-history of palaeontology also illustrates this, and it does not seem at all
likely that any stimulus was received by the Chinese from the West at the beginning
of their best period.
a Hist . Nat . XXXVII, x, I!. b Geikie p. 16.
(I),
C Bunbury (I), vol. 2, p. 685. d XIII, 22,ii; cf. Kimble (I), p. 155.
e P. 587 above. And we can recognise a pattern which we have also seen in mathematics (e.g. p. 101),
in astronomy (pp. 366, 379), in tidal theory (p. 493) and in human geography (pp. 514, 520).
24. SEISMOLOGY
(a) EARTHQUAKE RECORDS AND THEORIES
If China had no active volcanoes it nevertheless formed part of one of the world's
greatest areas of seismic disturbance from the earliest times. It was natural, therefore,
that the Chinese should have kept extensive records of earthquakes, and these indeed
now constitute the longest and most complete series which we have for any part of
the earth's surface. a Earlier lists, taken from the Chinese histories, have all been
incorporated in those of Huang (2) and Anon. (8), but it is still good to read some of the
original texts. The Thu Shu Chi Chheng encyclopaedia, for example, devotes six chapters
to excerpts from the dynastic annals concerning earthquakes. b From Omori's study we
learn that up to + 1644 there had been 908 recorded shocks for which we have precise
data. Among the earliest was that of -780 mentioned in the Shih Chi,c when the
courses of three rivers were interrupted. At Nanking between +345 and +414 there
were 30 shocks, and between + 1372 and + 1644 no less than 1I0. But the main area
always lay north of the Yangtze and in all the western provinces. From the records
there emerge twelve peaks of frequency between the end of the Sung and the beginning
of the Chhing, showing a 32-year periodicity. Earthquakes sometimes affected several
provinces, but different regions did not usually have them simultaneously, and there
seems to have been no time correlation between Chinese and Japanese earth-
quakes. One of the worst Chinese ones was that of 25 September + 1303 in Shansi,
while that of 2 February + 1556 is said to have killed more than 800,000 people in
Shansi, Shensi and Honan. A famous siege of Sian in + 1128 was ended by an
earthquake.
No great progress was made in ancient or medieval China regarding the theory of
earthquakes, which indeed in Europe also had to await post-Renaissance conceptions
of the nature of the earth's crust. However, in connection with the - 8th-century
earthquake already mentioned, we find an early statement of ideas concerning them.
The Shih Chi says:
In the second year of the reign of King Yu l (of Chou), the three rivers of the western
province were all shaken and their beds raised up. Poyang Fu 2 said: 'The dynasty of the
Chou is going to perish. It is necessary that the chhi of heaven and earth should not lose
their order (pu shih chhi hSu,3); if they overstep their order (kuo chhi hSu,4)d it is because there
a Anyone with intimate acquaintance in China will have come across personal experience of seismic
phenomena. One of the writer's best friends was made an orphan by the loss of all his family when
their cave-dwelling home in Honan was destroyed in an earthquake about 1930.
b Shu cheng tien, chs. II 5-21. Among other accounts of earthquakes may be mentioned those in
chs. 34-6, 88 and 89 of the Hsin Thang Shu, translated by Pfizmaier (67).
c Ch. 4, p. Z4b. Huang (2), vol. 2, p. 45.
d Cf. Heraclitus on the sun' not transgressing his measures', in Vol. 2, pp. 283, 533 above.
24. SEISMOLOGY 62 5
is disorder among the people. When the Yang is hidden and cannot come forth, or when the
Yin bars its way and it cannot rise up, then there is what we call an earthquake (ti chen I).
Now we see that the three rivers have dried up by this shaking; it is because the Yang has
lost its place and the Yin has overburdened it. When the Yang has lost its rank and finds
itself (subordinate to) the Yin, the springs become closed, and when this has happened the
kingdom must be lost. When water and earth are propitious the people make use of them,
when they are not, the people are deprived of what they need. Formerly when the rivers
I and Lo dried up, the dynasty of the Hsia perished. When the Ho dried up, the dynasty of
the Shang perished. Now the virtue of the Chou is in the same state as that of these dynasties
was in their decline .... The Chou will be ruined before ten years are out; so it is written
in the cycle of numbers a (shu chih chi yeh 2 ).b
Apart from the usual aspect of State prognostication c in Poyang Fu's discourse, its
interest lies in what it says about the Yin and Yang. d Similar ideas were prevalent
throughout the Chhin and Han periods, e as we know from the Lii Shih Chhun Chhiu f
and the Lun Heng;g it was thought, too, that earthquakes could be predicted astro-
logically. The theory of the imprisoned Yang was embodied in the I Ching (Book of
Changes) under the fifty-first hexagram chen,3 which could refer either to thunder or
earthquake shocks, and will still be found in Sung books, such as the Yii Thang Chia
Hua 4 (+ 1288)h by Wang Yiin.s
Let it not be thought that these theories were more primitive than those which the
ancient Mediterranean world entertained on the subject of earthquakes. Lones has
summarised what was thought in Aristotle's time and before it. The Meteorologica i
recapitulates previous explanations-Anaxagoras believed that earthquakes were
caused by excess of water from the upper regions bursting into the under parts and
hollows of the earth; Democritus thought that this happened when the earth was
a1ready saturated with water, and Anaximenes suggested that the shocks were caused
by masses of earth falling in cavernous places during the processes of drying. Aristotle
himself in the - 4th century attributed the instability to the vapour (pneuma, 7TV€up.a)
generated uy the drying action of the sun on the moist earth, and to difficulties met
with by the vapour in escaping) This is closely parallel to Chinese ideas of the
a Cf. p . 402 above; chi as a technical tenn for the Jupiter Cycle, which is perhaps what Poyang means
here.
b Tr. Chavannes (I), vol. I, p. 279; eng. auct. Parallel texts, Kuo Yu, Chou YU, ch. I, pp. 20a ff.;
Chhien Han Shu. ch. 27 c, p . 5 b.
C Cf. Khai-Yuan Chan Ching, ch. 4, p . 3a.
d In view of what has been said above (Sect. 13 c, e, Vol. 2, pp. 241 ff.), it seems unlikely that anyone
in the -8th century would have appealed to Yin and Yang in quite so definite a way, but the speech
attributed to Poyang Fu by Ssuma Chhien would be quite characteristic of the time of Tsou Yen or
somewhat before.
e The Khai-Yuan Chan Ching (+718) quotes (ch. 2, p . 3a) the Hsing Ching as saying that earth-
quakes wer~ due to excess of Yin, and menaced princes.
t Ch. 2'), tr. R. Wilhelm (3), p. 74.
g Chs. 17.42,43,58; tr. Forke (4), vol. I, pp. II2, 127; vol. 2, pp. 160,211.
h 'Agr.eeable Talks in the Jade Hall', ch. 2, p. 2a.
i n, vii, viii (365 a 14ff.).
j The lively statement of this theory by Shakespeare will be remembered (King Henry IV (Pt. I),
Act. lll, sc. I, 11. 25 ff.).
3 :it
626 24. SEISMOLOGY
imprisonment of chhi. A few pages below, we shall have occasion to notice an even
closer parallel between Aristotelian and Chinese ideas on the generation of rocks and
ores, both being expressed in pneumatic terms. No further progress was made in
seismic theory until modern times.
But the importance of pneumatic ideas equally in China and Europe is quite striking.
Seneca, writing just over ten years before the birth of Chang Heng, says:
The chief cause of earthquake is air, an element naturally swift and shifting from place to
place. As long as it is not stirred, but lurks in a vacant space, it reposes innocently, giving no
trouble to objects around it. But any cause coming upon it from without rouses it, or
compresses it, and drives it into a narrow space ... and when opportunity of escape is cut off,
then 'With deep murmur of the Mountain it roars around the barriers', which after long
battering it dislodges and tosses on high, growing more fierce the stronger the obstacle with
which it has contended. a
One might be reading Ching Fang or any other Han mutationist.
that of 1886.
d Davison's work on the founders of seismology, however, does not mention Chang Heng, and it is
particularly strange that Knott's does not do so either, since Knott (like Milne) worked in Japan.
e Here a strange circumstance must be mentioned. Sarton (I), in his great Introduction, refers the
invention of the seismograph to Chhao Tsho,z who lived in the - 2nd century (vol. I, p. 196). The
only authority cited is Sieberg, who describes (p. 2II) Chang Heng's instrument, erroneously referring
it to - 136 instead of + 132, and giving only his Japanese name (or rather a distortion of ir) • Chiocho'.
So Milne and Shaw refer only to 'Choko', and a writer in Nature in 1939 knows only 'Tyoko', which
is Imamura's version. Now the biography of Chhao Tsho in Chhien Han Shu, ch. 49, says nothing
about a seismograph or anything remotely connected with it. We believe, therefore, that Homer must
here have nodded, and that the whole entry should be omitted from the next edition of the Int,·oduction.
f Sun Wen-Chhing (2,3, 4) ; Chang Yin-Lin (4) ; Chang Yti-Che (I, 2).
g Ch. 89, p. 9b, cit. TPYL, ch. 752, p. lb.
h Pelliot & Moule (I); Imamura (I); Forke (6); H . A. Giles (5); Waley (11); Milne (I).
24. SEISMOLOGY
best elements in previous renderings, all of which have been carefully compared with
the text:
In the first year of the Yang-Chia reign-period ( + 132) Chang Heng also invented (tsao ,)
an 'earthquake weathercock' a (hou feng ti tung iz-i.e. a seismograph). b
It consisted of a vessel of fine cast bronze, resembling a wine-jar, and having a diameter of
eight chhih 3. c
It had a domed cover, and the outer surface was ornamented with antique seal-characters,
and designs of mountains, tortoises, birds and animals.
Inside there was a central column capable of lateral displacement along tracks in the eight
directions, and so arranged (that it would operate) a closing and opening mechanism (Chung
yu tu chu, pang hsing pa tao, shih kuanfa chi 4).d
Outside the vessel there were eight dragon heads, each one holding a bronze ball in its
mouth, while round the base there sat eight (corresponding) toads with their mouths open,
ready to receive any ball which the dragons might drop.
The toothed machinery (ya chi 5) e and ingenious constructions were all hidden inside the
vessel, and the cover fitted down closely all round without any crevice.
When an earthquake occurred the dragon mechanism of the vessel was caused to vibrate
so that a ball was vomited out of a dragon-mouth and caught by the toad underneath. At
the same instant a sharp sound was made which called the attention of the observers.
Now although the mechanism of one dragon was released, the seven (other) heads did not
move, and by following the (azimuthal) direction (of the dragon which had been set in
motion), one knew (the direction) from which the earthquake (shock) had come (lit. where
the earthquake was). When this was verified by the facts there was (found) an almost
miraculous (shen 6 ) agreement (i.e. between the observations made with the apparatus and
the news of what had actually happened).
Nothing like this had ever been heard of before since the earliest records of the Shu (Ching).
On one occasion one of the dragons let fall a ball from its mouth though no perceptible
shock could be felt. All the scholars at the capital were astonished at this strange effect
occurring without any evidence (of an earthquake to cause it). But several days later a
messenger arrived bringing news of an earthquake in Lung-Hsi (Kansu).f Upon this every-
a Pelliot was puzzled here by the reference to winds, and thought that they might have something
to do with earthquakes, but the point is really quite clear; Chang H t!ng's apparatu s determined the
azimuth direction in which the earthquake's epicentre lay, just as the weathercock determined the
direction of the wind. Chu Kho-Chen (2) has urged that two separate instruments are referred to h ere,
a weathercock (hou feng i)-which he interprets as some kind of anemometer-and the seismograph
(ti tung i). Dr Chu feels that this is justified by passages from the San Fu Huang Thu which we have
already noticed (see p. 478 above) in connection with weathercocks (private communication), but we,
at any rate, have not been able to find any reference to the seismograph in the text of this Chin book.
b Others have carefully written' seismoscope' instead of' seismograph', but the following description
will, I think, justify the use of the latter term.
C As the Later Han chhih was just on nine of our inches, the diameter would be six feet.
d This is the key sentence of the whole. We have assumed that kuan and fa are antitheses, but
fa-chi was the technical term for the contemporary crossbow trigger, a beautiful piece of mechanism
in cast bronze (cf. below, Sect. 30). If this sense is preferred the interpretation of Wang Chen-To is
strengthened.
e This need not mean toothed gearwheels. Both Wang Chen-To and Imamura need teeth or pins
in one way or another, as will be seen.
f About 400 miles away to the north-west. Ong Wt!n-Hao (2) has made a study of the earthquakes
in Kansu province, and gives a register of their recorded occurrences (-780 to + 1909).
31{
628 24. SEISMOLOGY
one admitted the mysterious (power of the instrument). Thenceforward it became the duty
of the officials of the Bureau of Astronomy and Calendar to record the directions from which
earthquakes came. a
It will be agreed that this passage is one of the greatest interest. Let us see in what
way it is possible to reconstruct the instrument of Chang Heng. We owe to Wang
Chen-To (1) an interesting attempt, but what is particularly valuable in these matters
is the approach of men who are themselves practical experimentalists in the fields
concerned-in this case Milne and Imamura.
First, Milne saw correctly that the 'central column' was essentially a pendulum.
Both he and Wang Chen-To assumed it to be a suspended pendulum, while Imamura
Fig. 267. A reconstruction of the external appearance of the first of all seismographs, that of
Chang Heng (+ 132), by Li Shan-Pang.
believes that it must have been an inverted one. All the seismologists have appreciated
the technical difficulty of constructing an apparatus in which only one of the balls
should drop out (and thus 'write' its record of the phenomenon), since there are
always, besides the main longitudinal shock-wave, other components, mostly lateral,
some of which may be of great force. It was necessary therefore to include some
arrangement whereby the apparatus would be immobilised immediately after giving
its first response.
A reconstruction of the external appearance of the apparatus by Li Shan-Pang is
given in Fig. 267. Fig. 268 then shows the reconstruction of the intern~l mechanism
proposed by Wang Chen-To. The pendulum, heavy and fat, carries eight arms radiat-
ing in the eight azimuthal directions. Each of these bears at its end a vertical pin
a Tr. auct.; adjuv. Pelliot & Moule (1); Imamura (1); Forke (6), p . 19; Pfizmaier (92), p. 148;
H. A. Giles (5), p. 277.
Fig. 268. An attempted reconstruction of the mechanism of Chang H@ng's seismograph by Wang
Chen-To (I). The pendulum carries eight mobile arms radiating in as many directions and each
connected with cranks which are provided with catch mechanisms at the periphery. Anyone of the
cranks which raises a dragon head and so releases a ball is thus at the same time caught and held, thus
immobilising the instrument. 3, crank ; 4, right-angle lever for raising the dragon's head; 6, vertical pin
passing through a slot in the crank; 7, arm of pendulum; 8, pendulum; 9, catch; 10, pivot on a pro-
jection; 12, sling suspending the pendulum; 13, attachment of sling; 14, horizontal bar supporting the
pendulum; IS, lower jaw of dragon supporting ball.
24. SEISMOLOGY
loosely engaging with a small slot at the proximal end of a long crank. The crank is
pivoted at the further end, so that when the pendulum swings in that direction the
dragon's upper jaw is raised, releasing the ball from the mouth, while at the same time
a hook on the crank catches on to a projection or annular rim attached to the inside of
the vessel's wall, and thus immobilises the mechanism. Much of Wang Chen-To's
paper is devoted to showing that the people of the Later Han were able to construct
such a mechanism, as is proved by the levers and cranks used in contemporary devices
such as the crossbow trigger. Here he is certainly right.
Imamura's contention would be, however, that the immobilisation mechanism pro-
posed by Wang would not have sufficed to prevent further motion due to transverse shock
components. He favours a pendulum of inverted type (see Fig. 269).a A pendulum
of circular cross-section with a heavy bob stands on a base-plate; its diameter is 3 cm.,
its centre of mass 17 cm. high, and the minimum acceleration required to overturn it
is 8'7 gals. b Above the bob the pendulum is prolonged into a pin (perhaps the 'tooth'
of the text), which passes through the central hole of two diaphragms fixed horizontally
in the upper part of the vessel. Both of these are provided with eight slots or guides
(perhaps the' tracks' implied in the text), the important point being that once the pin
has entered one of these as a result of the initial shock, it is unable to respond to
subsequent shock components in such a way as to knock out any further balls. The
transmission of the pin's movements to the ball in question is effected simply by laying
sliders on the lower slotted plate; these are each available to give a push to each of their
respective balls, which would normally be held in place by very small indentations in
the bronze or some similar device. The only linguistic difficulty about Imamura's
view is that the text distinctly says 'the seven (other) heads did not move', implying
that one of them did; but perhaps we should not insist upon so strict an interpretation
of Fan Yeh's words. In any case, it is of much interest that Imamura and Hagiwara
constructed a model instrument on this pattern and tested it out at the Seismological
Observatory of Tokyo University. It was found that the ball was usually released not
by the initial longitudinal wave, but by secondary transverse waves; though if the first
shock was very strong it would do. It may well have been necessary, therefore, for
Chang Heng to calibrate his instrument empirically. The historiographers would hardly
be likely to have taken note of the fact (if such it was) that in some circumstances
one had to take the direction at right angles to the dropped ball as that of the earth-
quake's epicentre. Imamura points out that by estimating the duration of the
preliminary tremors, and consequently the focal distance, one could give a rough
estimate, not only of the direction, but also of the distance, of the earthquake. It will
have been noticed that the text is a little confused as to these two determinations.
The principle of recording by means of dropping balls was one in which Chang
Heng had been anticipated by Heron of Alexandria (ft. + 62), who used them in some
of his hodometers c (cf. Sect. 27c below). It is interesting to note, however, that they
a Subsequently Wang Chen-To (6) also adopted the hypothesis of an inverted pendulum, as may
be seen from his latest model (Fig. 270). b I gal. = 1 / 1000 g.
C Cf. Diels (I); Beck (I), p. 53.
24 SEISMOLOGY
Upper
plate
Lower
plate
with
three
sliders
and
ballsin
poslUon
.
I
'==
Sliders
="==~ Lower plate
Bob
Pendulum
Fig. 269. Imamura Akitsune's reconstruction of the seismograph of Chang Heng employing the
principle of an inverted pendulum. When knocked over by an earth tremor the pin at the top must enter
one or other of the slots provided and expel a ball by pushing one or other of the eight sliders. It can
then no longer leave the slot and the instrument is immobilised.
Fig. 270. Another reconstruction of Chang Heng's seismograph by Wang Chen-To (6), accepting
Imamura's principle of the inverted pendulum. Only the skeleton of the instrument is shown here,
Wang Chen -To still favouring lever systems rather than slots and sliders.
24. SEISMOLOGY
are still used today, as, for example, in the Ekman current meter. This consists of
a mechanism attached to a sinker which is lowered from a ship on the end of a cable.
A propeller (idling) records the speed of the current by the number of its revolutions
in a given time, while a vane capable of moving round a vertical axis controls the
periodical fall of small bronze balls into a series of radial compartments. The statistical
curve of their distribution in these gives the mean direction of the current. a
That his instrument was considered of much importance at the time is clear from
the fact that it is referred to, not only in Chang Heng's biography, but also in the
, Annals' chapter in which the chief events of the reign of the emperor Shun are given. b
It is merely said that for the first time a seismograph (hou feng ti tung thung i I) was
installed in the Bureau of Astronomy and Calendar, and the commentary adds that
Chang Heng, who was Thai Shih Ling z (Astronomer-Royal) at the time, made it.c We
ought not to miss the point that the invention had a certain connection with the
centralisation of government; by its aid the high officials would have advance notice of
an earthquake in a distant province, and would be able to take measures to deal with
needs or disturbances which might ensue. It is therefore a parallel with the rain-
gauges and snow-gauges noticed above. d
From the Rou Ran Shu e we know something of the seismic shocks which occurred
during the period of Chang Heng's lifetime. Since +46 there had been twenty-five
important earthquakes in more than fifty commanderies and provinces. In the decades
before Chang Heng's invention was perfected, the capital itself (Sian) had been rocked
thrice. In + 133 and + 135, just afterwards, there were again two earthquakes which
did damage at the capital. A bad one centred in Lung-Hsi (Kansu) came in + 138,
and this (or its associated tremors) may well have been the occasion of the striking test
of the delicacy of the instrument.
Those who mention the seismograph of Chang Heng generally imply that it was
a chance achievement which had no subsequent history. This does not seem to be
true, however, for we can find at least two references to similar instruments in later
centuries. Hsintu Fang 3 we have already met as a mathematician; f he flourished in the
latter half of the + 6th century and served the Northern Chhi dynasty. The Pei Chhi
Shu tells us that
Hsintu Fang when young showed mathematical ability and was praised by everyone in his
locality. A man of great ingenuity, he was often absorbed in high contemplation, forgot to
eat or sleep, and fell into holes when walking about. Sometimes he said to his friends that
when concentrating on the mysterious refinements of the mathematical art he would not
even notice thunder. His knowledge of techniques (eventually) induced the emperor Kao
a For this information I have to thank Dr Ronald Fraser and R ear-Admiral Day, Hydrographer of
the Navy.
b Hou Han Shu, ch. 6, p. 8a.
C Moreover, it was mentioned in Tshui Yuan's' epitaph on Chang Hl!ng (Chin Shu, ch. II, p. 3a).
d Pp. 471ff.
e Ch. 26, pp. 1-5 .
f P. 35 8 above.
24. SEISMOLOGY
Tsu (of the Sui) to entertain him as a client.... He wrote a book called Chhi Chun 1 (Specifica-
tions (or Calibration) of Instruments) which included descriptions of armillary spheres, the
'earthquake (weathercock), (seismograph), hydrostatic vessels a (wo chhiZ), water-clocks, and
so on, all illustrated by diagrams .... b
Thus if he was able to explain the principles of the seismograph and enjoyed imperial
favour, the presumption that he made and used one is not unreasonable. Indeed the
fuller account in the Pei Shih explains c that in earlier life Hsintu Fang was a client in
the household of a certain prince An-Feng Wang. 3 This man, whose personal name
was Kao Yen-Ming,4 had collected a large library of books on mathematics and science
as well as the classics, and had in his palace all kinds of scientific instruments. He
asked Hsintu Fang to collaborate in making calculations, but before long Kao Yen-
Ming had to flee to the south and Hsintu was obliged to write the book alone. d
In the succeeding generation Lin Hsiao-Kung S took up the subject. The Sui Shu
says:
Lin Hsiao-Kung was adept at astronomy and mathematics .... The emperor Kao Tsu
treated him intimately and with all hospitality. He proved very successful in predicting
fortune and misfortune, and the emperor entrusted him with all Yin-Yang matters ... . He
wrote the Wo Chhi Thu 6 (Diagrams of Hydrostatic Vessels) in three chapters, the Ti Tung
Thung I Ching? (Manual of the Bronze Earthquake (-Indicating) Instrument) in one chapter,
and the Thai I Shih Ching 8 (Great Unity Divining-Board Manual) in thirty chapters .... e
Lin was working during the period + 581 to + 604. As regards the actual construction
of the seismograph the same remarks apply as in the case of Hsintu half a century
earlier. It should, moreover, be remembered that this was just the period when Keng
Hsiin and others were making particularly complicated water-clocks with balance
adjustments,f so that there is no need to doubt mechanical ingenuity and ability at this
time, though before the unification by the Sui (+ 581) conditions were doubtless
unsettled.g
The seismograph seems not to have outlasted the Thang, however. In a passage
from the Yuan book Chhi Tung Yeh Yii by Chou Mi (c. + 1290), quoted elsewhere,h
it is interesting to find that, while the principles of all other instruments had been
Judging from general principles, I see very well that celestial phenomena have definite
(quantitative) rules to follow (thien wen yu kuei tu kho hsun I) so that (it is possible to make
instruments to measure) hours and quarters succeeding one another without the slightest
inaccuracy. For example, the armillary sphere can measure (these movements). But earth-
quakes come from (unpredictable and) un measurable (pu tshe Z) collisions of the Yang and the
Yin. Take the case of the body of a man; the blood and the chhi are sometimes in accord
(shun 3 ) and sometimes in opposition (ni4), hence the flesh responds, and he winks his eyes
or moves his ears. If the chhi reaches (the vital point) he moves; if it does not, he is motion-
less. And yet this instrument (the seismograph) is said to have been placed in the capital far
away from the place where the earthquake occurred. How could the collision of the two
chhi make the bronze dragons vomit forth the balls? I cannot at all make out the principle,
and would very much like to find someone who understands it.a
This passage is particularly interesting because the difficulty felt by Chou Mi was
perhaps what we should call the distinction between phenomena which show great
natural regularity, and others which require statistical methods for their treatment.
He could not understand how an instrument could, as it were, 'lie in wait' for an
irregularly recurring phenomenon, especially at a distance. In other words he could
only visualise repetition as given in celestial recurrences. He did not realise that man
himself (as we saw on p. 160 above) must organise repetitions if there was to be fruitful
experimentation on earth, and only a recording machine planned and tested in this
way could register fitful phenomena. Perhaps significantly Chou Mi was a scholar but
Hsintu Fang was a practical man much nearer to the artisans. The passage also shows,
by its significant biological and microcosmic analogy, that the ancient pneumatic
theory was exerting a positively inhibitory influence on scientific thinking. Finally,
the account of Chang Heng's seismograph came to be frankly disbelieved, as we may
see from the Chhing book Chhiao Hsiang Hsiao Chi 5 (Woodsmoke Perfume Jottings)b
of Ho Hsiu,6 who reproduces, in the + 18th century, exactly the same argument as
Chou Mi in the + 13th.c
Possibly the seismographic pendulums of + 6th-century China found their way
somehow to the West, for we hear of seismographic instruments at the Maraghah
observatory in + 13th-century Persia. d Then again there is a great gap until 1703 when
de la Hautefeuille set up the first modern seismograph. e The principle adopted was
posed to be congealed from the moist exhalation, a and all other minerals and rocks
by the dry. The exact nature of the processes involved, as Aristotle describes them,
remains obscure, but it seems that while the moist exhalation was thought to be the
material cause of the metals, the dry one was rather the efficient cause of the minerals.
However this may be, the important point for us is the' pneumatic' character of the
doctrine; the chhi I of Chinese writers seems a conception quite parallel to Aristotle's
'exhalations' .b
The preface to chapter 8 of the Pen Tshao Kang Mu opens thus:
Stone is the kernel of the chhi and the bone of the earth. In large masses it forms rocks
and cliffs, in small particles it forms sand and dust. Its seminal essence (ching)2 becomes
gold and jade; its poisonous principle becomes arsenolite (yu 3 ) and arsenious acid (Phi 4 ).
When the chhi becomes congealed (ning S ) it forms cinnabar and green vitriol. When the chhi
undergoes transformation, it becomes liquid and gives rise to alums and to mercury. Its
changes (are manifold), for that which is soft can become hard, as in the case of milky brine
which sets to rock (-salt); and that which moves can become immobile, as in the case of the
petrifaction of herbs, trees, or even of flying or creeping animals, which once had animation
yet turn into that which has it not. Again, when thunder or thunderbolts turn to stones,
there is a transformation of the formless into that which has form ...• c
This is surely the same doctrine as that of Greek' exhalations'. Probably both derive
from sources more ancient still, perhaps Babylonian, and certainly finding expression
in the prii1}a of Sanskrit texts anterior to both Greece and China. The quotation just
given was of course from the + 16th century, but we can go back through the + 11th d
to the + 5th, and then to the - 2nd. In thus surveying this field of ideas we find at
once that the theory of exhalations was intimately connected with a twin theory of the
gradual growth of minerals and metals in the earth, and of their transformation into
one another. 'The theory of exhalations', says Berthelot, e 'was the point of departure
for later ideas on the generation of metals in the earth, which we meet with in Proclus,f
and which reigned throughout the middle ages.' In so far as they recognised what we
should now call processes of slow chemical change in the constituents of the earth's
crust, they were not so far wrong; where they erred was in the assumption that metallic
and other elements themselves changed into one another. This was what Ibn Sina was
one of the first to doubt, in his famous passage against alchemy.g But nevertheless
the conviction that minerals and metals did change into one another while slowly
'#i. zm Sllf
25. MINERALOGY
growing in the earth was powerfully effective in encouraging the belief that by suitable
methods alchemists could succeed in accelerating similar changes under laboratory
conditions.
Li Shih-Chen wrote:
It is said in the Ho Ting Hsin Shu' (New Book of Poisonous Substances)a that copper,
gold and silver have a common root and origin. That which obtains the chhi of the purple
Yang b produces green (matter),c and after two hundred years this becomes stone; in the
midst of this the copper grows. It is because its chhi possesses a Yang (nature) that it is so
hard and tough. d
This takes us back to the + 12th century or somewhat before, a time when poets such
as Chang Tzu 2 were making use of these ideas in their writings. e Similar transforma-
tions were also thought to occur with the sulphides of arsenic. Li Shih-Chen says:
Orpiment f is formed on the Yin side of mountains, therefore it is called 'female yellow'
(tzhu huang 3 ). The Thu Hsiu Pen Tshao 4 (Earth's Mansions Pharmacopoeia)g tells us that
if the petrifying chhi of the Yang is not sufficient, a female (tzhu 5) mineral is formed; if it is
sufficient, a male (hsiung 6 ) mineral is formed. They take five hundred years to consolidate
and form minerals. During this time they react (lit. carry out the role of husband and wife),
which is why they are called male and female. h
That this goes back at least to the + 5th century we know from a quotation in the
Thai-Phing Yii Lan encyclopaedia from a lost book, the Tien Shu 7 (Management of
all Techniques), by a prince of the Liu Sung Dynasty, Chien Phing Wang 8 (ft. + 444).i
The most precious things in the world are stored in the innermost regions of all. For
example, there is orpiment (tzhu huang 8 ) . Mer a thousand years it changes into realgari
(hsiung huang 9 ). Mer another thousand years the realgar becomes transformed into yellow
gold. k
a This is a very obscure book. Li Shih-Chen quotes it among his authorities (ch. lA, p. 37b), but
its date is not known to us . Cheng Chhiao in the + 12th century wrote a Ho Ting Fang'O (Prescriptions
involving Poisons). Ho ting was a proverbial term for a poisonous substance.
b I suspect this may refer to cinnabar. It was a term of alchemical importance sometimes taken as
a personal pseudonym (see below, Sect. 33).
C Copper carbonate, no doubt.
d PTKM, ch. 8, p. I2a, tr. auct., adjuv. de Mely (I); cf. de Mely (I), pp. xxv 21; text, p . 18.
e Nan Hu Chi, ch. 3, p. lb.
f Arsenious sulphide.
g This again is a very obscure book, not mentioned in any of the official bibliographies, and not in
the Tao Tsang. Li Shih-Chen cites it in his own bibliography as the Thu Hsiu Chen Chun Tsao-Hua
Chih-Nan l I (Guide to the Creation, by the Earth's Mansions Immortal), ch. lA, p. I7a. It was pre-
sumably a Taoist book of Sung or Ming.
h PTKM, ch. 9, p. 39b, tr. auct. Cf. de Mely (I), pp. xxiv, 80.
I Biography in Sung Shu, ch. 72, p . 5 a. A contemporary of Proclus.
J Arsenic sulphide.
k Ch. 988, p . 3a, tr. auct.
Gold is produced in the earth with the aid of strong solar heat, by a brilliant mercury
united to a clear and red sulphur, concocted for more than 100 years .. .. White mercury,
fixed by the virtue of incombustible white sulphur, engenders in mines a matter which fusion
changes to silver. ... Tin is generated by a clear mercury and a white and clear sulphur,
concocted for a short time subterraneously. If the concoction is very prolonged, it becomes
silver. ... f
Berthelot supposed that this theory must have entered Chinese proto-scientific litera-
ture from Western sources. Yet we can find a classical passage in Chinese from the
- 2nd century (and therefore anterior to most of the Greek chemical writings,g
When the chhi of the central regions (lit. the' main-lands ') ascends to the Dusty Heavens
(ai thien l ), they give birth after 500 years to chueh 2 (an unknown mineral, perhaps realgar).
This in its turn produces after 500 years yellow mercury, yellow mercury after 500 years
produces yellow metal (gold), and yellow metal in 1000 years gives birth to a yellow dragon.
The yellow dragon, penetrating to the treasuries (of the earth) gives rise to the Yellow
Springs. b When the dust from the Yellow Springs ascends and becomes yellow clouds, the
Yin and Yang beat upon one another, produce peals of thunder, and fly out as lightning. The
(waters) which were above thereupon descend (as rain), and the running streams flow down-
wards uniting in the Yellow Sea.
When the chhi of the eastern regions (lit the 'edge-lands ') ascend to the Caerulean
Heavens, they give birth after 800 years to chhing tsheng 3 (azurite or malachite, i.e. copper
carbonate). This in its turn produces after 800 years green mercury, green mercury after
800 years produces blue metal (presumably lead), and blue metal in 1000 years gives birth to
a Caerulean dragon. The Caerulean dragon, penetrating to the treasuries (of the earth) gives
rise to the Green Springs. When the dust from the Green Springs ascends and becomes
blue clouds, the Yin and Yang beat upon one another, produce peals of thunder, and fly
out as lightning. The (waters) which were above thereupon descend (as rain), and the running
streams flow downwards uniting in the Caerulean Sea. C
It would be tedious to prolong this passage, which continues its parallelism to the end.
So far we have had the yellow Centre and the blue-green East. The pattern of symbolic
correlations unrolls itself as follows:
South 'bull-lands' Red 700 yrs. chhih tan 4 red mercury copper
(red cinnabar) I
West ' weak lands' White 900 yrs. pai yu 5 white mercury silver
(arsenolite)
North 'cow-lands' Black 600 yrs. hsuan chih 6 black mercury Iron
(or dark) (dark grindstone)
The passage is certainly archaic. Mter what was said earlier d concerning the associa-
tion of colours, compass-points, etc., we cannot be surprised to meet with it again here.
But what is quite surprising is to find that same juxtaposition of meteorological and
mineralogical exhalations which, as we saw, was characteristic of Aristotelian doctrine.
I am inclined to think that the expression 'heavens' may be partly metaphorical;
perhaps the real sky and the real rain were meant in the case of the centre, but for the
other four regions, the reference may be rather to those upper layers of the earth's
crust in which the mineral transformations were to occur. In any case, the text
a Pp. 12a ft'.
b A proverbial expression for the Plutonic regions .
C Tr. Erkes (I). Dubs (5) ; slightly mod. d Sect. 13d above (Vol. 2. pp. 261ft'.).
25. MINERALOGY
mentions many of the inorganic substances which later became so important in
alchemy-arsenic sulphide, sulphur, arsenious acid,a mercuric sulphide, mercury, and
the metals. Dubs is surely right in his view that the association of all these with the
five elements (manifested by the colours and the directions) indicates strongly that the
alchemical-mineralogical doctrine goes back to the - 4th-century school of Tsou Yen. b
He points out, moreover, that the order in which the elements are here listed is the
same as that found in the surviving fragments of Tsou Yen. We shall see further
evidence connecting the School of Naturalists with alchemy below. c Here it is only
necessary to note the link between the theory and the practice. The aim of alchemy
was the artificial production of gold, which it was thought would confer material
immortality; this mineralogical idea made the possibility more plausible by describing
the natural production of gold as the spontaneous metamorphosis of certain minerals.
I agree fully with Eliade d and others when they suggest that the early alchemists
believed that with the aid of divine beings they could hasten this natural metamorphosis
and thereby bring about alchemical transformation. The Chinese theory of the meta-
morphosis of minerals is then fully developed by - 122, and probably goes back to
- 350 or before. It is extremely difficult to believe that Tsou Yen and his School
derived it from Aristotle or the pre-Socratics. e The future will probably show that it
came from some intermediate and older source whence it radiated in both directions.
• In + 1637 Sung Ying-Hsing took the trouble to deny that tin ore was generated from arsenic
trioxide (TKKW, ch. 14, p. lob). In our own time it was still believed in Annam that gold grew in the
earth from' black bronze ' (Przyluski, 6).
b Cf. above, Sect. 13 c (Vol. 2, pp . 232 ff.). C Sect. 33.
d (4), and especially a more recent monograph (5), of luminous insight and deep learning.
e In vit:w of what we know of possible inter-cultural contacts in those times (Sect. 7 above).
f According to Hopkins (12) and other scholars, its ancient forms were pictographs of a girdle
pendant composed of several pieces of jade.
'1]
25. MINERALOGY
fourth, lu, I was dedicated to salt, but unfortunately this was not given any general
application until modern times, only eleven derivatives being listed in Couvreur (2).
The lexicographers disclaim any interpretation of the Shang graph (K 71 b),
but one may suggest that it was a bird's-eye picture of the salterns in which ®
the brine was evaporated. Or it may have been, as Baas-Becking thought, an K71b
attempt to draw a large crystal of salt.
Colours played an important part in the classification of minerals, as was natural.
Tan, 2 which came to mean red, was a great witchword in Chinese alchemy and
mineralogy, having had the significance of cinnabar (mercuric sulphide) for as far
back as it can be traced. a Ultimately, on account of the use of cinnabar as a drug of
immortality by the Taoists, tan came to mean any medicine, pill or prescription. An
alternative way of writing tan 3 suggests the mineral in a furnace or container,
but the bone form (KI5ob) is more probably a picture of an oracle-bone, or A
part of a human skeleton, with a spot of magic red applied to it. Similarly, K1sob
other minerals and salts were given names ending in yellow (huang 4 ) or blue-green
(chhing S ), for example (as we have just seen) 'male yellow' and 'female yellow', in
just the same way as in our own time dyes of complex organic structure are known as
Nile Blue or Brilliant Green.
Another word which ought to have been capable of extended classificatory use was
fan, 6 used for alum and, with qualifiers, all related substances. The upper part of this
character means a fence or a hedge, and the philologists have of course renounced all
hope of understanding its origin; but for anyone who has seen the methods employed
in traditional Chinese chemical technology (as at the Tzu-liu-ching brine-field), it will
seem quite plausible to suppose that the character refers to the method used for
evaporating solutions at 'room temperature', namely, by pouring them continuously
in the open air over a large structure like a hedge made of dry thorn branches, thus
increasing enormously the air-water surface (Fig. 271).
Powders were known as sha 7 (' sands', lit. small particles of rock) , hui 8 (' ashes '),
jen9 (from finely divided rice meal), ni lO (' muds '), shuang II (' frosts', if white in colour),
and thang 12 'sugars' (cf. 'sugar of lead '). Inorganic substances were termed' fats' if
of greasy or viscous consistency, such as clays or soapstone, chih 13 or kao. 14 In the
quotations which have been given on the preceding pages we have seen several indica-
tions that the Chinese thought of the earliest stages in the growth of ores as being of
a soft, plastic or viscous consistency; and exactly the same idea (natural enough on any
conception of slow petrifaction) occurs in late medieval and early Renaissance Western
writers, who spoke of these materials as 'Bur' or 'Gur'. b
a There was, of course, confusion later with litharge and other red substances.
b Adams (2), pp. 283, 290. Though I have not seen it suggested, van Helmont may have been
simply pushing these ideas a stage further in his invention of the terms' BIas' and' Gas', the latter of
which was destined to make its fortune.
J U .. 1t. 5 I~ 7 0-
10 ~ 1I*i " tll' '4 1f
PLATE XCIII
Fig 271. Evaporator of traditional type at the Tzu-liu-ching brine- field (orig. photo.). Solutions
of salts are continuously poured over these large thatch structures in the open ai r ; the air-water
surface is thus eno rmously increased and the brine concentrated. If this method is ancient it
may explain the structure of the character fan, alum.
25. MINERALOGY
First Rank: cinnabar, mica, mineral waters, stalactites, alum, saltpetre, steatite, copper
carbonate, haematite, quartz, amethyst, a variety of clays.
Second Rank: orpiment, realgar, sulphur, mercury, magnetite, actinolite, marble, felspar,
copper sulphate, azurite.
Third Rank: stalagmites, iron oxides, iron, lead tetroxide, lead carbonate, tin, salt, agate,
arsenolite, lime, fuller's earth.
But this list, which will date from the - 1st or + 1st century, is not the oldest we have.
The Chi Ni Tzu J book, which may be of the -4th century, and is almost surely pre-
a But cf. pp. 434 and 436 above. For bibliography see Lung Po-Chien (1).
b The name is taken, of course, from the legendary agronomic-medical culture-hero.
c Its text was reconstituted and commented on by Miu Hsi-Yung< in + 1625. There is an un-
published translation of part of it by Hagerty (I), which I have been privileged to u se by the kindness
of its maker.
d PTKM, ch. 2, p. 340. Cf. Tokarev (I) on the minerals in the Shan Hai ehing.
25. MINERALOGY
Han, gives a list of some twenty-four inorganic substances, most of which are included
in the lists of the Shen N ung Pen Tshao. It seems, however, to be a record of tribute
or economic geography rather than medical in aim.
All the subsequent Pen Tshao books open with chapters on mineral substances,
though some treat them much more fully than others. Thus the Cheng Lei Pen Tshao I
(Reorganised Pharmacopoeia), edited by Thang Shen-Wei 2 about + IllS, deals with
215, while the ShihLiao Pen Tshao 3 (Nutritional Medicine Pharmacopoeia) a of Meng
Shen 4 about + 670, concentrating attention on substances of nutritive value from
animals and plants, discusses only two or three. The climax of the series, the Pen Tshao
Kang Mu s (The Great Pharmacopoeia) of Li Shih-Chen 6 (+ 1596), gives a very
elaborate treatment to 217 substances. b We are able to identify these with considerable
precision, since J. F. Vandermonde in + 1732 returned to France from Macao bearing
labelled specimens of each of the minerals described by Li Shih-Chen, together with
a translation which he had made of the mineral chapters of the Pen Tshao Kang Mu
with the aid of Chinese pharmacists. The eighty specimens and the translation were
deposited in the care of Jussieu at the Paris Museum of Natural History, where after
being lost for many years they were studied first by E. Biot (17) and then by deMely(r).
Analyses were made, where necessary, by the French mineralogist A. Brongniart. The
translation (or rather, abridged paraphrase) of Vandermonde will be found as an
appendix to de Mely's book; it is still not entirely without value, but in view of the date
at which it was made it contains, not surprisingly, misunderstandings. De Mely him-
self (1896) gives a translation of the corresponding chapters of a Japanese edition of
the San Tshai Thu Hui encyclopaedia, originally compiled by Wang Chhi in + 1609,
reproducing the text itself. The Pen Tshao Kang Mu was also studied by another
worker, Geerts, who used the Japanese commentary of Ono Ranzan,7 and intended to
describe the entire compendium, with identifications and notes mostly of Japanese
relevance, but the task was not carried beyond the chapters on minerals (1878); it is
a work of some merit. L astly, there is the indispensable catalogue and commentary of
Read & Pak already mentioned.
It will naturally be asked whether there were in the Chinese literature any books
specifically on minerals apart from those in which they figure as materia medica. (The
few works which the Chinese possess, touching the subject of mineralogy', said Wylie,C
( are scarcely deserving a claim to the designation of science.' But this judgment was
much too severe. We are fortunate in possessing, from the Thang dynasty, an important
treatise on minerals by Mei Piao,8 the Shih Yao Erh Ya 9 (Synonymic Dictionary of
Minerals and Drugs),d prepared in the close neighbourhood of + 8 I 8. This is a
veritable key to the language of the Thang alchemists, for it lists 335 synonyms of
sixty-two chemical substances. a It has hitherto been too much overlooked, at least by
Western scholars. It may be said to parallel the alchemical lists given in the
Marcianus MS. 299 of the + 11th century, the Paris MS. 2327 of + 1478 (Berthelot),b
or Ruhland's Lexicon Alchemiae of + 1612. Then, with the Sung flowering of scientific
monographs devoted to special subjects, came a whole group of books devoted to
stones and minerals, the starting-point of which was aesthetic rather than medical.
One of the first of these was the Yuyang Kung Shih Phu I (Treatise on Stones by the
Venerable Mr Yiiyang),C which must have been written towards the close of the
+ 11th century, since it speaks of Mi Fu 2 (whom we shall meet again immediately) as
one of the great officials of the age. Not much of it is left. Then between + 1119 and
+ II25 came the Hsuan-Ho Shih Phu 3 (Hsiian-Ho reign-period Treatise on Stones)d
by the Szechuanese monk Tsu-Khao;4 this discussed sixty-three kinds of stones, but
only the contents table remains. Complete still, however, is the Yun Lin Shih Phu
(Cloud Forest Lapidary) by Tu Wan,s dating from + 1133. Some quotations from
this excellent author have already been given. e He is one of those who deserve the
praise of de Mely's remark : f 'If, as in the occidentallapidaries, each mineral or stone
is furnished with magico-medical formulae and improbable fables, the spirit of observa-
tion and analysis, which is totally lacking in the European treatises, brings forth many
intelligent comments.' Other Sung books there are, of course, which devote con-
siderable space to minerals from a non-medical point of view, for example the Tung
Thien Chhing Lu Chi of the + 13th century, already mentioned.g
The Ming and the Chhing did not live up to this standard, and one can only mention
the unsystematic book of Yu Chiin 6 in + 1617, the Shih Phin 7 (Hierarchy of Stones),
as well as smaller works such as Kuai Shih Tsan 8 (Strange Rocks), by Sung L09
( + 1665), and Kao Chao's 10 Kuan Shih Lu 11 (On Looking at Stones) of + 1668.
Whoever undertakes to write the much-needed monograph on the history of
mineralogy in China will have to take into account also another class of books, namely
those on inkstones. From the time of the introduction of carbon-black ink and brushes
it was the delight of Chinese scholars to select stones suitable for grinding their ink-
blocks with water. This led to the description, at least, of a considerable variety of
rocks. The most famous treatise on the subject is that of Mi Fu, a high official of the
a The careful listing of synonyms in pharmaceutical codices had begun much earlier, and is found
in the Hsin Hsiu Pen Tshao of + 659, as well as the Pen Tshao Thu Ching of + 1070 and all later works
of the same kind. A century after the Shih Yao Erh Ya a Japanese physician, Fukane no Sukehito,I '
produced a famous synonymic materia medica with Japanese equivalents added, the Honzo- Wamy ejl 3
(+918). This has come down to u s, and Karow (I) has given a detailed description of it. Lost for
centuries, it was not printed until 1796.
b (2), pp. 92 ff.
e In Shuo Fu, ch. 16, p. 25a.
d In Shuo Fu, ch. 16, p. 24b.
e Above, pp. 615, 620. There is an unpublished translation by H. Bendig (1).
f (1), p. xi; and de Mely knew his Occidental anJ Islamic lapidaries. g P.613.
a Printed, probably for the first time, together with other minor works on the same su bject, c. + 11 60,
by Hung Ching-Po.9
b The titles of other books of the kind will be found in the bibliographies of the official histories.
Cf. also Wylie (I), p. II6.
c (1), p. 27 6.
d This book, by Tshao Chao 10 (+ 1387), devotes ch. 7 to ancient stone objects, and to the stones
from which they were made.
e Tr. Hiller (2).
Table 41. The coverage of stones and substances in Western and Eastern lapidaries
No. of No. of
Western lapidaries stones or Eastern lapidaries stones or
substances substances
described d escribed
Many other texts reveal the same fundamental test, as we shall find in Section 36 on
metallurgy .
The term for micaj throughout Chinese history was ' cloud-mother', yiin mu. 1 The
description of it given in the Pen Tshao Thu Ching of + 1070 is not bad. Su Sung says:
a E ng. tr. J. H ill (I ). b E ng. tr. Goodyer (I ).
C F r. t r. d e M ely (3). d E ng. tr. H olmyard & Mandeville (I).
c F r. tr. Pannier ( I ); cf. E vans (I ), pp. 33 ff.
r Cf. Thorndike (I ), vo!. 2, ch. 59 ; E vans ( I) , pp . 84 ff.
g Cf. Evans (I), p . 42. h See bibliography.
i Ch. I I, p. 8b, tr. F eifel (3), p . 16. j The special study of Schafer (5) is now available.
25. MINERALOGY
Mica grows in between earth and rocks. It is like plates in layers which can be separated,
bright and smooth. The best kind is white and shining .... Its colour is like purple gold.
The separate laminae look like the wings of a cicada. When they are piled up they look like
folded gauze. It is said that this belongs in the category of glass. It can be used in the
preparation of medicines. Thao Hung-Ching [+ 5th century] says [in his version of the
Ming I Pieh Lu]: 'According to the Hsien Ching I (Manuals of the Immortals) there are eight
kinds of mica, which can be differentiated by looking through them at the sun. Those with
a bluish white colour but mainly dark are called yun-mu,2 those with white and yellow
markings but mainly blue are called yun-ying, 3 those with blue and yellow markings but
mainly red are called yiin-chu;4 those like ice or dew but with yellow and white specks are
called y iin-sha, 5 those which are yellow and white and very crystalline are called yiin-i,6 and
those which are bright with pure transparent spots are called lin-shih.7 These six varieties
can be eaten, but each has its suitable time of year. Dark and black mica with iron-like spots
is called yiin-tan; 8 that which is opaque and fatty is called ti-cheng 9 (' earth-steam'). These two
should not be eaten. In any case (the powder) should be prepared with every care otherwise
the greatest harm could be done when such things enter the stomach.a
Here the description of the thin transparent plates is clear enough, and there is, more-
over, a systematic attempt to distinguish between the many different kinds of mica.
Though it might be hard to be quite sure what Thao Hung-Ching and Su Sung meant,
it would seem that the first samples in their series are muscovite, that the 'mainly
red' variety would be lepidolite, the most transparent kind phlogopite, and the dark or
black kind certainly biotite. The speck-like inclusions in biotite gave rise to the later
name of chin hsing shih.1O Elsewhere, in his entry on yu hsieh II (jade fragments, or
traces), Su Sung quotes a Pieh Pao ChingI2 (Manual of the Distinctions between
Precious Stones) as recommending observation of stones with both reflected lamplight
and transmitted sunlight.
The descriptions in the Pen Tshao books are so therapeutic in orientation that they
will be more suitably deferred until Section 45 on pharmacology. All the old Chinese
mineralogical works, however, paid attention to crystal form, noticing which sub-
stances had crystals of hexagonal, needle-like, pyramidal, and other types. The Pen
Tshao Thu Ching describes quartz crystals with six faces (liu mien 13) 'as sharp as if cut
bya knife', and calcite crystals' square and angular' (fang Leng I4 ). The word mien 15 for
crystal face occurs regularly in Tu Wan's lapidary of +1 133. Li Shih-Chen emphasises
the needle-shaped crystals of sublimed arsenious acid,b quoting in this connection the
Pen Tshao Pieh ShUO I6 (Informal Remarks on the Pharmacopoeia) by Chhen Chheng 17
of + 1090. Long before Li Shih-Chen, Su Sung, in the + 11th-century Pen Tshao
Thu Ching, had spoken of the subconchoidal fracture of native cinnabar. He said:
Cinnabar is found several dozens of feet deep in the ground. The local people find it by
a Thu Ching Yen I Pen Tshao , ch. I, pp. 7a, 8a, b, tr. auct. Parallel passages in Pao Phu Tzu .
b Ch. 10, p . 27a. A lmost all the world's arsenic is still obtained as a by-product in the flue dust of
smelters treating arsenious ores for the recovery of gold, copper, etc.
2~ 4ij: + f! 3)! 6m ~
8~JJ.m 10 1€- ,m. ;0 !Z };IJ ~ 11
13 ~ mT ,+ 1J ~ 16 ;1\1: ~ SIJ IDt '7 ~*
25. MINERALOGY
means of the 'sprouts' (miao (i.e. signs drawn from the presence of other kinds of stone
l)
or even herbs).a
Cinnabar (tan sha 2 ) is thus found in association with a kind of white stone (pai shih 3 ) which
is known as the' cinnabar bed' (chu sha chhuang 4 ). The mineral grows on this stone .. ..
Upon breaking the lumps of the mineral, it is seen to form precipitous slopes (with
surfaces) like walls, as smooth inside as plates of mica . ...
The Thang Pen Tshao (by Su Kung) says that there are more than ten different kinds. The
best kind, kuang ming sha 5 (brilliant sand) grows in (a rock-formation) called' stone shrine'
(shih khan 6). The largest lumps are as big as eggs, the small ones like jujube fruits, chestnuts
or hibiscus berries. The broken surfaces shine smooth like mica.
The Lei Kung Yao Tui 7 (Lei Kung's Answers concerning Drugs) says that one can find
lumps (crystals) . . . with fourteen surfaces, each looking as bright as a mirror. On gloomy
or rainy days, humidity like a red juice forms on the broken surfaces. b
This is interesting for several reasons. We catch a glimpse of the great attention paid to
signs of ore beds, a and to the special characteristics of the country rock. The charac-
teristic fracture of the mineral is noted, and there is an attempt to describe crystal
form; cinnabar has hexagonal symmetry and occurs in rhombohedra which are often
twinned. It was presumably some such crystals which caught Lei Kung's attention. c
Brelich, indeed, has described penetration twin rhombohedra cinnabar crystals which
he saw when he visited the mercury mines in Kweichow; these would have just
fourteen faces.
Effects due to the contiguity of mineral deposits are not infrequently noted. For
instance, Tu Wan, speaking of the green colour of a certain stone (shao shih 8),d says
that it arises from the distillation of the vapours of the' sprouts' of copper, which are
not far off, since this stone always occurs in the neighbourhood of copper ores. e This
is not very different from saying that the stone contains inclusions of malachite or other
copper-bearing mineral. It is, moreover, reminiscent of the views put forward by
Agricola in the + 16th century, regarded by Hoover & Hoover f as the foundation of
modern theory, according to which ore channels were formed by the circulation of
ground waters (' succi ') in fissures subsequent to the deposition of the surrounding
rocks.g Similar statements concerning native copper sulphate occur in the Jih Hua
Pen Tshao (+ 970) and concerning copper carbonate in the Pen Tshao Thu Ching
(+ I07o).h Sometimes expressions such as 'turbid yellow water' are used instead of
a See below the special sub-section on geobotanical prospecting (pp. 675 tf.).
b Tr. auct. The last two quotations also come from Thu Ching Y en I Pen Tshao, ch. I , pp. 2a, 3 a, 4a .
C The compiler of the Lei Kung Yao Tui was probably the physician Lei Hsiao.o
chhi, as in the Thu Ching's entry under shih chung huang tzu l (brown iron ore ;
haematite). a
Perhaps the most vigorous description of the conception of the deposition of ore
beds from the circulation of ground waters in rock fissures comes from the pen of
Cheng Ssu-Hsiao,2 who died in + 1332, about two centuries before Agricola was in
his prime. b
In the subterranean regions there are alternate layers of earth and rock and flowing spring
waters. These strata rest upon thousands of vapours (chhi) which are (distributed in) tens of
thousands of branches, veins and thread (-like openings). (There are substances there) both
soft and firm, ever flowing back and forth, and undergoing transformations. (The veins are)
slanting and delicate, like axles interlocking and communicating. (It is like a) machine (chi 3 )
rotating in the depths, (and the circulation takes place as if the veins had) intimate mutual
connections (and as if) there were piston bellows (tho y04) (at work). The mysterious network
(hsuan kangs) spreads out and joins together every part of the roots of the earth. The (inner-
most parts of the earth are) neither metal nor stone nor earth nor water (as we know them).
Thousands and ten thousands of horizontal and vertical veins like warp and weft weave
together in mutual embrace. Millions of miles of earth are as if hanging and floating on a sea
boundlessly vast. Taking all (including land and sea) as earth, the secret and mystery is that
the roots communicate with each other. The natures, veins, colours, tastes and sounds, both
of the earth, the waters, and the stones, differ from place to place. So also the animals, birds,
herbs, trees and all natural products, have different shapes and natures in different places.
Now if the chhi of the earth (ti chhi 6 ) can get through (the veins), then the water and the
earth (above) will be fragrant and flourishing ... and all men and things will be pure and
wise .... But if the chhi of the earth is stopped up (sai 7), then the water and earth and
natural products (above) will be bitter, cold and withered . .. and all men and things will be
evil and foolish ... .
The body of the earth is like that of a human being. In men there is much heat in and
under the watery abdominal organs (shui tsang 8); if this were not so, they could not digest
their food nor do their work. So also the earth below the aqueous region is extremely hot;
if this were not so, it could not' shrink' all the waters (so chu shui 9 ) (i.e. evaporate them and
leave mineral deposits), and it could not drive off all the (aqueous) Yin chhi (hsiao chu Yin
chhi 10). Ordinary people, not being able to see the veins and vessels which are disposed in
order within the body of man, think that it is no more than a lump of solid flesh. Likewise,
not being able to see the veins and vessels which are disposed in order under the ground, they
think that the earth is just a (homogeneous) mass. They do not realise that heaven, earth,
human beings, and natural things, all have their dispositions and organisations (wen till).
Even a thread of smoke, a broken bit of ice, a tumbledown wall or an old tile, all have their
dispositions and organisations. How can anyone say that the earth does not have its dis-
positions and organisations? c
a RP no. 81. Thu ehing Y en I Pen Tshao, ch. 2, p. 24b.
b The passage is quoted in abridged form by Huang Chi eh in his essay on Ch~ng Ssu-Hsiao. The
full text appears in a letter' Reply to Mr Wu the hermit, who had asked him about Field Expeditions
to observe Geomantic Matters (Ta Wll Shan-Jen wen yuan yu huan ti li shu I2 ) ' , in So-Nan Wen Chi"
(Collected Writings of Ch~ng Ssu-Hsiao), p. I2a . Another short biography of Ch~ng Ssu-Hsiao
occurs in Sung I Min Lu, ch. 13 , pp. 2b if. C Tr. auct.
7
12
~
:1f ~ ill .A. ro, ~
8 * Ilii
lb1 ;M :f1!! l! '\!I'
9
13
~1? fitf
JiH f\'i
71'<.
:se _
10 mfitf ~;;; ~
25. MINERALOGY
The passage is certainly a fine one. Though the idea of some kind of circulation going
on in the earth was quite common in geomantic circles, Cheng applies it here with
clarity to the deposition of minerals by evaporation of (or precipitation from) ground
waters in ore channels. a It is interesting, too, that he adapts to his purpose the ancient
medical theory of pathogenesis by the stopping up of pores, in which connection,
naturally enough, he draws a conscious analogy of macrocosm-microcosm type. Of
this mode of thinking we have already treated in Sect. r 3f above. And he ends by
a noble affirmation of those organic conceptions so characteristic of all Chinese thought.
The old books mention innumerable practical uses of the various minerals. b At
periods, said de Mely,C when very few Europeans were clear as to the distinction
between sal ammoniac, saltpetre, alum and the like, the industrial processes of the
Chinese, such as tanning, dyeing, painting and firework-making, had led them to
make the necessary identifications. The distinction between the two sulphides of
arsenic (realgar and orpiment) appears in the second oldest list of chemicals which we
have, i.e. from the Former Han onwards (-rst century); they were hsiung huang I and
tzhu huang 2 respectively.d Ferrous sulphate (lufan; 3 tsaafan 4 ) served in dyeing;
mercuric sulphide (vermilion, cinnabar; shui yin chu S ) was used for red inks and
paints as well as for alchemical preparations; powdered steatite (hua shih 6) was added
to paper as a filler. Litharge (mi tha seng7) was a constituent of varnish. Skins were
dried with saltpetre (potassium nitrate; phu hsiaa 8 ), treated with ammonium chloride
(naa sha 9) and dyed with ferrous sulphate (huang fan 10). What saltpetre yielded when
mixed with sulphur (liu huang 11) and carbon (charcoal, than 12) was known to the fire-
work-makers and the military technicians. Oxides of cobalt (pien chhing I 3) and copper
(thung ten 14) were used by the porcelain-makers and enamellers.e Cobaltiferous ore
(yen shau IS) and salts of lead (oxides, carbonate or acetate) served for colours and glazes.
Sometimes a substance had value in medicine as well as in technology, for instance
kaolin (kaa ling thu 16) essential in ceramics but also used therapeutically as an antacid,
like kieselguhr (shih mien 17). Calcium sulphate (shih kaa 18) played an important part in
the preparation of the bean curd (tau fU I9 ) so universal in Chinese diet. One of the
oldest chemical industries was the preparation of lead acetate (chhien shuang 20 ) for
cosmetic use as white paint. Arsenolite (As4 0 s) (yii shih2I), while poisonous to rats,
was found to have an accelerating effect upon the growth of silkworms.f Copper
a We know now (cf. Bateman, I) that mineral d eposition is more often due to cooling and release of
pressure than to the evaporation of solutions by heat, but this does not detract from the insight of
Cheng Ssu-Hsiao and Agricola as to chemical changes in circulating mineral-bearing waters.
b Although this touches upon fields to which other Sections are devoted, we glance at it here since
so many of the substances u sed were obtained from' native' minerals without much preparation.
C (I), p. xi. d See now Schafer (6).
e We shall give closer attention to subjects such as this in Sect. 35 on ceramics.
f Arsenolite is mentioned in the Skan Hai eking (cf. de Rosny (I), p. 55), and it is Kuo Pho's + 4th-
century commentary on it which starts the silkworm story (PTKM, ch. 10, p. 23 b). The phenomenon
sulphate (shih tan,! lit. petrified bile) found employment as a fungicide as well as in
medicine, and stalactitic limestone (shih chung ju 2 ) was used as a chemical fertiliser.
White arsenic (phi shuang 3), obtained as a by-product from copper smelting, was
applied to the roots of rice-plants during replanting, to protect them from insect
pests; similarly wood soaked in copper acetate (thung chhing4) was protected from
decaying, especially under water. a
Aetites, or the 'Eagle-Stone ', an object of interest to the ancients, but of minor
significance in modern mineralogy, was simply a nodular mass (geode) of haematite
or other mineral containing a loose centre produced by the leaching out of inter-
mediate more soluble layers. Bromehead (2) has devoted an interesting paper to it.
If this is what Theophrastus had in mind when he spoke of stones which are pregnant
and beget young, then specimens had become known already in Aristotle's time, but
the name itself does not appear until Dioscorides. The shih nao,5 which seems to
correspond to it, does not appear in the oldest Chinese lists, but is mentioned in the
Ming I Pieh Lu and by Ko Hung. The occidental fables about its reputed value in
childbirth could probably be paralleled in Chinese literature, but it does not seem that
it was ever regarded as of much importance there. c
itself was probably due to the greater toxicity of arsenic compounds for viruses than for their lepido-
pteran h osts. Speyer, for example, found that administration of sublethal d oses of arsenic compounds
to silkworms infected with polyh edral virus gave a high er p ercentage of pupations than in the control
senes.
a This goes b ack to K o Hung in the + 4th century (P TKM, ch. 8, p . ISb).
b After this Section had been completed two n otes of just this kind were publish ed by Schafer, one
on mica (S) and one on orpiment and realgar (6). H ad their learning been available to u s in time we
should have included appropriate entries for these m inerals h ere; as it is w e shall draw upon them in
Sections 33, 34 and elsewh ere.
C Cf. Laufer (12), p. 9.
25. MINERALOGY
(2) ALUM
Alum, by contrast, was a substance of very great industrial importance. The history
of its production and use in Europe has recently been the subject of a brilliant and
monumental study by Singer (8). Its main application was as a dyer's mordant,a for
which it had to be pure, and there is no doubt that it was purified rather thoroughly
in several ancient civilisations (cf. Lucas (I) fo r Egypt). It was also used for making
hides supple, for sizing paper and finishing parchment, for glass-making, clearing
of natural waters, and fire-proofing of wood. Its styptic, emetic and astringent proper-
ties were greatly appreciated in medicine. The term fan, 1 for which an etymology was
suggested above, b occurs in the oldest Chinese lists, including Chi Ni Tzu of the
- 4th century. Deposits of the native hydrated double sulphates of aluminium and
iron, magnesium or manganese, were worked by the Egyptians, Greeks and Romans,
but later alunite was used. This is a basic alum insoluble in water, but upon calcination
it yields alumina and soluble potash alum; the Chinese distinguished native alum (seng
fan 2 ) from that prepared by roasting alunite (khufan 3 ). Highly crystalline products
were known as fan ching. 4 It would require a special investigation to determine from
what date these two sources developed; we only know a little about the localities of
origin. For example Wu Phu s says, in his Wu shih Pen Tshao 6 of + 225, that alum
came from Kansu and Chiangsi. c Singer (8) thinks that in Asia Minor the roasting of
alunite began about the + loth century, and certainly by late medieval times granular
alum was imported to China from the West. The third chief method appeared in
Arabia in perhaps the + 12th century; it consisted of boiling rocks containing alu-
minium sulphate with urine, so as to form ammonium alum. d When this was extended
to boiling aluminous shales, the product rivalled the Papal monopoly of alunite, to the
economic consequences of which so much of Singer's book is devoted. I cannot find
that this third method was used in China. There exists a description of traditional
alum-working there (Anon. 3), which it is interesting to compare with a parallel
description for India by Ray.e One of the oldest names for alum in China was shih
nieh; 7 as such it is mentioned in the Shan Hai Ching. Discussing this, Chang Hung-
Chao (1) seems to think that the alunite-roasting process was very ancient, and that
exploitation of native alum was not carried on by the Chinese until relatively modern
times.
As regards the western locality from which alum was imported, Laufer (I) offers
evidence that the term Po-Ssu 8 meant somewhere in the south seas, as well as Persia.
The Hai Yao Pen Tshao 9 (Drugs of the Southern Countries beyond the Seas) by
3 ;j:5~ 4~r.t
9 tjnfL'IC~
25. MINERALOGY
Li Hsien (c. +775), says that there were two kinds of alums, one made in Malayan
l
Po-Ssu, and the other coming through there from Ta-Chhin 2 (Arabia). A significant
western connection is the use of alum with henna in China in the + 13th century as
reported by Chou Mi in his Kuei-Hsin Tsa Chih.a
Ammonium chloride (sal ammoniac) was also of importance both medically (a stimu-
lating expectorant and mild cholagogue) and chemically.b The 'hammoniac' salt of
Pliny cannot have been ammonium chloride, since its volatility and deliquescence are
not mentioned, nor does the salt appear among the lists of substances given by the
Alexandrian chemists of the + 3rd century. c Stapleton (I) thought that it was probably
introduced into chemistry by the Arabic alchemists towards the + loth century, partly
because they were able to prepare it by the dry distillation of hair. d Nevertheless, it
occurs naturally in volcanic situations in Central Asia, and was probably collected
there from an early date. Stapleton suggested that the Arabic word nushiidur was
perhaps derived from Chinese nao sha,3 a suggestion which Laufer e somewhat
cavalierly dismissed. Laufer's view that the borrowing was in the inverse direction
was so far plausible in that no one (including Chang Hung-Chao f subsequently) had
been able to find any reference to nao sha in Chinese texts earlier than the + 6th
century, when the Wei Shu 4 was written (+ 572). It had not been noticed that it
occurs in Wei Po-Yang's +2nd-century Tshan Thung Chhi,g where it bears a correct
reference to the refrigerant effect of the salt on boils. Whether Ko Hung's lu yen 5
means sal ammoniac is not clear, and the next main reference in a technical book is
apparently the Thang Pen Tshao of +660. Now it is indeed remarkable, as Laufer
pointed out, that the orthography of the Chinese term is so fluctuating, a fact which
would suggest a phonetic transcription. In works of the + 7th century, such as the
Sui Shu, variants such as nao,6 nung 7 and jao 8 (all probably homophones of nao)
are found . In the + 9th century Mei Piao writes niu 9 (probably also then pronounced
nao). In the + 6th century Wei Shou (in the Wei Shu) had written kang or wang lO • h
This word persisted through Thang and Sung books, and nao 6 seems to have become
definitely stabilised only in the Ming.
All the Chinese books agree (for example, the Hsi Yu Thu Chill (Illustrated Record
of Western Countries) of Phei Chii,12 c. + 610; the Pen Tshao Thu Ching of Su Sung,
s ~~
11 l!S ~ IlM ,~r.
25. MINERALOGY 655
c. +1070; and the Yeh Huo Pien (Memoirs of a Mission achieved in the Wilds) of
l
Shen Te-Fu,z c.+1398)a that native sal ammoniac came from the west, i.e. Szechuan,
Kansu, Sinkiang, and Tibet, where it was collected from the neighbourhood of volcanic
fumaroles. Towards the end of the + 18th century the Manchu geographer Chhi-
shih-i Lao-jen 3 said, in his Hsi Yu Wen Chien Lu 4 (Things Seen and Heard in the
Western Countries), concerning Kucha and Turfan:
Nao sha is produced in the mountains of that name which are north of the city of Kucha.
In spring, summer and autumn, the caves there are full of fire. From a distance they look
like thousands of iamps, and approach is difficult because of the heat. In winter, due to the
excessive cold and heavy snow, the fires die down. Local people go there to collect the sal
ammoniac, entering the caves naked because of the heat. b
In his Chu Yeh Thing Tsa Chi (Miscellaneous Records of the Bamboo Leaf Pavilion)
a century earlier, Yao Yuan-Chin wrote:
The mountains where sal ammoniac is produced near Kucha were called in the Thang the
'Great Magpie Mountains'. No one dares go near them in spring or summer. Even in the
cold weather, the people take off their ordinary clothes, and wear leather bags with holes
through which they can see. They enter the caves to dig up (the sal ammoniac), but come
out after one or two hours and could not possibly stay longer than three; even then the
leather bag is scorching hot. The nao sha sparkles on the ground, but not much of it can be
obtained. The product has to be kept in earthen jars with their mouths tightly closed, and
kept cool, otherwise it will all disappear. It will also disappear if subjected to wind, wetness
or damp; leaving only a white residue of granular appearance. Though this is the least
valuable part, it is probably the only kind which finds its way to the central parts of China.C
These descriptions have close parallels in Arabic authors.d On account of this volatility,
so well recognised, ammonium chloride acquired another Chinese name, chhi sha; 5
and doubtless because of its western origin, it was also known as ti yen,6 barbarian salt.
It was probably always impure, often mixed with sulphur or sulphates. If, as seems
likely, its collection in volcanic Central Asian regions goes back very far, the earliest
term may well have been Sogdian or Persian, giving rise later both to nushiidur and to
nao sha.
(4) ASBESTOS
When King Mu of the Chou dynasty made a great expedition against the Western Jung
people (Hsi-jung 4 ) they presented (to propitiate him) a Khun-Wu s sword and some fire-
proof cloth (huo wan pU 3 ). The sword was one foot eight inches long, a red blade of fire-
transformed (or refined) steel (lien kang 6 )g which would cut jade like clay.h The fireproof
cloth was cleaned by being thrown into a fire, when the cloth became the colour of the fire,
and the dirt assumed the colour of the cloth.i When taken out of the fire and shaken, it became
a Geogr. x, i, 6. b v, 156.
C Historiae Mirabiles, XXXVI; cf. Sarton (I), vol. I, p. 286. Contemporaries of Chang H eng.
d Hist. Nat. XXXVII, 54,156; cf. Thorndike (I), vol. I , p . 214.
e +2nd or +3rd century; cf. Thorndike (I), vol. I, p. 551; Cary (I).
f Ch. lI8, p. lob; cf. Hirth (I), p. 249.
g On the development of iron and steel technology in China see Sect. 30d below.
h The association of the' jade-cutting knife' (which we shall discuss shortly in connection with that
mineral) and the fireproof cloth is repeated in other ancient texts.
i This is an excellent description of the glowing red asbestos, with the dirt particles on it not yet
brought to red heat.
25. MINERALOGY
as white as snow. A certain prince did not believe it, and thought that those who brought
news of it must be mistaken, but Hsiao Shu I said, 'Must the prince insist on maintaining a
preconceived idea, and deny the (demonstrable) truth?' a
In this passage the keynote of many subsequent discussions is struck, and Hsiao Shu
appears as the prototype of all those Taoists who used the example of fireproof cloth
to convince Confucian sceptics that there was more in heaven and earth than was
dreamt of in their philosophy. Another somewhat uncertain evidence for knowledge
of asbestos in pre-Han times is the quotation from the I Chou Shu (Lost Books of
Chou)b given by Chang Hua about +290, in which a tribute of fireproof cloth is
mentioned. C Such tributes are recorded frequently in books of the San Kuo and Chin
periods, such as the Hai Nei Shih Chou Chi 2 (Record of the Ten Sea Islands), or the
I Wu Chih 3 (Memoirs of Marvellous Things) by Hstieh Yti,4 or the Shih I Chi
(Memoirs on Neglected Matters)d by Wang Chi a (c. +300).
The last-named book, however, has another story which is of interest, referring to
the year - 598, or more probably - 308.e
In the second year of King Chao 5 of Yen, the sea-people brought oil in ships, having used
very large kettles for extracting it, and presented it to him. Sitting in the Cloud-Piercing
Pavilion he enjoyed the brilliant light of the (lamps in which the) dragon blubber (was
burnt). The light was so brilliant that it could be seen a hundred li away; and its smoke was
coloured red and purple. The country people, seeing it, all said, 'What a prosperous light! "
and worshipped it from afar. It was burnt with wicks (chhan 6 ) of asbestos (huo wan pU 7 ).f
Whatever the date to which this really refers, it must surely imply that some kind of
primitive sealing or whaling was going on in Han or pre-Han times, and that the oil
or blubber was consumed in the courts of the coastal princes with unburning wicks.g
Rather good evidence for asbestos in the Later Han is the story found in Fu Hstian's 8
Fu Tzu 9 (+ 3rd century) that Liang Chi,IO a famous general (d. + 159), had an in-
combustible gown, which he used to throw in the fire at parties. To this there are
many later European parallels. h A reliable statement of a presentation of fireproof
cloth by an unnamed western people occurs in the San Kuo Chih i where such a gift
was received by the Wei emperor between +240 and +253.
a Ch. 5, p. 27a, tr. Wylie (9), mod. et add. Cf. Wieger (7), p. 149. The words about the sceptical
prince may well be an addition of the + 3rd century, for a reason which will appear immediately below.
b Cf. Vol. I, p. 165 above. C Po Wu Chih, ch. 2, p. 6b.
d Ch. 9, p. 3b.
e Because there were two rulers of Yen with this same name. At least six hundred years had thus
elapsed between the event and our text; yet this is really no worse than the time-gap of the generally
accepted Xenophanes text on fossils, p. 622 above.
f Ch. 10, p. 3b, tr. auct.
g Under the heading of lung kao teng l l (dragon oil lamps) the quotation is reproduced in the Chhi
Kuo Khao 12 (Investigations on the Seven States) by Tung Yiieh 13 (a Ming book), ch. 14, p. II a.
h E.g. Marco Polo, ch. 60 (Moule & Pelliot ed.).
i Ch. 4, p. lb.
So far there had been no theories about the origin and nature of the fireproof cloth.
But Ko Hung about + 300 provided several, all wrong. What he said was as follows: a
There are three kinds of fireproof cloth. It is said that in the ocean there is a (volcanic)
mountain, Hsiao Chhiu,l with fire that burns of itself. b This fire rises in the spring and is
extinguished in autumn. On the island grows a tree the wood of which is non-inflammable,
but only scorches slightly, assuming a yellow colour. The inhabitants use it for fuel , but this
fuel is not transformed to ashes. When their food has been cooked they put out the fire by
water, and use it again and again-an inexhaustible supply. The barbarians also gather
flowers from these trees and weave cloth from them. (This is the first kind of fireproof cloth).
Further, they also peel the bark, boil it with lime, and so weave cloth, coarse and not so good
as the former. (This is the second kind.) Moreover, there are white rodents (pai shu 2), covered
with hairs each three inches long, which live in hollow trees; these can enter fire without
being burnt, and their hair may be collected and woven into cloth. This is the third kind .C
It is probable that one source of this description was the bark cloth or 'tapa', both
beaten and woven, made by various peoples of the south Pacific. There is reason for
thinking that Ko Hung took it from the reports of the south seas, particularly an island
called' Natural Fire Island' (Tzu-Jan Huo Chou 3), which Khang Thai 4 had brought
back from his diplomatic mission to Cambodia about the middle of the + 3rd century.d
Many other writers of the same period used this material, generally incorporating the
fire-rat story into it, for example the Wu Lu s (Record of the Kingdom of Wu) by
Chang Pho 6 ( + 3rd century); e Kuo Pho's commentary on the Shan Hai Ching,f and
the Shen I Ching (Book of Strange Spiritual Manifestations),g probably of the +4th
century.
We are here in the presence of the salamander legend. In the history of science it is
simply an index of the difficulty which ancient minds had in believing it possible that
textile fabrics could be anything other than animal or vegetable. Fibres of plastics
and glass, modern congeners of asbestos, were still in the womb of time. Ko Hung
deserves little credit for launching the fire-rat idea, but Laufer deserves still less for
refusing to admit that Ko Hung could have thought of it himself.h In fact, the early
history of the' salamander' is obscure. The authenticity of the passage in Aristotle, i
which speaks of flies engendered in copper furnaces, and of the salamander putting
a This passage seems not to be in the Pao Phu T zu now, but is quoted in TPYL , ch. 820, p. 8b,
ch. 869, p. sa, and in Kao Ssu-Sun's Wei Liieh 7 (+ 12th century), ch. 4, p. 3a. A parallel passage
occurs in the +6th-century Shu I Chi; and Hsiian Chung Chi (TPYL, ch. 868, p. 8a).
b Cf. Vol. 2, p . 438 above.
C Tr. Laufer (11).
d See the discussion of Pelliot (16), p. 74, on the narrative as it eventually found its way into the
Liang Shu, ch. 54, compiled in the + 7th century.
e Quoted in TPYL, ch. 820, p. 8a, and in Wei Liieh,7 ch. 4, p. 3a.
f Ch. 16, p. 7a. g Ch. 3 (Nan huang ching); TPYL, ch. 869, p. 7a.
h 'At first sight it is striking', he says, 'that Ko Hung's notice precedes in t ime any Western version
of the legend, yet this can rationally be explained.' A remarkable example of th e idee fixe of some
Western scholars that no Chinese could ever originate anything.
i Historia Animaiium, 552 b Il, J7.
25. MINERALOGY
out fires, is in grave doubt. Most of the references are late, such as that in Augustine a
(end of the + 4th century). There may also be a connection with the phoenix legend,b
which occurs first in the Physiologus book c of Christian allegories (end of the + 2nd
century). In any case the salamander was fully established in Islamic literature by the
+ loth centuryd and in Europe by the + 12th.e Since the Chinese references are all
earlier than the Arabic ones, and since it would be unthinkable that an idea, even a
silly one, could have originated in China, some common source in West Asia about
the beginning of our era must be assumed. Thus Laufer.
About the time of the birth of St Augustine, Kan Pao wrote his Sou Shen Chi
(Reports on Spiritual Manifestations). It contained! a passage of much interest on
asbestos.
Within the wastelands surrounding the Khun-Lun mountains there is a burning fiery hill.
Upon it there are beasts, birds, plants and trees, which all thrive in the midst of the fire;
hence fireproof cloth is either a textile made from the bark of the plants and trees on the
hill, or else from the coverings of the birds and beasts.
In the time of the Ban dynasty, at a remote period, there were offerings of this cloth from
the western regions, but during the long interval which elapsed between that and the
beginning of the Wei dynasty, people came to doubt of its existence. The emperor Wen Tig
( + 220 to + 226), considering that the fierce nature of fire was incompatible with the preser-
vation of life, wrote a book entitled Tien Lun 1 (Discourses on Literature) in which he showed
the absurdity of the whole thing and warned intelligent people against giving any credence
to it. When the emperor Ming Ti ( + 227 to + 239) ascended the throne, he issued an edict
to the three dukes, saying' The maxims in the essay by my imperial predecessor are im-
perishable.' Be caused it to be carved in stone outside the door of the ancestral temple, and
also among the stone-carved classical texts in the Great College, to be a perpetual testimony
to coming generations.
Not long afterwards an envoy from the western regions arrived with an offering of fire-
proof cloth, whereupon the emperor ordered that the inscription should be obliterated. It
thus became a subject of general ridicule.h
Although this passage was quoted in the commentary of a dynastic history, it has
nevertheless a Taoist flavour of enjoyment at the discomfiture of the imperial Confucian
sceptic; it is thus not surprising that it occurs in a parallel version in Pao Phu Tzu. a
There is no reason to doubt the general lines of the story, however.
We come now to the point of greatest scientific interest, namely the date at which
the mineral nature of asbestos was first clearly recognised. Strabo, Dioscorides, and
Plutarch were sound on the subject,b but Pliny hesitated, being inclined to regard it as
a variety of linen-then vegetables flourished and salamanders pranced throughout
Islam and the European Middle Ages. It is sometimes said that Marco Polo was the
first to report the truth once again, c but in fact he had long been anticipated by Chinese
writers. Probably the earliest text which can be cited is the Tung Ming Chi l (Light
on Mysterious Things), ascribed to Kuo Hsien 2 of the Han, but more probably of the
+ 5th or +6th century; in this book d asbestos is called shih ma 3 (stone hemp) and
shih mo 4 (stone veins). The writer says that' stone veins' are woven to make string and
cord. The stuff comes from Phu-Tung country and is as fine as silk; it will support
a weight of 10,000 catties. It is derived from a stone which one must beat in order to
separate its fibres. One can plait it into ropes like hemp and ramie, and one can also
make cloth of it. It is called' stone hemp'. In the early Sung there was clarity on the
subject-Su Sung says in his Pen Tshao Thu Ching (+ 1070):
Master Chieh,12 passing through a market, noticed traders offering three rolls of fireproof
cloth. Recognising (the true kind) from afar, he exclaimed, 'This is fireproof cloth indeed-
those other two pieces are made from twisted bark, but this one is made from the hair of a
• Ch. 2 (tr. Feifel (I), p. 149). Cf. ch. 8 (tr. Davis & Chhen (I), p. 309). And it was often repeated
afterwards, e.g. in the Tu I Chih 13 (Things Uniquely Strange) of Li Jung " in the Thang (ch. I, p . 7a).
b Thorndike (I), vol. I, p. 213; K. C. Bailey (I), vol. 2, p. 256.
c Ch. 39 (Yule & Cordier ed., vol. I, p . 213). d Ch. 3.
e This was the traditional pharmaceutical name.
r This was the remark which struck de Mely (I), xxiii, 85, 106, 220, as showing such remarkable
mineralogical acuity.
g Thu Ching Yen I Pen Tshao, ch. 6, p. 13a; quoted also in PTKM, ch. 9, p. 43b, tr. Wylie (9).
h Ch. 5, p. 20b.
Here then, although the salamander theory was accepted, it was understood that bark-
cloth was not properly huo wan pu.
Many later rejections of the fable can be found; Wylie instanced two Ming books,
the Shu Wu I Ming Su 2 (Disquisition on Strange Names for Common Things), by
Chhen Mou- Jen; 3 and the Tan Chhien Tsung Lu 4 (Red Lead Record) by Yang Shen. s
On the other hand numerous writers upheld either the vegetable c or the animal d
theory, or both at once.'" In + 1430 Chang Ning 6 wrote:
The first fireproof cloth I ever saw was at the house of Chang Hsing-I at Suchow, and at
the 'Pure Unity' Buddhist cloister at Jen-ho near Hangchow, in both instances about the
size of a two-cash piece. Recently I saw some at the house of Chu Ming-Yu, long and
narrow like a sash. When saturated with oil it could be used as a candle; placed over the
fire it might be used to burn incense. When the oil was exhausted and the fire extinguished,
the cloth was as perfect as before. The statements regarding the handkerchief of Liang Chi,
the tribute in the time of Emperor Wu of the Wei, and the record in the Yuan history of
the stone tissue at Chhieh-Chhih Mountain, which could be woven, are all credible therefore,
and no fables.f
The greate respect and honour I bore to those most learned and ingenious professors of
your Society I did in few days after my arrivall into this Citty (Oxford) expose to your sight
and tryall a piece of Cloth which by your experiment of the fire consumed nott, and you
'~
6~* 7
2lff.~!lJJt~iEIf
ilPl ~ ~
3
8
~!l't{::
E ~x
, fl-I~~,
·:!AJ:\l~B
'* s '"
10 l~
tit
being then desirous I should give you a narrative of its substance and in whatt partes of
India made, will now communicate the same accompt I received from one Conco, a naturall
Chynees resident in the Citty of Batavia in the North East partes of India (sic), who by
means of Keay Arear Sukradana likewise a Chynees and formerly Cheife Coustomer to the
Old Sultan of Bantam, did after several year's dilligence procure from a greate Mandarin in
Lanquin, a province in China, ne re i of a yard of said Cloth, declaring thatt he was Credibly
informed thatt the Princes of Tartaria and others adjoyning, use it for burning their dead,
and thatt itt was believed by them to be made of the underparte of the roote of a Tree
growing in the province of Sutan; and suposed in like manner of the Todda Trees in India
and of the upper parte of said roote ne re the surface of the ground, was made a finer sorte,
which in three or fower times burning I have seen diminish almost halfe; and thatt out of
said Tree distills a Liquour which nott consuming is used with a weeke of the aforesaid
Cloth to burne in their Temples to posteritie. Now if the nature of this Subject as a vegittable
correspond not with your greate experiments or judgments, your Commands obleidging
me to render the same relation I received, hope there will nott be any ill construction made
thereof, which is all the favour and kindness desired by, Gentlemen, Your most assured
humble Servant, etc.
One hopes, indeed, that they put no ill construction on it; in any case, by + 1701, when
Ciampini's letter was published in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society,
the matter was set at rest once and for all, and asbestos was acknowledged mineral.
Yet by a crowning irony, the Jesuit Ferdinand Verbiest contributed to the Thu Shu
Chi Chheng encyclopaedia in + 1726 a description of the sa-la-man-ta-la I with an
appropriate legend. a
Once again we meet with the same pattern of advance; first the Greeks record
accurate information, but then between Hellenistic times and the Renaissance the
Chinese are more advanced than Europeans. b
(5) BORAX
Jade calls for more than passing remark, since it is no ordinary mineral; the love of it
was one of the most characteristic features of Chinese civilisation, and its texture,
substance and colour gave inspiration to carvers, painters and poets for more than
three thousand years. d Jade has given rise to an immense literature both in Chinese
and Western languages, but this is mostly concerned with aesthetic appreciation and
social uses. What is of interest to us here is rather the technological aspects of the
mineral, its mining, and above all the manner in which it was worked, no easy achieve-
ment in view of its great hardness. To such a study the recent book of Hansford has
been a valuable contribution.
The word which we use, jade, is a corruption of the Spanish ijada, meaning the
flank or the loins, the full form being piedra de ijada. During the course of the Spanish
conquests, green stones much prized by the Mexicans as amulets against diseases of
the kidneys were brought back to Europe together with repute of their worth. The
alternative name, piedra de los rifiones, was Latinised as lapis nephriticus, hence the
modern term nephrite. The ancient Chinese word, which had none of these connotations,
has been discussed above. e It is a remarkable fact that the appreciation of jade and the
art of working it was a feature also of ancient Central American civilisation, f and of the
New Zealand Maoris.g The Amerindian material was jadeite and that of the Maoris
nephrite. Current researches in Siberian archaeology are beginning to suggest a
common prehistoric origin for the jade-loving cultures on both sides of the Pacific.
The largest book on jade (and probably the largest on any subject in any language,
for it is a mammoth work) is that by Bishop, Bushell, Kunz, Li Shih-Chhiian, Lilley,
Thang Jung-Tso et al. which describes the Bishop Collection, much of which was
subsequently presented to the Metropolitan Museum, New York. The text and trans-
lation of a specially-written 'Discourse on Jade' (Yii Shuo 3) by Thang J ung-Tso appears
in it, with a series of pictures in Chinese style by Li Shih-Chhiian (Yii Tso Thu 4 )
a This invention can apparently be traced back to Mycenae (Parting ton (I), p. 351). Cf. Maryon &
Plenderleith (I), pp. 649ff.; Forbes (8), pp. 47ff.
b Cit. PTKM, ch. rr, p. 35b. C Cf. Vol. I, p . 212 above.
d In the Section on Taoism, Vol. 2, p. 43 above, a text was given which showed an early attempt to
describe the mineralogical qualities of jade, though only ethical and aesthetic terms were available.
c P. 641.
f See Joyce (I); Kraft (r). g See Chapman (I).
25. MINERALOGY
illustrating the processes of working jade. It also contains a mass of material, edited
by Kunz, on jade mineralogy. Better known is the monograph on jade by Laufer (8), a
almost purely archaeological in content, however. Laufer's work should not be used
without recourse to Pelliot (20), whose introduction to the Lu Catalogue is considered
the most acute, critical and scholarly discussion of ancient jades which we have. Recent
books which may also be mentioned are those ofPope-Hennessy (1,2) and Salmony (I). b
Needless to say, there is a mass of material in the Chinese encyclopaedias, eight
chapters being devoted to jade, for example, in the Thu Shu Chi Cheng. c Chang Hung-
Chao (1) gives five useful sections to the subject.
True jade (chen yu I), or nephrite, is a crypto-crystalline silicate of calcium and
magnesium belonging to the amphibole class of minerals and related to fibrous actino-
lite (amphibole asbestos). Jadeite, though similar in appearance, is a silicate of sodium
and aluminium classed among the pyroxene minerals. d It is also crypto-crystalline,
but generally composed of small grains rather than minute fibres, e hence, though
slightly harder than nephrite, it does not offer quite such a tough resistance to the
tools of carvers. The colours of jade are due mainly to the presence of compounds of
iron, manganese, and chromium. The first are the most important, giving all shades
from the rich greens through yellows and browns to blacks. Greyish tints may be due
to manganese, and some blacks to chromite but the chief significance of chromium is
in the apple and emerald greens of jadeite. Pale yellows may sometimes be due to
titanium and blue and lavender tints to vanadium.
There are varieties of other minerals resembling jade fairly closely; the Chinese
knew them as 'false jade' (fu yu 2 ). Some specimens were certainly serpentine,! others
pyrophyllite g or even greenish steatite. h All of these are considerably softer than true
jade. Indeed, one of the most interesting features of jade is its great hardness-on the
Mohs scale jadeite is 6'5 to 7, nephrite 6 to 6'5, quartz is 7 and felspar 6. i This region
is all in the upper half of the whole range reaching from talc at the soft end to diamond
at the hard. It should be realised that this level of hardness is much harder than any
pure metal; so that the working of jade must have been a great problem for the ancients.
True jades can also often be distinguished from false by measurements of density and
refractive index.
a This drew much on the greatest Chinese study of jades, the work of Wu Ta-Chheng (2). But
it was somewhat impaired by reliance on the 18th-century forgery which purported to be a description
of the imperial collection of jades in + I I76 (see Vol. 2, p . 394 above).
b Cf. Cheng Te-Khun (3) ; H . A. Giles (5), vol. I. p . 312.
C Shih huo lien, chs. 325-32.
d Cf. Yoder.
e I say generally, because fibrous samples are known.
f Magnesium silicate. The 'jade' of north-west Kansu is known to be green serpentine (Pelliot, 21).
When at YUmen 3 (Jade Gate) in 1943, I obtained four beautiful wine-cups of this stone. There is a
curious historical confusion here; the location of the Han and Thang YUmen was much farther west,
in Sinkiang, nearer to the principal source of true jade, and the present YUmen obtained its name only
in the Ming. But its jade is only 'jade'.
g Aluminium silicate. h Soapstone, magnesium silicate.
i The statement often seen, that jade is harder than quartz, is not correct.
25. MINERALOGY 665
After elaborate discussions on the sources of jade, it is now agreed that the rivers
and mountains of Khotan (Yii-Tienl) and Yarkand in Sinkiang were the principal,
perhaps the only, centres of production of the mineral for over two millennia. Already
in the -4th century, as Haloun (4) has shown, the Yiieh-chih people were inter-
mediaries in the trade. The Chhien Ran Shu noted the mines. a Particulars about the
region given in Chinese books have several times been translated. b Khotan is an oasis
surrounded to the north, east and west by the desert of the Tarim basin, and to the
south by the lofty Khun-Lun mountains; it has always been on one of the loops of the
Old Silk Road. The jade was found in the valleys of two rivers, the Karakash and the
Yurungkash, either mined (shan liao 2) or collected as lumps in the river-bed (tzu yii3).
Tu Wan, in his lapidary of + 1133, speaks of both methods, but Sung Ying-Hsing's4
Thien Kung Khai Wu 5 (The Exploitation of the Works of Nature) of + 1637 describes
only the collection of water-worn pieces (cf. Fig. z7z).c We possess descriptions of the
jade mines from two modern travellers, Cayley, who visited them in + 1870, and
Stoliczka, who was there four years later; at that time they were quite deserted owing
to local rebellions. d From their descriptions, which did not give much praise to the
mining methods used, it seems that fires were set against the veins to cause cracks,
these being afterwards opened by wooden wedges. e The veins are remarkable, how-
ever; Stoliczka saw some of pale green jade amounting in thickness to ten feet.
Jadeite was not known in China before the 18th century, at which time it began to
be imported through Yunnan from the Burmese deposits. An ancient term,fei tshui,6
which had originally meant kingfisher plumage and subsequently been applied (as by
Tu Wan) to certain fine green nephrites, was revived to describe it.f There are descrip-
tions of the Burmese mines by Griffithg and Chhibber. h The question whether there
were ever any sources of nephrite or jadeite within China proper is discussed by
Hansford at length, with negative conclusions. It was for long supposed that jade
weapons and implements found at neolithic sites in Europe must also have come from
Central Asia, but European deposits are now known to exist.
As for the ancient history of jade in China, we know that it was carved already by
the Shang people (- 13th century) as objects have been found at Anyang (Shih Chang-
Ju, 1, 2). Jade pieces of Chou date have been described by Kuo Pao-Chun, and Han
ones by Sekino et al. (1).i Here we are not concerned with problems of stylistic
• Ch. 96A, p. 8a (tr. Wylie, 10).
b Notably the version of Remusat (7) of the chapter on Khotan in TSCC, Pien i tien, ch. 55 ; and a
paraphrase by Ritter (2), vol. 5, p. 401, of the relevant parts of Chhi-shih-i Lao-jen's 18th-century Hsi
Yii Wen Chien LIt.
e In this picture we see women and girls at work in the river; they were supposed to go in naked,
the idea being that their Yin-ness would attract the Yang jade.
d In the 17th century Benedict Goes (see Vol. I, p. 169) also made some observations as he passed
through Sinkiang on his way to China (Trigault, tr. Gallagher. pp . 506 if.). Goes was given a rich
present of jade by his friend the Princess of Kashgar to sell in China and to support himself with on
the way (p. 502) .
e Cf. Hoover & Hoover (I), p . 118. f Cf. Han sford (I), p . 45.
g (I), p. 132. h (I), p . 24.
i Perhaps one of the earliest literary references to jade is in the Yii Kung, chapter 6 of the Shu Ching
(under Yung-Chou province); cf. Karlgren (12), p . 15; D emieville (2).
I 'f 00
666 25- MINERALOGY
Fig. 272. Collection of water-worn jade nuggets by women and girls in the Karakash and Yurung-Kash
rivers at Khotan (Sinkiang); a picture from Sung Ying-Hsing's Thien Kung Khai Wu of + 1637, ch. 18.
chronology, but with the ancient methods of working the jade. The neolithic jade tools
described by Andersson (5) a give evidence of having been made without the help of
metal, but abrasive sand must have been used, probably with laminae of sandstone or
slate as cutters, and abrasion is the secret of all subsequent jade working. b The ancient
name for these cutting or grinding stones was chih-li; 1 this is frequently found in the
classics. c The Shuo Wen gives other words, such as lan 2 and tsho 3 with the same
meaning. Huai Nan Tzu speaks of chien-chu,4 saying that it was used for working jade.
Similar achievements were made in the earliest periods of ancient Egypt, as Partington
points out,d for example, vases of diorite and bottles of rock crystal with narrow necks,
a Cf. Laufer (8), pI. 11.
b Early references to this are very rare, but Chou Mi at the end of the Sung describes the use of
river-sand by the jade workers (Chhi Tung Yeh Yii, ch. 16, p. I I a).
e E.g. Yu Kung chapter of Shu Ching; Shih Ching; also Shan Hai Ching; see Chang Hung-Chao (1),
p. 178. d (I), p. 96.
3 J!!
25. MINERALOGY
when iron tools were certainly not available. He imagines abrasive powders, obsidian
cutters and 'almost infinite patience'. Hence the interest of the 'Khun-Wu' sword
or knife, which 'would cut jade like clay', and which comes into prominence about
the - 3rd century. We met with it in the quotation from Lieh Tzu a few pages back,a
but many other references could be adduced. b One feels that just as asbestos was a
real thing, so also there was something behind this curious term. Laufer (12) built
up an elaborate argument to prove that it was the diamond point, but Hansford gives
good reasons for rejecting this view. The phrase 'Khun-Wu knife' became proverbial
in later times for any steel knife of fine quality.c The only connection with the diamond
is that the term for the latter, chin hang, I was also in late times applied to other hard
substances such as corundum, and too much emphasis cannot therefore be placed on
Li Shih-Chen's comment on a passage which he quotes d from the + 4th-century Hai
Nei Shih Chou Chi.e This says that Khun-Wu stone is found in the western regions
near the Shifting Sands, and is smelted like iron to make knives which shine like rock
crystal and cut jade like mud. Li Shih-Chen simply says that this is 'the largest kind
of chin-hang'. Moreover, while in traditional jade-cutting the diamond is a useful
auxiliary, as Hansford puts it, all the important cutting tools are of iron or steel.
The central invention here was the rotary disc-knife (cha th02); see Fig. 273. The
oldest reference to it seems to be indirect, namely the mention in the Chin Shih
(History of the Chin (Tartar) Dynasty) f of abrasive sand for use with jade-grinding
wheels (nien yii sha 3 ); this refers to the + 12th century, though compiled about + 1350.
The Yuan Shih says that in + 1279 an official Abrasives Depot was established at
Ta-thung. The first specific reference to the rotary disc-knife is in the Thai-Tshang
Chou Chih 4 (Topography of Thai-tshang, in Chiangsu), the earliest edition of which is
+ 1500; here it is called sha nien,5 with reference to a famous worker, Lu Tzu-Kang. 6
These are relatively late texts, but perhaps it is not surprising that the methods used in
ancient times were kept secret by the technicians, in this case as in so many others. The
possibility in fact arises that what lay behind the Khun-Wu story was the first applica-
tion of a treadle-driven rotary steel knife and abrasive sand.g Hansford has found no
evidence that rotary tools were used for this purpose in the bronze age, apart from the
a Ch. 5, p. 27a.
b E.g. Po Wu Chih, ch. 2, p. 6b; Shih I Chi; Khung Tshung Tzu; Hsuan Chung Chi; Hou Han Shu,
ch. 1I2B, p. ISb, in the commentary on the biography of Kan Shih.7
C E .g. the + 13th-century Sui Yin Man Lu,8 ch. 4, p . 7a .
QILliW
8 !i'il ~;;n.lHi
668 25. MINERALOGY
bamboo drill. By the use of the microscope, however, he has discovered traces of
rotary tools on late Chou perforated jade discs (pi I), and this would be in agreement
with our tentative interpretation. It is also in fair conformity with the rather late date
for the general use of iron in China. a Whether jades of earlier periods show any similar
traces has yet to be determined with certainty. In any case, whoever introduced the
rotary disc-knife deserves an important place in the history of technology when we
remember the cutting wheels of today, made of rubber-bonded silicon carbide and
rotating at 20,000 r.p.m. (170 m.p.h. at the cutting edge), wheels which will cut almost
anything at any temperature. b
Grease was used as a medium for the abrasives. In + 1092, Lii Ta-Lin, describing
a San Kuo belt-hook (tai kou 2 ),c wrote: ' It is said that with toad-grease (chhanjang 3 )
and a Khun-Wu knife, jade can be worked like wax.'d About + 1470 Tu Ang,4 in his
San Yii Chui Pi, s says the same thing, using the words hsia ma jang,6 and citing Thao
Hung-Ching of the + 5th century.e Of course many literary writers in all centuries
failed to realise that the abrasive contained in the grease was the important factor,
and thought that the organic material must exert some softening effect on the
stone.
Abrasive grinding (cho ,7 cho mo B) was carefully studied in Peking by Hansford just
before the second world war. His illustration of the large grinding disc (Fig. 274) may
be compared with the drawing of Li Shih-Chhiian (Fig. 273). He found six abrasives
in use, the softest being quartz sand (huang sha 9 ) and the hardest being diamond points
on drills. There were also crushed almandine garnets (i.e. silicate of calcium and iron;
hung sha,IO chieh y u sha,II tzu sha I2 ), crushed black corundum (i.e. emery; oxides
of aluminium and iron; hei sha 13), and modern silicon carbide (cf. Fig. 275). The
polishing medium (pao y ao I 4 ) is a mixture of carborundum and very fine loess calcite.
It is fairly clear that the most ancient abrasive was the quartz sand) and that the
corundum was a discovery of the + 12th century about the time referred to in the Chin
and Yuan Histories quoted above, while the garnet had come into use rather earlier,
in the + loth. If Chang Hung-Chao f is right in identifying wen shih IS with garnet
powder this can be traced back to the Thang. The general succession is exactly the
same as the order of hardness of the three abrasives.g
For an account of modern traditional jade-working Hansford will not be found
a Cf. Sect. 30d below.
b It is almost bizarre that the late Dr H. W. Dickinson should have regarded the Taylors of South-
ampton about + 1760 as the first mechanics to have made the circular saw into a practical workshop tool
C See e.g. Lemaltre (I); Alley (4) .
d Khao Ku Thu, ch. 8, p . loa.
e Hansford did not recognise here one of the technical terms for gear-wheels (hsia-ma) so that' toad-
grease' may not mean quite what it says. In fact, it suggests the use of toothed wheels for mechanical
advantage in some jade-cutting techniques, perhaps now abandoned.
f (1), p. 12 9.
g Laufer (12), p. SI, gives evidence to show that Chinese corundum was exported to the Islamic
countries during the Sung.
I~ 2,*~ 3 Jf.!Jf1j 5'=:'~~*
'Ji!( 8Ji!( ~ 9 }!{ ~ "M:E~
13~~ '4 W li;(\ 15 ::SCE
PLATE XCIV
Fig. 273. Rotary tools for working jade (from Li Shih-Chhlian). Above, the steel disc knife (eha
tho, here called eha thU~) with its treadle mounting and protective shield; the accompanying text
mentions that hung sha (crushed almandine garnets) should be used with it. It is also said that when
the piece of jade being worked upon is heavy, a balance suspension should be rigged up, and indeed
one is shown in the picture. Below, the steel grinding wheel (mo tho, here called ehlllmg thU~), also
rotated by a treadle and operating with crushed garnets as abrasive. The text adds a reference to the
polishing wheels such as the ehiao thuo, made of a mixture of shellac (tzu ehiao) and carborundum.
and the leather buffing wheels (phi thuo).
PLATE XCV
Fig. 274. A Peking jade worker using the large steel grinding wheel
(1110 tho or chhung thuo); from Hansford (1).
Fig. 275. Preparation of the abrasives in a Peking jade workshop; above, crushing
garnets in a roller-mill; below, sifting the crushed material (from Hansford, 1).
25. MINERALOGY
disappointing. a Apart from the wire saw (la ssu tzu I ) most of the tools (tho tzu 2 ) are
mounted on treadle lathes. These include not only the discoidal knives but also all
kinds of borers (la tsuan,3 the tubular drill, and ta yen tsuan,4 the fine diamond drill).b
, &t=f
25. MINERALOGY
Fig. 276. A gem miner descending a shaft (from the Thien Kung Khai Wu of + 1637, ch. 18). Sung
Ying-Hsing says that the gem miners of Yunnan and other remote provinces often meet with dangerous,
even lethal, gases in the workings, so that they rope themselves together in case one of them is overcome.
The pits are generally very deep but free from water. The words phou mien on the right simply mean
'cut away so as to show the shaft' .
reference to the diamond in China was thought to be that in the Chin Chhi Chit Chu I
(Daily Acts of the Chin Emperors) a which says that the Tunhuang region presented
diamonds in +277, adding that they are derived from gold, come from India, can be
used to carve jade, and though scoured many times, do not dissolve. b In this passage
they bear the name ever afterwards retained, chin-kang.1 Recently, Maenchen-
o
Helfen (2) has been able to adduce a still earlier passage, dating from + 114. The term,
which means literally' gold-hard' or 'metal-hard', was used by the Han and Chin
translators to render the Buddhist term vajra, or thunderbolt of Indra, so that it meant
in general anything which was firm, hard or indestructible. The close association of
a Quoted in TPYL, ch. 813, p. 8b.
b L aufer (12), p. 35; H ansford (I), p . 109.
25. MINERALOGY
the diamond with gold occurs also in P1iny, but the origin of the idea, apart from some
general similarity of very precious and brilliant things, has not yet been explained.
For the folk-lore of the diamond the reader is referred to Laufer's monograph.
Stories about its collection were similar in East and West. There was a legend that
pieces of flesh were thrown into valleys where the diamonds lay, and were then picked
up with the stones adhering to them by eagles or other birds so that the gems could
be collected. This is related by Epiphanius, a Cypriot bishop, in the latter part of the
+4th century,a and appears also in the Liang Ssu Kung Chi with reference to about
+ 510.b The story may have originated in sacrifices of animals at the openings of
mines, or perhaps also in a method later used in China c in which people walked up
and down over diamond-containing sands with grass-sandals, these being later
collected and burnt, and the stones collected from the ashes.
Presumably it was the exceptional hardness of the diamond which gave rise to the
notion of its indestructibi1ity.d Ko Hung mentions this e about + 300, and reproduces
another story common to both East and West, that the diamond was sensitive to the
horn or blood of rams.! Lead was also thought to be capable of breaking it, as we find
both in Dioscorides, in Arabic alchemical writings, and in the Tan Fang Chien Yuan
of Tuku Thao (+ 11th century).g This certainly originated from the practice of
wrapping up diamonds in lead foil so that their splinters should not be lost when
diamond powder was being made. The use of diamonds for cutting hard stones such
as jade has been read (probably wrongly) into early Chinese references such as the
Hsuan Chung Chi ( + 6th century) h where a roller-cutter may possibly be referred to;
but in later texts, such as Chou Mi's Chhi Tung Yeh Yu (c. + I290)i it is to be
accepted. Apparently, however, the Chinese were not acquainted with cut and polished
diamonds until the Portuguese brought some to Macao. j
As regards other stones, F arrington & Laufer (I) have given a short, but excellent,
paper on the agate, which includes Chinese material. A more exhaustive study was
that of Laufer (13) on the turquoise (hydrated aluminium phosphate). Our name for
it derives simply from Turkey, whence we first knew it, but anciently it seems to have
originated from Persia, spreading east as well as west and reaching India and China.
Especially in Tibet was it prized, forming, with coral, the two commonest decorative
stones on all Tibetan works of art, and taking a place almost equivalent to jade in China.
a Laufer (12), p . 9. Marco Polo was one of the many who told the story (ch. 175, Moule & Pelliot ed .).
b Laufer (12), pp. 7, 19, who considers, plausibly enough, that the story migrated from West to
East because the Liang Ssu Kung Chi refers to Byzantium (Fu-Lin) in connection with it.
c Laufer (12), p. 6.
d The diamond's combustibility was not demonstrated till + 1777 by Bergmann (v. Kobell (I),
p. 388).
e Cit. by Li Shih-Chen, PTKM, ch. 10, p. 36b.
f An idea probably astrological in origin (Laufer (12), p. 24).
g Cit. by Li Shih-Chen in the same entry.
h In Ma Kuo-Han's collection (YHSF, ch . 76, p . 34b), also TPYL, ch. 813, p. 8b.
i Ch. 16, p . IIa, b.
j So Fang I-Chih 1 in the Wu Li Hsiao Shih' (Small Encyclopaedia of the Principles of Things),
+1664, ch. 8, p. 28a.
25. MINERALOGY
Since the Tibetan word for it, gyu, is indigenous, it must have been known there since
very remote times. The Chinese term se-se, I obviously a transcription of some foreign
word, and thought by previous scholars to mean turquoise, is identified by Laufer
with the rubies of Badakshan. There are numerous references to them in the official
histories of the Thang. What seems to be certainly turquoise is first mentioned in the
+ 14th-century Cho Keng Lu as tien tZU. 2 Its modern name, lu sung shih, 3 goes back
only to the + 18th century, but the stone has been mined in China since the Yuan
time.
(8) THE TOUCHSTONE
mention is in the Yiin-nan Thung Chih l of about + 1730, the revised version of older
historical geographies of that province which was made under the superintendence of
the Manchu official O-Erh-Thai 2 during his governorship. a Here the stone is said to
be the colour of a new ink-block, and to be greatly prized by the merchants who test
alloys with it. Chang Hung-Chao, however, suggests b that a much older term, tsung-
chhii,3 refers to the touchstone. This is given in old dictionaries such as the Kuang Ya 4
by Chang Is of the Three Kingdoms period (about +230)C and Kuang Yiin 6 com-
menced by Lu Fa-Yen 7 in the Sui (+ 6th).d A much older book, the Thung Su Wen 8
by Fu Chhien 9 of Later Han or Chin, says that 'just as the chien-chu 10 is used to
master jade, so the tsung-chhii 3 is used to master gold'. e But one can hardly be sure
that these were not simply stones for grinding. The exact date of the first use of the
touchstone in Chinese metallurgy therefore remains somewhat obscure.!
The methods used by ancient miners for finding the locations of deposits of ores and
minerals must have been primarily based on traditional geological lore, the observation
of the' lie of the land', the direction of strata, and the knowledge of what kinds of rock
were likely to be associated with the mineral sought. g The mining works of the
European 16th century give hints of such information. There must have been similar
traditions in China, as we saw above. h But new methods of prospecting have now been
introduced, some depending on geophysics (as in the measurement of gravity and of
• The scientific interests of O-Erh-Thai (Ortai) were shown later in his editorship of two imperially
commissioned compendia, one on agriculture, the Shou Shih Thung Khao, and the other on medicine,
the I Tsung Chin Chien. See his biography in Hummel (2), p. 601.
b (1), p. 179.
C Kuang Ya Su Ch€ng, ch. SA, p. 14b.
But the Chinese not only recognised the associations of ores and rocks, they also noted
certain connections between plants and ores. That the ore and the plants might be
separated by many feet or yards, or greater distances, was not felt by them as a diffi-
culty; the conception of 'action at a distance' appears in many ancient texts. e In
Section 38 on botany we shall take cognisance of a correlation which was made in the
- 3rd century between the fu-ling,2 a fungus parasitic on pine-tree roots, and the
dodder (thu-ssu 3 ), a plant parasitic on the branches. In Section 39 on zoology we
shall find that at least as early the effect of the moon on the reproductive cycle of
certain marine invertebrates was discovered. f A whole chapter of the Lii Shih Chhun
Chhiu is devoted to examples of this action at a distance.g And as we saw in Section 21
on meteorology, the Chinese were perhaps less hindered than Europeans in the
recognition of the true cause of the tides by their appreciation of the organic oneness
of the universe. h
Among the miao,4 or indications, of ore deposits, plants played a considerable role.
The best known text which shows this is perhaps that in the Yu- Yang Tsa Tsu,
written by Tuan Chheng-Shih about + 800. There we find the following:
When in the mountains there is the tshung S plant i (the ciboule onion), then below silver
will be found. When in the mountains there is the hsiai 6 pland (a kind of shallot), then below
gold will be found. When in the mountains there is the chiang 7 plant k (ginger), then below
a Thu Ching Yen I P€n Tshao, ch. 3, pp. 2b, 7a.
b Quoted in Thu Ching Yen I Pen Tshao, in its entry under sulphur (ch. 3, p. 16a).
c (1), p. 171. Cf. his introduction.
d TKKW, ch. 14, p. 9b.
e Cf. Vol. 2, pp. 293, 355, 381, 408.
f Cf. Vol. I, p. 150.
g Ch. 45, tr. R. Wilhelm (3), p. 114.
h Cf. in this connection Sect. 26 below on physics and acoustics, and all that was said on organic
philosophy in Vol. 2.
I R 666, Allium fistulosum. j R 663, Allium bakeri.
k R650, Zingiber officinale.
copper and tin will be found. If the mountain has precious jade, the branches of the trees
all around will be drooping.-
The significance of this will be appreciated in the light of modern findings described
below. It is by no means isolated in Chinese literature. The association of tshung I
(Allium) with silver deposits occurs again b in the Pen Tshao Kang Mu as also does
that of the hsiai z (another species of Allium) with gold. c But Li Shih-Chen quotes
these statements from a source which must have been that of Tuan Chheng-Shih also,
namely the Ti Ching Thu 3 (Illustrated Mirror of the Earth). This work, which survives
only in the form of fragments collected by Ma Kuo-Han,d is mentioned in the Sui
bibliography and, though its writer's name is lost,e was evidently concerned with
mining and geobotanical prospecting. f Ma Kuo-Han believed that it was written in
the Liang dynasty (first half of the + 6th century).
The Ti Ching Thu has some interesting statements which Tuan Chheng-Shih did
not copy. For example, it says that' if the stalk of (a certain) plant is yellow and elegant
(tshao heng huang hsiu 4 )' copper will be found below.g This indicates that not only
the presence or absence of plants was looked for but also their physiological condition.
The text goes on to say that the essence (ching S ) of copper transforms itself into ma 6
and thung,7 words which literally mean' horses' and' boys', but which may well have
referred to names of plants no longer identifiable. h Similarly the Ti Ching Thu says
that' if the (leaves) of (a certain) plant are green, and the stalks red, much lead will be
found below ', i adding that the essence of lead and tin transforms itself into the' old-
woman', again perhaps a plant-name. Though we can hardly say what species were
meant, modern knowledge confirms most strikingly that the presence or absence of
metallic elements in the soil affects the appearance of plants. Exactly how far back
this accumulated knowledge goes is hard to determine, but another piece of information
occurs in the Thu Ching Yen I Pen Tshao (c. + 1120) which quotes i Chang Hua(c. + 290)
as saying k that' where the liao 8 (smartweed) grows abundantly, 1 there must be plenty
of haematite (yu y u liang;9 ferric oxide) below'. Moreover, the Shan Hai Ching, in
a Ch. 16, p . 3 b, tr. auct.
b PTKM, ch. 8, p. 8a; cf. de Mely (1), pp. xxvii, 19.
c Ch. 8, p. sa; cf. de Mely (1), pp. xxvii, 13. d YHSF, ch. 78, pp. 31aff.
e We are told by the Emperor Yuan of the Liang that in his time there were three manuals of this
o
kind, one by Shih Khuang : (obviously a pseudonym taken from the Chou period), a second by Pai
TS~," and a third by Liu Chia." Of these men nothing is now known (Chin Lou TZll, ch. 5, p. 21a).
A fragment of a Pai Tse Thll, mostly about spirits which lead miners to ore sites, is preserved in YHSF,
ch. 77, pp. s8aff. Chhen Ph an (lb) has discussed the Ti Ching Thu and related writings.
f In this it differs from two other books, also of the Liang, the Ti Ching'3 (Mirror of the Earth)
and the Thien Ching'4 (Mirror of the Heavens), which are almost entirely divinatory in character. What
survives of both will also be found in YHSF, ch. 78 .
g Quoted by Li Shih-Chen in PTKM, ch . 8, p. I2a; cf. de Mely (1), pp. xxvii, 22.
h About twenty Chinese plant names have the prefix ma; 6 cf. our 'horsetail'.
i Quoted by Li Shih-Chen in PTKM, ch. 8, p. 16b; cf. de Mely (1), pp. xxvii, 27.
j In its entry under haematite (ch. 2, p . I2a).
k We have not, however, been able to find the statement in the present version of the Po Wu Chill.
I Rs73, Polygonwll hy dropiper (ch . 2, p. Iza).
I ~ Z flli J :ttB%2 IIlI • 1if. !{q't ~ 6 .\1;
7 fti 811 Q jil1,~f.j{ 10 eili ~ 12 ~,
25. MINERALOGY
spite of its usual ambiguity, seems to speak a of an association between gold ore and
hui-thang. Ib There is also a reference in Wen Tzu 2 to lush growth and drooping
branches in the neighbourhood of jade. c In general, therefore, we should not be far
wrong in thinking that this kind of empirical lore was growing steadily from the Han
time onwards until the Sui. Naturally there was magic in it as well as true knowledge,
for no plant could betray the presence of a mineral such as magnesium silicate, no
matter how much men might value it as jade.
We have now, finally, to glance at the present position of knowledge in the light of
which these achievements must be evaluated. When Jules Raulin, a great contemporary
of Pasteur, began the first successful experiments in the culture of the lower plants on
synthetic media, it became clear that they needed for their growth the presence of
many metallic and other elements, though only in traces. Javillier and Sch6pfer have
recently reviewed the wide repercussions of this work. The importance of 'trace-
elements' or 'oligo-elements' in all branches of biology may be seen from the books
of Brewer (I) and Stiles (I).d Plant diseases caused by deficiencies in these may be
diagnosed by inspection (Wallace, I). e But on the other hand modern research has
made clear that plants vary greatly in the extent to which they will accumulate
within themselves metallic elements present in the soil. The role of plants as biological
concentrators and indicators was first brought out in a classical lecture by the
Norwegian geochemist V. M. Goldschmidt in 1935. Starting from a curious
observation that certain coal ashes were extremely rich in germanium, it was found
that there is a circulation from subsoil to surface layers, with absorption of elements
by the plants and accumulation in their maxim ally transpiring organs, the leaves.
Later, from leaves undergoing decay there is a leaching process in which the most
soluble salts go down into the subsoil, while the less soluble ones remain above.
Nearly twenty elements are now known to participate in this Goldschmidt Enrich-
ment Principle, as it is called.! It will follow, therefore, that if there are rich deposits
of a certain element in or below the subsoil, this will accumulate in the soil itself and
in the plants which grow on it, and this process may reach a point which many plant
species may find intolerable, thus leading to oecological changes. But besides this,
there are active processes by which plants accumulate elements in their tissues, for
example, boron.g
During the past fifteen years this new information has been actively applied to
mineral prospecting, Swedish and Italian workers being in the forefront. The con-
a In the entry for Chung-Huang Shan in ch. 2.
b This combined plant name (if it is a combined one) is hard to identify. The hui could be a kind
of orchid (B II, 406), as de Rosny (I), p. 67, took it, or Ocimum the basil (B Ill, 60; R 134a). Thang
alone could be the wild pear (R432) or plum (R446) or hawthorn (R422).
c Cf. Piao I Lu, ch. 2, p. 7 a, quoting the Yun Chhi Yu I of the Thang. See also Hsun Tzu, ch. ]
p. 5 b (tr. Dubs (8), p. 36); Po Wu Chih, ch. I, p. 7 b.
d Cf. also a report (Anon., 4).
e Hence the interest of the old Chinese statements concerning the appearance, not only the presence
or absence, of plants in relation to minerals.
f Notably Au, Be, Zn, Cd, Sc, Tl, Ge, Sn, Pb, As, Mn, Co, Ni.
g For an excellent review of this subject see Rankama (I).
25. MINERALOGY
tributions of Palmqvist & Brundin,a reviewed by Landergren (I), are regarded as of
particular merit.b Following the order of metals in which the medieval Chinese were
interested, we may glance at a few details, astonishing indeed in themselves. Silver
does not seem very prominent so far, but gold is known to accumulate in Equisetum
arvense and palustre, the horsetails, which may contain as much as 4 oz. AuJton. c
As regards copper, tin and zinc, there have been chemical analyses by Warren &
Delavault and Warren & Howatson of parts of various trees which may act as indi-
cators for copper deposits. Copper is specifically accumulated in Polycarpaea spiro-
stylis; and two other plants, Viscaria alpina and Melandrium dioecium, can endure
copper concentrations in the soil which leave them without competitors. c The 'zinc
pansy', Viola calaminaria, accumulates zinc up to 1 % of the ash, and flourishes in the
neighbourhood of its ores, but it is outdone by Thlaspi spp. which go as high as 16 %
of the ash. d Holosteum umbellatum, when growing on mercury-rich soils, actually
shows intracellular droplets of metallic mercury (Rankama & Sahama, I). Astragalus
spp. seem quite insensitive to selenium, otherwise a highly poisonous element. Lead,
mentioned by the old Chinese writers, accumulates in Amorpha canescens and Panicum
crusgalli (Sinyakova), but many families have no detectable traces. Nickel indicator
plants, such as Alyssum bertolonii, have been studied by Rankama (2) and Minguzzi &
Vergnano (I), following the classical work on cobalt accumulators of Bertrand &
Mokragnatz (I). Some of the Lycopodium species accumulate so much aluminium that
they were used traditionally in Europe as sources of mordant instead of alum, as well
as sources of yellow dye.e Of course in modern geobotanical technique it is necessary
not only to study the oecological distribution and the physiological condition of the
flora, but also to make chemical analyses of the plants, soils, waters, and even animals,
of the region.
In view of these facts it is remarkable that Chinese literature contains a long-standing
assertion that metals could actually be obtained from certain plants. The Wu Li Hsiao
Shih of + 1664 quotes f a passage from the Keng Hsin Yii Tshe of + 1421 saying that
the chhi of gold was present in the rape-turnip (man chhing;1 Brassica rapa-depressa,
R477), that of silver was present in a kind of weeping willow (shih yang liu 2 ), those of
lead and tin in mugwort (ai hao;3 Artemisia vulgaris, R9), chestnut, barley and wheat;
and that of copper in the Indian sorrel (san yeh suan; 4 Oxalis corniculata, R 367). In
at least one case practical use was made of such knowledge in the extraction of mercury,
as we shall see in a moment. It would be very interesting to put these old statements
to the test by modern methods.
One would think that miners in all civilisations must have acquired some empirical
knowledge of plant-mineral associations. But we have found no trace of medieval
a Though imperfectly available, owing, apparently, to their connection with the commercial firm
Svenska Prospektering Aktiebolaget.
b Geobotanical prospecting is in actual practical use for Cu, Ni, Sn, Cr and W.
C Rankama (I); Vogt & Bergh (I).
d Rankama (I); Robinson, Lakin & Reichen (I).
C Analyses by Hutchinson & Wollack (I).
f Ch. 7, p. nb.
European ideas on the subject. Agricola says very little about it; he notes only the lie
of frost, and a certain 'sickliness' about trees or bushes. a Not till the Flora Saturnisans
of the German mining chemist J. F. Henckel (+ 1760) do we come upon the traces of
geobotanical prospecting. At first he seems not to go beyond Agricola, for with reference
to arid patches near mines he says (p. 66):
Je ss;ais qu'on attribue ces effets aux exhalaisons qui s'elevent des fentes des mines qui
detruisent tout ce que le terrein qui est au-dessus de ces fentes, et qu'elles traversent, peut
contenir de propre a la vegetation, empechent que les rosees ne fertilisent ces endroits,
comme les endroits voisins sur lesquels cette cause de destruction n'agit point; il ne faut
cependant pas adopter entierement les soups;ons des Mineurs.
But later he quotes 'un passage de Cluvier qui merite qu'on y reflechisse' (p. 254):
Nous croyons avoir raison de croire et de dire que chaque pi ante participe d'un metal
particulier; aussi les plantes peuvent-elles servir a faire connoitre les differentes especes de
mineraux qui sont dans la terre. Le saffranum ou le saffran batard indique ou il y a des
mines d'or; et le houx, ou il y a de l'alun. On voit au-dessus des filons des mines des plantes
qui ont quelque connexion avec ces mines qui y croissent tres-bien, tandis que d'autres ont
peine a y venir, et y deperissent. Le vitriol se trouve en grande quantite dans le chene et
dans les bigarades d'ou l'on peut aisement l'en retirer. Les Orientaux ss;avent faire du
salpetre avec une certaine espece d'osier.. ..
The reference is to the Passe-tems of Cluvier, i.e. Philip Cluverius ( + 1580 to + 1623),
the eminent German historical geographer. This is one of those points at which we
seem to be standing at the watershed between the old and the new in European
science, for while one sentence evokes the doctrine of signatures and the ancient
Kab balistical and 'Chinese' symbolic correlations (every plant corresponds to a certain
metal),b another indicates how Henckel and his contemporaries were in fact beginning
to open up the subject of plant biochemistry, especially in those analyses of the inorganic
constituents of plants, to which much of the Flora Saturnisans is devoted. It is note-
worthy that there are certain references to China in Henckel, especially discussion of
a plant found in that country which contained so much mercury that it would give
rise to an amalgam as soft as butter when ground with copper filings. c But the success-
ful pursuit of geobotanical prospecting in the European tradition would require a
special investigation.
a Hoover & Hoover (I), p. 38. It is interesting that the Jesuits, urged on by Li Thien-Ching, started
to make a translation of Agricola into Chinese in + 1639. Within a year eight chapters were presented
to the throne, but then for some reason the work stopped and the Chinese text was never published
(Bemard-Maitre (7), p. 462).
b Cf. Sect. 131 in Vol. 2, pp. 261fI.
c Pp. 196, 245 , 252. Though Henckel gave no Chinese reference, the texts are readily identifiable.
Li Shih-Chen (PTKM, + 1596, ch. 9, p. lob) quotes Su Sung as giving in the Pen Tshao Thu Ching
(about + 1070) a method for getting mercury from a kind of purslane, the ma chhih hsien I (Portulaca
oieracea, R554) by careful pounding, drying and autolysis. He could obtain 8 or 10 ounces from
10 catties of the dried plant. The account was quoted again in the Wu Li Hsiao Shih (+ 1664), ch. 7,
p. I2b, but Sung Ying-Hsing (Thien Kung Khai Wu, ch. 14, p. lob), supposing that the story referred
to tin not mercury, disbelieved it.
680 25. MINERALOGY
It would also be interesting to make a search of the Chinese literature in the light
of present knowledge of plant species which are known to be ore-indicators. None of
those, indeed, which have just been mentioned is the same as any of the plants
referred to in the texts, but the identification of the latter is perhaps too uncertain for
that to be significant. Conversely, if the plants which the Chinese seem to have used
could ever be identified with sufficient exactness, it would be interesting to examine
them in the field on the basis of modern knowledge. We can hardly follow the subject
further here, but enough has been said to make it evident that the medieval Chinese
observations were the forerunners of a vast and rapidly growing body of modern
scientific theory and practice. a To what extent this holds true, not only in geophysics,
but also in physics itself and throughout the realm of the technologies of the physical
world, will appear from the discussions collected in the following volume.
a Meanwhile the Chinese themselves do not always appreciate the acuity of their forefathers; for
example, in Phan Chung-Hsiang's otherwise excellent review of mod ern prospecting methods, geo-
botanical techniques are mentioned as if they were purely of modern Western origin. Even a special
(and admirable) monograph on geobotanical prospecting and indicator-plants, published by Hou
Hsiieh-Yii at Peking in 1952, is silent regarding the Chinese pioneers. However, after the publication
of a preliminary draft of the present sub-section two years later (Needham, 30), we were happy to see a
good account of the same material appear in Chinese (Yen Yii, 3).
681
ADDENDA
ISRAEL AND KHA ZARIA
KOREA
The conviction has developed in the minds of the author and his collaborators during the
writing of this book, that of all the peoples inhabiting the Chinese culture-area, the Koreans
were for many centuries those most interested in all kinds of scientific matters. In Section 20
we have noted (p. 302) Korean interest in Jesuit sundials in the 18th century, as well as a
remarkable astronomical clock from Korea (p. 389), and we have reproduced a drawing of a
Korean observatory tower of the + 7th century (Fig. 118) as well as a picture of a comet taken
ADDENDA
from late Korean records (Fig. 184(a)). But there is abundant evidence from much earlier
times, as may be seen from the perusal of Ma Tuan-Lin's account of Korea (Kao-Chil-Li I)
in chapter 325 of the WbzHsien ThungKhao(c. + 1280;tr. HerveydeSt Denys, I). The people
were known to be fond of books and learning; there were schools at almost every crossroads.
In + 95 I they presented certain astrological-astronomical books, including one of the Chhan-
Wei, Hsiao Wei Tzhu Hsiung Thu 2 (Apocryphal Treatise on the Filial Piety Classic; Diagrams
of Male and Female (Influences)), the text of which had presumably been lost in China
(existing fragments are in YHSF, ch. 58, p. 58 a). In + 1016, the Korean ambassador, Kuo
Yuan,3 departed for home laden with calendrical books and a medical work Shbzg Hui Fang 4
(Glory-of-the-Sages Prescriptions). This was probably the work now known as Sheng Hui
Hsuan Fang. Koreans repeatedly took doctorates at the imperial university, e.g. Chin Hsing-
Chheng S in +980 and Khang Chien 6 in + 1021. In the latter year, the embassy requested,
and obtained, geographical books; and in + 1075 one of the Korean kings sent for physicians,
pharmacists, painters and sculptors. But towards the end of the + 11th century cultural
relations between China and Korea were impaired because the suspicion grew up that the
Koreans were coming to gather intelligence on behalf of the Chin (Jurchen) Tartars. Con-
sequently in + 1085 and + 1092 Korean embassies were not given all the books for which
they had asked, and already before + 1080 (as we saw in Sect. 22, p. 549) there was great
reluctance to provide them with maps which previously had been freely given. Mter the
retreat to Hangchow early in the + 12th century, scientific intercourse was reduced, but in
later times it revived again. We have studied above (pp. 554ff.) the outstanding achievement
of Korean cartographers about + 1400.
General histories of Korean literature (e.g. Trollope, I) regard the Yun Tai Rok,7 a
calendrical work by Tshui Chih-Yuan 8 (Choi Chi-Won +858 to +910), who was trained at
the Thang capital, as perhaps the oldest Korean astronomical book. No less famous, however,
is the Sip Chong Rok,9 written by Chin Chheng-Tse 10 (Kim Song-Taik) of the +llth century.
The register of strange celestial phenomena, Tyentung Sanguiko I I of + I 708, is an important
work. In the early nineteenth century, Korea produced two prolific astronomical writers, the
brothers Nan Ping-Che l 2 and Nan Ping-Chi 13 (Nam Pyeng-Chul and Pyeng-Kil). There
is a general history of science in Korea by Hung I-Py6ii (1).
I;g; -m~ 2 ~ ~.4t ntUiUll 3 ~1I}ij .; ~ ;t; :-h
6 [~~ ¥ ft M s-t€J,till Q -I- r.f Jlif
* 11
7
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
A CHINESE BOOKS BEFORE + 1800
ABBREVIATI ONS
A Archeion AKML Abhandlungen f. d. Kunde des
AAA Archaeologia Morgenlandes
AAEEG Annuaire de l'Assoc. pour l'En- AM Asia Major
couragement des Etudes Grecques AMG Annales du Musee Guimet
A/AIHS Archives Internationales d' Histoire AMM American Mathematical Monthly
des Sciences (contin. of Archeion) AMN Archiv for Math. og Naturviden-
AAN American Anthropologist skab (Christiania/Oslo)
AAR Art and Archaeology (Washington) AMP Archiv d. Math. u. Physik
ABAW/MN Abhandlungen d. bayerischen Aka- AN Anthropos
demie d. Wissenschaften, Miinchetl ANHGN Abhandlungen d. Natllrhistorischell
(Math.-nat. Klasse) Gesellschaft zu Niirnberg
ABAW/PH Abhandlzmgen d. bayerischen Aka- ANP Annalen d. Physik
demie d. Wissenschaften, Miinchen ANS Annals of Science
(Phil.-hist. Klasse) ANSSR/AC Academy of Sciences of the
ACASA Archives of the Chinese Art Society U.S.S.R., Astronomical Circular
of America AOF Archiv j. Orientforschung
ACLS American Council of Learned APAW Abhandlllngen d. preuss. Akad.
Societies Wiss. Berlin
AD VS Advancetnent of Science (British APAW/MN Abhandlungen d. preuss. Akad.
Association, London) Wiss. Berlin (Math.-nat. Klasse)
AE Ancient Egypt AQ Antiquity
AEO Archives d'Etudes orientales (Up- ARAB Arabica
sala) ARC Agricultural Research Council
AGMNT see QSGNM (U.K.)
AGMW Abhandlungen z. Geschichte d. ARLC/DO Annual Reports of the Librarian of
Math. Wissenschaft Congress (Division of Orien-
AGNT see QSGNM talia)
AGSB Bulletin of the American Geo- ARSI Annual Reports of the Smith-
graphical Society sonian Institution
AGWG/MP Abhandlungen d. Gesellschaft d. ARUSNM AnnllalReports of the U.S.National
Wissenschaften z. Gottingen Museum
(Math.-phys. Klasse) AS/BIHP Kuo-Li Chung- Yang (now Clwng-
AGWG/PH Abhandlungen d. Gesellschaft d. Kuo Kho-Hsiieh) Yen-Chiu
Wissenschaften z. Gottingen Yuan, Li-Shih Yii-Yen Yen-
(Phil.-hist. Klasse) Chill So Chi-Khan (Bulletin of
AHAW/PH Abhandlungen d. Heidelberger the Institute of History and
Akadetnie d. Wissenschaften Philology, Academia Sinica)
(Phil.-hist. Klasse) AS/CJA Chtmg-Kuo Khao Ku Hsiieh Pao
AHOR Antiquarian Horology (Chinese Journal of Archaeology,
AHR American Historical Review Academia Sinica)
AHSNM Acta Historia Scientiarum Natura- ASAW/PH Abhandlungen d. Siichischen Akad.
lium et Medicinalium (Copen- Wiss. Leipzig (Phil.-hist. Klasse)
hagen) ASI Actualites scientifiques et indus-
AI Ars Islamica trielles
AIEO/UA Annales de l'Institut des Etudes ASPN Archives des Sciences physiques et
orientales (Universite d' Alger) naturelles
AJ Asiatic Journal and Monthly ASR Asiatic Review
Register for British and Foreign ASSB Annales de la Societe scientifique de
India, China and Australia Bruxelles
AJA American Journal of Archaeology ASTNR Astronomische Nachrichten
AJP American Journal of Philology ASTRO Astrophysics Journal
AJSC American Journal of Science ASTSN Atti d. Soc. Toscana d. Sci.
AJSLL American Journal of Semitic Lan- Nat.
guages and Literature AT Atlantis
AKG Archiv f. Kulturgeschichte AUL Annales de l'Universite de Lyon
ABBREVIA TIONS
AUON Annali dell'Istituto Universitario BUA Bulletin de I' Universite de l' Aurore
Orientale di Napoli (Shanghai)
BUSNM Bulletin of the V.S. National
BA Baessler Archiv (Beitriige z. Museum
V6lkerkunde herausgeg. a. d. BV Bharaliya Vidya
Mitteln d. Baessler Instituts,
Berlin) C Copernicus: International Journal
BAN Bulletin of the Astronomical Insti- of Astronomy (Dublin and
tutes of the Netherlands Gottingen)
BAS Bulletin astronomique CA Chemical Abstracts
BAU Bulletin of Ankara University CAM Communications de l'Academie de
BBSHS Bulletin of the British Society for Marine (Brussels)
the History of Science CEN Centaurus
BBSSMF Bollettino di Bibliografia e di Storia CET Ciel et Terre
delle Scienze Matematiche e CH Chih-Hsiieh (Learning)
fisiche (Boncompagni's) CHER Chhing-Hua (University) Engineer-
BCGF Bulletin de la Commission geolo- ing Reports
gique de'Finlande CHHP Chhi-Hsiang Hsiieh Pao (Meteoro-
BCP Bulletin catholique de Pekin logical Magazine)
BCS Chung-Kuo Wen-Hua Yen-Chiu CHI Cambridge History of India
Hui Khan (Bulletin of Chinese CHJ Chhing-Hua Hsiieh Pao (Chhillg -
Studies, Chhengtu) Hua (Ts'ing-Hua University)
BEFEO Bulletin de l'Ecole franfaise de Journal)
l' Extreme Orient (Hanoi) CIMC/MR Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs
BG Bulletin de Geographie (Medical Report Series)
BGHD Bulletin de Geographie historique et CJ China Journal of Science and Arts
descriptive CLHP Chin-Ling Hsiieh Pao (Nanking
BGSA Bulletin of the Geological Society of University Journal)
America CLJ Classical Journal
BGTl Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Technik u. CLTC Chen-li Tsa Chih (Truth Miscellany)
Industrie (changed to Technik CMJ China Medical Journal
Geschichte BGTI/TG in CNCK Chhing-Nien Chung-kuo Chi Khan
1933) (Young China Magazine)
BIFAO Bulletin de l'Institut franfais CP Classical Philology
d' Archeologie Orientale (Cairo) CQ Classical Quarterly
BLSOAS Bulletin of the London School of CR China Review (Hong Kong and
Oriental and African Studies Shanghai)
BM Bibliotheca Mathematica CRAIBL Comptes Rendus de (,Academie des
BMFEA Bulletin of the Museum of Far Inscriptions et Belles Lettres
Eastern Antiquities (Stock- (Paris)
holm) CRAS Comples Relldus de l'Academie des
BMON Bulletin Monumental Sciences (Paris)
BMQ British Museum Quarterly CRAS/USSR Comptes Rendus de l'Academie des
BMRAH Bulletin des Musees royaux d'Art et Sciences (U.S.S.R.)
d'Histoire (Brussels) CREC China Reconstructs
BNGBB Berichte d. naturforsch. Gesell- CRR Chinese Recorder
schaft Bamberg CRRR Chinese Repository
BNI Bijdragen tot de taal- land- en CS Current Science
volken-kunde v. Nederlandsch- CSPSR Chinese Social and Political Science
Indie Review
BNLP Kuo-li Pei-phing Thu Shu Kuan CST/HIJ Chung-Shan Ta-Hsiieh Yii Yen Li-
Khan (Bulletin of the National Shih Yen-Chiu So Tsou Khan
Library of Peiping, Peking) (Sun Yat-Sen University Joumal
BOR Babylonian and Oriental Record of Linguistics and History)
BSEIC Bulletin de la Societe des Etudes CT Connaissance du Temps
indochinoises CTE China Trade and Engineering
BSG Bulletin de la Societe de Geo- CZ Chigaku Zasshi (Journal of the
graphie (cont. as La Geo- Tokyo Geographical Society)
graphie)
BSMF Bulletin de la Societe mathematique D Discovery
(de France) DHA Dock and Harbour Authority
BU Biographie universelle DUZ Deutsche Uhrmacher-Zeitung
688 ABBREVIATIONS
Each entry gives particulars in the following order : It will be remembered (p. 68 5 above) that in Chinese
indexes words b eginning Chh- are all listed together
(a) title, alphabetically arranged, with characters; after Ch-, and Hs- after H-, but that this applies to
(b) alternative title, if any; initial word s of titles only.
(c) translation of title ;
Where there ar e any differences between the entries in
(d) cross-reference to closely related book, if any; these bibliographies and those in vo!. I , the informa-
(e) dynasty; tion here given is to be taken as ITI Or C correct.
(f) date as accurate as possible; References to the editions used in the present work, and
(g) name of author or ed itor, with charac ters; to the tshulIg-shu collection s in which books are avail-
(h) title of other book, if the text of the work n ow able, w ill be given in the final volume.
ex ists only incorpora ted therein; or, in special cases,
references to sinological s tudies of it ; ABBREVIATIONS
(i) references to translations, if any, given by the C/Han Former H an .
name of the tra nslator in Bibliography C; H /Han Later H an .
(j) notice of any index or concordance to the book if H /Sh u Later Shu (Wu Tai).
such a work exists; H /Thang Later Thang (Wu Tai).
(h) refe rence to the number of the book in the Tao J /C hin J urchen Chin.
Tsallg catalogue of Wieger (6), if appli cabl e; L /S ung Liu Sung.
(I) reference to th e number of the book in the Sa n N /Chou Northern C hou.
Tsallg (Tripi;aka) catalogues ofNanjio ( I) and Takakusu N/Chhi orthern Chhi.
& Watanabe, if applicable. N/Sung Northern Sung (before the remova l of the
capital to Hangchow).
Words wh ich assist in the translation of title. are added N/Wei orthern Wei.
in round brackets. S/Chhi Southern Chhi.
Alternati ve titles or explanatory addition;; to rh .. titles S/Sung Southern Sung (afte r the removal of the
are added in sq uare bracke ts. capital to Hangchow).
..
astronomical encyclopaedia). Reminiscences of (Chang) Fang-Chou.
See Hsin Fa Suan Shu. Ming, + 1430 to + 1470.
Chhung H siu K o Hsiang Hsin Shu Jl! ~ 1f. *' Chang Ning ~ ~ .
Fang Yu Sheng Lan 1i!n Jlt ~'f .
~
Revision of the New Elucidations of the Triumphant Vision of the Great World
Heavenly B odies (by Chao Yu-Chhin). [geography] .
Ming. Sung, + 1240.
Wang Wei :£ ffI:. Chu Mu K~ tl.
Chhung Hsu Chen Ching l"\' Ja ~ j,l!. Feng Chhuang Hsiao Tu tI ~!. '1' Ill( .
See Lieh Tz u. Maple-Tree Window Memories.
Sung, early + 13th century (after + 1202).
Erh Chheng Chhuan Shu .::: o1'l 5t fF . Yuan Chhiung ~ ~ .
Complete Works of the Two Chheng Feng Su Thung I Ji. ~ ;[fi. ~ •
Brothers [Neo-Confucian philosophers]. The Meaning of Popular Traditions and
Contains: Honan Chheng Shih I Shu, Customs.
Honan Chheng Shih Wai Shu, I-Clzhuan I H /Han, + 175.
Chuan, Erh Chheng Sui Yen, etc. Ying Shao I!@! {!jJ •
Sung, c. +1110, collected +1323. Chung-Fa Index no. 3.
Feng Thu Chi Ji. ± !B.
Coli. Than Shan-Hsin nt
Ed. Yen Yii-Hsi 161 m~~
*
Chheng I tl mi & Chheng Hao tl f<1t .
'\J' (Yuan). Record of Airs and Places.
Chin, + 3rd century.
(Ming, + 1461). Chou Chhu 00 ~ .
Erh Ya m~.
Fo Kuo Chi {;\; m 1fr.
Literary Expositor [dictionary].
[=Fa-Hsi€1lChuan or Fa-Hsien Hsing Chuan] .
Records of Buddhist Countries [also called
Chou material, stabilised in Chhin or C /Han.
Travels of Fa-Hsien] .
Compiler unknown.
Enlarged and commented on c. + 300 by Kuo
Pho ~It~.
Chin, c. +420.
Fa-Hsien (monk) * M.
Tr. Remusat (I), Beal (I), Legge (4), H. A.
Yin-Te Index no. (suppl.) 18.
Giles (3).
Fa-Hsien Chuan
See Fo Kuo Chi.
*
1Iil m. Fo Shuo Pei Tou Chhi Hsing Yen Ming Ching
{;\;:lt~4-h£~fir~,l!.
Ode on the Celestial Sphere. Hsi-Choll Yen Phu frt !/oI'1 ~Jl. ~ .
Thang, + 676. Hsichow Inkstone Record.
Yang Chiung ~ i:f,\j . Sung, + 1066.
Hun Thien Hsiang Shuo or Chu liI!;R ff- Wt (i-l:). Hung Ching-Po *);1:
i(r.
Discourse on U ranographic Models.
San Kuo, c. + 260.
Hsi-Hsia Chi Shih pen Mo
Rise and Fall of the Hsi-Hsia State.
lW;;: *3 :jf, ;4>: *'
W ang Fan :E ii. See Chang Chi en (1).
Hsi Ching Tsa Chi i!!! Jj( *It i1e. Lesser Annuary of the Hsia Dynasty.
Miscellaneous Records of the Western Chou, between -7th and - 4th centuries.
capital. Writers unknown.
702 BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Hsia Hsiao ChOng (cont.) Sung.
Incorporated in Ta Tai Li Chi, q .v. Fu Kung if. ~ .
Tr. R . Wilhelm (6), Soothill (5). Hsien Chhuang Kua I Chih M Wf m !If; mf. .
Hsiahou Yang Suan Ching ;!I( ~ ~ • ill!.. Strange Things seen through the Barred
Hsiahou Yang's Mathematical Manual. Window.
L/Sung or Chhi, + 450 to + 500, or perhaps Sung.
early + 6th century. Lu Ying-Lung ~ l!! it.
Hsiahou Y ang ~ ~ ~IJ. Hsien Pin Lu fifX. Jl t\.
Hsiang Chieh Chill Chang Suan Fa Tsuan Lei Record of All the Guests.
w~:Jt.1ji:~1£.\iji· Ming, +1590.
Detailed Analysis of the Mathematical Rules Lo Ylieh-Chhiung H B ~.
in the Nine Chapters and their Hsien-Shun Lin An Chill fifX. 11 ~ '!i ;E; .
Reclassification. Hsien-Shun reign-period Topographical
Sung, + 1261. Records of the Hangchow District.
YangHui • • • Sung, + 1274.
Hsiang Chung Chi r.tll JP ihl.
Records of Hunan.
Chhien YUeh-Yu m ~ 'b:. .
Hsin-Chai Tsa Tsu ,(,l:s!f *I 7J1.
Chin, c. +375. Miscellanea of (Chang) Hsin-Chai.
Lo Han H~.
Hsiang Ming Suan Fa W IjJJ ~ *. Chhing, c. + 1670.
m
Explanations of Arithmetic.
Yuan and Ming, + 14th century.
Chang Chhao
Hsin Fa Li Shu ;m * lifj.
1ff •.
See Hsi- Yang Hsin Fa Li Shu.
Perhaps Chia H~ng n ¥; also attrib. An
Chih-Chai *:.!I: ~ and Ho Phing-Tzu
Hsin Fa Piao I ;m * ~ !If; .
Differences between (the Old and) the New
fiiJ~T. (Astronomical and Calendrical) Systems.
(In Yung-Lo Ta Tien, chs. 16343-4.)
Chhing, + 1645.
Hsiang Wei Hsin Phien ~ ~1t;m ~. Eventually incorporated in Hsin Fa Suan Shu,
New Account of the Web of Stars. q .v.
Ming, early + 16th century.
Thang Jo-Wang (J. A. Schall von Bell) 11;
Wang Kho-Ta :E PI)c.
Hsiao-An Hsin Fa IIjf ~ ~ 1£.
(Wang) Hsiao-An's New
~~.
Hsin Fa Suan Shu ~ * ~ !f .
Treatise on Mathematics (Astronomy and
(Astronomical) Methods.
Calendrical Science) according to the New
Ming, + 1643. Methods.
Wang Hsi-Shan :E W, tel.
Hsiao Hsiang Thing Yu Lu ~ r.tll m f:ij tit<.
Chhing, + 1669, + 1674. This encyclopaedia
was first issued in the Ming (+ 1635) as
Listening to the Rain at Hsiao-hsiang.
Chhung-Chbz Li Shu (q.v.), then in the
Chhing.
Chhing (+ 1645) as Hsi- Yang Hsin Fa Li
Chiang Yli tc!: . Shu (q.v.).
Hsiao Hsiieh Kan Chu /J~ t$~ *It ~ .
Thang J 0-Wang (J. A. Schall von Bell) 11;
Valuable Observations on Elementary Know-
ledge.
:fi' !i!, T~ng Yli-Han (J ohann Schreck
Sung, + 13th century. (Terrentius» W :IS. i!iSi, Lo Ya-Ku (James
Wang Ying-Lin :E I!f!\ G. Rho) H $ f&, Lung Hua-Min (Nicholas
Longobardi) mi. \iJ 1l!;, Hsli Kuang-Chhi
Hsiao Tai Li Chi.
See Li Chi. ~ '1f:.lif, Li Chih-Tsao '* Z ~, Li
Thien-Ching ,*;R ill! and others.
Hsiao Wei Tzhu Hsiung Thu '.If.!1t at ~ &\I.
Apocryphal Treatise on the Filial Piety Hsin I Hsiang Fa Yao ~ IN $: *
New Design for an Armillary Clock.
~.
Classic; Diagrams of Male and Female
(Influences). Sung, + 1094.
C/Han, - 1st century. Su Sung l* ~.
Writer unknown. Hsin Kho-Lou Ming ;m ~Ij 00 it .
Hsieh Chhuan Chi t:!- )1\ #! . Inscription for a New Clepsydra.
Hsieh River Record. Liang, + 507.
Sung. Lu Chhui ~ 'fj .
Su Kuo Jl i&! . Hsin Lun ;m i!~ .
Hsieh Lueh I{ ~ . New Discussions.
Monograph on the Varieties of Crabs . H /Han, c. + 20.
Sung, c. + II85. Huan Than ;Hi II .
Kao Ssu-Sun i'i:i 1J;.( ~ • Hsin Pien Tui Hsiallg Ssu Yen ;m ~ ti !1: 119 ]l.
Hsieh Phu I{!I. Newly Revised Reader with Four Characters
Discourse on Crustacea (cf. Hsii Hsieh Phu). to the Line and Pictures to match. [The
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Hsin Pien Tui Hsiang Ssu Yen (cont.) Hsiu Yao I Kuei 1'ii III f& t1L.
oldest printed illustrated children's primer The Tracks of the Hsiu and Planets.
in any civilisation.] Thang, c. +710.
Ming, + 1436. I-Hsing - ~T .
Compiler unknown . TW/ 13 0 4·
Hsin Shu ;ffi~. Hsu Hsi So Wei LUll.
New Book. See Ao Yii Tzu Hsii Hsi So Wei Lun.
C /Han, - 2nd century, but the present text Hsii Hsia-Kho Yu Chi ~ lit lff Jrf ~i'. .
may be partly Thang or pre-Thang. Diary of the Travels of HsU Hsia-Kho.
Chia I rI'iiir. Chhing, + 1776 (written + 1641).
Hsin Thang Shu ;ffi m 'I!f . Hsu Hsia-Kho ~ r£ lff .
New History of the Thang Dynasty Hsii Hsieh Phu i!il. 'M ~.
[+618 to +906J. Continuation of the Discourse on Crustacea
Sung, + 1061. (cf. Hsieh Phu).
Ouyang Hsiu ~ f$'J ~ & Sung Chhi SIC iim. Chhing.
Partial trs . des Rotours (I); Pfizmaier (66- Chhu J en-Huo iN A fit ·
74)· Hsii Hsing Shui Chill Chien.
Yin-T~ Index, no. 16. See Lei Shih-HsU & Yu Ch~ng-Hsieh (1) in
Hsin Thien Lun UJf ~ ij;'li . Bibliography B.
Discourse on the Diurnal Revolution (of the Hsii Hung Chien Lu ~[/ -qJ. ~1\ t".
Heavens). The Mass of Records (General History of the
San Kuo, c. + 250. Middle Ages, from the beginning of the
Yao Hsin mftf . Thang dynasty) continued.
(In YHSF, ch. 76.) Chhing, + 1699.
Hsing Chha SMng Lan J[ fl ~ 'irt . Sun Yuan-Ping continuing the work of Shao
Triumphant Visions of the Starry Raft .
[Account of the voyages of Ch~ng H o,
whose ship, as carrying an ambassador, is
Ching-Pang U(S ~,'l! JI;·
Hsii Ku Chai Chhi Suan Fa ij{ I!i :lit ~ ~
Continuation of Ancient Mathematical
*.
thus styled.] Methods for Elucidating the Strange
Ming, + 1436. (Properties of Numbers).
Fei Hsin R fir . Sung, + 1275.
Hsing Ching m. j! . Yang Hui ~ :G1l.
The Star Manual. Hsii Po Wu Chih t.1l r.~ Mo ;E; .
A pre-Thang compilation of Chou and Han Supplement to the R ecord of the Investigation
star-catalogu es, probably with later addi- of Things (cf. Po Wu Chih).
tions (now incomplete). Sung, mid + 12th century.
Shih Shen :5 If! , Kan T~ 1t ~ , Li Shih *:5.
Wu Hsien !J!.. ~ et al. Hsii Shih Shuo *'il. i!t Wt.
TT/ 28 4· Continuation of the Discourses on the Talk of
Hsing Shui Chin Chien lr 7~ ~ i! . the Times.
Golden lVl irror of the Flowing Waters See Shih ShilO I-Isin Yii.
(cf. Hsii Hsing Shui Chin Chien). Sung, c. + 1157.
Chhing, + 1725 .
Fu Ts~-Hung 1t'i ~ *'
Hsiu Chen Thai Chi Hun Yuan Thu ®:]A.:k t1i
I<hung Phing-Chung fL ~ 1"~ .
Hsiian-Chi I Shu ~ ~ ill i1!!; .
Records of Ancient Arts and Techniques
ilt5tlQ11 . [lit. of the Circumpolar Constellation
Veritable Restored Chart of the Supreme Template].
Pole and the Original Chaos. Chhing.
Sung. Chieh H sUan ~~ ~ .
Hsiao Tao-Tshun jffif ill tf. . Hsiian Chullg Chi Z q. We. .
TT/ q6. Mysterious M atters.
Hsiu Chung Chi fib q. ~t!. . Date uncertain, pre-Sung, perhaps + 6th
Sleeve Records. century.
Liang, c. + 500. Mr Ku o ~1I.Ef;.
Shen Y 0 ¥): *'~ .
Hsiu Fang So Chih ®: iiJj fj'( ~.
Hsiian-Ho Fellg Shih Kao-Li Thll Ching ~ l\l .$
~ i'i:iim~ j!~·
Brief Memoir on D yke R epairs. Illustrated Record of an Embassy to Korea
in the HsUan-Ho reign-period.
Chhing.
Li Shih-Lu *i!t f~ .
Hsiu Yao Ching ~~ II7l! j~.
Sung, + 1 124 (+ I 167).
H su Ching ~ RH. .
Hsiu and Planet Sutra. Hsiian-Ho Po Ku Thu ~ l\l mI!i 11\.
See Well-Shu -Shih-Li Phu-Sa . .. , etc. [=Po Ku Thu Lu, q.v.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Hsiian-Ho Po Ku Thu (cont.) Tai Chin-Hsien (Ignatius Kogler) ~ i!!i ~ ;
HsUan-Ho reign-period Illustrated Record Pao Yu-Kuan (Anton Gogeisl) ~ 1): 1f ;
of Ancient Objects. [Catalogue of the Liu Sung-Ling (August in von Hallerstein)
archaeological museum of the emperor fl *1 tit. and Fu Tso-Lin (Felix da Rocha)
Hui Tsung.] i.ilJ.11" ~.
Sung, +IIII to +1125. I Ku Yen Tuan ~ 11 ilii f& .
Wang Fu .:E mm or !Iil(, et al. New Steps in Computation .
Hsiian-Ho Shih Phu 'j[;m;o :m.. J /Chin (Yuan), + 1259.
HsUan-Ho reign-period Treatise on Stones. Li Yeh '$ It.
Sung, c. + 1122. J Lung Thu £ ff\!. 1m1 .
T su Khao mU. ~ . The Dragon Diagrams of the (Book of)
Hsiieh Chai Chall Pi ~ ~ 1~ ~. Changes .
Glancing into Books in a Learned Studio. Wu Tai, c. + 950.
Sung, + 13th century. Chhen Thuan ~ tw- .
Shih Sheng-Tsu 1i!. Uii mll . I Shu Kou Yin Thu £ l/ik £fJ ~ III .
Hsiieh Li Hsiao Pien ~ fff '1' ~ . The Hidden Number-Diagrams in the
Minor Disputation on Calendrical Science (Book of) Changes Hooked Out.
[an answer to the Li TsM and Li Yuan, Sung, early + loth century.
q.v.]. Liu Mu 131!f:t .
Ming, + 1631. I Shu Pien ~ v~r ii .
Thang Jo-Wang 0. A. Schall von Bell) m The Antheap of Knowledge [Miscellaneous
Essays].
'i\'~ .
Hsiin Tzu r,o =f . (The first character is usually pronounced
The Book of Master HsUn . e, moth; but here should be read i, ant.)
Chou, c. -240. Chhing, c. + 1770, but not published till
HsUn Chhing 1/.1 ffi . + 19th century.
Tr. Dubs (7). Wang Ming-Sheng .:E ~~ ~.
I Thu Ming Pien £ IIil lj)jm.
I ChaD Liao Tsa Chi ~ ~ :f!: ~ ill!.. Clarification of the Diagrams in the (Book
Miscellaneous Records from the I-Chao of) Changes [historical analysis].
Cottage. Chhing, + 1706.
Sung, + 12th century. Hu Wei M ¥\11.
Chu I *=~. I Tsung Chin Chien ~ ~ :fG: i! .
I Ching £ ~.m.. Golden Mirror of Medicine (compiled by
The Classic of Changes [Book of Changes]. Imperial Order).
Chou with C/Han additions. Chhing, + 1743.
Compilers unknown. Ed. O-Erh-Thai (Ortai) ;tI W ~ .
See Li Ching-Chhih (1, 2); Wu Shih- I Wei Chhien Tso Tu £ ~ ~t m 1l .
Chhang (I). Apocryphal Treatise on the (Book of)
Tr. R. Wilhelm (2); Legge (9); de Harlez (I). Changes; a Penetration of the Regularities
Yin-Te Index no . (Suppl.) 10. of Chhien (the first Kua).
J Ching t¥ ~~. C /Han, - 1st century.
Treatise on Arts and Games. Writer unknown.
San Kuo (Wei), + 3rd century. I Wei Ho Thu Shu £ t~ tnJ \i!llJij[.
Hantan Shun 1I\l $Ii 'f!j. . Apocryphal Treatise on the (Book of)
J Chou Shu ~ fm ~ . Changes; The Numbers of the River
[= Chi Chung Chou Shu.] Diagram.
Lost Books of the Chou (Dynasty) . H /Han.
Chou, - 245 and before, such parts as are Writer unknown .
genuine. (Found in the tomb of An Li I Wei Thllng Kua Yen £~.¥ ~ 11' ~ .
Wang, a prince of the Wei State, r. - 276 Apocryph al Treatise on the (Book of)
to -245; in +281). Changes; Verifications of the Powers of
Writers unknown. the Kua.
J Chuan JJJ f!)j;· C /Han, - 1st century.
Explanations of the (Book of) Changes. Writer unknown.
N /Wei, c. +490. I WII Chih ~ M1l ;~ .
Kuan Lang Im AA . Memoirs of Marvellous Things.
J Hsiang Khao ChMng f& ~ ~ ~ . San Kuo.
The Imperial (Astronomical) Instruments HsUeh YU iWi ~l .
[official description]. I Yin £ 1f.
Chhing, + 1744; enlarged + 1757 to contain Dictionary of the Original Sounds of Words
the Chhien-Lung star-catalogue. in the (Book of) Changes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
I Yin (cont.) Hui-Chiao (monk) 11. ~ .
Chhing, + 1667 (in Yin Hsiieh Wu Shu). TW/ 2 °59·
Ku Yen-Wu III ~ lit. Keng Hsill Yii Tshe Yt;>f::E JlJr •
I Yu Thu Chih Jt ~ ',";\1 ~ . Precious Secrets of the Realm of K eng and
Illustrated Record of Strange Countries. Hsin [i.e. all things connected with metals
Ming, c. + 1420 (written between + 1392 and minerals, symbolised by these two
and + 1430); pr. +1489. cyclical characters. On alchemy and
Compiler unknown. pharmaceutics. Keng-Hsin is also an
Cf. Moule (4) ; Sarton (1) , vol. 3, p. 1627. alchemical synonym for gold].
(A copy is in the Cambridge University
I Yllan
Library.)
~~.
Ming, + 1421.
Ning H sien Wang (prince of the Ming)
~ :E.
*
Garden of Strange Things. Khai Fang SIzIlO Bn 11 ;Dt.
Pre-Sui, prob. + 5th century. Theory of Equations of Higher Degrees.
Liu Ching-Shu 1Z! it ;J1. • Chhing, end + 18th centu ry.
Ichidai Yaki - fl': ~ ~i'. . Li Jui af- i!t .
Essenti als of the History of an Age [a brief Khai-Pao Pen Tslzao Bn 1ll ;>\>. ~.
history of the emperors, from Ingyo Khai-Pao reign-period Pharmacopoeia.
(+412 / +453) to Hanazono (+1309/ Sung, c. +970.
+13 18)]. Li u Han ~I ~ & Ma Chih .f!;~ .
Japan, + 14th century. Khai- Yuan Clzan Ching ilf~ 5G ~ f,~.
Writer unknown. The Khai-Yuan reign-period Treatise on
Shen Nung Pen Tshao Ching (cont.) Shih Liao Pe1l Tshao i; ~ 7\1: W. .
Reconstituted and commented by Miu Hsi- The Nutritional Medicine Pharmacopoeia.
Yung (+ X625); see Shell Nung Pen Tshao Thang, c. + 670.
Ching Suo Meng Shen j i ~lt .
Shen Nung Pbl Tshao Ching Su rot\! ~ 7\1: w.~.ll! Shih Lin Kuang Chi mt+: 13i ~l',.
ifi!c. Guide through the Forest of Affairs
Commentary on the Text of the Pharma- [encyclopaedia).
copoeia of the Heavenly Husbandman. Sung, between + 1I00 and + x25o; first pr.
+ x3 2 5·
Ming, + X625.
Miu Hsi-Yung ~ * m.
Shell Tao Ta Piell Li Tsung Suan Hui rot\! ill: '* Chhen Yuan-Ching ~ % fiJI.
(A Ming edition of + 1478 is in the
t\iii1ff~#T-e-. Cambridge Unive rsity Library.)
AssemDly of Computing Methods connected Shih-Lin Yen Yu :6 t+: ~p~ ~fr.
with the Calf:ndar. Informal Conversations of (Yeh) Shih-Lin
Ming, + X55S.
Chou Shu-HsUeh rnJ i£
Sheng Chi Tsung Lu M ~ *!t/, &'i·
*. (Yeh Meng-Te).
Sung, + x x36.
Yeh Meng-Te ~ w: 1fl..
Imperial Medical Encyclopaedia (issued by See des Rotours (x), p. cix.
authority). Shih Phin ;P"~.
Sung, c. + xI I x. Hierarchy of Stones.
Ed. twelve physicians. Ming, + x6x7.
Sheng Hui Hsiian Fang ~;;g ~ 11 . Yu ChUn 'DP m.
Glory-of-the-Sages Choice Prescriptions. Shih Shuo Hsin Yii ilt illt ;\'# ~li-.
Sung, + X04S.
Ho Hsi-Ying fPJ * ~.
Sheng Shou Wan Nien Li M r":f {if, £f- m.
New Discourse on the Talk of the Times
[notes of minor incidents from Han to
Chin). Cf. Hsii Shih Shuo.
The Imperial Longevity Permanent L ISung, + 5th century.
Calendar. Liu I-Chhing. ;! ~ ~
(One of the books in the Calendrical Opus, Commentary by Liu HsUn ;\ ~ (Liang).
Li Shu JH ';!f .) Shih Su 'il<¥ ifiIf .
Ming, + X595.
Chu Tsai-Yu (prince of the Ming)
ijlf .
'*
l!Z
Studies on the Book of Odes.
Thang, c. + 640.
Khung Ying-Ta fL}Jt it .
Sheng Shui Yen Than Lu filii 7~ ~~ ~ 107<· Shih Tzu F::;-.
Fleeting Gossip by the River Sheng. The Book of Master Shih.
Sung. Ascr. Chou, - 4th century; probably + 3rd
Wang Phi-Chih :E!N.'iI Z. or 4th century.
Shih Chi 1f.. L'.. Attrib. Shih Chiao F 1~.
Historical R ecords [or perhaps better: Shih Wu Chi Yuan :l:]} ~ *e. J#. .
Memoirs of the Historiographer(-Royal); Records of the Origins of Affairs and Things.
down to - 99). Sung, c. + xoS5.
C /Han, c. -90 [first pr. c. + 1000). Kao Chheng 7lr 71<- •
Ssuma Chhien I'fl.~ i!i, and his father Shih Wu Lun H,f f1l ~~ .
Ssuma Than m .~ ~ . Discourse on Time [calendrical).
Partial trs . Chavannes (x); Pfizmaier (X3-36); San Kuo, c. +237.
Hirth (2); Wu Khang (x); Swann (x), etc. YangWei mw .
Yin-Te Index, no . 40. Shih Yao Erh Ya ;p ~ Hi~.
Shih Chia Chai Yang Hsin Lu T ~ ;1!!- :It' ;\'# t>'j;. Synonymic Dictionary of Minerals and Drugs.
Interpretations of the New by the Old; Thang, +SrS.
Miscellaneous Notes from the Shih-Chia Mei Piao W~.
Study. TTIS94·
Shou Shih Li I Ching ~ R,f 1ff ~~ ~JlI: .
Chhing, c. + x790.
Chhien Ta-Hsin £~
Shih Ching 'i\;f Ml. .
'* oft . Explanations and Manual of the Shou Shih
(Works and Days) Calendar.
Book of Odes [ancient folksongs). Yuan, + X2S0.
Chou, -9th to - 5th centuries. Kuo Shou-Ching ¥!I ~ 1>it (with many
Writers and compilers unknown. colleagues and assistants).
Tr. Legge (S); Waley (r); Karlgren (14). (Now only in chs. 52, 53, 54, 55 of the }'UGn
Shih I Chi n-i:l! \lE . Shih.)
Memoirs on Neglected Matters. ShOll Shih Tlllmg Khao ~ D;f Ni. 1t .
Chin, late +3 rd or +4th century. Complete Investigation of the 'Works and
Wang Chia :E},"{.. Days (published by Imperial Order)
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Sholl Shih Thung Khao (cont.) Ming.
[treatise on agriculture, horticulture Yeh Ping-Ching ~ 3IC wk .
and all related technologies]. Shu Tu Yen tk.5t m- .
Chhing, + 1742. Generalisations on Numbers.
Ed. O-Erh-Thai (Ortai) ~~ 1# ~. Chhing, + 1661 and + 1721.
Sholl Shou Wu Yo Yuan Fa N ~ 3i. mIl:lI it: . Fang Chung-Thung 17 q, ilfi.
Shu Wu I Ming Su J.ff.ltm ~ ~ ifiIt.
The Received Method of Drawing the
Circles of the Five (Sacred) Mountains . Disquisition on Strange Names for
Thang or Wu Tai. Common Things.
Writer unknown. Ming.
(Tunhuang MS. S/3750.) Chhen Mou-J en ~ ~ t:.
Shu CMng Chi ill tiE llB. Shu Yu Chou Tzu Lu ~ l]t rn 'f1 £.! .
Records of Military Expeditions. Complete Description of Foreign Parts.
Chin, + 3rd or + 4th century. Ming, + 1520.
Kuo Yuan-Seng ~\I ~ ~. Yen Tshung-Chien m 1;'£ 1i1\ .
S hu Ching ." k~ . Shui Ching 7l't ~ill. .
Historical Classic [Book of Documents] . The Waterways Classic [geographical
The 29 ' Chin Wen' chapters mainly Chou (a account of rivers and canals].
few pieces possibly Shang); the 21 'Ku Ascr. C /Han, prob. San Kuo.
W en ' chapters a 'forgery ' by Mei Tse ~ Attrib. Sang Chhin ~ $Jc .
~Ji, c. + 320, using fragments of genuine Shui Ching Chu 7l't k~ it. .
antiquity. Of the former, 13 are considered Commentary on the Waterways Classic
to go back to the - loth century, 10 to the [geographical account greatly extended).
- 8th, and 6 not before the - 5th. Some N /Wei, late + 5th or early + 6th century.
scholars accept only 16 or 17 as pre- Li Tao-Yuan IIJI ill: jlj.
Confucian. S hui Tao Thi Kang 7l't ill: m ;WtJ.
Writers unknown . Complete Description of Waterways.
See Wu Shih-Chhang (I); Creel (4). Chhing, + 1776.
Chhi Shao-Nan 'If ~ I¥i .
Shu Hsiieh ~ *.
Tr.Medhurst( I); Legge(l, 10); Karlgren(I2) .
Mathematical Astronomy.
Shun- Yu Lin-An Chih 7$ ifiti ~ '!l: iil:. .
Shun-Yu reign-period Topographical
Chhing, c. + 17 50. Records of the Hangchow District.
u:7"k. Sung, c. + 12+5.
Chiang Yung
S hu Hsueh Thung Kuei
Rules of Mathematics.
m: *
ilIi. fJL . Shih t Ml1il'll.
Shuo Fu ;nt '#\~ .
Ming, + 1578. Florilegium of (Unofficial) Literature.
Yuan, c. + 1368.
Ko Shang-C hhien l<ii ffit i!i .
Shu I Chi ~ ~ llB.
Records of Strange Things.
Thao Tsung-I ~.lJ *
See Ching Phei-Yuan (I).
fi'ii .
m* .
Empire (under the Ming dynasty). C/Han, c. + 10.
Ed. Li Hsien
Ta Pao Chi Ching
'** .m
Ming, c. +1450 (+I461?).
~
W fJ!.
Yang Hsiung
Thai I Chin Ching Shih Ching
fJ! .
* Z. ::itm :it
Studio.
Sung, c. + 1220.
Mu Ni-Ko (Nicholas Smogolecki) ~ Wo 00
& H siieh Feng-Tsu ~ Jl\. JM; •
Hsing Khai fflS tn. •
Thien Ti Jui Hsiang Chih 7C it!! J1M ~ ~.
Thang Chhiieh Shih JiJ I1Al .!1!.. Record of Auspicious Phenomena in the
Thang Memorabilia. Heavens and the Earth.
Wu Tai, + loth century.
Thang, c. + 666.
Kao Y en-Hsiu ~ JJ; (;ic.
Shou-Chen (monk) ~.Ift .
Thang Hui Yao mt" ~. Thien Tui 7C:ff.
History of the Administrative Statutes of Answers about Heaven.
the Thang Dynasty. Thang, c. + 800.
Sung, +96I. Liu Tsung-Yuan ~ ~ 5ii .
Wang Phu :£ ~.
Thang P en Tshao JiJ ~ ~ .
Thien Wen 7C r., .
Questions about Heaven [ode].
Pharmacopoeia of the Thang Dynasty. Chou, c. - 300.
(Cf. the Hsin Hsiu Pen Tshao, q.v.) Chhii Yuan .m.t 1J!..
Thang, + 660.
Ed. Su Kung
Thang Shu.
~ '* . Tr. Erkes (8).
Thien Wen Chih ~ -'C lil;;.
On the Heavens. [A memorial preserved in
See Chiu Thang Shu and Hsin Thang Shu. the Chin Shu, History of the Chin
Thang Yii Lin r.lf m ~ . Dynasty.]
Miscellanea of the Thang dynasty. H /Han, c. + 180.
Sung, collected c. + I 107. Tshai Yung ~ gj, .
Wang Tang :£ 1I. Thien Wen Lei ~ -'C ~ .
Thieh Wei Shan Tshung Than ~ mtlt ~;m. Collection of (Old) Astronomical Writings.
Collected Conversations at Iron-Fence Chhing, c. + 1799.
Mountain. See Wylie (I), p. IOI.
Sung, c. + I II5. Thien Wen Lu 7C -'C ~ .
Tshai Thao ~ ~ . Resume of Astronomy.
Thien Ching ~ m. S /Chhi or Liang, c. + 500.
Mirror of the Heavens. Tsu Keng-Chih lM!. afi Z·
Liang, + 6th century. (Fragments in Khai-Yuan Chan Ching.)
Writer unknown. Thien Wen Liieh 7C r.ll ~.
Thien Hsia Chiin Kuo Li Ping Shu ~ T fit m Explicatio Sphaerae Coelestis.
*'1Ijiij fF .
Merits and Drawbacks of all the Countries
Ming, + 1615.
Yang Ma-No (Emanuel Diaz) ~ ~ ~.
in the World [geography]. Thien Wen Ta Chheng Kuan Khuei Chi Yao 7C
Chhing, + 1662. ~;k~i'QfJt~·
Ku Yen-Wu il{ ~)it. Essentials of Observations of the Celestial
Thien Hsia Shan Ho Liang Chieh Khao ~ T tlt Bodies through the Sighting Tube.
i'PJ\ifjJlt:?f. Chhing (incorporating Sung and Yuan
An Investigation of the Two Regions of the material), + 1653.
Earth [a study of the fen yeh system]. Huang Ting 1i JlIl..
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Thien Wen Ta H siang Fu ;R ~ 7;: ~ !lit. Thung Clzih Lii.eh iifi. ;E; III .
Essay on the Great Constellations in th e Compendium of Information [part of
Heavens. Tlzung Clzih, q.v.].
Sui or Thang, early +7th century. Tlzung Hsuan Clzen Clzing iifi. '!A if(. f~ .
Li Po * 1M.
Thien W en Ya o Lit ;R ~:! ti.
See Wen Tzu.
Tlzung Su Wen ilIi. ~ ~.
Record of the Most Important Astronomical Commonly Used Synonyms.
Matters. H /Han or Chin.
Fu Chhien nil rji.
Thang, c. + 664.
Li Hng (prince of the Thang) * m. .
Thien-Yuan Li Li Chhii.an Shu ;R jt 1ft J3!. 1e • .
Tlzung Tien iifi. ~ •
Comprehensive Institutes [reservoir of
Complete Treatise on the Thien- Yuan source material on political and social
Calendar. history).
Chhing, + 1682. Thang, c. +812.
Hsil Fa ~ ft. Tu Yu ft.1G.
Thien Yuan Yii. Li Hsiang I Fu ;R jt ::E 1ff ~ Thung WetZ Suan Clzilz IPJ ~ 1,1 tri.
~l.Iit. Treatise on European Arithmetic [lit.
Essay on (Astronomical and Meteorological) Combined Languages Mathematical
Presages. Indicator].
Ming, + 1425 (never printed). Ming, + 1614.
Chu Kao-Chih :* 1.!i tIl!i (emperor of the Li Ma-Tou (Matteo Ricci) *IJ ~ :. & Li
Ming). * :z. it .
(MS. in Camb. Univ. Library.)
Thou Lien Hsi Tshao iT£ If{ *1Il1f!.
Chih-Tsao
Thung Yuan Suan Fa ilIi.!lit ~
Origins of Mathematics.
*'
The Mathematical Curtain Pulled Aside. Ming, + 1372.
Yuan, c. + 1355. Yen Kung m~!i.
Writer unknown. (In Yztllg-Lo Ta Tien, ch. 16343 /4.)
Ti Clzing :tt!l~.
*
(In Yung-Lo Ta Tie7l, ch. 16343 /4.)
Thu Ching Phz Tshao lIM Mi !if..
See Pen Tshao Thu Ching and Thu Ching
Mirror of the Earth.
Liang, + 6th century.
Yen I Pen Tshao in the Addenda to this Writer unknown.
Bibliography, p. 723. Ti Clzing Tlzu :tt!l ~ lIM .
Thu Hsiu Chen Chii.n Tsao-Hua Clzih Nan ± ~ Illustrated Mirror of the Earth.
!f(.~· ~ ·H:t~m. Liang, + 6th century.
Guide to the Creation, by the Earth's Writer unknown.
Mansions Immortal. Ti Wei :tt!l *~.
See Tsao-Hua Chih Nan.
Thu Hsiu Pen Tshao ± frI * 11-.
The Earth's Mansions Pharmacopoeia.
Outlines of Geography.
Ming, + 1624 (pr. + 1638 and + 1648).
Hsiung Jen-Lin !m A ~ .
See Tsao-Hua Chih Nan. Ting Chu Suan Fa T §: ~ *.
Thu Shu Chi Chhetzg lE ~ !lX; • Ting Chil's Arithmetical Methods.
Imperial Encyclopaedia. Yuan, + 1355.
Chhing, + 1726. Ting Chil T §: .
Ed. Chhen Meng-Lei J(!l! .~ 'oft et al. (In Yztllg-Lo Ta Tien, ch. I6343 /4.)
Tongguk Yeji Seungnam *!J;Xl ~ :!tiJ 111i ~'t.
*'
Index by L. Giles (2).
Thu Shu Pien tm t,;i.
On Maps and Books [encyclopaedia).
Geographical Vista of the Eastern Kingdom
(Korea).
Ming, + 1562, + 1577, + 1585 . Korea (Choson) begun c. + 1470, finished
Chang Huang ¥ li!'( . + 153 0 .
Thui Pu Fa Chieh :Jt:!J' * 14~ .
Analysis of Celestial Motions.
S6 Ko-Jong ~}ii If.
Tsao-Hua Clzlzien Chlzui )1f 1t ~ ii!.
Chhing, + 1750. The Hammer and Tongs of Creation [i.e.
Chiang Yung n: 'k. ature].
Thung-Clzlzi Hsien Clzilz ~ ~ fi ;E; . Ming, c. + 1430.
Brief otes from Thung-chhi [ethnography ing Hsien Wang (prince of the Ming)
of tribal peoples] . ~~ -E.
Chhing, + 17th century. Tsao-Hua Clzilz Nan i! 1t J:\j ~q
Chhen Ting 1!il1l1~ . [= Tlzu Hsiu Pen Tslzao].
Tlzung Clzih iai;E; . Guide to the Creation [i.e. Nature]'
Historical Collections. Thang, Sung or Ming.
Sung, c. + I I So. Thu Hsiu Chen Chiln (the Earth's Mansions
Cheng Chhiao ~5 t!~. Immortal) ± frI tl.\. ;fr' .
BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Tsao-Hua Chih Notl (cont.) Kuliang Chuan but, unlike them, probably
(Preserved only in quotations as in PTKM.) originally itself an independent book of
Tsao-Hua Ching. history.
See Tung-Hsiian Ling-Pao Chu Th£ell Shih- Attrib. Tsochhiu Ming ti. liB I]Il .
Chieh Tsao-Hua Ching. See Karlgren (8); Maspero (x); Chhi Ssu-
Tsao-Hua Ching Lun Thu ~ 11: JJlI r.~ &l\l . Ho (x); Wu Khang (x); Wu Shih-Chhang
Illustrated Discourse on the Creatioll Canon . (x); Eberhard, Muller & Henseling.
Ming. Tr. Couvreur (x); Legge (Il); Pfizmaier
Chao Chhien m ',ll. (X-12).
Tshan Thung Chhi ~ If1J ~. Tso Chuan Pu Chu ti. m 'AA tt .
The Kinship of the Three; or, The Commentary on Master Tsochhiu's
Accordance (of the Book of Changes) wi th Enlargement of the Chhun Chhiu.
the Phenomena of Composite Things. Chhing, + x7x8.
H {Han, + X42. Hui Tung ;t; tilt .
Wei Po-Yang tl\ fB r~. Tu Chheng Chi Sheng ~ ~ *r. .
~
Tr. Wu & Davis (x). The Wonder of the Capital [Hangchow].
Tshan Thung Chhi Khao I ~ I<iJ ~ ~ It . Sung, + X235 .
A Study of the Kinship of the Three. Mr Chao tff ~ .
Sung, + 1197. (Kuan Pu Nai Te Ong, The Old Gentleman
Chu Hsi (originally u sing pseudonym Tsou of the Water-Garden who achieved
Hsin) :*: ~ (~~rr). Success through Forbearance i1! 001 iitit
Tshe Liang Fa I rUIJ li! it: ~ . f!1- ~).
Essentials of S urveying [trigonometry] . Tu Hsing Tsa Chih !ii rill:a ;G;.
Ming, + 1607. Miscellaneous Records of the Lone Watcher.
Li Ma-Tou (Matteo Ricci) *IJ ~ JIf & H sU Sung, + x x76.
Kuang-Chhi ~ 1t iitf . Tseng Min-Hsing tt lit n' .
Tshe Liang I Thung m:it ~ I<iJ . Tu I Chih !ii JP; ~ .
Similarities and Differences (between Things Uniquely Strange.
Chinese and European) Surveying Thang.
Technique [trigonometry].
Ming, + x63 I.
Li Jun g *
7L.
Tu-Li- Yu-Ssu Ching t~ *IJ ~ NI j,m. .
H su Kuang-Chhi ~ 'Jt i;!{-. Th e Tu-Li-YU-Ssu (Astrological) Manual
Tshe Suan 5l( m:. [probably two separate works combined).
On the Use of the Calculating-Rods.
Chhing, + X744.
T ai Chen ~~.
Thang, c. + 800.
Tr. from the Sogdian, ChhU-Kung
Tu Shih Fang Yu Chi Yao ~.!l:!.11 ~ *c
J'
1];: .
~ .
Tshe Thien Yo Shuo tall 3R ;\'(.J ;jl: .
Essentials of Historical Geography.
Brief D escription of the Measurement of
Chhing, + x667.
th e Heavens.
Ku Tsu-YU JilI roll. m.
Ming, + 1628.
T eng YU-Han (Johannes Terrentius, i.e. Tu- Yang Tsa Pien ;It r~J :a t\i.
The Tu-yang Miscellany.
J ohann Schreck) Ji'K:E 1!r.1 •
Tshe Yuan H ai Ching rUq IlJ1 iti m. Thang, end + 9th century.
Sea Mirror of Circle Measurements. Su E it1 ~J},.
J/Chin (Yuan), + 1248. Tuan-Chhi Yen Phu ~ ~ liJ!. ~.
Li Yeh *- It. Tuan-chhi Inkstonc Record.
Sung, c. +lx35.
Tshe Yuan Hai Ching Fen Lei Shih Shu iKli [1]
mm3t~f.l\Wr.
Writer unknown.
Classified Methods of the Sea Mirror of Tun-Huong Lu ~ ~~ tlft .
Circle Measurements. Record of Tunhuang [local topography).
Ming, + 1550. Thang.
Ku Ying-Hsiang U I!f!\ ~F . Writer unknown.
Tso Chua" ti. m· Tr. L. Giles (8, 9).
Master Tsochhiu's Enlargement of the Chhun Tung Hsi Yang Khao JIt ~ U ~ .
Chhiu (Spring alld Autumn Annals) Studies on the Oceans East and West.
[dealing with the period -722 to -453]. Ming, + 1618.
Late Chou, compiled between - 430 and Chang Hsieh ~ ~ .
- 250, but with additions and changes by Tung-Hsiao Shih Chi ~fri11!= ·foif ~ .
Confucian Scholars of the Chhin and Han, Poems by Visitors to the Tung-Hsiao
especially Liu Hsin. Greatest of the three [Taoist Temple at Hangchow].
commentaries on the Chhul! Chhiu, the Yuan, + 1302.
others being the KU1lgyallg Chl101l and the Meng Tsung-Pao ~ ~ 1t .
720 BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Tung-Hsuan Ling-Pao Chu Thien Shih-Chieh Wen Hsien Thung Khao 5C J:k ~ ~ .
Tsao -Hua Ching i\lil"!i. tK 1lf W 7C ill: !Jf- Comprehensive Study of (the History of)
~1U~. Civilisation.
Creation Canon; The Origin of all Heavens Sung, begun c. + 1254, finished c. + 1280,
and all Worlds: a work of the Tung- but not published until + 1319.
Hsilan Scriptures of Ling-Pao Chiln Ma Tuan-Lin .% rn\J 111..\.
[second person of the Taoist Trinity]. A few chs. tr. Julien (2); St Denys (I).
Perhaps Thang. Wen Hsin Tiao Lung ;t .r" elft ff'li. .
Writer unknown. On the Carving of the Dragon of the
TT/3 I8 .
Tung Kung Ku Shih * -g Mc :$.
Stories of the Eastern Palace.
Literary Mind [literary criticism, earliest
book]; or, Anatomy of the Literary Mind.
Liang.
C/Han, b efore - 48. Liu Hsieh ~! q,,~. .
Chang Ch hang ~ ~ . Wen Hsiian 3t ~ .
Tung Ming Chi ~1iil ~ lie. . General Anthology of Prose and Verse.
Light on Mysterious Things. Liang, + 530.
Ascr. H an; prob. + 5th or + 6th century. Ed. Hsiao Thung (prince of the Liang) ~ tit .
Attrib. Kuo Hsien ~!I lilK .
T Ullg-Pho Chhuan Chi or Chhi Chi
(-1:; ~).
*
lJf ~ ~
Wen-Shu-Shih-Li PllIl-Sa chi Chu Hsien so Shuo
Chi-Hsill71g Shih Jih Shall-0 Hsiu Yao
Ching ;t J! eiji ;fOIJ '!'f ~ & W fill m ;m 5
The Seven Collections of (Su) Tung-Pho ~ 0.18 ~~~ 9mf.ll! .
[i.e. Collected Works]. Sutra of the Discourses of the Bodhisattva
Sung, down to + lIOI, but put together Manjusri and the Sages on Auspicious and
later. Inauspicious Times and Days, and on the
Su Tung-Pho ii! *
lJf .
Tung Thien Clthing Lu (Chi) if,ij 7C ffi ff< (~).
Good and Evil Hsiu and Planets [includes
the planetary names of the days of the
Clarification of Strange Things Sogdian 7-day week, the Western zodiacal
[Taoist]. animal cycle, etc.]. Short title: Hsiu and
Sung, c. + 1240 Planet Sutra.
Chao Hsi-Ku m ~ ItS . Tr. Thang, +759.
Tr. Pu-Khung (Amoghavajra) ~ ~ .
Wamy6-Honz6. With commentary by Yang Ching-Feng ~
See H onz6-Wamy6. :f.l: /i., +7 64.
Wan Chhing Lou Thu Pien "fiSt ~ ~ Im ~. / 1356; TW/ I299·
Study of (Star-) Maps from the Myriad Wen Tzu ~:r .
Bamboo Tablet Studio. [ = Thung Hsuan Chen Ching.]
Chhing, c. + 1740. The Book of Master Wen.
Shao Ang-Hsiao ~m r;, ~. Han and later, but must contain pre-Chhin
Wall Yung Cheng T sun/? Pu-Chhiu-Jen Chhuan material; probably took its present form
Pien 7Ji, mJ[*~ * A~*i. about +380.
The' Ask TO Questions' Complete Attrib. Hsin Yen :$ liJf or n .
Handbook for General Use. Wu-An Li Suan Shu Mu ill ~ 13 U tf §.
Ming, + 1609. Bibliography of Mei Wen-Ting's (Wu-An's)
Yil Wen-Thai 1k ;t ~ . Mathematical Writings.
Wei Lueh ~a ~ . Chhing, + 1702.
Memorable Things of the Wei State (San Mei Wen-Ting m ~ $.
Kuo) . Wu Chltuan Lit ~ Afr tlft.
San Kuo (Wei) or Chin, + 3rd or +4th Account of a Journey by boat to Wu [from
century. Chhengtu in Szechu an to Chiangsu].
Yil Huan fH. fi{ . Sung, + I 177 .
Wei Liieh *~ ~. Fan Chheng-Ta MW;;*-.
Compendium of Non-Classical Matters. WU Ching Lei Pien 3i t.:~ $.il .,,' .
Sung, + 12th century (end). Classified Infonnation on the Five Classics.
Kao Ssu-Sun ~ 1U ffi . Chhing, + 1673.
Wei Shu ~~ . Chou Shih-Chang ).'.1 ilr *1';: .
History of the (Northern) W ei Dynasty Wu Ching Suan Shu 3i k.'l1 :)J VP! .
[ + 386 to + 550, including the Eastern Ar ithmetic in the Five Classics.
W ei su(;cessor State]. T/Chhi, + 6th century.
N /Chhi, + 554, revised + 572. Chen Lu an fi ~ .
Wei Shou lla 1& . Wit Citing TSlmg Yao ~ ill! ~. W.
See Ware (3). Collection of the most important Military
Onc ch. tr. Ware (I, 4). Techniques (compiled by Imperial Order).
BIBLIOGRAPHY A 7 21
Wu Ching Tsung Yao (C07It.) Chin?
Sung + 1040 (+ 1044). Anonymous.
Ed. Tseng Kung-Liang 11 iJ:: ~.
Wu Chiin Chih ~ mt;&;. Yang Hui Suan Fa W; ~ it;. nr
Topography of the Suchow Region Yang Hui's Methods of Computation.
(Chiangsu). Sung, + 1275.
Sung, + 1192; addenda, + 1229. Yang Hui ~:!ili.
Fan Chheng-Ta W, ~ :}( . Yao Tien ~!l\!-.
Wu Chung Shui Li Shu ~ qr 7j'( ;jiIJ '\\f. The Canon of Yao.
The Water-Conservancy of the Wu District. (A chapter of the Shu Ching, q.v.)
Sung, + 1059. Yeh Huo Pien l!lf!~ *Iii .
Shan 0 fi!.~. Memoirs of a Mission Achieved in the Wilds
Wu Hsing Hsing Tu Chieh :li £ fi .I1t I>l~. [an embassy to Samarqand + 1368 to
Analysis of the Motions of the Five Planets. + 1398].
Ming, + 1640. Ming, c. + 1400.
Wang Hsi-Shan :E rf#l.m Shen Te-Fu ~ 1i. r.t .
Wu Li Hsiao Shih ~ J.'I!. '1' ~ . Yeh Kho Tshullg Shu mf rp; ~ ~ .
Small Encyclopaedia of the Principles of Collected Notes of the Rustic Guest.
Things. Sung, + 1201.
Chhing, + 1664. Wang Mou :E m.
Fang I-Chih 11 f.l ~ . Yen Fan Lu wr ~ it.
Wu Li Lun ~ JJ. ;i~ . Extension of the String of Pearls on the
Discourse on the Principles of Things Spring and Autumn Annals [on the meaning
[astronomical]. of many Thang and Sung expressions].
ADDENDA TO BIBLIOGRAPHY A
Pen Tshao Thu Ching # ~ ~ ~,~ . replacement. The name Thu Ching Pen
The Illustrated Pharmacopoeia. Tshao has often been applied to Su Sung's
Sung, c. + 1070 (presented + 1062). work, but wrongly.
Su Sung 1It\"!.'.Q . Thu Ching Yen I Pen Tshao ~i] f'!' lff ~\ -1\1:. tt- .
Now contained only as quotations in the Thu The Illustrated and Elucidated Pharma-
Ching Yen I Pen Tshao (TTI761) and later copoeia.
pharmacopoeias. Largely a conflation of the Pen Tslzao Yen 1
Thu Ching Pen Tshao !i;l] t.'ll ;>\>: tt- . and the Pen Tshao TllIl Ching but with
See Pbz Tshao Thu Ching. many additional quotations.
The name belonged originally to a work pre- Sung, c. + 1120.
pared in the Thang (c. + 658) which by the Khou Tsung-Shih ~[);. ~ llk! .
11th century had become lest. Su Sung's TT1761.
Pen Tshao Th" rhing was prepared as a
B. CHINESE AND JAPANESE BOOKS AND JOURNAL
ARTICLES SINCE + 1800
Fallg-chih Mu-Lu ~
11 iir. § t~·
*
Kuo-Hlli Tlw-Shu-Kllan Tsang Chullg-Kuo
~ ff G1l' iil4 tp m
Remarks on some Works of the Occult
Science of Prognostication in Ancient
China (the Chhan-Wei or Weft Classics).
Catalogue of the Local Topographies ASIBIHP, 1945, 10, 371; 1947, 12, 35.
preserved in the Library of Congress Chhen Phan (2) ~ ~.
[Washington]. Ku Chhall-Wei Shu Lu Chieh Thi 1; ~ Vt
V.S. Govt. Printing Office, Wash. D.C., tUHIT.
1942. Further Remarks on Some Works of the
Chu Wen-Hsin (1) *= '!I:~. Occult Science of Prognostication in
Li Fa Thullg Chih If, *W
History of Chinese Calendrical Science.
iir. . Ancient China.
ASIBIHP, 1950,22, 85.
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 193+ Chhen Phan (3) ~ ~ .
Chu Wen-Hsin (2) *="5C t¥. . Chhall-Wei Shih Millg 3& ~1f: fi ~.
The Origin of the Name Chhan-Wei (Weft
Li Tai Jih Shih Khao ffI ft 8 1\; ~ .
A Study of the Eclipses recorded in Classics).
Chinese History. ASIBIHP, 1943, 11, 297.
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 193+. Chhen Phan (4) I1i11 ~.
Chhall- Wei Su Yuan 3& *1f: iJ!Jl ibi\.
Chu Wen-Hsin (3) *="5C ~ . The Origin of the (content of the) Chhan-
Thien- Well Hsueh Hsiao Shih 7C"5C ~ '1' Wei (Weft Classics) [attempted
iE.. reconstruction of a text of Tsou Yen).
Brief History of Astronomy.
ASIBIHP, 1943,11,317.
C orn. Press, Shanghai, 1935. Ref. W. Eberhard, OR, 1949,2, 193.
Chu Wen-Hsin (4) :*"5C ~. Chhen Shu-Pheng (1) I1i11 ~ lE.
Thien- Wen Khao Ku Lll 7C"5C ~ 1; t¥t. Yunnall Thallf(-Lang Chllllall Liu Yu chih
A Study of the Chinese Contribution to Ti-Well ~ 1¥i ~ Ijji]l JI\ rilE ~ Z j1!J 51:.
Astronomy. Geomorphology of the Thang-Lang River
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 1933. Valley, Yunnan (Kunming and its lake).
Chu Wen-Hsin (5) *="5C ~ . JGSC, 19+8, 15 (nos . 2, 3, 4), 1.
'Shih Chi (Thietl Kuall)' Shu Hlillg Hsillg Chhen Tsun-Kuei (1) !i';li if!i U~.
Tllll Khao JJ!.:m 7C 'tll!!' ti ID. ~ ~. Ku Chill Hsing Ming Tui Chao 1; A, £ ~
A Study of the Fixed Stars recorded in the Oft Ilrl .
Th;en Kuan chapter of the Historical Id entifications of Chinese and Western
Records. Tames of Asterisms.
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 1927; repr. 1934. Acad. Sin., Nanking.
BIBLIOGRAPHY B
Chhen Tsun-Kuei (2) _ i1l ~~ . Shen Kua (mathematician, astronomer,
Chung-Kuo Thien- Wen Hsueh Shih Chhu cartographer, etc.).
Lun Jtl m 7( :?iC ~ 11:!. fYj ~~ . Essay in Li Kuang Pi & Chhien Chiin-Hua
Introduction to the History of Chinese (q.v.), p. 288.
Astronomy. Peking, 1955.
n
lit :f;J;.
YC, 19+5, 15, 9.
Chhen Tsun-Kuei (3) _ it{ U\) .
Heng Hsing Thu Piao t[ £ ~ ~ .
Chhien Pao-Tsung (1)
Chung-Kuo Suan-Hsiieh Shih r.p
A History of Chinese Mathematics.
m l1 * .If...
Atlas of the Fixed Stars, with identifications National Research Institute of History and
of Chinese and Western Names. Philol. Monographs, Ser. A, No. 6.
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 1937, for Academia Academia Sinica, Peiping, 1932.
Sinica. Pt. 1 (Pt. 11 never published).
Chhen Tsun-Kuei (4) i!* itt ~I£. Chhien Pao-Tsung (2) U W :f;f; .
Chhien Han Liu Hui Chi Shih !i~ mTire ~ Ku Suan Khao Yuan -;!;;w: ~ l&\.
*B m. Vber den Ursprung der chinesischen
Mathematik.
Records of Comets in the Han Dynasty.
YC, 1945, 15, 43· Corn. Press, Shanghai, 1930.
Chhen Tsun-Kuei (5) liil' it{ ~~ . Chhien Pao-Tsung (3) &~ W :f;J; .
Chung-Kuo Ku- Tai Tlzien- Wen-Hsiieh Chien , Ying Pu Tsu' Shu Lill-Chhuan Ou-Chou
Shih r.p ~ 1-1 it 7( :?iC ~} fin i,E.. Khao ~ -1"' ;E VIIi Tire fW. ~ r~~ ~ .
Outline History of Ancient (and Medieval) On the Transmission of the Rule of ' Too
Chinese Astronomy. Much and Not Enough' (algebraic Rule
Jen-Min, Shanghai, 1955. of False Position) from China to Europe.
Chhen Tsun-Kuei (6) I('~ itt ~!~ . KHS, 1927, 12 (no. 6), 707.
Chhing Chhao Thien-Wen I Chhi Chieh Shuo Chhien Pao-Tsung (4) n:
tli :f;J; .
~I't M 7( :se:. f& ~ ~~, ID!: . , Thai l' Khao ;k - ~ .
The Astronomical Instruments of the Chhing Investigation of the Meaning of the Term
Dynasty (and those surviving from Yuan 'Great Unique' or 'Heavenly Unity'
and Ming also). (including the pole-star).
Peking Observatory and Chinese Assoc. for YCHP, 1932, no. 12,2449; CIB, 1937, I, 60.
the Advancement of Science. Chhien Pao-Tsung (5) nW :f;f; .
Peking, 1956. Han Jen Yiieh Hsing Yen-Chiu ~ A Jl ft
Chhen Wei-Chhi i!* *ffi Kilt; with Yeh Yao-Yuan 1i}fJE
~ ~ jt, Sun Pin-I ~ ~ et al. (1). m On the Motions of the Moon as Understood
by the Han astronomers.
Chung-Hsi Suan-Hsiieh Ta Chheng Jtl ~ 1.1
~:knJ(;. YCHP, 1935, 17, 39·
Compendium of Chinese and Western Chhien Wei-Yiieh (l) ~~ *'~ \1)g.
Mathematics [and Physics]. Heng Hsing Thu f[ £ ~ .
188 9. Atlas of Fixed Stars.
18 39.
Chhen Wen-Thao (1) i!*:?iC !~.
Hsien Chhin Tzu-Jan Hsiieh Kai Lun 7\:; * il ~ ;fl] JIi..
~ ~~~~ f.~.
History of Science in China during the
EndO, Toshisada (1)
Nihon Siigaku-slzi 8 * *
History of Mathematics in Japan.
~ ~.
Chou and Chhin periods.
I wanami Shoten, Tokyo, 1896; revised and
Corn. Press, Shanghai, 193+.
enlarged ed. 1918.
Ch hen Yin-Kho (2) f!i.l! j[ 't* . EntsU (1) rrn iI!i..
'Chi Ho Yuan Pbl' j\llan Wen I Pen Pa '-ll Bukkoku Rekisho-hen ffl1 ~ If? ~ ~ .
-fiiJ lJjt*lWi:?iCm*~· On the Astronomy and Calendrical Science of
Short Account of the Manchu Version of Buddha's Country (actually India and
(Euclid's) Geometry. China).
AS{BIHP, 1931,2 (no. 3),281. Kyoto, 1810.
Chheng Hung-Chao (1) f'l ~f!~ ~a .
'Hsia Hsiao Cheng' Chi Shuo ;g: ~J' lE ~ Fan Wen-Thao (1) 1'I1:?iC !.~.
t)t. ChiJng Ho Hang Hai Thu Khao 1$ ~l AA ifij
Collected Commentaries on the Lesser ~~.
Annuary of the Hsia Dynasty. Study of the Maps connected with Cheng
Before 1865. Ho's Voyages.
Chhien Chiin-Hua (1) &~ 1\' II¥. Corn. Press, Chungking, 1943.
Sung Tai Cho-Yiielz ti Kho-Hsiieh Chia; Shen Feng Chheng-Chiin (1) I,~ tf.<. ¥-J .
Kua *
it ~ ~ a~ # **;
~:A: 18.
A Chekiang Scientist of the Sung Dynasty;
Chung-Kuo Nan- Yang Chiao-Thung Shih
r.pm i¥i if: ~ ia1 .If.. •
BIBLIOGRAPHY B
Hung Chen-HsUan (1) l:JI< l!t Ii'i. HsU Chhun-Fang (3) ~ *E KJj .
'Hsia Hsiao Cheng ' Su-1 ~ IJ~ JE ~ 1&. Chung Suan Chia ti Chi-Ho Hsiieh Yen-Chiu
Rectification of the Text of the Lesser q.m:*lllJ1!ItfIiJ,!J!liJf:;'E.
Annuary of the Hsia Dynasty. A Study of Geometry in (Ancient and
In HCCC, chs. 1318-1321. C. 1810. Medieval) Chinese Mathematics.
Hsi Tse-T sung (1) Tff: rf. *. Chung-Kuo Chhing-Nien Pub., Peking,
Ku Hsin Hsing Hsin Piao -,11 ~ £ Mr ~ . 1954.
A New Catalogue of Ancient Novae. HsU Chhun-Fang (4) ~f *K hn .
TWHP, 1955, 3 (no. 2), 183. Ku Suan Chhii. Wei 1.1 :1-1. ~ ,*.
Hsi Tse-T sung (2) ,,'(; l:f. ~ . Mathematical Recreations in Old China.
Tshung Chung-Kuo Li-Shih W en Hsien ti Chi Chhing-Nien, Peking, 1956.
Lu Lai Thao Lun Chhao Hsin-Hsing ti Pao- Hsu Chung Shu (2) ~ q. if.
Fa yii She Tien- Yuan ti Kuan-Hsi. Yin Jen Fu Hsiang chi Hsiang chih Nan
~ q. l~l !!t 1l!. ~ ~ n-!J
ifi Jil. {J(J U~ ~
,,1< lit WUH
!;fi!. M
\ijJ
*c.
~ i!l;( nlJ
* f* . Chhien ~ A JlIl *'.& ~ Z iU .
The Domestication of the Elephant by the
m
On the Identification of Strong Discrete Shang people, with Notes on its South-
Sources of Radio-Emission with Novae ward Migration.
and Supernovae Recorded in the Chinese ASIB1HP, 1930, 2, 60.
Annals. HsU Sung (1) ~ *~.
TWHP, 1954,2 (no. 2), 177. Hsi Yii. Shui Tao Chi ID! 1J!"t 1~ itt liB.
Hsiang Ta (1) [ii]:it. Account of the River Systems of the
Han Thang Clzien Hsi- Yii chi Hai Nan Chu Western Regions (Sinkiang).
Kuo Ku Ti-Li Shu Hsii Lu fli rg rl.'1 ID! 1823.
~ .& i.fiJ m
tit ~ -,11 :i1lH'Il. ~ i.q. .
On the G eographical Books written between
Anal. Himly (8).
the Han and the Thang Dynasties on the Iijima, Tadao (1) ~ §b :.!!, :Jc.
Western Regions, and the Foreign Shina Kodaishi to Temmongaku ~ 1jiI ti 1t
Countries of the South Seas. .!l!..!7C~,!J! .
BNLP, 1930, 4 (no. 6), 23· Ancient Chinese History and Astronomical
Hsiang Tsung-Lu (1) [ii] ~. *
, Yiieh Ling' Chang Chii Su Ch€ng Hsii Lu
Science.
Tokyo, 1925.
Jl ~ :Q: ffl ~ ~IHH& . Iijima, Tadao (2) 1IIi.fa ,';t, :Jc .
Explanations and Rectifications of certain Temmon Rekiho to 1n- Yo Gogyo-Setsu 7C
passages in the Monthly Ordinances. ~M*!~~r,p;Ji.qTlllt.
Corn. Press, Chungking, 1945. Astronomy and Calendrical Science in
Hsieh Chhing-Kao (1) ~t ~~J. 'In relation to the theories of the Yin and Yang,
Hai Lu i.fiJ ~'ft. and the Five Elements.
Ocean Memories (an account of the world, by Koseisha, Tokyo, 1943.
an illiterate sailor who between 1783 and Iijima, Tadao (3) flOC.fa~,:Jc .
1797 visited all the principal trading ports
in Europe, Asia, Africa and America).
Shilla Korekiho YOTon ~ 1jiI ti }ff
Further Notes on Chinese Astronomy in
*
~ il~ .
Canton, 1820.
Hsieh Chia-Jung (1) ~t ~. *
Clllwg-Kuo Yiin Slzih chih Yen-chiu Fu Piao
Ancient Times.
TYG, 1922, :12, 46.
Iijima, Tadao (4) 1IIi J.lJ ,~, :Jc.
rtt Wl m ;fi Z li}f JE r:f·t ~ . Shina 110 Jodai ni okeru Girisha Btmka no
Additional List of Chinese Records of Eikyo to Juky o Keiten no Kansei ~ 1jiI 0
Meteorites. ..t{'i;IC.~"" o~I!YL~1tCD~~!f\l{
KHS, 1923, 8, 920. :q;d~ !lI.l: 0 ;t J&;.
HsU Chhun-Fang (1) ltf ~ k1i.
Ku Suan Fa chilz Hsin Yen-Chiu
Z Wi li}f :;'E.
ti m: * Greek Influence on the Ancient Civilisation
of China and the Compilation of the
Confucian Classics (with reference to
New Researches on Old Chinese calcndrical science and astronomy).
Mathematics. TYG, 1921, 11, I, 183, 354.
Shanghai, 1935; Supplementary Volume Iijima, T adao (s) 1IIi §ij ~, :Jc .
1945· Kandai 110 Rekiho vori mitaru ' Saden' no
HsU Chhun-Fang (2) ff ~ k1i . Gisaku fli {~ CD Jff )1: J: 1) Jl k 0 ti. fJJ
o flt it·
Chill q. m: *
Chung Suan Chia ti Tai Shu-Hsiieh Yen-
n-!J {t ~ ~ Ti}f l?C •
A Study of Chinese M athem atics in all Ages.
The Problem of the Falsification of the Tso
Chuan in relation to the Han Calendar
Chung-KuoChhing-Nien Pub.,Peking, 1954· System (2 parts); with, A Further Dis-
73 0 BIBLIOGRAPHY B
Iijima, Tadao (5) (cont.) Kamada, Shigeo (1) i¥ JIJ 1! :Jc.
cussion on the Date of Composition of Waga Kuni ni okeru Shina Temmongakushi
the Tso Chuan. Kenkyu no Kinjo ~ j l l'M It. 1f.: tt ~ .x
TYG, 1912,2, 2S, ISI; 1919,9, 155. ~~ 7<: ::t ~ 11!. li}f '?t; 0 ill AA:.
Iijima, Tadao (6) iOC.!'l; .'J:, :Jc . Die heutige Situation der Studien zur
• Shu Ching', • Shih Ching' chih Thien- Wen chinesischen Astronomiengeschichte in
Li Fa ff f~ .~ m: z 7<: ::t!f1 *. Japan.
Astronomy and Calendrical Science in the
Historical Classic and the Book of Odes.
KHS, I92S, X3, IS.
SGZ, 1945,56,96.
Kanda, Kiichiro (1) iiiljl JIJ *-
, Sangai-Kyo' yori mitaru Shina Kodai no
Jl~.
Iijima, Tadao (7) lW.!'l; .'J:, *-. Sant<akll Siihai llJ i4lJ t~ B ]I IJl. P Jo- .x ~~
Shina no Koreki to Rekijitsu Kiji .x ([)
~~ ti 1-t .; llJ tlU'd¥ .
t!1M:!:/ff01iB$. Mountain Worship in Ancient China as seen
Calendars and Calendrical Expressions in in the Classic of Mountains and Rivers.
Ancient China. SG, 1922, 2, 332.
TYG, 1929, x7 (no. 4), 449; x8 (no. I), SS. Kanda, Shigeru (1) jj;1\I JIJ 1Jf. .
Imamura, Akitsune (1) ~ tt lj)J ti. Nihon Temmon Shiryo 8;41:. ~ ::t 11!. *It .
1800-Nen mae no Jishinkei =f ,i\ -If ~ AA Japanese Astronomical Records (of Eclipses,
o it!! 1% gt. Comets, etc.).
A Seismograph of Eighteen Hundred Years Tokyo, 1935.
Ago.
In Shina Bunka Danso :Jt ~~ ::t 11:. t4 ftl.
Kanda, Shigeru (2) mljl JIJ 1Jf. .
Taiyo Kokuten no Toyo ni okeru Kiroku
m
*
Tokyo, 1942.
Ishida Mikinosuke (1) :6 EEl Z Wl .
• Tu-Li- Yil-Ssu Ching' to sono ltsubun ~
*' lIGi !Il~ 0 lit ff: It. 1f.: tt 0 Jet.~.
Catalogue of Sun-spots observed throughout
the Ages in China and Japan.
;j'IJ $: !I1i t~ ~ k 0 ~ ::t. TTWT, 1933, x (I), 37.
The Tu-Li- Yit-Ssu Ching and its Fragments
Kanda Shigeru (3) iiiljl EE11Jf. .
[astrological manual of the Thang
showing Iranian influence].
Hoki oyobi sono Ruisho ni tsuite Tit a ;& v:
k fJ) ~R tt. "? It- -C
In ToyO-shi Ronso JIl ff 11!. W~ ~. The Oldest Japanese Almanacs and Similar
Commemoration volume for Haneda Toru,
Books.
p. 49 ~ Efl "1f-. JJHS, 1952 (no. 23), 21.
KyoUi, 1950.
Kao Lu (1) ~ lB· .
Jao Tsung-I (1) m * M.
Chhang-sha Chhu Mo Shih Chan Shen Wu
Chung-Kuo Li Shih shang ti Jth Shih
1ft 11!. J: ~~ 8 ~!h.
q. till
Eclipses Recorded in Chinese History.
Thu Chiian Khao-Shih :k ~ ~ l£; ~ ~
KHSSC, 1941, XO, 327.
iiiljl@Jmm~~f.l·
A Study of an Astrological (and Calendrical) KatO Heizaemon (1) 110 Rf. ~ 1i. fti F1.
Diagram [on silk, with pictures of strange Wasan no Gyoreshiki Tenkai ni tsuiteno Kento
beings], from a tomb of the Warring ifll 11. fJ) W ~IJ A M nn .::: ;yk ~ fJ) ~ ilt .
States period (Chhu State) at Chhangsha. On the Expansion of Determinants in
JOSHK, 1954, x, 69. J apanese Mathematics.
Jen Chao-Lin (1) 11:: ~\:. g. TMJ, 1939, 45, 33 S.
• Hsia Hsiao Cheng' Chu ][ ,1- lE tt. Ko Li-Phu (A. W. Grabau) (1) :tt ;j'IJ tv- .
Commentary on the Lesser Annuary of the Chung-Kuo Ti-Chih Shih 1'\1~ it!! tt 11!..
Hsia Dynasty. History of Geology in China.
Before IS20. Shanghai, 1924.
Jung Keng (2) '4!f. 1Jf:. Ku Chieh-Kang (8) G 'Ili. ~Ij .
m ~ :5C tTt.
Han Chin Wen Lu
Han Inscriptions on Bronzes.
Historical Institute Monographs, no. 5.
Chhan-Jang Chhuan-Shuo Chhi Yii Mo
Chia Khao j!j! ill m
ii1t ~ 1f.: i!! ~
A study of the Mohist Origin of the
* .
Acad. Sin. Peiping, 193 I. Legendary Abdications (of the ancient
emperors). [Contains the view that the
Kaetsu, Denichiro (1) 1m ~ m- Jl~. Yao Tien chapter of the Shu Ching was
SuanFa YuanLiKuaNang ~*I!lIJ!l!.ISn. written as late as the Han.]
(Tr. of San/po Yenri (Enri) Katsuno.) KSP, vol. 7 (pt. 3), 30--109.
Comprehensive Discussion of Circle Theory Kuo Mo-Jo (3) ~iI l;t( =is.
Computations. Chia Ku Well Tzu Yen-Chiu qt 'It !It: *
IS51 ; preface, IS53. ~Jf 'l"E .
Tr. IS74. Researches on the Characters of the Oracle-
BIBLIOGRAPHY B 73 1
Kuo Mo-Jo (3) (cont .) A Further Study of the Explicative Texts
Bones [including astronomical and in the Book of Changes.
calendrical data]. LHP, 1947, 8 (no. I), I and 169.
2 vols. Peiping, 1931.
German abstract by W. Eberhard, OAZ, Li Jui (1) *
1st.
Li Shih Sllan-Hsueh I Shu *.If;;)l!!j! ~
1932, 8, 225. :{1J.
Kuo Pao-ChUn (1) ~lt 1l ~. Collected Works of Li Jui (mathematician,
Hsun-hsien Hsin-tshun Ku Tshan Mu chih
Chhing Li m!\IN: '$ ft 1i ~ ~:z
n'I Jt . + 1768 to + 1817).
Contains seven treatises on as many ancient
Preliminary Report on the Excavations at
calendars from early Chou to the middle of
the Ancient Cemetery of Hsin-tshun
the + 5th century.
village, HsUn-hsien, Honan.
Juan Yuan ed. & pr. 1823.
TYKK, 1936, I, 167.
Li Kuang-Pi * Jt ~ & Chhien ChUn-Hua n
Lai Chia-Tu (1) tu &.*
'Thien Kung Khai Wu' chi chhi Chu chi;
;fi" ~it¥ (1) (ed.).
Chung-Kuo Kho-Hsueh Chi-Shu Fa-Ming ho
Sung Ying-Hsing 7C I rm !I'm lit ~t :If ;a-; Kho-Hsueh Chi-Shu Jen Wu Lun Chi I:tJ
;;!;Uf!\£.
The Exploitation of the Works of Nature and
~ ·n
ft;.
* *'"
!X Vlii'ft a)j 'fIl *!X Vlii.A!Ito g~
its Author; Sung Ying-Hsing. Essays on Chinese Discoveries and Inventions
Essay in Li Kuang-Pi & Chhien ChUn-Hua in Science and Technology, and on the
(q.v.), p. 338. Men who made them.
Peking, 1955. San Lien Shu Tien, Peking, 1955.
Lao Nai-HsUan (1) §} 7'J 'iti. *- j(; r~ & Lai Chia-Tu tit
Ku Chhou Suan Khao Shih (continued as
Hsu Pien) 1i ~ ~ ~ f.l (*,.lkl).
Li
*
Kuang-Pi
Jjf. (1).
Han Tai ti Wei Ta Kho-Hsueh Chia; Chang
Investigation into the History of the
Ancient Computing-Rods.
*'" *;
Heng fIi: it tl'.J i:ft: "k
A Great Scientist of the Han Dynasty;
~ ~& itT.
Li Ching-Chhih (2) *m
LHP, 1948, 9 (no. I), T97 and 303.
lilt .
, Chou l ' Shih Tzhu Hsu Khao Jl1I ~ ~ ~
Gesammelte Abhandlungen U. die
Geschichte d. chinesischen Mathematik.
3 vols. 1933-5; 4th vo!. (in 2 parts), 1947.
~ *it· Corn. Press, Shanghai.
73 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY B
Li Nien (5) ~ * .
Tsui Chin Shih Nien Lai Clumg Suan Shih
The Work of Chinese Historians of
(Chinese) Mathematics [with a register of
Lun Well Mu-Lu l\l ili -t- .if-
i~~§t~·
*
I:fl 1,1- ll! them].
KHS, 1928, I3, 785.
Bibliography of Papers on the History of Li Nien (15) ~ * .
xr. *
San-shih Nien Lai chih Chung-KIIO Suall-
Chinese Mathematics during the last ten
years.
HITH, 19+8, IS, 16.
Hsiieh Shih ~ .if- -r
Z I:fl ~1 * ll! .
Thirty Years' Progress in Resea rches into the
Li Nien (6) *~. Hi story of Chinese Mathematics.
KHS, 1947, 29, 10r.
Shu Mu-Lu (Hsu) Piell
m:
*'
Li Nien so Tshang Chll1lg-Kuo Suan-Hsiieh
~ 1Yr ~ I:fl m Li Nien (16) ~. *
,~H'Hlt~d*il) i\ii .
Catalogue of [.H8] Chinese Mathematical
Books in the Library of Li Nien.
Hsien Slzuo I:flll *
Chullg Suan Chia chih Yuall Chui Chhii
Z Illl it !HI *l~ .
History of the Development of Conic
KHS, 1920,5,418,525; 1925, IO (no. 4); Sections in China.
1926, n, 817; 1933, I7, 1005; 1934, IS, KHS, 1947, 29, 115.
Li Nien (17) ~. *'
1547·
Li ien (7) ~ *' .
Tunhllallg Shih Shih Li-Chheng Suan Ching
Jih Suan Thuo- Yuan Clzou Shu B
Poi] Vilr.
Wii Ill! m:
!l~ ~ :n ~ :it lit ~'H,'lI . (Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Chinese
and) Japanese Work on the Perimeter of
The MS. Mathematical Table recovered
from the Tunhuan g caves [S (930 BM). Ellipses.
BNLP, 1935,9,39; QBCB(C, 1939 (n.s.), KHS, 1949, 3I, 297.
Li Nien (18) ~. '*
I, 386.
Li Nien (8) ~.*'
Shang Ku Chung Suan Shih .t. 1i I:fl ll!. m:
I-Ssu-Lan Chiao y ii Chung-Kuo Li Suan
chilz Kuan-Hsi 111tJi l»i f( ~ I:fl mI1f :)'I:
Ancient History of Chinese Mathematics. ZIm% .
KHS, 1944,27, 16. Islam in relation to Chinese Mathematics
Li ien (9) *~. and Calendrical Science.
Chu Suan Chih Tu Khao ~ 11 jfilJ Jl{ ~ . HCLT, 1941,5 (nos. 3 and 4).
History of the Abacus. Li Nien (19) '*
~.
Erh-shih-pa Nien Lai Chung Suan Shih
YCHP, 1931, I (no. 10),2123.
Reprinted in Li Nien (4), vo!. 3, p. 38. Lun- Wen Mu-Lu .:: -r /"\
.if- * I:fl m:
JJ!.
Li Nien (10) ~.*
Chung-Kuo Suan-Hsiieh Liieh Shuo I:fl ~
li~ ~ § t-¥t.
Bibliography of Papers on Chinese
m:~II/}IDt.
Mathematics during the past 28 years
Aspects of Chinese Mathematics. (i.e. since 1912).
QBCB(C, 1940 (n.s.), 2, 372.
Li Nien (11) ~. *
KHS, 1934, IS, 1135.
Cf. Li Nien (5); Li Nien & Yen Tun-
Chllng Suan Chia chih Chi Shu Lun
* Z~lUt 1i~ .
I:fl m: Li
Chieh (1).
Nien (20) ~'* .
Chung-Kuo Ku Tai Shu-Hsiieh Shih-Liao
On the Treatment of Series by Chinese
Mathematicians. I:fl a11i -I\'; ~ .!!lll! *"" .
Materials for the Study of the History of
KHS, 1929, I3, 1139, 1349. Ancient Chinese Mathematics.
Reprinted in Li Nien (4), vo!. 3, p. 197.
Chung-Kuo Kho-Hslieh Thu Shu I Chhi
Li ien (12) *~. Kung-Ssu (Chinese Scientific Book and
Chllng-KIlO SlIan-Hsiieh Slzih Yii Lu ~\l m
m: * ll! ~ t.! .
Instrument Co.), for Science Society of
China, Shanghai, 1954.
Additional Remarks on the History of Li Nien (21) '+' 11*\ •
Mathematics in China.
KHS, 1917, 3, 238.
Chung Suan Shih Lun Tshung I:fl n ll! ~~ ~
Li Nien (13) ~.*'
Tui Shu chih Fa-Ming chi chhi Tung Lai
(second series).
Collected Essays on the History of Chinese
Mathematics, vo!. I, 1954; vo!. 2, 1954;
:Iff!ll1:Z~lYJ1lt. ;!r31i* . vo!. 3, 1955; vo!. 4, 1955 ; vo!. 5. 1955.
The Discovery of Logarithms and their Sci. Pub. House, Peking.
Transmission to China and Japan. Li ien & Yen Tun-Chieh (1) '*~, An ~! fM.
KHS, 1927, I2, 109 ; and two later papers in Khang-chan i iai Clllmg SI/an Shih L,nz Wen
same vo!.
Li Nien (14) '*
~.
Mu-iu 1ft ¥J1 ~ *I:fl 11: ll! liili :5C Ij t~
Bibliography of Papers on the History of
.
Chllllg Suan Shih chih Kung Tso I:fl ll! m: Chinese Mathematics during the period of
Z I ft:. the Second World War.
BIBLIOGRAPHY B 733
Li Nien & Yen Tun-Chieh (1) (cont.) Liu Chao-Yang (3) 1I! ¥Jl1Wi •
Thien- Wen Hsiieh S hih Omall Hao ?<: ~ ~
* '*
QBCB/C, 1944,5 (no. 4), 51.
Li Shan-Pang (1) ~rl. .lE. lJ; -'I} .
Ni Shih Ti Chel! I Yuan Li chi She Chi Current Studies in the History of (Chinese)
Chih Tsao Ching Kuo ~ j\ ft!! ~ ~ IJ'/. Astronomy [exposition and criticism of the
J!,& ~ lft~ iH.'! ii!!I. views of T. lijima].
The Principle and Plan of a (War-Time) CST/HLJ, 1929, nos. 94--6, 1-69.
Horizontal Seismograph, and how it was Cf. Eberhard (10).
constructed. Liu Chao-Yang (4) ~! ~Jl i.& .
GM, 1945, no. 3 . , Shih Chi (Thien Kuan) , Chih Khao JJ! \le.
Li Shih-ChhUan (1) *;p
~~ .
?<: 'fr ;E; ~ .
Investigations on the Authenticity of the
Yii Tso Thu :E 11: ~ . Thiell Kllan (astronomical) Chapter of the
Illustrations of Jade-Working Techniques.
Historical R ecords.
In Bishop, Bushel!, Kunz et al. (I), q.v.
(with transl. by Bushell), ew York, 1906. CST/HLJ, 1929, nos. 73-4, 1-60 .
Liu Chao-Yang (5) ~I ¥Jl F-Ci .
Li Shih-HsU & YU Cheng-Hsieh (1) ¥ i!t 1+ , Yin Li Yii Lun }j~ I~ ~ 1i~ .
fit lE~. F urther Studies in the Yin (Shang) dynasty
Hsii Hsing Shui Chin Chiel! *'it fT 7~ ~ mt . Calendar.
Continuation of the Golden 1'.1.irror of the YC, 1946, 16, 5.
Flowing Waters. Chao-Yang (6) 111 tJ! 1Wi.
18 3 2 •
Li Ssu-Kuang (1) *
QJ,l1f;..
Liu
Chou Chilli Li Fa Khao m t lJ I1f
The Calendar of the Early Chou Period.
* ;IJ.
'Tshallg Sang Pien Hila' ti Chieh-Shih q,n SSE/M (ser. B), no. 2, 1944.
~ ~ 1t.J iY-J Wf, f.l. (rev. W. Eberhard, OR, 1949,2, 179.)
An Elucidation of the Phrase' Changing Liu Chao-Yang (7) 1I! tJl lie; .
from Blue Sea to M ulberry Groves '. Wan Yin Chhallg Li ~ h'l!: :E:.: 1ft ·
T zh u-hsing Local Government, Tzhu-hsing. Chronology of the late Yin (Shang) Period.
1942 . SSE/M (ser. B), no. 3, 194-5.
Li Thao (1) * ra.
Wei-Ta ti Yao -Hsiieh Chia Li Shih-Chen Liu
(rev. W. Eberhard, OR, 1949,2, 183.)
Chao-Yang (8) 1I( ¥Jl i~.
Yin Mo Choll ChhuJih Yiieh Shih Ch/zu Khao
wj(Il~~~*l"ay~.
The Great Pharmacologist Li Shih-Chen
(+ 1518/ 1593) (biography), 20 pp.
~ *Ri] t;J fJ ) J ft VJ ;IJ .
On the Eclipse Records of the Late Yin
Peking, 1955. (Shang) and Early Chou Periods.
Li Tso-Hsien (1)
Ku Chhiian Hui i!i
*
1t£ ~t.
6f!i.*-
BCS, 1944,4, 85; 1945, 5, I.
(rev. A. Rygalov, IIH, 1949, 2,432.)
Treatise on (Chinese) Numismatics. Liu Chao-Y ang (9) 1I! ~Jl FJ}·
18 59. , Hsia Shu' Jih Sllih Khao bt ~ B ft ;IJ .
On th e So lar Eclipse in the lisia Shu (Sect ion
Lin Chhing (1) G ~.
of th e Ilis/ orical Classic).
Hung Hsiieh Yin- Yua n Thu Chi i~ ~ L§ ~
BCS, 1945, 5 , I.
Ilm tr. . Liu Chao-Yang (10) ~!~}j i~; .
Illustrated Record of Memories of the Events Tshllllg Thiell- TVbz Li Fa Thlli Tsh€ ' }' ao
which had to happen in My Life.
Tien' chih Piell Chi1eng Nien Tai ~ 7C
18 49.
See Hummel (2), p. 507. ~ 1ft *m tllJ ~ ~\!. Z *" Tb., If- it .
The Use of Modern Astronomical Methods
Liu Chao-Yang (1) ~! M i~. in determining the Date of the Yao Tien
Chia Ku Wen chih Jih Erh Kuan Tshe Chi Lll chapter in th e Ilistorical Classic.
m
If! 'It ~ Z 11 ;ijj: Ill. ~l'. £lit · YCHP, 1930 (no. 7).
Mention of the Solar Corona on the Oracle- Liu Feng-Wu (1) 1I! ~ Ji..
Bone Inscriptions (Shang dynasty).
YC, 1945, IS , 15·
Liu Chao-Yang (2) ~I ¥Jl IIg;.
Hili Chiao Thu /Ili-yii ChUl1g-Kllo Li Fa ti
KlIl/g-I-lsiell [!jJ 4X fiE :ti 1t: !:p ~ If
it ~.
* D~J
1l11:£J. Q.) ~
:::.
M K.
J:
!m
~:*.
Yenri (Enri) no Hatsu1llei lIi Kansllru Ronsho
T l> ll~m·
llldo no siigaku to Sltina to no Kankei ~p
Q.) ljl1{ ~ ! jt: 11~ ! Q.) U!J
The Relations of Indian and Chinese
*.
A Study of the Invention of the' Circle- Mathematics.
Principle'. TNH, 1917, X2 (no. 6), 15.
SGZ, 1930, 4 x (nos. 7-10); TBGZ, 1931, Mikami, Yoshio (17) :::. J: ~ *.
nos . 472-5. Nihon Boenkyo-shi B# ~ ill mlE. .
Mikami, Yoshio (7) :::. J: ~;}C . L 'Histoire du Telescope au J apon.
Seki Kowa to Bibungaku IijJ ~ iffi ! ~ 3t TBGZ, 1936, nos. 534, 535.
!iL
Seki Kowa and the Differential Calculus.
Mikami, Yoshio (18) :::. J: itl *.
Wakan Sligaku-shijo ni okeru Senrnl1 oyobi
TBGZ, 1931, no. 480; 1934, no. 510. Gunji no Kankei ifll i~~ nll ~ lE. J: K. 1t:
Mikami, Yoshio (8) :::. J: ~:*. 11" 6 ~1Q 1liL ll< v: "ijI ~ Q.) !OM f,f. .
Seki Kowa no Gyoseki to Kei-Han no Sanka Influences of War and Military Affairs on the
narnbini Shina nO Sampo to no Kankei History of Mathematics in China and
Oyobi Hikaku [ij) ~ ifll Q.) ~ Hi: ! 1rt .Jjj{
Q.) ;),1.
1~ !\iX.
*
!1l!. K. jt: 1111 Q.) ~: 7-~ ! Q.) ~ 1~d;t
Japan.
SK, 1937, no . 182.
Mikami, Yoshio (21) :::..t ~ *.
The Achievements of Seki K6wa and his Wasanshi Ke71kyu1!O Seika
Relations with the Mathematicians of ifll :1t ~ "!if! ~ (/) 1&. m.
Osaka and Kyoto and with the Chinese M y Studies on Japanese Mathematics
Mathematicians. (posthumously published).
TYG, 1932, 2 0 (no. 2), 217, 543, 2X (no. I), JJHS, 1951 (no. 19),33.
45, (no. 3),352, (no. 4), 557, 22 (no. I), 54. Miu YUeh· (1) ~ ~j.
Mikami, Yoshio (9) :::. J: ~:*.
Shin-cho Jidai no Katsuenjutsu no Haltatsu ni
Li Yeh Li Chih Shih I
The ncertainty about the correct
"'" IS * i'ii f~ 11lt.
ame of
Kansuru Kosatsu m·:M ~ {I:; Q.) '1;11 Il11 ~ Li Yeh [great + 13th-century
Q.) it it K. ~ T 6 ~ J;~ . mathematician].
An Investigation ot the Development of TFTC, 1943, 39, 41.
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Nakayama, Heijiro (1) qt J./J "f
Koshiki Shina Kyokan Enkaku
fill . * ti j.~ ::It 1J~
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On Ancient Chinese Mirrors. [Includes
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* M·
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Ching (Arithmetical Classic of the Gnomon Occident.
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Acad. of Oriental Culture, Kyoto Institute,
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Ogawa Takuji (2) ,J' )1\ Ta.
Shina Rekishi Chiri Kenkya
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An Enquiry concerning the Astronomical 2 vols.
Content of the Yiieh Ling (Monthly Kyoto, 1928.
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Mikami Yoshio Hakushi to sono Gyoseki
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Temmon Rekiho 7'::t M
(Ancient Chinese) Astronomy and
*. 'E k f1.) ~IH'lt 3 J:. ~
1:'1 tit·
1\l B:. ~ it ll~ ~ *
Calendrical Science. Life and Work of Or Yoshio Mikami
In A History of Chinese Science and
Economics ::It 1J~ # *
f! lff JJ!., vol. 8 of
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JJ.JM JJ!.** . Ong Wen-Hao (1) m-:t lmt·
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Noda, ChCiry6 (4) lt~
Toyo Temmongaku-shi Ronso
JJ!.1l~~.
III ,~, ;!fff.
lit 'If 7': :t * Investigation of the Mountain R anges in
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chapter of the Historical Classic onwards).
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Kallsu Ti Chen Khao (and Piao)
~ .
11" ~ it!!
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Shinjo, ShinzQ (1) *Ii ~, ~ ~.
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Shinjo, Shinzo (2) *Ii!J£, *Ii ~ .
i* Jt
Pao Chhi-Shou (1)
Pi-Nai Shall Fang Chi ~ llJ
~.
~.
Pi- Ta i Mountain Hut Records [on three-
* m
Kanshi Gogyo-setsrt to Sellkyoku Reki T;lt:
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The (ancicllt) Chuan-HsU Calendar and the
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Mo ;g tl ~ ~ tt ~ JI1 i\!I Jim. Tung Yang Thiell-Wbl Hsiieh Shih Yen-Chiu
How Modern Pro<pecting for Gold Deposits 1\!#::JC3t~.!Eli}f~.
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Calendrical Science in Ancient China.
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CD\lil(.
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Hsing Tltu m.
\;l.
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Shinjo, Shinzo (6) ;tUi lJ&, *Ii *' .
Kandai ni mietaru Shoshu no Rekiho 0 ronzu
Chinese and Western identifications).
Preface by Shih Yen-Han ::6 ~ ~.
Fukien Meteorological Survey ~;li}£ 1!r ff.t
~ ~ It. Jt z. *
k Q iilf f't CD Po
On the various forms of Calendar System
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~filj.
found in the Han Period.
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:tH~ ~t ImI a~ );~ ~ . Sun Wen-Chhing (2) 1,f.:se 1f .
Burials of the Yin (Shang) Dynasty at Hou- Chanf[ Heng Chu Shu Nien Piao ~ ~ W
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ASIBIHP, 1948, 13, 21. Chronological List of the Writings of Chang
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!U!- IIi1 :!ill l.'¥. ;If ~ .
Change in the Form of Chinese Mathematical
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Takeda, Kusuo (2) JP;; rEI iffi ~ .
the Yuan Dynasty.
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* WC ~ r£ 1l. er);t& t~.
er) * *
Mindai Silgaku nO Toku-shitsu; 'Sampti Ttisti'
1'( j }): Situ ~ ~ !\if :!ill :£!11. ~ ~ :@f .
Ting ChhU-Chung (ed.) (1) T If)( .'1;), •
The Character of Chinese Mathematics in the Pai Fu Thang Suan-Hsueh Tslzung-Shu a
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Ttizen Sent Isuramu Bunka no IssokulIlen ni See van Hee (5).
tsuite
iJliJUIi
*
rrii ~ 6 -f ;;<. , A " it er.> -
It. ~! v' "c.
Ting ChhU-Chung (2) T lfJ( ~, •
Ssu Hsiang Chia Ling Hsi Tshao I1Y ~ illi
About an Aspect of Islamic Culture moving ~*IU~.
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Tasaka, Kodo (2) fII;!1it!il! ~. c. 1870.
Seiyo Rekihti 110 Ttizen to fuifui Rekiho nO Ting Fu-Pao T ~Iii il & Chou YUn-Chhing
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er.> i)H; f.r .
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Ssu Pu Tsung Lu Thien W&! Pien I1Y ffli **'
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T"
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~l ti·
IYr ~ q. mm: ~~~~
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*
1!!l\ Jil
m"*
TU1lllllang Hsieh-Pbl Thang Ta-ShIm Yuan Ueta, J. (1) ..t III ~.
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ff. ~ W ~~ )'tl. *
Tung Tso-Pin (3) 1t( i~ ~ .
Yi" Tai Yueh Shih Khao M 1~ JJ it :If:. Wada, Y. (1) ;fI1 III *If ff;-
On the Lunar Eclipses of the Yin (Shang) Seiso Ei-so R yocho 110 SokU-Il-ki 1lt ~ ?!i:.
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ASIBIHP, 1950,22, 139. Korean Rain-gauges from the Reigns of
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Hsiang 1ft 1-1;; Z fff*~ ~ ~ 1r1
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Tung Tso-Pin (5) 1t( W Jt . A Conjecture as to the Construction of the
Yin Wen Wu Ting Shih Pu Tzhu chung I Hsun Seismograph of C hang Heng in the Han
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Meteorological Records of Ten-Day Periods Wang Chen-To (6) :E tlii t1\.
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CHHP, 1943, 17, no. 17·
Tung Tso-Pin (6) m :a .
i~ Wang Chih-Chhun (I)
KilO Chhao Jou Yuan Chi
:E Z
gf: ill li~.
*'m Wl
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~ ~ Hllallg Chhing Chillg Chieh Hsu Pien ~ 111
#! . ~Otl~·
k!!l
Nat. Taiwan University, Taipei, Formosa, Continuation of the Collectio1l of Monographs
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Tung T so-Pin (8) 1[( 1~ :fr . Chhing Dynasty.
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Hsien Tshun Pen Tshao Shu Lu
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VON ZITTEL, K. A. (I). Geschichte d. Geologie u. Paliiontologie bis Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Mtinchen &
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4 2 3-584.
BERNARD-MAhRE, H. (14), 'Note complementaire sur l'Atlas de Khang-Hsi.' MS, 1946, n, 191.
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DEMIEVILl.E, P . (2). Review of Chang Hung-Chao (1), Lapidarium Sinicum. BEFEO, 1924, 24, 276.
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F~NG Yu- LAN (1). A History of Chinese Philosophy, vo!. I, The period of the Philosophers (from the
beginnings to c. B.O. 100), tr. D. Bodde; Vetch, Peiping, 1937; Alien & Unwin, London, 1937.
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I3,5 2 4·
GENERAL INDEX
by MURIEL MOYLE
NOTES
(I) Articles (such as 'the', 'al-', etc.) occurring at the beginning of an entry, and
prefixes (such as 'de', 'van', etc.) are ignored in the alphabetical sequence. Saints
appear among all letters of the alphabet according to their proper names. Styles
such as Mr, Dr, if occurring in book titles or phrases, are ignored; if with proper
names, printed following them.
(2) The various parts of h yphenated words are treated as separate words in the
alphabetical sequence. It should be remembered that, in accordance with the
conventions adopted, some Chinese proper names are written as separate
syllables while others are written as one word.
(3) In the arrangement of Chinese words, Chh- and Hs- follow normal alpha-
betical sequence, and a is treated as equivalent to u.
(4) References to footnotes are not given except for certain special subjects with
which the text does not deal. They are indicated by brackets containing the
superscript letter of the footnote.
(5) Explanatory words in brackets indicating fields of work are added for Chinese
scientific and technological persons (and occasionally for some of other cultures),
but not for political or military figures (except kings and princes).
Collected Writings on the Sea Tides. See Hai Complete Treatise on the Thien Yuan Calendar.
Chlwo Chi Shuo See Thien Yuan Li Li Chhiian Shu
Collection of Ancient and Modern Mathematical Complete Works on Calendar and Mathematics.
Works. See Ku Chin Suan Hsiieh Tshung Shu See Li Suan Chhiian Shu
Collection of Official Records of the Yuan Component of the Four Displacements, 343,
Dynasty. See Yuan Pi Shu Chien Chih 45 0
Collection of Phrases and Literary Allusions. See Component of the Six Cardinal Points, 343, 450
Pien Tzu Lei Pien Component of the Three Arrangers of Time, 343 ,
Collection of Strange Things Heard. See Sou 45 0
Tshai 1 Wen Lu Compositio, 161, 164
Collection of the most important Military Compound proportion, 45
Techniques. See Wu Ching Tsung Yao Comprehensive Geography. See Kua Ti Chih
College of All Sages, 191 (e) Comprehensive Geography of the (Chinese)
College of the Glorification of Literature, 415 (c) Empire (under the Chhing dynasty) . See Ta
Colmar, 528 Chhing 1 Thung Chih
Colonies, Chinese, 472 Concave (cupola) star-maps, 389 (b)
Colorimetric methods ID chemistry and bio- Concentric spheres, system of, 198 (k), 438 ff.
chemistry, 672 Concentric squares, system of, 501-2, 541
Colour, in the classification of minerals, 642 Conception, positions of stars at, 362
Colour printing, 341 (a) Conchs, 598, 617, 618
Colton, A. L., 226 Concrete fact, Chinese passion for, 151 (d)
Columbus, Christopher, 559 (a) Condensation, 468
Combinatorial analysis, 55 ff. Condensation and dispersion , 23 (a), 222 (g), 498 (k)
Comets, 171, 193 (b), 200, 207, 209, 367, 377,425, Cone, 26, 99, 147
426, 427, 430 ff. , 458, 462, 682 Confidential Remarks on the Appearances of the
members of the solar system, 432 Milky Way. See Yin Ho Chii Pi Chiieh
spiked, Fig. 184 (b) Confucians and Confucianism, 152, 153, 171, 191,
tails of, 431, 432, 443 25~ 413, 418, 463, 482, 58~ 657, 659
technical terms, 431 lack of interest in scientific problems, 225-6
theories about, 432-3 Confucius, 225-6, 227, 230, 290, 582
Commentary on the Apocalypse, 529 Conic sections, 102 ff., 125, 309
Commentary on the Appended Judgments, in the The Consolidator; or Memoirs of Sundry Trans-
1 Ching. See Hsi Tzu Chuan actions from the World in the Moon (+ 1705),
Commentary on the Armillary Sphere. See Hun 441
1 Chu Content, exposition of, inseparable from transla-
Commentary on the Book of Changes. See 1 Chang tion, xlv
Chii Contiguity, method of (for determining sun's
Commentary on Things Old and New. See position among the stars), 229
Ching-Chai Ku Chin Chu Continuation of Ancient Mathematical Methods
Commerce, 166 ff. for Elucidating the Strange (Properties of
Common denominator, 21 Numbers). See Hsii Ku Chai Chhi Suan Fa
Commonly used Synonyms. See Thung Su Wen Continuation of Ancient Mathematics. See Chhi
Compartment-drum devices, 328 Ku Suan Ching
Compass-bearings, 559, 576 Contour maps. See Maps
Compass-card, 478 (a), 560 (b) Contraction and expansion, 491, 616
Compass needles, 279 Conversations and Discourses of Confucius. See
Compass-points, 140, 398 Lun Yii
Compasses (geometrical), 23, 94, 95, 567, 570 Conversations on Recent Events in the Mountain
Compendium of Astrology, New and Old. See Retreat. See Shan Chii Hsin Hua
Ku Chin Thung Chan Conze, E., 167 (e)
Compendium of Non-Classical Matters. See Wei Coordinate geometry. See Geometry
Liieh Coordinates, 106 ff., 176, 179, 232, 266 ff., 528,
Complete Description of Waterways. See Shui 533, 53 8
Tao Thi Kang geographical and celestial, 542, 544-5
Complete Map of the Fixed Stars, based on the Copernicus and Copernicanism, 166, 220, 427,
Equator. See Heng Hsing Chhih-Tao Chhiian 43 8 , 443, 445, 44 6 , 447, 450, 455
Thu Copper, 638, 639, 640, 649, 674, 676, 67 8
Complete Studies of Astronomical Instruments. acetate, 652
See Yii- Ting 1 Hsiang Khao Chheng carbonate, 638 (c), 640, 643, 649
Complete Studies on Astronomy and Calendar. furnaces, 658
See Yii- Ting Li Hsiang Khao Chheng smelting, 652
Complete Survey of Mathematics, 1843. See sulphate, 643, 649, 651-2
Suan Fa Ta Chheng Cop tic. See Languages
818 INDEX
Discovery of a World in the Moon, tending to prove the Dragons and the pearl, 252
that 'tis probable that there may be another 'Dragon's bones' (lung ku), 621
habitable World in that Planet, 440 Dragon's Horn. See Chio
Discussion of the Astronomy in the Historical 'Dragon's teeth' (lung chhih), 621
Classic. See Shang Shu Shih Thien Dream Pool Essays. See Meng Chhi Pi Than
Discussion of whether the Heavens are at Rest. Dresden, celestial globe at, 382
See An Thien Lun Dreyer, J. L. E., 377, 379
Discussion on Arcs and Sagittae. See Hu Shih Drills, 668, 669
Lun Drinking pipes, 314 (d)
Discussions and Conclusions regarding the Geo- Drooping Rainbow Bridge, 516
graphy of the Tribute of YU. See Yii Kung Droughts, 472, 473
Shuo Tuan Drugs, 504, 605
Discussions of a Bookseller. See Shu Ssu Shuo plant, 643
Ling to confer immortality, 642
Discussions on the Dispersal of Doubts. See Drugs of the Southern Countries beyond the
Chhii I Shuo Tsuan Seas. See Hai Yao Pen Tshao
Discussions on the Heavens in Different Ages. Drum clocks, 328
See Li Tai Lun Thien Dry pivot suspensions, 3 12
La Disme. 89, 167 Dubois-Reymond, C., 301
Disquisition on Strange Names for Common Dubs, H. H., 174, 408, 417, 418, 420, 436, 536,
Things. See Shu Wu I Ming Su 537, 64 0 , 64 1
Distances of heavenly bodies, 225 Dudgeon, J., 204
Distillation, 468 (c), 606 (f) Duhem, P., 160
Dittrich, A. (I), 286 Dulcerto, Angelino (fl. + 1339), 532
Diurnal rotation of the heavens. See Apparent Dunlop, D. M., 555 (e), 562 (e), 682
diurnal rotation of the heavens Duplation, 62
Dividend (shih), 65 Duplication of a cube, 103
Divination, 4, 24, 29, 30, 57, 59, 119 (j), 140, 141, Dust-storms, 436
302,303, 308,467,481 (c), 503,505,542, 607 'Dusty Heavens', 640
by the throwing of coins, 140 (d) Dutch embassy to Peking (+ 1656), 442 (b)
Divination by Weird Wonders. See Yao Chan traders, 330, 447
Diviner's plate (shih) , 23 (e), 303, 304, 305, 335, Duyvendak, J. J. L., 444, 53 6, 537, 559, 561
54 1, 54 2 Dyadic arithmetic. See Arithmetic, binary
Division, 33, 34, 35, 62, 63, 65, 86, 133 Dye, D. S., 308
of fractions, 2 I, 8 I Dyeing, 651, 653
galley method, 65 Dyes, 642, 678
rule of, 35, 86 Dykes, 26, 42, 43, 99, 153, 472, 4 88 , 537, 578
sign in, 114 Dynamic movement of points, 142
tables, 46, 65
Divisor (fa), 65, 86 Eagle, 671
greatest common, 82, 86 'Eagle-Stone.' See Aetites
Djaring Nor (lake), 523 Eagres. See Tidal bores.
Dodder (plant parasite), 675 the Earth
Dog-faced men, 505 centre of, 286, 29 I (b), 292, 297
Don (river), 529, 681 circumference of, 526
de Dondi, G. (+ 1318 to + 1389), 154 curvature of surface of, 225, 292 (c), 293, 498,
Donne, John, 157 5 26 , 564, 5 8 9
Dore, H. (I), 282 eccentricity of orbit, 3 I 3, 329
Dot zero sign (bindu), 10 (k), 11, 12, 149 motion of, 224
Double-entry book-keeping, 166 revolution of, 181
'Double False.' See Rule of False Position shape of, 211, 212, 213, 218, 220, 225, 438, 498,
Double-headed animal (amphisbaena), 473 (e) 499, 501, 526
Double-hours. See Equal double-hours surface of, 507, 603
Double-vault theory of the world, 212 Yin nature of, 227
Dox, Paul (fl. + 1510), 579 Earth models in demonstrational armillary
Draco (constellation), 234, 336 spheres, 343, 35 0 , 3 8 3, 385, 3 86 , 3 8 7, 3 8 9
Draconitic months, 252 (c) Earth -shine (te-hsing), 422
The Dragon Diagrams of the Book of Changes. the Earthly Paradise, 550, 562
See I Lung Thu 'Earthquake weathercock', 627, 633
'Dragon fire', 482 Earthquakes, 200, 412, 483, 603, 624 if.
'Dragon-Head waterway', 621 underwater, 484 (a)
Dragon-horse, 56 Earth's atmosphere, 226-7, 462, 468, 479
Dragons, 219, 252 (c), 479, 480, 618, 621 moisture in, 471
INDEX 821
Earth's crust, 591, 598 (f), 624, 637, 640 Elephant, 464, 621
Earth's Mansions Immortal, 639, 663 d'Elia, Pas quale (I, 3), 444; (4), 106
Earth's Mansions Pharmacopoeia. See Thu Hsiu Eliade, M. (4), 641; (5), 159
Pen Tshao Elimination and substitution, methods of, 47, 117
Eastern 'Palace', 198,200,250,251 Ellipses, 102, 142
Eastlake, F. W. (I), 68 St Elmo's Fire, 558 (d)
Eberhard, W . (I), 404, 407, 421; (2), 200, 393; Embankments, 99, 120
(6), 417; (10, 11), 182, 186; (12), 396 Embryology, 477 (i), 507
Eccentricity of the earth's orbit, 313, 329 Emery, 668
Eclipses, 52, 176, 185, 188-9, 190, 200, 209, Emetics, 653
244 (a), 278, 318, 370, 406, 407, 409 if., 436, Empiricism, 91, 97, 103-4, 151, 155, 159, 172,
454, 455, 45 8 421, 591, 596, 630, 674, 677, 67 8
annular, 413, 421 'Emptiness', of Taoist mysticism, 12, 221, 222
attempts to predict the geographical path along Enamelling, 651
which solar eclipses would be visible, 421 Endo, T., 3
causation theories, 411 if. Engineering, 37, 39, 314, 365, 366, 576, 579
Chinese records and their reliability, 417 if. horological, 360
earliest recorded, 409-10 hydraulic, 23, 48, 71, 158, 325, 500, 577
investigation of the path of the shadow on the mechanical, 318, 354
earth's surface, 417 military, 162
Japanese records, 417 (f) England, 434, 520
Korean records, 417 (f) English Channel, 493
lunar, 228, 417, 421, 527, 564 Enlarged Terrestrial Atlas. See Kuang Yii Thu
partial, 411, 420, 421, 422 Enquiry into the History of Mechanical Com-
and politics, 418-19 puting Aids. See Ku Suan Chhi Khao
prediction of, 168, 172, 200, 394 (d), 410, 411, Entretiens sur la Pluralite des Mondes (+ 1686),
420 if., 437, 443, 449 441
pulsation theory of, 412 if. Enuma (or Ea) Anu Enlil series, 255
solar, 203, 409, 417, 418, 420, 421, 422, 437, Entsu (monk), 457
439, 5 2 3 Envoys, 511, 525
technical terms, 420, 421 Ephemerides, 50, 205, 206, 395, 396
Ecliptic, 179, 180, 181, 200, 217, 229, 256 cuneiform, 394 (d)
empirical graduation of, 356-7 Ephthalite Huns. See Tribal peoples
obliquity of, 173, 180, 181, 200, 287 if., 313, Epicycles, 198 (k), 437 (d)
32 9, 357 Epidemics, 419
Ecliptic coordinates, 375, 381 Epiphanius (Cypriot bishop, +4th century), 671
abandonment of, 366, 372, 379, 450 Epistemology, 163-4, 165
imposed by Jesuits upon Chinese astronomy, Epistles of the Brethren of Sincerity. See Rasii'il
43 8 Ikhwiin al-$afii'
Ecliptic nature of Western astronomy, eifect on Equal double-hours, 313, 322, 398
mechanisation of instruments, 366 Equality symbol, 114-15, 152, 166
Ecology. See Oecology Equation of Time, 182, 329-31
Economic geography. See Geography Equations, 26, 27, 36, 37,41,42,43,44,47,49,51,
Edge-runner mill, 214 65,90, 107, 108, 112, 394, 395
Edkins, J. (Protestant missionary), 18,273,447 biquadratic, 48, 113, 125
Edsin Gol, 64 cubic, 113, 125 if., 147
Egypt, 13, 15,79, 81, 83, 95, 99, 106, 114, 119, indeterminate, 26, 36, 50, 119 if., 122, 147
137, 146, 150, 229, 256, 273, 313, 321, 322, numerical, 45, 65, 126 if., 147
404, 502, 569, 582, 653, 666, 680 quadratic, 35, 47, 123 if.
Hellenistic, 571 simultaneous, 35, 47, 130
Egyptian unequal-hour shadow-clocks, 309 simultaneous linear, 26, 43, 45, I IS if.
Eichholz, 636 used as test for minor functionaries, 116
Einhard, 435 Equator (celestial), 178, 179, 180,231-2,240,248,
Eisler, R. (2), 332-3; (3), 620 25 0
Eitel, E. J. (I), 507 (terrestrial), 180, 181
Ekman current meter, 632 Equatorial coordinates, 185 (a), 270, 372, 379,
Eldred, John (f!. + 1583),608 (e) 381 ,43 8 ,45 8
Electricity, 18 I, 480 'Equatorial' sundials, 3 I I
Elegies of Chhu. See Chhu Tzhu Equatorial mounting, 377, 382, 458
Elementary Explanations of Astronomical Instru- Equatorial-plane plate, 307, 308-9, 3 II
ments. See Chien Phing I Shuo Equatorial telescope mountings, 340, 355 (e), 366,
Elements of Euclid, 54 372, 378
Elements of Geometry. See Chi Ho Yuan Pen 'Equinoctial' dials, 311, 374, 378
822 INDEX
Equinoctial double-hours. See Equal double- Euclidean method, 22 (d)
hours Eudoxus of Cnidus (c. -409 to - 356), 198 (k),
Equinoctial points, 246, 270, 274, 278, 281 , 329, 216, 382, 401
35 6, 387 Euler, 291
Equinoxes, 181, 188, 224, 246, 284, 302, 368, 393, Eunuchs, 79 (h), 556, 557, 681
467 Europe, 15, 18,27,35,43,47,51,53,61,63,66,68,
precession of the, 173, 176, 177, 181,200,211, 79,80,82,89,90,91,97, 102, 107, 108, 109,
220, 246, 247, 250, 252, 259, 270, 278, 356, I I I, 114, 117, 118, 121, 122, 125, 128, 134,
3 8 7,43 8 139, 14 1, 145, 14 6 , 147, 15 0 , 154, 155, 15 9,
estimates of, 356 (h) 160, 162, 164, 166, 167, 168, 172, 176, 180,
Equisetum arvense and palustre (the horsetails), 220, 223, 224, 246, 257, 262, 266, 270,
67 8 271 £I., 282, 300, 301, 302, 311, 313, 319, 328 ,
Eratosthenes (- 276 to - 196), 54, 89, 106, 200, 329, 34~ 36~ 3 62, 366 , 37~ 372, 375, 379,
225, 520, 526, 527 3 81 , 3 89, 39 1, 4 2 3, 4 28 , 430, 434, 43 8 , 439,
Erh Chih Kuei Ying Khao (Studies on the 442 £I., 457, 4 6 4, 469, 471, 472, 475, 47 6 , 47 8 ,
Gnomon Shadows at the Two Solstices), 299 492,493,5°3,512,516,520,521,522,525 ,
Erh-shih-pa Hsiu Erh-pai-pa-shih-san Kuan Thu 530, 53 2 , 555, 55 6 , 5 6o , 5 6 4, 5 67, 568, 573,
(Planisphere showing the 28 Hsiu and the 575, 577, 58~ 5 8 7, 58 9, 59~ 59 1, 592, 60~
283 Constellations), 206 6°3, 612, 623, 624, 626, 645, 651, 652, 657,
Erh Ya (Literary Expositor [dictionary]), 248, 659, 66o, 662, 663, 665, 673, 678, 679, 680
619 Evaporation, 468-9, 636
Erkes, E. (I), 507, 640 Evaporation-rate, 322
Eroded forms, 591 Evelyn, John , 579
Erosion, 593, 597, 603-4, 60 5 Examinations, 36, 40, 153 (f), 192
river-valley, 603 Excess and deficiency, 26, 118- 19
Escapement, 362, 389 'Exchequer. ' See Counting-table
compartment-drum, 328 Exeligmos, 421
invention of, 350, 360, 362 'Exhalations.' See Aristotelian theory of 'exhala-
link-work, 363 tions'
verge.and-foliot, 319, 366 Exhaustion, method of. See Method of exhaus-
Escorial MS. map, 547 (f) tion
d'Espinha , Joseph (Jesuit cartographer), 586 Exorcism, 457
Essay on (Astronomical and Meteorological) Expansion and contraction, 616
Presages. See Thien Yuan Yii Li Hsiang 1 Fu Expectorants, 654
Essay on the Art of Constructing Mountains with Expeditions and voyages
Rice. See Chii Mi Wei Shan Fu against the Champa people of Lin-I (+ 349),
Essay on the Great Constellations in the Heavens. 292
See Thien Wen Ta Hsiang Fu to the south seas (+ 724), 274
Essay on the Mysteries of the Celestial Bodies. under the direction of Nankung Yiieh and
See Thai Hsiang Hsiian Wen I-Hsing (+721 to +725),292-3
Essay on the Tides. See Hai Chhao Fu under Chhiu Chhang-Chhun ( + 1221) to
Essential Knowledge for Official Astronomers. Chinghiz Khan at Samarqand, 293, 417,
See Ling Thai Pi Yao 522
Essentials of History. See Li-Tai Thung Chien to Annam during the Li Dynasty, 512
Chi Lan to Persia under Chinghiz Khan, 522
Essentials of Observations of the Celestial Bodies to Cambodia, 511, 658
through the Sighting-Tube. See Thien Wen to Korea ( + 1124), 492-3, 511
Ta Chheng Kuan Khuei Chi Yao from Shantung to Afghanistan, 522-3
Essentials of Surveying. See Tshe Liang Fa 1 to Htiliigu Khan, 523
Essentials of the Technique of Measurement in Central Asia (+ 1260 to + 1263), 523
with the Armillary Sphere. See Hun 1 Fa to the source of the Yellow River, 523-4,
Yao 58 5
'Establishment of the port', 492, 494 under Kan Yen-Shou as far west as the Talas
L' Estat de la Citez de Jherusalem, 520 River, 536
Ethiopia, 313 under Cheng Ho, 556 £I.
Ethnology, 5IO, 520 in Manchuria (+ 1677), 585
Etna (Mount), 610 to visit the Torguts on the Lower Volga, 585
Etruscans, 481 (c) in Tibet, 585
Etymologiae, 529, 530 Experimental-mathematical method, 156 £I.
Euclid, 21, 52, 54, 66, 91 £I., 103-6, 112, 148, 151, Experimentation, 155 £I., 168,456, 634
157, 437 in ancient Greece, 161 Cc)
possible + 13th-century translation into Chinese, Explanation of Indeterminate Analysis. See Ta
10 5 Yen Hsiang Shuo
INDEX
Fischer, J., 533, 537 the' Four displacements' (SSIl Yll), 224
Fish glue, 505 Component of, 343, 450
Fish-spawn, 623 the' Four-element process' (in mathematics), 47
Fisher, Sir Ronald, 87 (b), 123 (g), 406 (j) the Four Elements, 439
Fishes, fossil, 612, 614, 619, 620, 621, 622 Fracastoro, Girolamo (+ 1517), 61I
the Five Elements, 30, 43, 58, 159,397,398,439, Fractions, 21, 25, 33, 34, 35, 36, 45, 66, 81 ff., 128,
607, 64 1 146, 385 (a)
the Five Walkers (Wu Pu (the five Planets», 399 Fracture (of minerals), 649
the Five Wefts (Wu Wei (the five Planets», 399 France, 472, 555, 584, 644
Flags, 276, 532 Franco of Liege, 102
Flame-throwers, 682 Franke, H. (I), 419
Flamsteed, J., 300, 446, 448 Fraunhofer, Joseph (+ 1824), 362, 366
Flies, 658 Frederick 11 of Sicily, 382
Float (inflow clepsydra), 314, 315, 320 French Revolution, 90, 397 (b)
Float siphon, 315 (a) Freret, N., 182
Float valve, 314 Frescoes depicting fossilised pine-trees, 6 I 2
the Flood. See Noachian Flood legend Han, 537
Floods, 471, 472, 473 of the Umayyad desert palace of Qu~air 'Amrah,
control of, 99 389 (b)
erosive action of, 603 Friesland (imaginary island), 583, 584
Flora Saturnisans, 679 Frisius, Gemma, 379
Fluxions, method of. See Method of fluxions Frontier Agents (Hsing Fang Shih), 534
Fly-Whisk Conversations of the Scholarly Guest. Frost, 468, 679
See Mo Kho Hui Hsi Fryer, John (Protestant missionary), 447
Flying Bird Calendar (Fei Niao Li), 538 Fu (place in Shensi), 607, 609
Fo Kuang. See 'Buddha Light' nimbus Fu An (astronomer, +84), 343
Fo Kuo Chi (Records of Buddhist Countries), 511 Fu Chhai (prince of Wu State), 485, 486, 487
Fo Tsu Thung Chi (Records of the Lineage of Fu Chhien (Later Han or Chin), 673
Buddha and the Patriarchs), 565-6 Fu chih (' gazetteers '), 5 I 7
Fog, 411, 468 Fu Fan-Chi. See Furtado, Francis
Folded strata, 591 Fu Heng (Sung general), 510
Folklore, 510 Fu-Hsi (mythical ruler), 22, 23, 95, 213 (b)
of the diamond, 671 Fu HsUan (+ 3rd century), 657
star-myths, 282 ff. Fu-ling (fungus), 675
de' Fontana, Giovanni (fI. 1410 to 1420), 162 Fu Pan Che (Bearers of the Tables of Population),
de Fontenelle, B., 441 58 2
Foot-rule, 84, 286 Fu-Sang, embassy from, 436
Foothill Hall Essays. See Lu Thang Shih Hua Fu-Sang tree, 567
Foreign countries, 510-14, 521, 551 Fu Sheng (Han scholar), 334
Forensic medicine, 162 (e) Fu Sheng-Tse. See Foucquet, Jean-Fran~ois
Forest of Pearls in the Garden of the Law. See Fu Ssu-Nien, 151
Fa Yllan Clm Lin Fu Tse-Hung, 514, 516
Forke, A. (6), 218, 498 Fu Tso-Lin. See da Rocha, Felix
Former Han (dynasty), 24, 25, 28, 90, 97, 173, Fu TZll (Book of Master Fu), 657
189, 199, 200, 248, 305, 321, 396, 4 14, 504, Fu Yin (geographer, + 12th century), 514, 5 I 5
534, 581, 602, 605, 651 Fu yu (' false jade '), 664
Former Han clepsydras, 321 Fuchs, W., 373, 552, 552 (g), 555 (d), 556, 585
Formosa, 472, 517, 547 Fukien, 204, 419, 557, 559
Formulae for avoiding Calamities according to the Fukien Meteorological Survey, 282
Seven Luminaries. See Chhi Yao Jang Tsai Full Explanation of Tabulated Equations. See
Chiieh Jll Chi Shih Hsiao
Fortifications, 48, 99, 515 Fuller's earth, 6+3, 652
'Fortuitous concourses', 167 (d) Functionality, idea of, 158
Fortunate Islands, 528 Fundamental Ideas of the Five Classics. See Wll
Fortune-telling, 34 (b) Ching Thlmg I
Fossil animals, 614 ff. Funeral rites, 319
Fossil echinoids, 604 Fungi,675
Fossil man, 621 Fungicides, 652
Fossil plants, 612-14 Furs, 680
Fossils, 602, 603, 604, 611 ff. Furtado, Francis, 449
Fotheringham, J. K. (I), 390; (2), 409
Foucquet, Jean-Fran~ois (Jesuit), 450 Galen, 161
the' Four Beginnings', 164 Galilean method, 156 ff.
INDEX 82 5
Galileo, G., 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, in Chinese art, 592 ff.
193,220,3 66 (e), 427, 434, 43 8,444, 445, 449, largely a modern science, 591
4 66 ,47 1,494 and political conditions, 591 (d)
condemnations of his Copernican views, 444, Geomancy, 159, 500, 524, 598 (f), 651
445 Geometric models, 68, 97
Gallagher, L. J., 682 Geometrical progression. See Progressions
Galley method of division. See Division Geometrica, 96
Games, their association with divination, 303-5 Geometrical point, 91-2, 142, 437 (f)
Gamow, G., 426 Geometry, 23-4, 38, 47, 52, 53, 55, 65, 66, 74, 90,
Ganchow. See Chang-yeh 91 ff., 110, 111-12, 147, 148, 156, 162, 212,
Gap between rims of sky and earth, 215 (f) 3 81 , 3 8 2, 394, 395, 399, 437, 442, 447, 45 8 ,
Gardens, botanic, 162 (i), 681 460, 57 1-2
Garnet, 668 analytic, 108, 155
Gas. See Natural gas and clockwork, 155 (a)
Gastropods, 617, 618 coordinate, 77, 106 ff., 155
Gaubil, Antoine, 173, 174, 175, 182 ff., 209, 229, deductive, 97, 105, 108, 156, 220, 223
234, 242, 246, 288, 290, 29 1, 293, 299, 355, plane, 39
3 80 , 3 81 , 395, 43 0 , 447, 45 2 solid, 97 ff.
Gauchet, L. (6), 123; (7), 39, 48, 109, 110, 125 spherical, 181, 223
Gauss' formula , 121 Geophysics, 673, 680
Gautama clan, 202-3 Georgio, Ludovico (Portuguese Jesuit), 585
Gautama Siddhartha. See Chhlithan Hsi-Ta Gerbanites, 406 (j)
Gauthier, H., 464 Gerbillon, Jean Fran~ois (Jesuit cartographer),
, Gazetteers', 5 I 7 585
Gear-wheels, 314, 339 (e), 366 (c), 577, 668 (e) Germanium, 677
Geerts, A. J . C., 592, 644 Germany, 331,434, 555
Geikie, Sir A., 592, 622 ben Gerson, Levi (Proven~al Jewish scholar,
Gelosia method of multiplication, 64, 72, 148 + 1288 to + 1344), 573, 575
Geminos of Rhodes (ft. -70),395 Gesammelte Abhandlungen u. d . chinesischen
Gemmarum et Lapidum Historia, 646 Mathematik. See Chung Suan Shih Lung
Gems, 591, 669 ff. Tshung
mining, 669, 670 Geschichte d. Sternkunde, 175
technical terms, 669 Ghetaldi, Marino (+ 1630), 108
General Description of Stars and their Portents. Giant astronomical instruments in masonry,
See Hsing Ming Tsung Kua 291 (b), 294 ff.
General Description of the World in the Thai- Gibraltar, 579
Phing reign-period. See Thai-Phing Huan Gilbert, William, 154, 155, 159, 439
Yii Chi Giles, L. (8), 484, 518; (9), 518; (10), 583
General Geography of the Yuan-Ho reign-period. GiIle, B. (3), 154
See Yuan-Ho Chiin Hsien Thu Chih Gillis, 1. V., 484
General Ideas of the Pharmacopoeia. See Pen Gimbals, 387
Tshao Yen 1 Ginger (chiang plant), 675
Generalisations on Numbers. See Shu Tu Yen Ginzel, F. K., 184
Gentchiscan. See Chingiz Khan Giraffe, 558 (c)
Geobotanical prospecting. See Prospecting Girl map-maker, 538, 541
Geocentric world-view, 446, 447 Glacial valley, 593
Geographer-Royal (Thu-Hslin), 534 Glass, 658
Geographical symbols, 497-8, 552 (d), 555 Glass-making, 653
Geography, 89, 106, 497 ff. Glazes, 651
Arabic, 512-13 Glory-of-the-Sages Prescriptions. See Sheng Hui
economic, 500, 644 Fang
human, 508 Gnomon, 19,21,54, 104, 108, 182,213,217,224,
physical, 462, 501 225, 231, 274, 284 ff., 302, 30 3, 3 0 7, 327,
two separate traditions in both East and West, 359, 3 68 , 3 6 9, 370, 3 81 , 47 8 , 523, 5 26 , 542,
500 5 6 9, 571
Geography of the Empire. See Chhien-Lung Fu of Bologna, 300 (f)
Thing Chou Hsien Chih inclined, 302, 303
Geological lore, 673 of Kuo-Shou-Ching, 296
Geological prospecting. See Prospecting pin-point, 299
Geological Survey, Chinese, 591 (d) pole-pointing, 303, 307, 309, 311
Geological time, 601 of portable sundial, 31 0
Geology, 521, 524 use of hole in the top of, 300
and alchemy, 598 (f) Gnomon Shadow Template, 284 ff., 542
826 INDEX
Gnomonics, 309, 375, 378, 437 Greek cartography, 526, 533, 53 8, 587
Gnostic philosophy, 159 Greek chemistry, 639
Gobi desert, 436, 553, 555 Greek' exhalations', 636-7
Godwin, Francis, 440, 441 'Greek fire', 482 (b)
Goes, Benedict (+ 17th century), 665 (d) Greek geometry, 91, 96, 309
Gogeisl, Anton, 452, 454 Greek literature, 622
'Going against Nature', 196 Greek logic, 151 (d)
Gold, 637, 638, 639, 640, 641, 670, 671, 674, 675, Greek mathematics, I, 16, 35, 53, 54, 55, 61, 68,
676, 677, 678 82,83,90,92,96, 101, 103, 107, 108, II2-I3 ,
assaying of, 672-3 I IS, 125, 128, 141, 156, 162, '167
'Gold companion stone' (pan chin shih), 674 abstract and systematic character of, lSD-I
'Gold-testing stone' (shih chin shih), 672 Greek mythology, 405, 505
Golden Box Manual. See Chin Kuei Ching Greek numerals, I I, 13
Golden Mirror of the Flowing Waters. See Hsing Greek spheres, 198 (k), 439 (a)
Shui Chin Chien Greeks, 153, 158, 160, 468, 493, 5 19, 53 0 , 533,
Goldschmidt, V. M., 677 542, 543, 545, 561, 56 4, 568 , 575, 612, 62 3,
Goldschmidt Enrichment Principle, 677 646, 653, 662
Goodrich, C. (4), 102; (5), 75; (6), 620; (8), 583 and the experimental method, 161 (c)
Gorges, 546, 604 Green banners (sympathetic fertility magic), 17
Gothic stone-carving, 160 'Green Springs', 640
Government, centralisation of, 472, 632 Gregorian Calendar, 447 (a)
Government Departments Mathematical Manual. Grid, in Egyptian hieroglyphs, 106
See Wu Tshao Suan Ching Grid system, 498, 502, 527, 532, 537, 539, 54 0 ,
Grabau, A. W., 598 54 1, 545, 55 6 , 56 4, 56 5, 56 9, 575, 5 86 , 5 8 7,
Graduated pole, 569, 570, 577 58 9-9 0
Graduated scale. See Fen LU Griffith, W., 665
Granaries, 99, 120, 153 Grindstone, 640
the Grand Canal,s 16, 552 Groma (Roman surveyor's instrument), 286, 370,
Grand Cycle (Shang Yuan) , 120 57 1
'Grand Lord Chronologer', 191 (c) de Groot, J. J. M. (2), 282
Granet, M. (5), 58 Gros, L ., 1 I I
Granite, 597 Grosseteste, Robert (+ II68 to + 1253), 161, 162.
Grant, R., 184 166
Graphite, hygroscopic, 471 (a) Ground waters, 649-51
Graphs, 77-8, 107, 108, 124 Growth and development of metals in the earth,
Gravitational attraction, 157,490,492,494,673 637 ff.
Grease, used as a medium for abrasives, 668 Guest-stars. See Novae
Great Bear, 210, 215, 219, 223, 230, 232, 234, 240, Guide through the Forest of Affairs [encyclo-
25~ 25 1, 272, 278, 33~ 33 6 , 33 8 , 3 8 5, 43 0 paedia]. See Shih Lin Kuang Chi
legend of its disappearance, 283 de Guignes, C . L. J., 174, 175, 183,430
Great Chhen (Ta chhen), 250 van Gulik, R. H. (2), 646
Great Encyclopaedia of the Yung-Lo reign- 'Gun-barrel' sighting-tube, 352, 377
period. See Yung-Lo Ta Tien Gunnery, 158, 162, 589
Great Learning. See Ta Hsiieh Gunpowder, 162, 167, 352 (c), 441 (a), 652
Great Magpie Mountains, 655 Gunter, E., 73, 155
a 'Great New Star', 244 (a), 424 Gunther, R. T. (I), 379; (2), 375
The Great Pharmacopoeia. See Pen Tshao Kang 'Gur' (early Renaissance mineralogical term),
Mu 642
the' Great Star', 242 Gwalior, 10
Great Unity Divining-Board Manual. See Thai
I Shih Ching Haab (calendar year of the Mayas), 397
Greatest Common Divisor, 54 (d) Haddad, Sami, 562
Greece, 161 (c), 409, 462, 500, 526, 637, 672 Haematite, 643, 650, 652, 674, 676
Greek abacists, I I (e) Haenisch, E. (I), 521
Greek alchemy, 159 Hagiwara, 630
Greek astronomy, 171, 172, 173, 175, 179, 180, Hai Chhao Chi Shuo (Collected Writings on the
181, 186, 189, 203, 212, 216, 220, 223, 225, Sea Tides), 493
227, 228, 229, 230, 253, 258, 26~ 27~ 288, Hai Chhao Fu (Essay on the Tides), 490
292, 309, 314, 326, 329, 35 0 , 366, 376, 382, Hai Chhao Lun (Discourse on the Tides), 490
395,399,402 (e), 404, 408, 4II, 45 0 , 458, 460 Hai Ch/wo Thu Hsii (Preface to Diagrams of the
influence on Indian astronomy, 176 (b), 267 (a) Tides), 491
Greek atomists, 92 Hai Chhao Thu Lun (Illustrated Discourse on the
Greek biology, II9 Tides), 491
INDEX
Hai Han Wan Hsiang Lu (The Multiplicity of Handbook of Archaeology. See Ko Ku Yao Lun
Phenomena),22I Handbooks for painters, 596
Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu (Record of Things Seen Hangchow, 516, 518, 519, 661
and Heard about the Coastal Regions), 517 tidal bore at, 483-4
Hai Nei Hua I Thu (Map of both Chinese and Bar- retirement of capital to, 422, 682
barian Peoples within the (Four) Seas), 543 Hanoi,292
Hai Nei Shih Chou Chi (Record of the Ten Sea Hansford, S. H., 663, 665, 667, 668
Islands), 657, 667 'Hard wind' (hang chhi or hang !eng), 222, 223,
Hai-Ta-Erh (+ 14th-century President of the 224, 477 (i)
Muslim Astronomical Bureau), 49 Harland, B., 593 (e)
Hai Tao Suan Ching (Sea Island Mathematical Harmonic progression. See Progressions
Manual), 30-2, 35, 39-40, 104, 108, 571 'Harmony' (of armillary sphere), 361
Hai Thao Chih (or Hai Chiao Chih) (On the Harness, 681
Tides),489 Harpedonaptae, 3 (h), 95 (f)
Hai Yao Pen Tshao (Drugs of the Southern Hariot, T., 43, 434
Countries beyond the Seas), 653 Hartner, W. (2), 234; (3), 372, 373, 375, 378;
H ai yen (' eye of the sea', wells), 606 (4), 391 ; (5), 409; (8), 288
Haichow, 574 Harvest, 17, 200, 397, 402, 436, 621
Hail storms, 472 Harvey, Gabriel, 155
Hainan Island, 292, 310, 547, 619 Harvey, William, 158
Hakemite Tables, 396 (a) Harzer, P., 3
Hall, A. R, 166 (e), 311 (d) Hashimoto, M . (1,4), 177,246
von Hallerstein, Augustin, 452, 454 de la Hautefeuille, 634
Halley, Edmund, 270, 271 Haiiy, R J., 591
Halley's comet, 171, 193 (b), 431-2, 433 Hawaii,472
Haloes, 464, 474-6 Hayashi, Tsuruichi, 2
lunar, 470 Heath, Sir Thomas (I), 92, 93
solar, 470, 475-6 Heaven like the cover of a carriage (chhi hai), 214
Haloun, G., 665 Heavenly Husbandman. See Shen Nung Pin
'Hammoniac' salt, 654 Tshao Ching
Han (dynasty), 5, 8, 9, 19, 20, 25, 26, 27, 29, 36, 'Heavenly reprimands,' 465, 480
40, 57, 64, 65, 66, 68, 71, 81, 82, 85, 88, 95, the Heavens
99, 103, 104, I IS, 116, 123, 126, 137, 146, circumference of, 217
147, 148, 149, 153, 174, 182, 198, 199, 210, diurnal revolution of, 232, 361
218, 219, 226, 227, 248, 251, 252, 261, 262, rotation of, 213, 215, 217, 218
264, 276, 281, 282, 286, 290, 291, 294, 297, shape of, 211, 212, 213, 220, 498
300, 30 3, 3 0 7, 308, 313, 315, 319, 321, 326, Heawood, E., 583
33 2 , 334, 354, 361 , 379, 38 3, 393, 397, 40 7, Hebrews. See Jews
408,409,410,411,417,418,420,421,425, van Hee, L., I; (I), IZ3; (2),96; (3), IZ2; (4),45;
43 1, 433, 436, 464, 4 6 5, 467, 468, 47 6 , 47 8 , (7,8),31; (10), 3; (11), 34; (12) , 47,130;
47~ 48~ 4 81 , 49~ 50~ 511, 5 21 , 5 2 5, 53~ (14), 106
535, 53 8 , 539, 54 2 , 545, 557, 5 68 , 5 69, 57 0 , Hei-Ti-Erh. See Hai-Ta-Erh
57 1, 57 2 , 574, 575, 579, 580 , 5 81 , 5 82 , 60 3, Heliacal risings and settings, 229, 230, 240, 251-2
607, 610, 612, 621, 622, 625, 626, 643, 657, Helicopter, 160
659, 665, 670, 674, 677 Heliocentric theory of the solar system, 181, 438,
Han (river), 500, 515 443-6
Han apocryphal books, 57, 58, 225 Heliostat, 366 (e)
Han calendars, 287 van Helmont, J. B., 158
Han Code, 322 Hemicyclium excavatum, 301
Han Hsien-Fu (astronomer), 207 Henckel, J . F., 679
Han I (ft. + 223), 29, 294 Heng (river), 501
Han Kung-Lien (horological engineer), 104, Heng Hsing Chhih-Tao Chhiian Thu (Complete
155 (a), 192, 359 Map of the Fixed Stars, based on the
Han-Lin Yuan. See Academies Equator), 185
Han shui shih (,water-absorbing stone'), 614 Heng Hsing Chhih-Tao Ching-Wei Tu Thu (Map
Han Wu Ti (emperor), 221, 282, 322, 367 (d), 536, of the Fixed Stars according to their Right
582,602 Ascension and Declination), 185
Han Wu Ti Nei Chuan (The Inside Story of Hillg numerals, 8
Emperor Wu of the Han), 546, 566 Henna, 654
Han Yen (mathematician, +780 to +804),34,86 Henry of Mainz, 529
Han Yen-Shou (between -140 and -70),579 Henry the Navigator, Prince, 533
Han Yii Thung (General Survey of the Universe), Hen's egg analogy, 217, 218,498
454 (d), 499 Henseling, R, 407, 421
828 INDEX
Herbal Classic of the Heavenly Husbandman. See History of Institutions of the Yuan Dynasty. See
Shen Nung Pen Tshao Ching Yuan Ching Shih Ta Tien
Herbals, 591, 636 History of Israel Jobson, the Wandering Jew (1757),
Hereford Mappamundi, 529 (I) 441
Hermann the Lame, 80 History of the Chin Dynasty. See Chin Shu
H ermetica (+300), 647 History of the Chin (Tartar) Dynasty. See Chin
Hermit philosophers, 159,605 Shih
Herodotus (- 5th century), 79, 493, 505, 512 History of the Former Han Dynasty. See Chhien
Heron of Alexandria (ft. + 62), 96, 161 (c), 315, Han Shu
571, 63 0 History of the Later Han Dynasty. See Hou Han
Herrmann, A., 497, 540, 543 , 544, 565, 585 Shu
Hevelius, 475 History of the Ming Dynasty. See Ming Shih
Hexagon, 100 History of the Northern Chhi Dynasty. See Pei
Heyd, W ., 681 Chhi Shu
Hibiscus, 649 History of the Northern Dynasties. See Pei Shih
The Hidden Number-Diagrams of the Book of History of the (Northern) Wei Dynasty. See Wei
Changes Hooked Out. See I Shu Kou Yin Shu
Thu History of the South. See Nan Shih
Hides, treatment of, 651, 653 History of the Southern Chhi Dynasty. See Nan
Hidokei, 302 (a) Chhi Shu
Hierarchy of Stones. See Shih Phin History of the Sui Dynasty. See Sui Shu
Higgins, K., 252 History of the Sung Dynasty. See Sung Shih
Higher artisanate, I54ff., 159, 161, 162, 166 History of the Thang Dynasty. See Chiu Thang
'Hill-censers', 580-1 Shu and Hsin Thang Shu
Hiller, J. E., 592 History of the Three Kingdoms. SeeSanKuoChih
Hilprecht tablet, 257 History of the Yuan Dynasty. See Yuan S hih
Hind, J. R., 408, 432 Hitti, P. K., 681
'Hindu-Arabic' numerals, 10, 15, 146 Hiuheng. See HsU Heng
Hindus, I I, 300 Ho (legendary astronomer), 186, 187, 188, 245
Hindustan, 680 Ho (river). See Yellow River
Hipparchus (c. - 140), 106, 108, 171, 172, 197, Ho Chheng-Thien (astronomer, c. +450), 287,
268 (c),269, 270,340,375,382,393,395,425, 292, 384, 392
52 7 Ho Chhil Shu (Rivers and Canals, chapter of the
Hippocrates, 464 Shih Chi, q.v.)
Hippolytus (+ 3rd century), 622 Ho Hsiu (+ 18th-century scholar), 634
Hippotherium, 621 Ho Jung (astronomer, + 102), 306, 322, 328
Hirayama, K ., 409 Ho Kuan-Chou (1), 504
de la Hire, P., 300, 450 Ho Kuo-Tsung ( + 18th century mathematician),
Hirth, F., 512, 682 44 8
I;Iisiib al-Jabr w'al-Muqiibalah (The Calculation of Ho Kuo-Tung ( + 18th-century cartographer), 585
Integration and Equation), I 13 Ho Lin Yil Lu (Jade Dew from the Forest of
I;Iisab al-khatii'ain (Rule of False Position), Cranes), 580
II8 Ho Ping-Yu (I), 475
Histoire de I' Astronomie Ancienne, 175 Ho Shuo Fang Ku Chi (Archaeological Topo-
Historia adversus Paganos, 529 graphy of the Regions orth of the Yellow
Historical Account of the Coastal Protection River), 51 I
Works of Chekiang Province, prepared by Ho Thu (the' River Diagram '), 56, 57 ff.
Imperial Command. See Chhih Hsiu Liang Ho Thu Wei Chi Yao Kou (Apocryphal Treatise
CM Hai- Thang Thung Chih on the River Chart; Investigation of the Full
Historical Classic. See Shu Ching Circle of the (Celestial) Brightnesses)
Historical Collections. See Thung Chih Lileh Ho Thu Wei Kua Ti Hsiang (Apocryphal
Historical Geography of Szechuan. See Hua Yang Treatise on the River Chart; Examination of
Kuo Chih the Signs of the Earth), 468, 568
Historical Geography of the Sixteen Kingdoms. Ho Ting books, 638 ff.
See Shih-liu Kuo Chiang Yil Chih Ho Ting Hsin Shu (New Book of Poisonous Sub-
Historical Investigation of Public Affairs. See stances), 638
Wen Hsien Thlmg Khao Ho Yuan Chi (Records of the Source of the
Historical Record. See Shih Chi (Yellow) River), 524
Historiography, 157 (c) Ho Yuan Chi Lileh (The Sources of the (Yellow)
History and Topography of the Lo Fou Moun- River, and a History of our Knowledge of
tains. See Lo Fou Slzan Chih them), 585
A History of Chinese Mathematics. See Chung- Hoang, P. See Huang, P.
Kuo Suan-Hsileh Shih Hodometer, 543 (b), 577, 579, 630
INDEX
Hodous, L. (I), 282 Hsi-Hsia (State), 549
Hogback, 592 Hsi-Hsia Chi Shih Pen Mo (Rise and Fall of the
Holland,434 Hsi-Hsia), 549
Holmes, U. T., 262 Hsi Jung. See Tribal peoples
Holmyard, E. J . & MandeviIle, D . C ., 602 Hsi Kho ('Western Bureau' of Astronomy), 449
Holorenshaw, W., 573 (a) Hsi-Lan-Shan. See Ceylon
Rolosteum umbellatum, 678 Hsi-mu (one of the twelvefold divisions of the
Holy Land, 513 (b) equator and its hsiu, corresponding to the
Holywood of Halifax, John (d. + 1256), 340 autumn equinox), 243, 489
Homer, 230 Hsi-Ning reign-period, 262, 549, 577
Hommel, F., 254 Hsi-Pei Pi Ti-Li Thu (grid map of the north-
Hommel, Johann (+ 1518 to + 1562), 296 (a) western countries), 552
Homophones, 334 (d) Hsi Pu Thien Ko (The Western Song of the March
Honan, 624 of the Heavens), 201
Honorius of Autun, 529 Hsi Shih Chi (Notes on an Embassy to the West),
Ronzo-Wamyo (Synonymic Materia Medica with 52 3
Japanese Equivalents), 645 (a) Hsi Tse-Tsung, 268 (d); (1), 425
Hooke, Robert, 80, 145, 262, 362, 366, 378 (a), Hsi Tzhu Chuan (Commentary on the Appended
391 (a), 479, 61 I Judgments, in the I Ching), 56
Hoover, H. C. & Hoover, L. H., 604, 649 Hsi Wang Mu (fabulous imperial goddess of the
Hopei,604 West), 507, 566
Hopkins, L. C. (18), 249; (19), 339; (26), 473 Hsi- Yang Chhao Kung Tien Lu (Record of the
Horizon, 178, 179, 180, 229, 240 Tribute-paying Western Countries), 559
Horizon circle for azimuth measurements, 452 Hsi- Yang Fan Kuo Chih (Record of the Barbarian
Hormuz, 558, 559, 560 Countries in the Western Ocean), 558
Horner's method, 43, 66, 68, 126, 127 Hsi- Yang Hsin FaLi Shu (Treatise on (Astronomy
Horological engineering. See Engineering and) Calendrical Science according to the
Horologium. See Sundial _ Tew Western Methods), 448, 449
Horses, 607, 621 Hsi Yu Chi (+I6th-century novel , 'Monkey'), 17
Horsetails (Equisetum arvense and palustre), 678 Hsi Yii Chu Kuo Feng Wu Thu (Illustrated
Horwitz, H. T. (8), 472-3 Account of the Strange Customs and Pro-
Hosie, A., 435, 472 ducts of the Western Countries), 510
Hosoi, S., 3 Hsi Yu Lu (Record of a Journey to the West), 522
Hot springs, 610-II Hsi Yii Shui Tao Chi (Account of the River
Rou chi i (Pole-observing Instrument), 370 Systems of the Western Regions), 525
Rou Ching Lu (Waiting for the Mackerel), 470 Hsi Yii Thu Chi (Illustrated Record of Western
Hou Chlin-Chi (general, +7th century), 523 Countries), 654
Rou Ran Shu (History of the Later Han Dynasty), Hsi Yii Wen Chien Lu (Things seen and Heard in
35,71, 100,287,288,292,401 ,626,632, 656 the Western Countries), 655
I-lough, W., 331 Hsi Ytin-Hsing (bronze-founder), 324
Houpilay. See Khubilai Khan Hsia (dynasty), 409, 503, 539, 625
Hour-circles, 179, 231, 234 Hsia Ao (+ loth-century surveyor), 104
Hour-glass, 330 Hsia Chiang Thu Khao (Illustrations of the
House-swallow, 464 Yangtze Gorges), 592
Houzeau, J. C., 175, 271 Hsia Hsiao Cheng (The Lesser Annuary of the
How to Use the Gnomon Shadow Template. Hsia Dynasty), 194, 245, 247
See Thu Kuei Fa Hsia Hsiao Cheng Su I, 194
Hsi (Western), unpopularity of the term with the Hsia Wu-Chti (physician to the King of Chhin),
Chinese in the + 17th century, 449 535
Hsi (legendary astronomer), 186, 187, 188, 245, Hsia Yin Chou Lii Li (Treatise on the Calendars
28 5 of the Hsia, Shang and Chou Dynasties), 19
Hsi (Duke of Lu), 284 Hsiahou Yang (Northern Wei mathematician), 33,
Hsi Chhi Tshung Yii (Western Pool CoIlected 36, 65, 66, 86, 88
Remarks), 618 Hsiahou Yang Suan Ching (Hsiahou Yang's
Hsi Chhing Ku Chien (Hsi Chhing Catalogue of Mathematical Manual), 33, 34
Ancient Mirrors and Bronzes), 580-1 Hsiahou Yang's Mathematical Manual. See
Hsi Ching Tsa Chi (MisceIlaneous Records of the Hsiahou Yang Suan Ching
Western Capital), 4, 581 Hsiai (a kind of shallot), 675, 676
Hsi-Chou Yen Phu (Hsichow Inkstone Record), Hsiang (river), 485
646 Hsiang Chieh Chill Chang Suan Fa Tsuan Lei
Hsi Ho (mythological being, sometimes the (Detailed Analysis of the mathematical Rules
mother and sometimes the chariot-driver of in the 'Nine Chapters' and their Reclassifi-
the sun), 188 cation), 28, 41, 50, 66, 134, 136
INDEX
Hsiang Chung Chi (Records of Hunan), 615 Hsin-Ling, Lord of, 195
Hsiang-hsiang (in Thanchow), 620 Hsin Lun (New Discussions), 226
Hsiang han (' response', of water to the inftuence of Hsin Pien Tui Hsiang Ssu Yen (Newly Revised
the moon), 492 Reader with Four Characters to the Line and
Hsiang Ming Suan Fa (Explanations of Arith- Pictures to match), 75
metic),32 Hsin Shu ( ew Book), 84
Hsiang-Shan (mountain), 596 Hsin Thang Shu (Kew History of the Thang
Hsiang Ta (1), 511 Dynasty), 483,544,612, 681
Hsiang Tho, 226 Hsin Thien Lun (Discourse on the Diurnal Revo-
Hsiang Wang (ruler of the Wei State, d. - 245), lution), 200, 206, 215
50 7 Hsing (hsiu), 242, 245, 248-9, 271
Hsiang Wei Hsin Phien (New Account of the Web Hsing Chha Sheng Lan (Triumphant Visions of
of Stars), 209 the Starry Raft), 558
Hsiang-yi, 577 Hsing Ching (Star Manual), 197, 198, 248, 250,
Hsiang Yil Shu (Book on the Prediction of Rain), 2 6 4, 268, 273, 383, 387
47 0 Hsing Khai (+ 13th-century scholar), 59
Hsiangchow (in Kuangsi), 617 Hsing huei (' Star-dial '), 370
Hsiao-An Hsin Fa (Wang Hsi-Shan's New Hsing Ming Tsung Kua (General Description of
(Astronomical) Methods), 454 Stars and their Portents), 208
Hsiao Chhiu (volcano), 658 Hsing pien pu (Records of Unusual Occurrences
Hsiao Ho (general, fI. - 207), 535, 539 in the Heavens), 425
Hsiao I (emperor of the Liang), 508 Hsing Shu (Description of the Stars), 207
Hsiao Lung Chhiu, 603 Hsing Shui Chin Chien (Golden Mirror of the
Hsiao Shu (Taoist), 657 Flowing Waters), 514, 516
Hsiao Tai Li Chi. See Li Chi Hsing Ytin-Lu (calendar expert, + 1573 to
Hsiao Tao-Tshun (c. + 11th century), 144, 152 + 1620), 48, 109
Hsiao Thang Shan tomb-shrine, 303 Hsintu Fang (+6th-century mathematician and
Hsiao Tsung. See Hyojong, king surveyor), 20, 104, 221, 358, 632-3, 634
Hsiao Wei Tzhu Hsiung Thu (Apocryphal Hsiu (28 lunar mansions), 21, 184, 190, 195,200,
Treatise on the Filial Piety Classic; Diagrams 202, 204, 217, 231, 232 fr., 271, 273, 278,
of Male and Female (Influences», 683 279, 302 , 33 6 , 343, 357, 43~ 45~ 53 8 , 545
Hsiao Yang (the fixed stars), 227 antiquity of, 242 fr.
Hsiao Yin (the planets), 227 equatorial character of, 184
Hsiao yil (' little excess '), 392 extensions in degrees on the ecliptic, 357 (c)
Hsichow Inkstone Record. See Hsi-Chou Yen Phu interversion of, 251
Hsieh Chha-Wei (mathematician), 79 origin of, 252 fr.
Hsieh Chhing-Kao (sailor, + 18th century), reasons for the number of, 239
522 (d) Hsiu and Planet Siltra. See Hsiu Yao Ching
Hsieh Chia-Jung (1), 433 Hsiu Chen Thai Chi Hun Yuan Thu (Restored
Hsieh Chuang (cartographer, +421 to +466),582 True Chart of the Supreme Pole Chaos-
Hsieh Lan (astronomer, ft. +415), 350, 352 Origin), 144
Hsien. See Immortals Hsiu-determinatives, 238-9, 248, 249, 251, 253 fr. ,
Hsien Chhuang Kua I Chih (Strange Things seen 279, 287
through the Barred Window), 606 Hsiu Yao Ching (Hsiu and Planet Siltra), 202,
Hsien chih (' gazetteers '), 517, 593 20 4
Hsien Ching (Manuals of the Immortals), 648 Hsiung Ming-Yii (ft. + 1648),499
Hsien-Feng Yuan Nien Chung Hsing Piao (Tables Hsii (hsiu), 245, 246, 247, 249
of Star Culminations issued in the first year Hsii Chao-Chiin (19th-century astronomer), 456
of the Hsien-Feng reign-period), 456 Hsii Chhien-Hsiieh ( + 17th-century geographer),
Hsien-Lo. See Siam 5 21
Hsien Pin Lu (Record of All the Guests), 512 Hsii Chhun-Fang (1-4), 3
Hsien Tsung (emperor of the Thang), 544 Hsii Chiai (geographer), 521
Hsien-yang (capital of the State of Chhin), 196, Hsii Chiang (Han-Lin Academician), 365
535, 539 Hsii Chien (Thang scholar), 611
Hsin (hsiu), 240, 242, 245, 248, 249, 250 Hsii Ching (ft. + 1124), 492-3, 511
Hsin (interregnum of Wang Mang), 303 Hsii Ching-Tsung (geographer, +7th century) ,
Hsin-Chai Tsa Tsu (Miscellanea of (Chang) Hsin- 543
Chai),60 Hsii Chung-Shu (2), 464
Hsin Fa Suan Shu (Treatise on Mathematics (and Hsii Fa (+ 17th-century scholar), 455
Astronomy) according to the New Methods), Hsii Heng (Neo-Confucian philosopher, + 1209
5 2 ,45 0 to + 1281), 163, 380
Hsin I Hsiang Fa Yao (New Description of an Hsii Hsia-Kho (traveller, + 1586 to + 1641),
Armillary Clock), 208, 278, 352, 363, 386, 387 5 24-5, 58 5
INDEX
Hsii Ku Chai Chhi Suan Fa (Continuation of Hua I Thu (Map of China and the Barbarian
Ancient Mathematical Methods for Eluci- Countries), 547, 548
dating the Strange (Properties of umbers», Hua Yang Kuo Chih (Historical Geography of
59,60, 104 Szechuan), 517
Hsti Kuang-Chhi (agriculturalist, official and Huai (river), 577
associate of the early Jesuits in translation Huai-khou, 577
work), 52, 106, 110, 447 Huai Nan Tzu (The Book of (the prince of) Huai
Hsti Lu-Chai. See Hsti Heng Nan), 56, 199, 214, 224, 234, 248, 250, 286,
Hsti Mou-Te. See Pereira, Andrew 332, 392, 401, 432, 469, 470, 477, 478, 480,
Hsti Shang (Former Han mathematician), 28 507, 565, 6°3, 6°7, 640, 666
Hsti Shen (lexicographer), 4 Huai Nan Tzu school, 224 if.
Hsti Sung (Commissioner of Education for Huan (Duke of Chhi), 674
Hunan) , 525 Huan Than (Han scholar, -40 to +30), 219,
Hsti Ta-Sheng. See Simonelli, Jacques-Philippe 226, 321, 358,481
Hsti T2U-I (examination candidate), 264 Huan Wen (c. + 360), 601
Hsii. wu (' great emptiness '), 221 Huang, P., 417, 420, 435, 624
Hsti Yo (Later Han mathematician), 29, 30, 35, Huang Chhao 1 Thung Ti Yii Chhiian Thll (Com-
58, 59, 76, 79, 87, 152, 54 1 ,600 prehensive Geographical Atlas of the present
Hstian (High King of Chou), 487 (Chhing) Dynasty), 586
Hstian Chao, 492 Huang Chhao Li Chhi Thll Shih (Illustrated
Hsiian-chi (sighting-tube instrument), 21 (e), 261, Description of Sacrificial Vessels, Official
334 if. Robes and Insignia, Musical Instruments
Hstian-Chuang(Hstian-Tsang,+7th-centurymonk and Astronomical Apparatus, used during the
and traveller), 511, 522 Chhing Dynasty), 388, 452
Hsiian Chung Chi (Mysterious Matters), 671 Huang Chhing Chih Kung Thu (Chhing Dynasty
Hsiian-Ho Fbtg Shih Kao-Li Thu Ching (Illus- Illustrated Records of Tributary Peoples),
trated Record of an Embassy to Korea in the 5 10
Hstian-Ho reign-period), 492, 5 I I Huang Chhu calendar ( + 220), 294
Hstian-Ho reign-period Treatise on Stones. See Huang Chi calendar (+6°4), 123, 294
Hsiian-Ho Shih Phll Huang Hsing-Tsung, 610 (g)
Hsiian-Ho Shih Phll (Hstian-Ho reign-period Huang Jun-Yti (Ming astronomer), 221
Treatise on Stones), 645, 647 Huang Ming Chih-Fang Ti Thu (Atlas of the Pro-
Hsiian shih (non-magnetic iron ore), 620 vinces and Districts of the Imperial Ming), 556
Hsiian Thu diagram, 95, 147 Huang Ming I Thung Fang Yii Pei Lan (Compre-
Hstian wu. See Black Tortoise hensive Geographical Atlas of the Imperial
Hstian Yeh theory, 210, 219 if., 224, 438, 439 Ming),586
Hstieh Chi-Hstian (Sung scholar), 330 Huang Ping-Wei, 497
Hstieh Feng-Tsu (+ nth-century mathematician), Huang Shang (Sung astronomer), 549, 580
52, 454 Huang Sheng-Tsheng (+ 16th century), 559
Hsiieh Li Hsiao Pien (Minor Disputation on Huang Shih Kung (Old Master Yellowstone),
Calendrical Science), 456 282
Hstieh Yti, 657 Huang Tao Tsung Hsing Thu (Star-maps on
Hstin Chhing (philosopher, Hstin Tzu), 195 Ecliptic Coordinates), 454
Hsiin TZll (Book of Master Hstin), 603 Huang Ti (legendary emperor), 61, 177,478,674
Hu Hou-Hstian (1), 464 Huang Tzu-Fa, 470
Hu-khou, 501 Huang-Yu (reign-period), 192
Hu-Lo-Mo-Ssu. See Honnuz Huang Yii. Chhiian Lan Thu (Khang-Hsi Jesuit
Hu Shan (mountain), 613 Atlas), 585
Hu Shih, 92, 514 (c) Huangfu Chung-Ho (astronomer, ft. + 1437),
Hu shih ko yuan chihfa (arc-sagitta method), 39 162 (i)
Hu Shih Lun (Discussion on Arcs and Sagittae), Huangfu Hung-Tse, 328
51 Huangfu Sung (Later Han scholar), 4
Hu Shih Suan Shu (Calculations of Arcs and Huber, E. (2), 257
Segments), 51 Huchow, 514
Hu Tho (river), 604 Hudde (+ 1658), 125
Hu Tsung-Hsien (governor of Fukien), 559 Huet Collection, 337
Hu Wei (+ 17th-century geographer), 59, 540 Hui Shih (logician), 92, 94, 143
Hu yung (cartographical technical tenn), 576 Hiilagu Khan, 105, 372, 523
Hua Hsin (governor of Hangchow, ft. +84 to +87), Hulbert, H. B., 565
488 Human geography. See Geography
HIUl I Lieh Kuo :Ju Kung Thu (Illustrated Enu- Humanists, difficulties of, xlii
meration of the Tribute-Bearing Regions, Hummel, A. W. (6), 499; (8), 512; (9), 519;
both Chinese and Barbarian), 510 (11), 584
INDEX
Hun hsiang (celestial globe), 382, 383, 384, 385, Hypotheses, forming and testing of, 156, 159, 160,
386 161, 166
Hun i (armillary sphere), 339, 383, 384, 385
Hun I (On the Armillary Sphere), 355, 360 I (river), 625
Hun-I Chiang-Li Li-Tai Kuo Tu Chih Thu (Map I (hsiu) , 248, Fig. 184
of the Territories of the One World and the I Chang Chii (Commentary on the Book of
Capitals of the Countries in Successive Ages), Changes), 470
554-6 I Ching (Book of Changes), 40, 56, 57, 69, 119,
Hun-I Chiang-Li Thu (Map of the Territories of 140, 301, 464, 625
the One World), 554 I Ching hexagrams, probable connection with
Hun I Chu (Commentary on the Armillary counting-rods, 140 (b)
Sphere), 217 I Chou Shu (Lost Books of Chou), 392, 410, 657
Hun I Fa Yao (Essentials of the Technique of I Chuan (Record of Symbols in the Book of
Measurement with the Armillary Sphere), Changes), 59
207 I Hsiang Chih (Description of Astronomical
Hun I Thu Chu (Illustrated Commentary on the Instruments)
Armillary Sphere), 360 I Hsiang Khao Chheng (The Imperial (Astrono-
Hun Thien (theory), 20, 210, 216 if., 221, 224, mical) Instruments), 454
232, 355, 43 8 (a), 49 8 , 499 I Hsiang Thu (Designs of Astronomical Instru-
Hun thien (celestial sphere), 384, 385 ments),452
Hun-Thien (Armillary Sphere) Temple, 283 I-Hsing (+ 8th-century monk, mathematician and
Hun thien hsiang (celestial globe), 369 astronomer), 4, 37-8, 48, 119, 120, 139, 202,
Hun Thien Hsiang Shuo (Discourse on Urano- 203, 207, 234, 270-1, 274 (d), 282-3, 292,
graphic Models), 200, 218, 358, 386 293, 294, 319, 350, 360, 383, 409, 421, 422,
Hun thien i (armillary sphere), 373 544, 545
Hun Thien Thu Chi (Diagrams illustrating the I Ku Yen Tuan (New Steps in Computation), 40,
Celestial Sphere), 206 45, 133
Hun-tun (chaos), 210 (g) I Lung Thu (The Dragon Diagrams of the Book
Hunan, 525 of Changes), 59
'Hundred Fowls' problem, 121-2, 147 I Pu Chhi Chiu Chuan (Old Discourse of an Ex-
Hung Chen-Hslian, 194 perienced Elder for the benefit of the (Astro-
Hung Fan Wu Hsing Chuan (Discourse on the nomical) Bureau), 199
Hung Fan chapter of the Shu Ching in re- I Shu Kou Yin Thu (The Hidden Number-Dia-
lation to the Five Elements), 392 grams of the Book of Changes Hooked Out),
Hung Hsiieh Yin Yuan Thu Chi (Illustrated 59
Record of Memories of the Events which had I Shu Pien (The Antheap of Knowledge; miscel-
to happen in my Life), 484 laneous essays), 457
Hung Liang-Chi (+ 18th-century geographer), I-Ssu-Ma-Yin (Muslim gunner), 49
5 86 I Wei Thung Kua Yen (Verifications of the
Hung Lu Department, 508, 509 Powers of the Kua in the Book of Changes),
Huns. See Tribal peoples 199, 287, 29 1
Huo (star), 244, 245 I Wu Chih (Memoirs of Marvellous Things), 657
Huo hsing (the Fire Star or Constellation), 242, I Wu Chih (descriptions of unfamiliar regions),
246 5 10
Huo sha (quick-sands), 607 I Yii Thu Chih (Illustrated Record of Strange
Hupei. See Yung (province) Countries), 512, 513
Hurricanes, 464, 477, 55 8 Iba, Yasuaki, 427
'Hurrying' (of armillary sphere), 361 Ibn Aflal), Jabir (b. c. + 1130), 372, 378
'Hussar', derivation of, 681 Ibn al-Faqih (geographer, ft. +950), 512
Hussite Wars, 162 Ibn al-Haitham, 379
Huttmann, W., 526 Ibn al-Muhalhil, Abu Dulaf (traveller), 587
Hutton, James, 591, 604 Ibn al-Muqtafi, Abu al-Fa<;il Ja'far, 435
Huygens, Christian (physicist), 158,440 Ibn Battutah, Abu 'Abdallah al-Luwati al-Tanghi
Hyades. See Pi (19th hsiu) (+ 1304 to + 1377), 579
Hydra, 271 Ibn Hauqal, Abu al-Qasim Mul)ammad (c. +950),
Hydraulic engineering. See Engineering 513, 562, 609 (j)
Hydrostatic puzzles, 327 (d), 329 Ibn Khurdadhbih, Abu al-Qasim (geographer,
Hydrostatic vessels (wo chhi), 633 c. + 950), 512, 564, 681
Hydrostatics, 167 Ibn Ri<;iwan, 'Ali (+ 998 to + 1061), 162
Hygrometer, 160, 470ff. Ibn Rushd, 435
Hyojong, Korean king (Hsiao Tsung), 390 Ibn Sina (+ 11th century), 40, 603, 61 I, 622, 637,
Hyperbola, 102 647
Hypocalcaemia, 617 Ibn Yunus (+ 1007), 396 (a)
INDEX
Instrument-making, 358, 379, 438 Jade (chen yu), 305, 317, 3Z5, 3Z6, 334, 335, 581,
Integration, 141, 14Z, 143 610,637,641,648,656, 663ff., 670, 671, 673, 674
Intercalated months etc., 390, 397, 4ZO, 477 (a) colours, 664
International Astronomical Union, 435 hardness, 664
Interplanetary travel, 440 indications of the presence of, 676, 677
Interpolations, in texts, 177 (e) semi-transparent, used for observation of the
Interversion of the hsiu. See Hsiu sun, 4Z0 (b), 436
Introduction to Mathematical Studies. See Suan sources, 665
Hsueh Chhi Ming weapons and implements, 665
Invertebrates, 61Z, 614 working, 666-9
marine, 675 Jade-cutting knife, 656 (h), 667
Inverted hemisphere of Berossos, 301 Jade Dew from the Forest of Cranes. See Ho Lill
Investigation of Celestial Phenomena as recorded YuLu
in the Ancient Classics. See Ku Ching Thien Jade template (instrument), 307, 383 (g)
Hsiang Khao Jadeite, 663, 664, 665
Investigation of Eclipses in relation to the Four Jager, F., 543
Kinds of Calendar. See Ssu Li Po Shih Khao Jaghanyan (Tokharestan), Z04
Investigation of the Chinese Calendars ew and Jai prakai (instrument), 301, 369
Old. See Ku Chin Lu Li Khao Jai Singh of Jaipur (maharajah), 300
Investigation of the Dimensions of the Universe. Jain Canon, 589
See Kao Hou Me.zg Chhiu Jains, 568
Investigation of the Mysterious Brightnesses. See Jaipur, 300, 301, 37z
Shang Shu Wei Khao Ling Yao Jamal ai-Din (Persian astronomer), 49, 148, 37z,
Investigation of the Similarities and Differences 374,375,37 8 ,3 81 (a), 38 9, 55 1, 55 6 , 574, 5 8 3
between Chinese and Western Star-Names. Jambudvipa (continent), 565
See Chzmg Hsi Ching Hsing Thung I Khao Japa-mala (muttering chaplet), 79 (h)
Investigations of the Astronomy and Mathe- Japan , z04, 313, 391 (d), 417 (f), 4Z7, 4z9, 436,
matics of the Classics. See Ching Shu Suan- 457, 555, 59 6 , 6Z4, 635
Hsueh Thien- Wen Khao first modern observatory in, 447
Ionides, S. A. & Ionides, M. L., 436 Japanese mathematics, 2, 3, 46, 60, 62, 72,75,103,
Ionosphere, 435 117,14 1, 14Z, 144, 145
Iran, 113, z04, Z40, z53, z57, 396, 564 Japanese pirates, 517, 559
Iranian mythology, 505 Jartoux , Pierre (Jesuit cartographer), 145, 585
Irish chronicles, 483 Jasper, 672
Iron, 71, 349, 350, 481, 639, 640, 643, 667, 668, Java , I I, z74 (e), 558, 561
674, 675 Javillier, M., 677
compounds, 664 Jehl, P. A., 408 (f), 451 (e)
ore, 6zo, 650 Jen Chhao, 565
oxides, 643, 668, 67z Jen-ho (near Hangchow), 661
pyrites, 675 Jen Tsung. See Chu Kao-Chih
silicate, 668 Jerusalem
sulphate, 653 orbocentric position of, 529, 563, 567
Irrigation and water-conservancy works, Z3, 4Z, Jesuit books, successive changes in the titles of,
48, 189, 577, 578, 6z1 447-5 0
'Isa Tarjaman (,Isa the Interpreter, Syrian Jesuit calendar reform, 259 (a), 446 ff.
physician, mathematician and astronomer, Jesuit opinions of Chinese astronomy, 297 (a),
f1 . + IZZ7 to + 1308),49, 381 (c) 369, 442 ff., 458 (a)
Isidore of Seville (Spanish bishop, f1. +600 to Jesuit transmissions
+ 63 6), 5Z9, 53 0 , 6Z3 more of what was very new in Europe (developed
Islam, 15,68 (c), 160,564, 60z, 603, 6IZ, 659, 660 algebra, telescopic astronomy) than of what
Isolation of phenomena, 156, 160 was very old (deductive geometry), 114
Israel, 13 offered as primarily 'Western' rather than
culture contacts, 680-z primarily 'New', 447 ff.
al-I~~akhri, Abu Is\:laq al-FarisI, 513, 561, 56z often of what was about to be abandoned in
Istanbul, 5Z4 Europe, 379, 437 (d), 439 (b)
Italy, IZ5, Iz6, 147 sometimes of what had been known in China
Itinerarium Cambriae, 5Z0 but forgotten, 437 (f.)
Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem, 5 I 3 withholding the heliocentric theory of Coper-
nicus, 443 ff., 445
Jackwork, 350, 363, 389 Jesuits , 16, 18,50,5 I, 52, 53,65, 10Z, 114, 125, 139,
Jacob of Edessa (Syrian bishop, +633 to +708), 142, 152,154,17Z,173, 182,185,2Z9,258,274,
5 1Z 300 ,3 10 , 311,367,379,380, 387,3 89,39z,
Jacob's Staff (instrument), 373, 573 ff. 399,40 4,4 22 , 437 ff., 5 12 , 533, 574,5 8 3,5 86
INDEX
Jettons, 80 Kan Ying (traveller), 522
Jewish scholars, 89 Kan Ying Lei Tshung Chih (Record of the Mutual
Jews, 11,252,257, 3II, 575, 681 Resonances of Things), 471
'Jigsaw map', 582-3 Kanda, S., 435
Jih Hua Pen Tshao (Master Jih-Hua's Pharma- Kang chhi (' hard wind '), 222, 223, 224
copoeia), 617, 649, 662 Kansu, 204,473, 537, 543,547,608, 60 9,620, 62 7,
Jih Kao Thu (diagram of the sun's altitude), 63 2, 653, 655
21 Kao Chao (+ 1668), 645
Jih Kuei Shu (Sundial Book), 302 Kao Hou Meng Chhiu (Investigation of the Di-
Jih Yiieh Hsiu Li (Calendrical Treatise on the mensions of the Universe), 456
Positions of the Sun and Moon among the Kao hsia (measuring the high and the low), 540,
Stars), 19 576
Jih yiieh shih i (Instrument for Observation of Kao-Li Jih Li (Korean Solar Calendar), 207
Solar and Lunar Eclipses), 370 Kao Lu (1), 417
Jo shui ('weak water'), 607, 608 Kao-nu hsien, 609
John of Seville (c. + II40), 89 Kao Phing-Tzu, 296
Johnson, M. C., 377 Kao piao (Lofty Gnomon), 369
Joinville (chronicler, + 1309), 620 Kao Seng Chuan (Biographies of Famous (Bud-
Josephus problem, 61-2 dhist) Monks), 149, 602
Jottings from Two Mountains. See Liang Shan Kao Shen-Ssu. See d'Espinha, Joseph
Mo Than Kao Ssu-Sun (+ 12th century), 467
Journal des Savants, 183 Kao Tsu (emperor of the Sui), 264, 632-3
Ju Chi Shih Hsiao (Full Explanation of Tabulated Kao Tsu (emperor of the Han), 418
Equations), 41 Kao Yen-Ming (prince of An-F~ng), 358, 633
Ju Chi Shih So (Piling-up Powers and Unlocking Kaochh~ng (the old Yang-chh~ng), 296
Coefficients), 137 Kaolin, 651, 652
Juan Yuan (historian of the exact sciences), 3, 39, Kaothang Lung (ft. +213 to +235),29
110 Kapala (instrument), 301
Judaism, 681 Kaplan, S. M., 305
Jujube-tree, 463, 649 Karachi, 493
story about Chhiwu Huai- W~n and the, 78 Karaim (of Poland). See Cultures
Julian cycle, 406-7 Karakash (river), 665, 666
Julien , Stanislas, 184, 247 Karakitai. See Qara-Khitai
Jun-chou , 434 Karakoron (city), 110
Jung Chh~ng, 390 (c) Karlgren, B., 5, 234, 334, 396, 64 1
Jung Fang (semi-legendary astronomer), 21 Karnak, 314
Jupiter (planet), 401, 402-4, 408 Karpinski, L. C. (I), IS; (2), I
cycle, 189, 190, 251, 398, 402,406,436,625 (a) Kashgar, 562
satellites, 444, 445 al-Kashghari, MaJ:unUd ibn al-I:Iusain Mul:tam-
technical terms for stations, 402 mad,5 62
J urchen Chin empire, 42 al-Kashi, Ghiyath ai-Din Jamshid, 66, 68, 89, 102,
Jussieu , 644 146
Jyekundo, 523 Kaye, G. R. (I), I I; (5), 301
Kazuyuki, Sawaguchi (Japanese mathematician,
Ka-Hsia-Ssu Chhao Kung Thu Chuan (Illustrated c. + 1670), 144, 145
Account of the Kirghiz), 510 Keay Arear Sukradana, 662
Kai Fukudai no Ho (Methods of Solving Problems Keishi-zan (Computation of Pieces), 141
with Determinants), 117 Keith, A. Berriedale (4), 254
Kai Thien theory, 20, 210 ff., 218, 221, 222, 224, Ken (root; modern Chinese mathematical term),
354, 43 8 (g), 568 65 (h)
Kald (imaginary planet in Arabic astronomy), Keng Hsin Yii Tshe (Precious Secrets of the
402 (e) Realm of K~ng and Hsin), 678
Kalpa (Indian time-period), 30 Keng HsUn (engineer and instrument-maker),
Kamal, Yussuf, 561, 562 3 18 , 327, 329, 633
Kan (series of ten characters in the sexagesimal K~ng Shou-Chhang (mathematician, ft. -75 to
cyclical system), 396, 397 -49),24,216,276 (d), 343, 354, 355
Kao-ChU-Li. See Korea Kenko, Takebe (Japanese mathematician, + 1664
Kan Pao (+4th century), 659 to + 1739), 145
Kan T~ (astronomer, -4th century), 197, 247, Kennedy, J. (I), 505
248, 263, 268, 287, 340, 343, 355, 382, 4 01 , Kepler, Johannes, 141, 142, 172, 182, 329, 400,
41 I 423, 426, 428, 43 1, 444, 445, 4 60 , 494,
Kan Yen-Shou (Protector-General of Central 58 3
Asia, - 36), 536 Kerulen (river), 293, 417
INDEX
Ketu (imaginary invisible planet), 175, 228, Khurilsan highway, 681
252 (c), 416 al-Khwilrizmi, Mu1:tammad ibn MUsa (Persian
Ketzer (heretic), derivation of, 681 algebraist, + 9th century), 107, 1I3, 1I8, 147,
Key of Computation. See Miftiih al-Jjisiib 682
Khai-Chheng (reign-period), 193 Kidinnu (Babylonian astronomer), 399, 407 (e)
Khai Fang Shuo (Theory of Equations of Higher Kidney diseases, 663
Degrees), 123 Kieselguhr, 65 I
Khai-Huang (reign-period), 385 Kirp. Song-Taik. See Chin Chheng-Tse
Khai-Pao Pen Tshao (Khai-Pao reign-period Kimble, G. H. T., 525, 564
Pharmacopoeia), 619 al-Kindi, Abu YUsufYa'qUb ibn-Is1:taq (d. + 873),
Khai-Pao reign-period Pharmacopoeia. See Khai- 162, 373, 573 (d)
Pao Pen Tshao King Alfred's candles, 330 (c)
Khai Yang (star), 233 Kingsmill, T. W. (I), 234
Khai-Yuan (reign-period), 120,274, 283, 545 the Kinship of the Three. See Tshan Thung Chhi
Khai- Yuan Chan Ching (The Khai-Yuan reign- Kirfel, W., 568
period Treatise on Astrology), 12, 37, 100, Kirkwood, D., 435
124, 148, 175, 198, 201, 203, 207, 208, 264, Kirwitzer, Wenceslaus (Jesuit missionary), 445
266, 268, 398,401,426,482 Kitiib al-Khawii$,< (Book of (Magic) Properties), 61
The Khai-Yuan reign-period Treatise on Astro- Kitiib al-Masiilik w'al-Mamiilik (Book of Roads
logy. See Khai- Yuan Chan Ching and Provinces), 681
Khaifeng, 331, 362, 363, 387,427,537,596 Kitiib al-Shakl al-Qattii' (Book of Sharp Sector
community of Jews at, 682 Figures), 109
Khan Yin (+4th-century geographer), 520 Kitiib al-Shifii (Book of the Remedy), 603, 647
Khanbaliq. See Peking Kites, experiments to test the behaviour of winds,
Khang Chien (Korean scholar, ft. + 1021), 683 477
Khang-Chti. See Sogdia Klaproth, J ., 681
Khang-Hsi (emperor of the Chhing), 450 Knife-money, 5 (i), 16 (d)
Khang-Hsi (reign-period), 53, 102, 473, 585 Knives, 667
Khang-Kan (river), 612 discoidal, 669
Khang Thai (diplomat, c. +260), 511, 512, 610, Knobel, E. B., 268, 279, 282
65 8 Knots, theory of, 112 (b)
Khao Kung Chi, section of the Chou Li, q.v. Knott, C. G., 80; (I), 75
Khazar kingdom, 107 (k), 147, 681ff. Knotted cords (as records). See Quipu
Khazars. See Cultures Knowledge
Khmers. See Cultures Aristotle on, 161
Kho (' quarters '), 322, 329 Neo-Confucian conception of, 163
Kho-Chih. See Cochin St Thomas Aquinas on, 166
Kho-Sa (branch of the Turks). See Tribal peoples, Wang Chhuan-Shan on, 165
Khazars Ko Chhiang Suan (indeterminate analysis), 122
Khotan (Yti-Tien), 523, 665, 666 Ko Chih Ku Wei (Scientific Traces in Olden
Khou Tsung-Shih (+12th-century pharmaceutical Times),457
naturalist), 618, 622, 675 Ko Chih Tshao (Scientific Sketches), 499
Khubilai Khan (emperor of the Yuan), 48, 49, Ko Heng (astronomer, fl. + 250), 385, 386, 389
372, 380, 38 I, 524 Ko Hsiang Hsin Shu (New Elucidation of the
Khuei (the thunder-drum musician), 505 (a) Heavenly Bodies), 102, 208
Khuei (' The Chiefs '), 232, 248, 278 Ko hui chih shu (methods for dealing with packing
Khuei chi (Observing Table), 370 problems), 142
al-Khujandi, I;Iamid Ibn al-KhiQr, 296 Ko Hung (alchemist), 152,218,219,221,222,226,
Khun-Iun (mountain-range), 468, 523, 536, 563, 359, 489, 493, 519, 546, 566 , 56 7, 600, 606,
565, 567, 568, 589, 607, 659, 665 608, 647, 652, 654, 658, 662, 671
Khun-ming (lake), 602 Ko Ku Yao Lun (Handbook of Archaeology), 646,
'Khun-Wu' sword or knife, 656, 667, 668 67 2
Khun Ya Wan Kuo Chhiian Thu (Comprehensive Ko Yuan Lien Pi Li Thu Chieh (Explanation of the
Atlas of the Ten Thousand Countries of the Determination of Segment Areas), 145
World),5 83 Ko Yuan Mi La Chi Fa (Quick Method for Deter-
Khung kung nieh (stalactites), 605 mining Segment Areas), 145
Khung Ping (official designated to assemble and bar Kochba. See Simon bar Kochba
study maps in connection with problems of Kogler, Ignatius (Jesuit astronomer), 352, 448,
fiefs), 536 45 2 , 454
Khung Shu-Jui (geographer), 520 Kokon SampfJ-ki (Old and New Mathematical
Khung Thing (astronomer, ft. + 323), 343,349,358 Methods), 144
Khung Ying-Ta (commentator, + 574 to + 648), Kokonor (lake), 662
315 Konantz, E. L. (I), 47
INDEX
Li Chi (Record of Rites compiled by Tai the Li Tse-Min (geographer, c. + 1330), 551, 554
Younger), 195,480 Li Tshe (Calendrical Measurements), 456
Li Chi-Chang (friend of Chu Hsi), 580 Li Tung-Yang, 75
Li Chi-Fu (geographer, + 9th century), 490, 520, Li Yeh (mathematician, + I178 to + 1265),40-1,
544 44, 45, 87, 114, 129, 13 0 , 132, 133, 152,
Li Chieh (architect, d. +1110),154 49 8
Li Chih-Chhang (secretary to Chhiu Chhang- Li Yeh-Hsing (calendar expert, + 548), 107, 542
Chhun), 417, 522-3 Li Yuan (Origins of Calendrical Science), 456
Li Chih-Tsao, 52, 447, 450 Li yun i (Vertical Revolving Circle), 369
Li Ching, 72 Liang (dynasty), 85, 196, 197, 201, 205, 221, 263,
Li Fan (calendar expert, ft. + 85), 247, 320, 401 2 6 4, 317, 384, 385, 3 86 , 5 08 , 5 14, 5 20 , 543,
Li Hai Chi (The Beetle and the Sea), 477, 493 67 6
Li Ho (c. +800),611 Liang (defile), 501
Li Hsien (c. +775),654 Liang Chi (general, d. + 159), 657, 661
Li Huang, 27 Liang I (heaven and earth method of ball-
Li Hui (geographer, + 15th century), 554 arithmetic), 78
Li Jui (+ 18th-century mathematician), 96, 123, Liang Ling-Tsan (horological engineer, c. 720),
39 1 270, 319, 350, 360, 383, 386
Li Kai (geographer, +9th century), 545 Liang Shan Mo Than (Jottings from Two
Li Kho (Department of the Calendar), 449 Mountains), 223, 601
Li Kung-Lin (painter, ft. c. + 1100), 593 Liang Ssu Kung Chi (Tales of the Four Lords
Li Lan (Taoist, c. +450), 326, 327 of Liang), 660, 671
Li Li-Ong (+ 1679), 596 Liangthien chhih (Sky-measuring Scale), 297
Li Ling (general, - 99), 536 Liao (dynasty), 208, 427, 457
Li Ma-Tou. See Ricci, Matteo Liao (smartweed), 676
Li Ming-Chhe (Taoist astronomer, + 19th cen- Liber Abaci, 122
tury), 457 Liber Organicus Astronomiae, 454 (a)
Li Nien, 2, 3, 9, 18,20,36,38,60; (1), 40, 98, 99; Liber Secretorum Fidelium Crucis, 564
(2),40 ,79; (4), 50, 70, 7 1,95, IIO, 119, 127; Libra, First Point of, 179
(7), 542 ; (8), 64, 69; (9), 69; (10), 86 Libros del Saber de Astronomia ( + 1277), 328, 340
Li Pai (poet), 599 Lieh Hsing Thu (Map of the Principal Stars), 281
Li Po (Taoist, father of Li Shun-Feng), 201, 544 Lieh Tzu (Book of Master Lieh), 92,221,222,225,
Li Shan-Lan (19th-century mathematician), 106 565, 656, 667
Li Shan-Pang, 626, 628 Life of Charlemagne, 435
Li Shih A-Pi-Than Lun. See Lokasthiti Abhi- Lifting and sinking of the pole, theory of, 215, 224
dharma 8iistra Light on Mysterious Things. See Tung Ming Chi
Li Shih-Chen (pharmaceutical naturalist, + 1518 Lightning, 480-2, 640
to + 1593), 154, 434, 436, 605, 616, 617, Lignite, 602
619, 621, 622, 638, 639, 644, 647, 648, 663, Lilavati, ISO (d), 152 (d)
667,676 Lime, 622, 643
Li Shih-Chhtian, 663, 668 Limestone, 305, 646
Li Shih I Shu (Mathematical Remains of Mr Li), Ordovician, 618
96 stalactitic, 652
Li Shih Yao Lu (Mr Li's Record of Drugs), 621 Limestone karst pinnacles, 593
Li Shun-ChU, 482 Limits, method of. See Method of limits
Li Shun-Feng (Thang mathematician and com- Limits, theory of. See Theory of limits
mentator), 20, 27, 31, 38, 42, 49, 102, 104, Lin Chhing (expert in water conservancy and
121, 123, 124, 125, 197, 201, 202, 207, 221, hydraulic works, 19th century), 484
29 2 , 3 2 9, 343, 349, 35 0 , 359, 38 3, 38 9, 394, Lin Hsiao-Kung (astronomer and mathematician.
544, 545 ft. + 581 to +604),633,634
Li Ssu (prime minister), 4 Lin-I (State), 292
Li Suan Chhuan Shu (Complete works on Lin-i (capital of the Lin-I State), 292, 293
Calendar and Mathematics), 48, 455 Lin Te calendar (+ 665), 123, 202
Li Tai Lun Thien (Discussions on the Heavens in Lin YU-Thang (5), 33 I
Different Ages), 185 Lindemann, 102
Li Tai Thung Chien Chi Lan (Essentials of Linear congruences, 33, 36, 42
History), 556 'Linear zigzag functions', 394 (d), 395
Li Tao-Yuan (+ 6th-century geographer), 514, Linen, 660
609, (,15, 620 Ling (river), 486
Li Te-Chhu (geographer, + IIth century), 521 Ling (zero), 16. 17
Li Te-Yu (governor of Szechuan), 544 Ling chhih or ling i (phrases), 603
Li Thai Tsu. See Yi Tai Jo Ling Hsien (The Spiritual Constitution of the
Li Thien-Ching, 447 Universe), 20, 104, 199, 216, 226, 265, 414
INDEX
Ling Hsien Thu Chi (Diagrams illustrating the Liu Tsung-Yuan Thang poet), 206
Spiritual Constitution of the Universe), 206 Liu Tun-Chen, 296
Ling-ling (in Yungchow), 615 Liu Yen, 185
Ling lung i (Ingenious Annillary Sphere), 369 Liu Yin (poet, + 1279), 79
Ling Thai Pi Yao (Essential Knowledge for Liu Yuan-Ting (ambassador to the Tibetans,
Official Astronomers), 207 +822), 523
Ling Thai Pi Yuan (Secret Garden of the Obser- Lives of the Divine Hsien. See Shen Hsien
vatory), 208 Chuan
Ling Wai Tai Ta (Information on what is Beyond Lo (river), 577, 621, 625
the Passes), 512, 617 Lo Fou Shan Chih (History and Topography of
Linnaeus, 591, 611 the Lo Fou Mountains), 519
van Linschoten, J. H. (+ 1596), 586 Lo Han (official of the Chin), 615
Liquid escapement mercury drum clock, 328 Lo-Hou. See Rahu
'Liquid pearls', 326 Lo Hung-Hsien (geographer, + 1504 to + 1564),
Lisbon, 585 55 2 , 553
Lister, Martin, 611 Lo pang (molluscs), 615
Literary Expositor [dictionary]. See Erh Ya Lo Shih-Lin (19th-century mathematician), 16,
Litharge, 651 123
Liu (hsiu), 244, 247, 271 Lo Shu (the' Lo River Writing'), 56, 57 ff.
Liu An (prince of Huai Nan), 199, 225, 507, 527 Lo Shu Wei Chen Yao Tu (Apocryphal Treatise
Liu Chao-Y ang (1), 242, 423; (3), 20, 186 on the Lo Shu Diagram; Examination of the
Liu Chhang-Tsu (+ I Ith-century geographer), Measured (Movements) of the (Celestial)
577 Brilliances), 401
Liu Chhung (prince of Chhen), 574, 575 Lo Ta-Ching, 580
Liu Chhuo (calendar expert, ft. +604), 123, 124, Lo Theng-Feng (1), 122
205, 292, 294, 394, 421 Lo Ya-Ku. See Rho, James
Liu Chi ( + 14th-century naturalist), 493 Lo- Yang Chhieh Lan Chi (Description of the
Liu-Chia-Chiang (near present Shanghai), 557 Buddhist Temples of Loyang), 519
Liu Chih (astronomer, c. +274), 386, 414 Lo Ytieh-Chhing (+ 16th-century geographer),
Liu Ching Thien Wen Pien (Treatise on Astro- 512
nomy in the Six Classics), 208 Locke, John, 69
Liu Ching Thu (Pictures of Objects mentioned in Lodestone, 675
the Six Classics), 325, 326, 549 Loess calcite, 668
Liu Ching-Yang (Sung cartographer), 547 Loess canyons, 604
Liu-Chu Islands, 69 Loewenstein, P. J., 308, 423
Liu Fu (1), 305, 307 Logarithms, 52, 155, 455
Liu Han (Commissioner of the Tibetan Border- slide-rule, 73
lands), 547 tables, 52, 53
Liu Hsiang (c. -25, bibliographer and alchemist), Logic, 161
2 8 7, 392, 4 14, 435, 508 dialectical, Chinese tendency towards, 151 (d)
Liu Hsin (-1st-century astronomer, calendar Logicians, School of, 92
expert and bibliographer), 20, 24, 85, 100, Lohsia Hung (- 1st-century astronomer), 153,
153, 294, 401, 404, 414, 421 199, 216, 218, 247, 27 1, 343, 354, 355, 35 8 ,
Liu Hui (+ 3rd-century mathematician), 24, 25, 4 14,493
27, 29, 30, 46, 54, 66, 85, 91, 95-6, 99, 100, Lokasthiti Abhidharma Siistra (Treatise on the
101, 102, 103, 104, 113, 116, 118, 127, 143, Preservation of the World), 228
147, 57 1 Lolo (tribe). See Tribal peoples
Liu Hui-Chi (teacher of Hsti Yo), 77 Lones, T. E., 625
Liu Hung (+ 2nd-century calendar expert and Long-eared men, 506
commentator), 20, 25, 29, 54, 200, 247, 288, Long White Mountain region, 585
35 6 , 395, 421 Long-Winded Discussions at San-Yu. See San-
Liu I (algebraist, + 1075), 41, 46, 104 Yii Chui Pi
Liu Ju-Hsieh (mathematician, c. + I 100), 41, 42, Longitude (celestial), 106, 107, 180, 357, 545
137 Longitude (terrestrial), 106, 107, 527, 528, 542.
Liu Ming-Shu (2), 560 545, 56 4, 58 9
Liu Mu ( + 10th-century scholar), 59 Longobardi, Nicholas, 447
Liu Ping-Hstian (1), 45 'Looking at heaven through a tube' , 332
Liu po (game), 304 ff., 308 Lop Nor (lake), 523
Liu sha (shifting sands), 607 Loria, G. (I), 1,92
Liu Shih-Yen (Sung weather expert), 470 Lost Books of Chou. See I Chou Shu
Liu Sung (dynasty), 33, 42, 101, 204, 264, 384, 'Lotus clepsydra', 324-5
582, 638 Lou (hsiu), 273
Liu Sung-Ling. See von Hallerstein, Augustin Lou Kho Ching (Clepsydra Manual), 328
INDEX
Lou Kho Fa (Clepsydra Technique [of Li Lan, Lucian of Samosata (b. + 120), 440 (d)
c. +450]), 326 Lucky and unlucky days, 457 (f)
Lou Kho Fa (Clepsydra Technique [of Yin Lucky and unlucky numbers, 55
Khuei, c. + 540]), 324 Lucretius, 413, 481
Lou Shui Chuan Hun Thien I Chih (Apparatus for LUll Erh-shih-pa Hsiu Tu Shu (Measurements of
Rotating an Armillary Sphere by Clepsydra the 28 Hsiu in Degrees), 206
Water), 320, 360 Lun H eng (Discourses weighed in the Balance), 20,
Lou Yuan-Li (Sung diviner), 470 2 14, 321, 402, 436, 468, 477, 480, 485, 625
de la Loubere, S. (+ 1691), 80 Lun Thien (Discourse on the Heavens), 414
Louis IX (king of France), 619 LUll Yil (Conversations and Discourses of
Lovisato, 435 Confucius), 56
Lowit2, Tobias (+ 1794), 475 Lunar mansion symbols, 239 (g)
Loxodromes, 532, 587 Lunar mansions. See Hsiu
Loyang, 33, 287, 296, 327, 520 Lunar mountains, 444 (a)
astronomical observatory at, 385 'Lunar 20diac', 173
Lit (radical applied to salt), 642 Lunations, 239, 390, 392, 397, 398, 402, 407, 410
Lu, Master (Chhin magician), 56 Lundmark, K. (I), 425, 426
Lu Catalogue, of archaic jade objects, 664 Lung (rising of the moon), 252
Lu Chao (tidal theorist, + 850), 490, 492 Lung-Chhilan Hsien Chih (Lung-chhiian Local
Lii Chhang-Ming (maker of tide-tables, + 1056), Topography), 616
492 Lung-Hsi. See Kansu
Lu Chheng (geographer, + 5th century), 520 Lung Hua-Min. See Longobardi, Nicholas
Lii Chhiu-Chhung, 206 Lung Men (gorges), 515
Lu Chi (+ 3rd-century astronomer), 219, 359, 386 Lung Mien Shan (mountain), 593
Lu Chih (c. + 150),510 The Lute of Po Ya. See Po Ya Chlzin
Lu Chiu-Shao (brother of Lu Chiu-Yuan), 549 Lycopodium species, 678
Lu Chiu-Yuan (idealist philosopher), 549 Lycoptera, 621
Lu Fa-Yen (+ 7th-century philologist), 107, 673 Lyons, H . G., 471 , 571
Lu-hun, barbarians of, 503
Lu Hung (hermit), 38 Ma Heng (I), 82
Lu I Chi (Strange Matters), 612 Ma Hsti (astronomer, c. + 100), 200, 265
Lu Kuei-Meng (Taoist poet, + loth century), 613 Ma Huai-Te (mathematician, ft. c. + 1064), 74
La Li Chih (Memoir on the Calendar), 200 Ma Huan (Chinese Muslim geographer on the
La Li Suan Fa (Mathematical Methods concerned staff of Admiral Cheng Ho), 162 (i), 558
with the Pitchpipes and Calendar), 27-8 Ma Jung (Han scholar), 7 1, 334
Lil Li Yuan Yuan (Ocean of Calendar Calcu- Ma Ku (legendary Taoist woman immortal), 600-1
lations), 53 Ma-Ku Shan Hsien Than Chi (Notes on the
La Lil Hsin Lun (New Discourse on Music and Altars to the Immortals on Ma-Ku Moun-
Acoustics), 59 tain), 599-600
Lu Nan Shan (mountains), 525 Ma Kuo-Han, 467, 676
Lu Pien (+6th-century commentator), 59 Ma Kuo-Hsien. See Ripa, Matteo
Lti Pu-Wei (merchant and naturalist), 19, 21, Ma Tuan-Lin (+ 13th-century historian), 174,
195-6, 526 175, 209, 425, 43 0 , 433, 682
Lit Shan Chi (Description of Mount Lu), 519 Ma tzu (confidential weight numerals), 5 (i)
La Shih Chhun Chhiu (Master Lii's Spring and Ma Yuan (general, + 32), 582
Autumn Annals), 19, 195-6, 248, 467, 498, Ma Yung-Chhing (Sung philosopher), 222, 281
507, 60 7, 625, 675 Macao, 444, 644, 671
Lii Shu (ethnographer, c. +844),510 McCartney, E. S., 622
Lii Ta-Lin (Neo-Confucian scholar), 547, 668 Macerata, 167
Lu Thang Shih Hua (Foothill Hall Essays), 75 Machinery, 162
Lu Thu, 56 McManigal sundial, 365 (b)
Lu To-Sun (Sung official), 518 Macrobius, Ambrosius Theodosius (+ 395 to
Lii Tshai (cartographer and sceptical naturalist, +4 2 3), 529, 53 0 , 58 7
d. + 665), 323, 544, 545 Macrocosm-microcosm analogy, 215, 230, 240,
Lu Tzu- Kang (famous jade worker), 667 259, 4 8 7, 488, 494, 634, 65 0 , 65 1
Lti Wen (official, + 9th century), 545 Macrophthalmus latreilli, 619
Lu yen (sal ammoniac?), 654 von Madler, J . H., 184
Lu Ying-Lung (Sung writer), 606 Maenchen-Helfen, 0., 504, 507, 670
Lu Yu (Sung writer), 614 Maes Titianus (a Syrian engaged in the silk trade
Luan Ta (Han magician), 414 with the Chinese), 527
Liibeck Chronicle, 549 Magadha (modern Patna), 511
al-Lubudi, Najm ai-Din, 61 Magalhaens, Gabriel (Jesuit), 330
Lucas, 653 Magellanic Clouds, 276
INDEX
Peking, SO, 52, 100, 182, 184, 194, 257, 297, 302, Peurbach, George, 341
30 7, 326, 349, 36 5, 367, 369, 378, 38 7, 38 9, Peutinger, Conrad, 528
4 16 , 427, 43 1, 438, 443, 444, 556, 562, 586 , Pfintzing, Paul (+ 1598), 579
668 Pfizmaier, A., 646, 669
Peking National Library, 519, 549 Phallic symbolism, 335-6
Peking observatory. See Astronomical Observa- Phan Ang-Hsiao (geographer, + 13th century), 5:t4
tories Phan Chu Chi (Record of the Plate and the Balls),
Pelliot, P., 198, 204, 544, 549, 558, 561, 664 78,80
Pellos (+ 1492), 89 Phang yen (technical term in cartography), 576
Pen Tshao books, 592, 60S, 606, 617,621,643,644, Pharmaceutical botany, 681
64 8 Pharmaceutics, 606, 615, 616, 617, 621 , 622, 643,
Pen Tshao Kang Mu (The Great Pharmacopoeia), 663, 683
434, 60S, 615, 616, 617, 621, 637, 639, 644, Pharmacology, 648
647,676 Pharmacopoeia of the Heavenly Husbandman .
Pen Tshao Pieh Shuo (Informal Remarks on the See Shen Nung Pen Tshao Ching
Pharmacopoeia), 648 Pharmacopoeia of the Thang Dynasty. See Thang
Pen Tshao Shih I (Omissions from Previous Pen Tshao
Pharmacopoeias), 674 Pharmacopoeias. See Pen Tshao books
Pen Tshao Thu Ching (Illustrated Pharmacopoeia), Pharos at Alexandria, 555
617, 647, 648, 649-50, 654, 660 Phei Chii (Commercial Commissioner for the Sui
Pen Tshao Yen I (The General Ideas of the dynasty), 543, 654
Pharmacopoeia), 618, 674 Phei Hsiu (cartographer, + 3rd century), 88, 106,
Pendulum, 628 ff., 634, 635 535,53 8 ff., 55 1, 559, 5 66 , 571, 575, 579, 58 7
Pendulum clocks. See Clocks Phei Wen-Chung, 464, 621 (i)
Peneplains, 592 Phei Yin (+ 5th-century commentator), 471
Peneplanation, 602 Pheng Chheng ( + 11th-century Astronomer-
Pepys, Samuel, 378 (a), 391 (a) Royal), 191, 192
Percentages and proportions, 25-6, 34, 35 Pheng-Lai (sacred island mountain), 567, 581-2,
Peregrinus, Petrus (+ 1260 to + 1270), 162 600
Pereira, Andrew (English Jesuit), 448 Pheng sha (borax), 662
Perfect numbers, SS Pheng Yiieh, 486
'Perfection' of the heavens, 172 (b), 427-8, 434 Phenomenalism, 465, 480
Periegetes, Dionysius (c. +436), 623 Philippines, 215 (f)
Periodical cataclysms. See Cyclical world cata- Phillips, G. (I), 560
strophes Philolaus of Tarentum (late - 5th century), 228,
Peripatetics, 142 402 (e)
Periplus, 669 Philoponus, Joannes (Byzantine physicist, c.
Permian basalt cliffs, 593 + 52 5), 37 6
Permutation s, 61 'Philosophical sulphur', 448
and combinations, 4, 40, 139 ff. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society, 80,
'Perpetual lights', 33 I 579,662
Perpetual motion, 328 Phing (' floating' difference), 49
Perseid meteors, 433 Phing-yang (modern Linfen), astronomical col-
Persia, 105, 109, 134, 147, 196,204,256,296,372, lege at, 368 (f)
376, 423, 474, 522, 634, 653, 669, 671, 681 Phing-Yuan, Lord of, 195
Persian Gulf, 493, 559, 560 Phlogopite, 648
Persian language. See Languages Phnorp Bakhen, 568
Persians, 49-50, 68, 69, 110, 147, 204, 205, 208, Phnorp Bay~n, I I
381 , 55 1, 555 Phoenix, 419, 659
'Perturbations', 394 Phosphate, 617
Peru, 69 Photographic methods in astronomy, 364
Perugia, 471 Phu-Chi (monk), 38
Pescadores, 472 Phu Chi Fang (Simple Prescriptions for Every-
Peters, C. H . F., 268 man),682
St Petersburg, 475 Physical geography. See Geography
Petrifaction, 603, 637, 642 Physicians, 49 (c), 331,682,683
Petrifying springs, 606-7 Physics, 155, 157, 162,299,303, 314,541,652,680
Petroleum, 608-9 Physiologus (end of +2nd century), 659
smoke, 609 Physiology, 158
Petrucci, R. (I), 97 Pi (1T), value of, 29, 35, 89, 99 ff., 141, 143,385 (a)
Petrus Alphonsus of Huesca, 530 Pi (ancient ritual object of jade), 334 ff.
Petrus Bertius (+ 1628), 530 Pi (hsiu), 238, 245, 248, 468, 469
Petrus Peregrinus. See Peregrinus Pi Hung (+8th-century painter), 612
INDEX
Pi Nai Shan Fang Chi (Pi Nai Mountain Hut Planispheres, 183, 185, 208, 255-6, 260, 263, 273,
Records), 60 278-9, 281, 550
Piao. See Gnomon Greek,282
Piao (' The Spoon '), 232, 233 'Plans (or Models) of Astronomical Instruments
Piao Chih (Memorandum on the Gnomon), 20 from the Western Countries' (Hsi y u i
Pictograms, 5, IS (a) hsiang), 372
Pictures of Objects mentioned in the Six Classics. Plans of cities, 547
See Liu Ching Thu Plant biochemistry, 679
Pieh Pao Ching (Manual of the Distinctions be- Plant diseases, 677
tween Precious Stones), 648, 669 (h) Plant drugs, 643
Pien Canal (Pien Chhii), 577 Plant parasites, 675
Pien Chung-Ho (Korean), 302 Plants, 504, 510, 643
Pienfu shih ('bat-stone'), 619 as biological concentrators and indicators, 677
Pien Hsin (calendar expert, + 85) , 247, 320 effect of metallic elements in the soil on the
Pien Tzu Lei Pien (Collection of Phrases and appearance of, 676
Literary Allusions), 602 fossil, 612-14
Pilgrims, 511 , 513, 522 as indications of ore deposits, 675 ff., 679
'Piling up' method, 39, 93, 142-3 medicinal, 680
Piling-up Powers and Unlocking Coefficients. See oecology of, 674
Ju Chi Shih So suitable for food in emergency, 162 (i)
'Piling up the rectangles', 23 Plastics, 658
Pilots, 532, 560 Plato, 92, 158, 167, 216,672
Pin-point gnomon, 299 Platus, Carolus (+ 16th century), 389
Pindar, 672 Pledge, H. T. (I), 154
Pine-cones, fossil, 614 Pleiades, 244, 253, 274, 276
Pine-forest stone (sung lin shih), 613 Pleistocene crabs, 616, 619
'Pine-stone' (sung shih), 613 PIiny, 425, 505, 623, 654, 656, 660, 671, 672
Pine-trees, 609 Plough,33 2
petrified, 612, 613 Plumb-line, 95, 286, 298, 370, 569, 570-1
Ping Ho (river), 607 Plurality of worlds, 221,440-2
Pinnules, 352, 368 (c) 'Plus' sign, 13, 114
Pioneer developments, disadvantages of, 9 (j) , 90(a) Plutarch, 423, 440 (d), 660
Pipettes, 314 (d, e) Plutonian theories, 591
Pirates, 517, 559 Pneuma, 469; 625-6, 634, 637
Pisano, Leonardo. See Fibonacci. Pneumatodestera, 469, 636
Place-names, 508 Po Kao (legendary minister of Huang Ti), 674
Place-names on Chinese maps, 549, 551, 554, 555, Po-lo-men books. See Brahmin books
5 60 , 5 6 4, 5 6 5, 58 9 Po-Ssu, 653-4
Place-value, 8 ff., 62-3, 66, 146, 148, 149 Po Wu Chi (Notes on the Investigation of
decimal, 10 (k), 12, 13, 16, 17, 46, 83, 149, 152 Things), 608
development of algebraic symbolism perhaps Po Wu Chih (Record of the Investigation of
hindered by, 9 (j) Things), 608 (i), 61 I (a)
practice of writing out the place-value terms, Po Ya Chhin (The Lute of Po Ya), 221
12 (a) Poem on the Mysterious Mechanism of the
sexagesimal, 10 (k), 149 Celestial Bodies. See Thai Hsiang Hsuan Chi
Place-value component not itself a numeral, IS, Ko
148 Poland, 162, 681
Plane geometry. See Geometry Polar axis
Planetary conjunctions, 408 bearings of, 2 I 5
Planetary cycles, 176, 207, 398 ff. inclination of, 213-14, 215
Planetary day-names, 397 (c) Polar axis mounting. See Equatorial telescope
Planetary motion, 198, 200, 392 ff. mounting
geometrical analysis of, 437 Polar regions (celestial)
technical terms, 398-9 north, 259 ff.
Planetary occultations, 408, 414 south, 274
Planetary seven-day week. See Seven-day week Polar regions (terrestrial), 475
Planets Polaris, 261, 278, 281
colours of, 209 Pole-finding telescope, 262
mean p'lth of, 179 the Pole Star, 21,189,217,219,230,240,250,262,
periods of revolution, 391 281, 333, 35 6 , 38 5
Planisphere showing the 28 Hsiu and the 283 Con- Pole stars, 259 ff.
stellations. See Erh-shih-pa Hsiu Erh-pai- Poliak, A. N., 682
pa-shih-san Kuan Thu Policeman (statuette on clepsydra), 320, 323
INDEX
Political absolutism, 441 Prism, 26, 98, 99
Polo, Marco, 80, 378 (a), 519 (f), 522, 551, 556, 660 Private profit, 167
Polycarpaea spirostylis, 678 Probability, 139
Polychrome block printing, 596 Probierbuchlein, 672
Polygons, 100, 101, 102, 143 Problem of Malfatti, 145
Polyhedra, 103 Proclus (+410 to +485),90,637
Polyhistor (a + 6th-century reVlSlon of Collec- Procopius, 188 (d)
tanea Rerum Memorabilium), 505 Prodromus (+ 1668), 591
Polyvascular c1epsydras, 323, 324 Products, natural, records of, 518
Pomponius Mela (geographer, ft. +43), 494 Profit. See Private profit
Pontifex Maximus, 189 (d) Prognostication, 4, 172, 190, 284, 367, 378 (a),
Pope-Hennessy, U., 664 426, 427, 467, 476, 482, 625, 633
Popular Traditions and Customs. See Feng Su rationalisation of, 362
Thung I Progressions, 137 fr.
Population statistics, 534, 582 arithmetical, 22, 26, 35, 36, 43, 45, 138
Porcelain, 65 I, 68 I geometrical, 26, 35. 139
Portents, 193, 232 (c), 283, 418-19, 426, 475 Proof, absence of idea of, in Chinese mathe-
Portolan charts, 89, 532-3, 556, 560, 561, 564, matical thought, 151
57 6-'1, 5 87 'Proper motion' of stars, 270
Ports, 492, 494, 532 Proportion, 26, 35
Portuguese, 148, 3II, 330, 671 compound, 45
Poseidonius of Apameia (c. - 90), 493 Prospecting
Positional astronomy. See Astronomy bio-geochemical, 675 fr.
Positive law. See Law geobotanical, 675 fr.
Positive numbers, 26, 43, 90-1, 151 geological, 673-5
Post-Cartesian science, 49 Prostov, E. V., 620
Potassium nitrate. See Saltpetre Proto-c1ockwork, 314 (d)
Potter's wheel, 215 Proto-science, 159, 477 (i), 639
Pottery, Chou period, 95 Protractors, 74, 301
Powders, 642 Provence, 681 fr.
Power-drive, 360, 362, 363 Proverbs, 464
Poyang Fu (Chou statesman), 624 Psalter Map, 529
Practical and empirical genius of the Chinese, 88, Pseudo-Callisthenes, 656
151 (d), 152, 153, 172 Pterodactyl, 621
Practice and theory, 158-<) Ptolemaic-Aristotelian world-view, 172, 198, 220.
Prtina, 469, 477 (i), 637 43 8 , 44 2 , 445, 446, 45 6
Pratt, J. H., 246 Ptolemaic coordinates, 533
Prayers for and against Rain. See Chhing YU Ptolemaic planetary system, 395
Chih Yu Shu Ptolemy (astronomer, c. + 150),89, 101, 106, 108,
Pre-Socratic philosophers, 216, 500, 622, 641 171, 172, 174, 176, 268, 269, 270, 271, 288,
Precession of the equinoxes. See Equinoxes 29 0 , 300 , 333, 340 , 34 1, 349, 373, 38 2, 4 0 9,
Precious Mirror of the Four Elements. See Ssu 4 17, 421, 444, 5 2 5, 52 7, 5 28 , 5 2 9, 533, 54 0 ,
Yuan Yu Chien 561 , 56 3, 564, 58~ 589
Precious Secrets of the Realm of K8ng and Hsin. Pu (resonance period), 406, 407
See Keng Hsin Yu Tshe Pu (tree), 613
Precious stones. See Gems Pu-Khung (Amoghavajra, Indian astronomer),
Precipitation (meteorological), 467 fr. 202
Prediction. See Prognostication Pu Mi-Ko. See Boym, Michael
Prediction of the daily motion of the sun, 123ff., Pu Thien Ko (The Song of the March of the
292, 392fr. Heavens), 201, 281
Preface to Diagrams of the Tides. See Hai Chhao Public finance, 166
Thu Hsu Pulkovo Observatory. See Astronomical obser-
Prehistoric monsters, 622 vatories
Price, D. J., 315 (f), 343 (a), 366, 383 Pulleyblank, E., 203 (g)
Priestley, 193 Pumps, 167
Prime vertical, 179, 2II Puppets, 329, 363
'the Prince of Chhin's Secret Method of Counting Purcell, V., 446 (c)
Soldiers' (indeterminate analysis), 122 Purchas his Pilgrimes ( + 1625), 553, 586
Printed maps. See Maps Pure Records of the Cavernous Heaven. See
Printing, 39, 153. 193, 441 (a), 582 Tung Thien Chhing Lu Chi
colour. 341 (a) 'Pure Unity' Buddhist cloister, 661
polychrome block, 596 Purple Mountain Observatory. See Astronomical
Priscian, 623 observatories
INDEX
Purple Yang (alchemical term, possibly cinnabar), Rape-turnip, 678
63 8 Rapids, 488
Pursuit and alligation, problems of, 26 Rarefaction. See Condensation and dispersion
Piirvavideha (continent), 568 Rasii'il Ikhwiin al-$afii' (Epistles of the Brethren
Puzzles, I I I of Sincerity), 602
Pyongyang, 555 Riislvalaya yan tra (instrument), 300
Pyramid, 26, 39, 98, 99, 109, 143 'Raslanda', 583 (h)
the P yramids, 296 Ratios, 26
Pyrophyllite, 664 Rats, 651, 660
Pythagorean form of multiplication table, 64-5 Raulin, Jules, 677
Pythagorean theorem, 21, 22, 24, 95, 96, 103, 147, Raven, C. E., 611
212 Ray, John (+ 1627 to + 1705),61 1,653
Pythagoreans, 54, 55, 90, 158, 161 (c), 167, Read, B. E., 592, 621, 644
198 (k), 228 Realgar, 638, 640, 643, 651, 675
Pytheas of Marseilles, 493 Rebus,8
the Recluse of the Western Hill (Hsi Shan Yin
Qara-Khitai (West Liao State), 118 (b), 457 (d) Che),490
al-Qazwini, Abii YaQ.ya (Arabic encyclopaedist, Record of a Journey to the West. See Hsi Yu Lu
c. + 1270), 469 Record of All the Guests. See Hsien Pin Lu
al-Qazwini, Hamdallah ibn abii Bakr al-Mustaufi Record of Rites compiled by Tai the Younger.
(+ 1281 to + 1349), 564, 589 See Li Chi
al-Qazwinl, Zakariya' ibn MuQ.ammad (+ 1203 Record of Symbols in the Book of Changes. See
to + 1283), 562 I Chuan
Quadrant, 296, 300, 301, 311, 452, 571 Record of the Barbarian Countries in the Western
Quadrant altazimuth, 452 Ocean. See Hsi- Yang Fan Kuo Chih
Quadrantal points, 249 Record of the Communicating Machine. See
Quadratic equations. See Equations Thung Chi Chi
Quartz, 643, 664, 672 Record of the Communicating Small Objects.
crystals, 648 See Thung Wei Chi
sand,668 Record of the Investigation of Things. See Po
Questions about the Heavens. See Thien Wen Wu Chi
Quick Method for Determining Segment Areas. Record of the Kingdom of Wu. See Wu Lu
See K o Yuan Mi Lii Chi Fa Record of the Moving Plate. See Tsou Phan Chi
Quick-sands, 607 Record of the Mutual Resonances of Things. See
Quipu, 69, 95 Kan Ying Lei Tshung Chih
Quotient, 65 Record of the Plate and the Balls. See Phan Chu
Chi
Record of the Rites of Chou. See Chou Li
Rabbit in the moon, 228 (f), 41 I (a), 436 Record of the Soils, Customs and Products of all
Rabinowitz, 681 the Provinces. See Chu Chun Thu Su Wu
Radhanites (group of Jewish merchants), 681 ff. Chhan Chi
Radio aerials of interferometer type, 428 Record of the Sources of the Four Seas, and the
Radio-astronomy, 428 Hundred Rivers. See Ssu Hai Pai Chhuan
'Radio-stars', 228 (I), 428 ff. Shui Yuan Chi
Radio transmission, 435 Record of the Ten Sea Islands. See Hai Nei Shih
Radius, 94 Chou Chi
Rahu (imaginary invisible planet), 175, 228, Record of the Thirteen Provinces. See Shih San
252 (c), 416 Chou Chi
Rain, 121,211,463, 467ff., 472, 481, 636, 640 Record of the Tribute-paying Western Countries.
'the chhi of earth', 467 See Hsi- Yang Chhao Kung Tien Lu
'comes from the mountains', 468 Record of Things Seen and Heard about the
prediction, 470, 471 Coastal Regions. See Hai Kuo Wen Chien Lu
red,470 Record of Tunhuang. See Tun-huang Lu
Rain-dragon, 473 Recorde, Robert, 115, 155, 166
Rain gauges, 121 (a), 471-2, 632 Records
Korean, 471 accuracy of, 417 ff., 426, 427 (e), 519 (b)
Rain magic, 467 astronomical, 417 ff., 426, 427 (e)
Rainbow, J62 , 467, 473-4, 477 meteorological, 462, 465, 467; floods and
al-Raiy (Persian town), 681 droughts, 472
Riim yantra (instrument), 301 Records of Buddhist Countries. See Fo Kuo
Rams , 671 Chi
Ram's horn conchs (yang chio lo), 618 Records of Foreign Peoples. See Chu Fan Chih
Rankama, K. & Sahama, T. G ., 678 Records of Hunan. See Hsiang Chung Chi
INDEX
Records of Military Expeditions. See Shu Cheng Resume of Astronomy. See Thien Wen Lu
Chi Retrogradations (planetary motions), 200, 399, 400
Records of Strange Things. See Shu I Chi Rey, J ean, 439 (b)
Records of the Lineage of Buddha and the I;?g Veda hymns, 254
Patriarchs. See Fo Tsu Thung Chi Rhabdas, Nicholas, 61
Records of the Origins of Affairs and Things. Rhabdologiae, seu Numerationis per Virgulas, Libri
See Shih Wu Chi Yuan Duo, 72
Records of the Source of the (Yellow) River. See Rhinoceros, 621
Ho Yuan Chi Rho, James (Jesuit missionary) , 447
Records of the Warring States. See Chan Kuo Rhodes, 526
Tshe Rhomboid, 98
Records of the Western Countries in the Time of Rhone (river), 681
the Thang. See Ta Thang Hsi Yii Chi Rhumb-lines, 532, 560
Records of Things Seen and Heard. See Chien ' Rhyme-tables ', 78 (b), 107
Wen Chi Ricci, Francesco, 167
Records of Unusual Occurrences in the Heavens. Ricci, Matteo, 52, 106, 110, 172, 173, 194, 220,
See Hsing pien pu 36 7, 3 69, 370, 437, 438, 439, 442, 444, 450,
Rectangle, 22, 25, 93, 98, 104-5, 142 583-4, 589, 682
Rectangular grid. See Grid system contributions to geography by, 583
Red Bird (southern 'Palace'), 242 Rice crop famines, 436
Red Leather Record. See Tan Chhien Tsung Lu Rice culture, 463, 652, 682
Red rain, 470 Richardson, L. J., 68
Red Sea, 493, 559, 560 Right-angled triangles. See Triangles
Reed, problem of the, 27 Right ascension, 179, 180, 239, 250-1, 287, 338,
Reeves, J., 183 343, 357
Reflected light (of moon and planets), 227 'Right Pivot' (Yu shu), 260
the Reformation, 166 Rim-ocean, 211, 214
Refonnist movement, Sung period, 40, 281 'Ring of Linked Rings' (puzzle), I I I
Regiomontanus. See MUller, Johannes, of Ripa, Matteo (secular priest), 585
Konigsberg Rise and Fall of the Hsi-Hsia. See Hsi-Hsia Chi
Regis, Jean-Baptiste (Jesuit cartographer), 585 Shih Pen Mo
Regola Elchataym (Rule of False Position), 147 Rites and ceremonies, 195, 220, 334, 398
Regula Coecis, 122 Rites Controversy, 454 (b)
Regula Potatorum, 122 River conservancy, 516 (a)
Regula Virginum, 122 River-crossings, 523
Reinaud, J. T., 380 River evolution, 602
Rejuvenation, of a valley, 593 River systems, 508, 5 I 5
Relaci6n de las Cosas de Yucatdn, 514 Rivers, 498, 500, 507, 514, 517, 521
Relief maps. See M aps ' like the pulsating blood-vessels of a man', 487
Reliefs (Han dynasty), 303 mapping of, 514, 518
'Religious cosmography', 500, 502, 528-31, 547, Rivers and Mountains (c. +220), 647
561, 563, 565 ff., 587, 589 Road guides, 524
Remainder (yii), 63, 65, 85 Road-maps, 544
problems, 122 of the Roman world, 528
Remusat, J. P. A., 184, 433 Roads, 518, 523
Renaissance, 90, 91, 150, 152, 154, 156, 158, 164, Roberval, 142
166,172,266,282,296,340,341,377(g),379, da Rocha , Felix (Jesuit cartographer), 454, 586
400, 420, 437, 449, 45 8 , 4 64, 4 66 , 479, 494, Rock crystal, 438 (c), 652, 667
5 14, 520, 528, 533, 569, 579, 58 5, 587, 58 9, bottles of, 666
603,611,623,642,646,662 used for observation of the sun, 420 (b), 436
Reorganised Phannacopoeia. See Cheng Lei Pen Rock-salt, 637, 639
Tshao Rockhill, W. W., 512
Repetition of experiments, 160, 634 Rocks , 645, 649
Reports on Spiritual Manifestations. See Sou classification of, 641
Shen Chi generation of, 626, 637
Reptiles, fossil, 612, 619, 621 Rod-numerals , 8, 9, 17, 33, 62-3, 65, 70, 72, 91,
Resolutio, 161, 163 130, 132, 137
Resonance, philosophical concept of, 359 (e), Roemer, 377 (g)
384 (d), 468, 471 Roger II (Norman king of Sicily), 563
Resonance periods, 406 ff. Roller-cutter, 671
Restored True Chart of the Great-Ultimate Roman College, 444
Chaos-Origin. See Hsiu Chen Thai Chi Hun Roman indiction, 407
Yuan Thu Roman legionaries, 536-7
INDEX 855
Roman surveyors, 286 Salterns, 642
Roman Syria. See Ta-Chhin Saltpetre, 643, 651, 652, 663
Roman triumphal processions, 536 Salween (river), 525
Romans, 13, 15, 61, 65, 68, 69, 81, 215, 313, 653 Samarqand, 205, 293, 416-17
Rome, 315, 389, 475 , 502, 526, 571 Samarqand observatory. See Astronomical ob-
Root extraction, 46, 47, 62, 65 if., 74, 85, 87, 89, servatories
127, 133, 134, 137, 146, 147 Samrii! yantra (Supreme Ruler Instrument),
Rosary, its possible relation to the abacus, 79 (h) 300, 301
Rosetti (I), 565 San-Fo-Chhi. See Palembang
Rotary disc knife (cha tho), 667-8 San Fu Huang Thu (Description of the Three
Rotation of the heavens. See Heavens Districts in the Capital), 478, 602
Rotation of the Tao, 467 San Kuo (period), 19, 33, 85, 116, 137, 200, 326,
Rotz, Jan (+ 1542), 532 385,478,508,514,538,621 , 657,668
Roxby, P., 462 (e) San Kuo Chih (History of the Three Kingdoms),
Royal Astronomical Society, 282 657
Royal Society, 183, 391, 450 San-Thien Thai-Shang Tao-Chtin (The Highly
Ruby, 672 Exalted Taoist Adept of the Three Heavens),
Rude star finder and identifier, 377 566
Rudimentum Novitiorum, 549, 550 San Thung Li (Three Sequences Calendar), 20,
Rudolph , R. C., 620 294, 407 (a), 421
Rudolphine Tables, 444 San tshai (Three Powers), method (of ball-
Ruffini, Paolo, 126 arithmetic), 78, 140
Rufus, W. C . & Tien Hsing-Chih (I), 278, 279, San Tshai Thu Hui (Universal Encyclopaedia),
281 617, 644
Ruhland, 645 San yeh suan (Indian sorrel), 678
Rule of False Position, 26, 35, 114, II7 if., 147 San- Yu Chui Pi (Long-Winded Discussions at
Rule of Six Quantities, 108 San-yti), 668
Rule of Three, 26, 35, 146 Sanbiasi (Jesuit cartographer), 584
technical terms, 129 (b), 146 Sand dunes, 607
Rules of Proportion and Exchange. See Suan Sang Chhien (river), 604
Hsueh Pi Li Hui Thung Sang Chhin (- 1st-century geographer), 514
Ruscelli, 528 Sang Hung-Yang (minister of State, - 152 to
Russell, S. M., 184 -80),7 1
Russians, 80 Sang thien (Taoist geological technical tenn) ,
Rustic Talks in Eastern Chhi. See Chhi Tung Yeh 599, 600-1
Yu Sanskrit. See Languages
Santarem, M. Vicomte, 526
Sabine, 435 Sanuto, Marino (cartographer, + 1306 to + 1321),
Sabsu (Manchu official, + 1677), 585 56 3, 56 4, 56 5, 58 7
Sacred mountains. See Mountains Saracens, 443
Sacred Promontory, 526 Sardines, fossil, 622
Sacrifices, 195, 232 (a), 397, 504 Sargent, C. B., 508
of animals, at the openings of mines, 671 Saris, John (English sea-captain), 586
to heaven, the sun, the moon and the stars, 336 Sarmatia, 113
human, 188 (d) Saros cycle, 186, 410, 420, 421
Sacrobosco, Johannes. See Holywood of Halifax, Sarton, George, 41, 80, 88, 90, 281,428,435, 512,
John 579, 61 9
Sagui, C. L., 592 Sassanian Persia, 205
Sahara desert, 555 Saturn (planet), 282, 398, 401, 408, 444
'Sailing directions', 559 Satyricon, 529
Sailors, 265, 470,493,517, 522 (d), 533, 557, 559, de Saussure, L., 173, 177, 182, 184,209,229, 242,
58 7 246, 247, 25 1, 257, 259, 287, 324, 391, 396,
Saka era, 11 397, 4 0 4, 406 , 4 6 0-1, 50 7
Sal ammoniac, 651, 654 if. Sawaguchi, Kazuyuki (c. + 1670), 144
Salamander legend, 658 if. Sayce, A. H., 41 I
Salamis abacus, 79 Sayili, Aydln, 333
Salrnony, A., 664 Scales (weighing), 332
Salt, 71, 639, 642, 643, 652 Scaliger, 407
industry, 610 Scandinavia, 188 (d)
mining, 652 Scaphe, 301, 302 (b and c)
rock-, 637, 639 Scarps, 592
sea-, 622 Sceptical rationalism, 413, 436, 482, 485, 657,
-wells, 610 659- 60
INDEX
Schall von Bell, John Adam (Jesuit, + 1640), 52, Sedillot, L. P., I; (I), 379, 395; (2), 184, 460 (a);
102, 173,312,444,445,447,448,449,456 (3), 296 ; (5), 184
Scheiner, Christopher (Jesuit, + 1625), 366, 434, Sedimentary deposition, 603, 604, 605
442,475 Sedimentary rocks, 597, 612
Schlegel, G., 184, 185,273,504; (5), 183,234,282 Seed-drill tube, 332
Schnabel, P., 408 Seismographs, 359,451, 626 ff.
Scholars, 195, 196 mercury, 634-5
banishment of, 525 Seismological Observatory, University of Tokyo,
Scholastic philosophy, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 63 0
166, 428, 440 Seismology, 537, 624 ff.
School of Naturalists. See Naturalists, School of Sekino, T., 665
Schools, 683 Selenium, 678
Schbpfer, W. H., 677 Seleuceia, 493
Schove, D. J., 436 Seleucid Babylonia, 205, 394 (d), 395
Schreck, Johann. See Terrentius, Johannes Seleucos the Chaldean (astronomer, c. - 140), 493
Schwabe, 435 • Semi-human' peoples, 504
Science Seneca, 626
attitude of Europeans to Chinese science, 369, Seoul,301
44 1-3, 449, 45 6 Sera Metropolis, 527, 624ff.
Chinese attitude to the new science, 449, Seres, 505 (c)
45 0 - 1, 45 6 Series. See Progressions
development in Europe in 16th and 17th cen- Serpentine, 655, 664
turies, 154ff., 166-'7,439,448 Serpents, 6 I 8, 621
Jesuit attitude to the new science, 449, 450, 456 The Seven Beguiling Tales. See Chhi Fa
universality of modern science, 448--<) Seven-day week, 204, 397
Science and mathematics, 150 ff. Seven Luminaries (the sun, moon and five
Science and technology, 152ff., 154, 158ff., 162, planets), 204, 219, 359
167, 294 ff., 673 ff. Seven Regulators, 334
Scientific method, 154ff., 156, 159, 161, 448ff. • Seven Subtle Shapes' (puzzle), I I I
failure of medieval scholars to appreciate fully, Severn (river), 483
161, 165 Sexagenary cycle, 82, 396 ff., 408
Scientific' prediction', 156 (d) Sexagesimal arithmetic. See Arithmetic
Scientific research, 155 Sexagesimal notation, IS, 16
• Scientific' romances of interplanetary travel, 440 Sexagesimal place-value. See Place-value
Scientific Sketches. See Ko Chih Tshao Sexology and calendrical science, 390 (c)
Scientific theories, types of, 158, 159, 163 ff., 448 Sextant, 296, 301, 452, 574
Scientific Traces in Olden Times. See Ko Chih La Sjera (15th-century poem), 530
Ku Wei Sha-Chou Thu Ching (Topography of Shachow
Scoop-wheel, 318 [Tunhuang)), 518
Scorpio (constellation), 240, 250, 272, 425 Shadow Definer (ying ju), 299, 369
Scroll maps. See Maps Shadow lengths. See Sun-shadow lengths
Sculptors, 683 Shakespeare, William, 230
Sea-charts. See Portolans Shallot (hsiai plant), 675
Sea-faring, 265 (d) Shamanism, 159
Sea Island Mathematical Manual. See Hai Tao Shan ch/lUan, geographical division of the Thu Shu
Suan Ching Chi Chheng encyclopaedia (q.v.)
Sea-level, changes in, 598 ff., 602 Shan Chii. Hsin Hua (Conversations on Recent
Sea Mirror of Circle Measurements. See Tshe Events in the Mountain Retreat), 3 I I, 331,
Yuan Hai Ching 4 19,479
Sea-serpents, 489 Shan Hai Ching (Classic of the Mountains and
Sea walls, 488 Rivers), 434, 488, 494, 50 3, 504, 505, 508,
Sealing, 657 512, 565, 57 0 , 6 07, 608, 653, 658, 674, 675,
the Seasons, 213, 217, 224, 229, 240, 245, 246-7, 67 6
252, 253, 282, 390, 489 Shan hu (coral), 613
inequality of, 287, 329, 393 ff. Shan 0 (geographer, + 1059), 514
Seaweed, 622 Shan-Yin (river), 486, 487
Sebokht, Severus (Syrian bishop, +7th century), Shanchli Li (naturalist), 498
15, ISO, 376 Shang kingdom, 12, 13, 15, 83, 88, 96, 146, 148,
Secant, 108, 109 149, 159, 213, 242, 248, 249, 254, 256, 284,
Secret Garden of the Observatory. See Ling Thai 293,313,334,337,391,396,404,407,409,
Pi Yuan 410,411,464,473, 50 3, 504, 539, 569, 625,
Security regulations and astronomical officials, 641, 642, 665
193 climate, 464
INDEX
Tides, 224, 390(C), 415, 462, 483-94, 514, 606, 675 Topography of Shachow [Tunhuang]. See Sha-
combined action of moon and sun, 493 Chou Thu Ching
daily changes in the time of high water, 490 Topography of Thai-tshang, in Chiangsu. See
dependence on the moon, 485, 491, 493 Thai-Tshang Chou Chih
due to 'overflowing' of the Milky Way, 489 Topography of the Suchow Region [ChiangsuJ.
gravitational explanations, 494 See Wu Chiin Chih
part played by the sun, 490, 491, 492, 493 Topology, I l l , 112
prediction, 441 (a) Torguts. See Tribal peoples
respiratory theories of, 487, 490, 491, 493, 494 Toronto Museum, 305
role played by the topography of the sea and Torquetum (instrument), 301, 370, 371,372,375,
estuary bottom, 487, 488 37 8 ,45 8
technical terms, 484-5 Tou (hsiu), 247, 249
Tien Lun (Discourses on Literature), 659 Tou Shu-Meng (c. +770),489,493,494
Tien Shu (Management of all Techniques), 638 Tou Yen (astronomer, e. +955),408
Timaeus, 216 Touchstone, 672 ff.
Timberwork Manual. See Mu Ching Towards a Thorough Understanding of Astro-
Time nomical Science. See Thien Hsiieh Hui
equation of, 182 Thung
measures of, 181, 318 Tower of the Winds, Athens, 309, 315, 478
Time-continuum, historical, 157 (c) 'Trace' -elements, 677
Time-keeping, 190, 318 Traetatus de Latitudinibus Formarum, 107
Timocharis, 270, 340 Traetatus de Uniformitate et DifJormitate Inten-
Timosthenes of Rhodes, 532 sionum, 107
Timurid embassy from Samarqand to Peking, Trade and traders, 512, 513, 557, 587, 610, 656,
68 (c) 665, 669
Tin, 639, 643, 674, 676, 678 Trade-routes, 517, 681
Tincal,662 Traite de la Chronologie Chinoise, 183
Ting (High King of the Chou), 503 Traite du Triangle Arithmetique, 47, 134
Ting (' fixed' difference), 49 Trans-polar flying, 590
Ting (Pegasus), 244 Translations, insipidity of, xlv
Ting Chhli-Chung (+ 19th-century mathemati- Transversal dot lines in graduations, 296 (a)
cian), 48, 13 I Trapezium, 98
Ting Chli (+ 14th-century mathematician), 46, Trapezoid figures, 25, 34, 98
50, 148 Travel and exploration, 128, 511, 513, 522 ff. ,
Ting Cha Suan Fa (Ting Chli's Mathematical 556 ff., 575, 585, 587, 610
Manual),5 0 Treadle lathes, 669
Ting Fu-Pao, 3, 186 Treatise on Architectural Methods. See Ying
Ting hsien-seng ('Mr. Nail', i.e. Christopher Tsao Fa Shih
Clavius), 52 (d) Treatise on Armament Technology. See Wu Pei
Ting Huan (Han mechanic), 581 Chih
Ting shih i (Time-Determining Instrument), 370 Treatise on (Astronomy and) Calendrical Science
Ting Wen -Chiang, 404, 524 according to the ew Western Methods. See
Titanium, 664 Hsi- Yang Hsin Fa Li Shu
Titles, official, difficulty of translating, xlv ff. Treatise on Astronomy in the Six Classics. See
Toad-grease, 668 Liu Ching Thien Wen Pien
Todda trees, 662 Treatise on Coordinates, 110
Tokharestan (Jaghiinyiin), 204 Treatise on European Arithmetic. See Thung
Tokyo, 75 Wen Suan Chih
Tomb-carving, 276 Treatise on Mathematics (and Astronomy) ac-
Tongguk Yeji Sellngnam (Geographical Vista of cording to the New Methods. See Hsin Fa
the Eastern Kingdom), 521 (b) Suan Shu
Tongking, 544 Treatise on Stones by the Venerable Mr Yliyang.
Topographia Hiberniea, 494, 520 See Yiiyang Kllng Slzilz Phu
Topography, 503, 504, 521, 524 Treatise on the Calendar of the' Hsia, Shang, and
foreign countries,s 10 ff. Chou D ynasties. See Hsia Yin Clzoll
local,s 17 ff., 544 Lii Li
southern regions, 510 ff. Treatise on the Preservation of the World. See
technical terms, 524 Lokasthiti Ablzidlzarma Sastra
Topography and Products of the Southern Pro- Trees of the sun and moon, Figs. 213, 228, 242;
vinces. See Kuei Hai Yii H eng Chih 567 (b)
Topography of Chiang-yin and its District [in Tremolite, 655
Chiangsu Province]. See Chiang- Yin Hsien Trends of Oriental Thought, 2
Chih Treviso arithmetic, 63
INDEX
Wylie, A., 18, 106, 447, 661; (I), 31, 7.20, 517, Yao kuang (star), 233
519,644; (4), 1,2,10,119,120,121; (6), 183, Yao Pao-Hsien (1), 464
185,234; (7), 299; (8), 4 17; (9), 65 6 ; (13), 184 Yao Tien, chapter of the Shu Ching, q.v.
Yao Yuan-Chih (+ 17th century), 614, 655
Xanadu. See Shangtu al-Ya'qubi (geographer, c. +950), 140 (a), 512
Xenophanes, 620, 622 Yarkand (in Sinkiang), 665
Xenophobia, 507 Yeh (technical term), 542
Yeh Chhi-Sun, 472 (b)
Yabuuchi, K. (2), 186; (3), 2; (5), 372; (9), 396; Yeh Huo Pien (Memoirs of a Mission achieved in
(10), 208 the Wilds), 655
Yajurveda , 254 Yeh Kho Tshll1zg Shu (Collected Notes of the
Yampolsky, P., 186 Rustic Guest), 602
Yang (character), 339 Yeh Meng-Te, 469
Yang Chhao-Ko (c. + 1790), 185 Yeh Ping-Ching, 477
Yang-chheng (modern Kaochheng), 287, 291 (b) , Yeh Thang, 185
29~ 297, 310, 369, 381 (b) Yehlti Chhu-Tshai (statesman, + 1190 to + 124+),
Confucian temple at, 297 368(0, 38~ 522, 523
Yang Chhtian (astronomer, + 3rd century), 200, Yehlti Hsi-Liang (traveller, + 1260 to + 1263),
218,469,4 8 9 52 3
Yang Chhtian (petrifying spring), 607 Yehlti Shun ( + I Ith-century astronomer), 208
Yang-Chia (reign-period), 627 Yellow River, 56, 405, 463, 46+, 485, 500, 501,
Yang Chia, 549 511,514,515,544,552,582,604,607,625
Yang Ching-Feng (astronomer, + 8th century), dykes, 537
202 source of, 523-4, 536, 585
Yang chio 10 (ram's horn conchs), 618 Yellow Sea, 640
Yang Fu (naturalist, +2nd century), 510 Yellow Springs, 640
Yang Hsiung (mutationist and lexicographer, Yelutchoutsay. See Yehlti Chhu-Tshai
- 53 to + 18), 216, 219, 354, 355, 358 Yen (State), 501, 534
Yang Hstian-Chih (c. + 500), 519 Yen (in Kansu), 607, 609
Yang Huan (astronomer, d. + 1299), 299 Yen Chen-Chhing ( + 8th century), 599, 600, 601 ,
Yang Hui (+I3th-century mathematician), 28, 41, 612, 615
45, 46, 50, 59-60, 61, 66, 86, 103, 104, 105, Yen-Chhuan Shih I (Yen River Stone Juice), 609
116, 134, 136, 162 (e) Yen Chtin (+ 3rd century), 489
Yang Hui Suan Fa (Yang Hui's Computing Yen Kuang-Ta, 523
Methods), 41 , 45 Yen Kung (+ 14th-century mathematician), 50
Yang i (Upward-looking Instrument), 369 Yen Li-Pen (+ 7th-century painter), 510
Yang-Ku, 188 Yen Phu (Inkstone Record), 646
Yang Kuang-Hsien (+ 17th-century scholar, Yen Shih (On Inkstones), 646
amateur astronomer and anti-Jesuit con- Yen-shou (modern Yenan), 609
troversialist), 449 Yen Su (scholar, painter, technologist and
Yang kuei (the foreign sundial), 310 engineer), 324- 5, 327, 328, 491, 492, 493
Yang Kung-I (astronomer, ft. c. + 1255 to + 1318) , Yen Tan Tzu (Tan, prince of Yen), 534, 577
3 80 Yen Tan Tzu (Story of Tan, prince of Yen ).
Yang Lien-Sheng (I, 2), 303 534 (h)
Yang Ma-No. See Diaz, Emanuel Yen-tang Shan (mountain), 603, 604, 605
Yang Shen (Ming writer) , 661 Yen Thieh Lun (Discourses on Salt and Iron), 71
Yang Sun (Thang official), 116 Yen Tun-Chieh, 3; (1),46; (2), 64; (3), 79; (7) .
Yang Ti (emperor of the Sui), 327 10 5; (9), 40
Yang Wei (astronomer, + 3rd century), 392, 421 Yen Tzu (favourite pupil of Confucius), 164
Yang Wei-Te (Chief Calendrical Computer in Yen Tzu Chhun Chhiu (Master Yen's Spring and
+ 1054, observer of the Crab supernova) , 427 Autumn Annals), 401
Yang Yti (+ 1360), 311, 331, 419, 423, 479, 482 Yenchow, 614
Yangchow, 549 Yetts, W. P ., 303, 304, 305, 5+1
Yangkongy. See Yang Kung-I Yi Ik-Seup (I), 565
Yangtze River, 483 , 484, 485, 486, 487, 488, 500, Yi Tai Jo (Thai Tsu, emperor of the Li and
515,523,525,582, 609,624 founder of the last Korean dynasty) , 279
Yao (legendary emperor), 186, 187, 188,476,487, the Yin and the Yang, 57, 58, 159, 165, 218-19,
60 4 223 , 224,227,33+- 5,339, 359,397,4 11 ,4 12 ,
Yao Chan (Divination by Weird Wonders) , 482 414- 15, 432, ' 4+8, 478, 480, 481, 483, +90,
Yao Chhiao-Lin (maker of sundials and com- 491 , 567,625,633,634,638,639,640
passes), 3 I 2 Yin Cheng, chapter of the Shu Ching , q.v.
Yao Hsin (astronomer, c. + 260), 200, 206, 215, Yin Ho Chit Pi Chiteh (Confidential Remarks on
22+ the Appearances of the Milky Way), 207
INDEX
Yin Hsien (sundial expert, A. - 32), 302 Yu Thu (Earth-Vehicle (i .e. Terrestrial) Map),
Yin Khuei (clepsydra expert, c. + 540), 324 55 1
Yin Li Plw (treatise on the Shang Calendar), Yu Ti Chi Sheng (The Wonder of the World), 521
2+2 Yu Ti Chih (Memoir on Geography), 520
Yin Ilieh (stalagmites), 605 Yt, ti thll (technical term in geography), 536
Yin Shao (mathematician, A. +430 to +460), YU-Tien. See Khotan
27 Yu-Ting J Hsiang Khao Chlleng (The Imperial
Ying Pu Tsu (Too Much and 'ot Enough), Astronomical Instruments), 452
chapter of Chill Chang Sllan Shll, q.v. Yu-Ting Li Hsiang Khao Chlleng (Compendium
Ying Shao (ethnographer, c. + 175), 510, 512 of Astronomy and Calendar), 448
Ying Tsao Fa Shift (Treatise on Architectural Yu- Yang Tsa Tsu (Miscellany of the Yu-yang
Methods), 332 Mountain (Cave», 606, 675
Ying Yai Shellg Lan (Triumphant Visions of the Yuan (dynasty), 31, 38ff., 41,48,49, SI, 122, 139,
Boundless Ocean), 558 20~ 208, 20~ 234, 251, 281, 286, 29~ 296,
YO/bl method in computation, 81 297, 3 0 7, 324, 357, 36 7, 369, 372, 377, 380 ,
Yo-yang, 501 392,4 19,43 0 , 433,451, 493, SI I, 5 26 , 55 1,
Yo- Yang Fblg Thll Chi (Customs and Kotable 552, 556, 557, 561 , 583, 585, 633, 661, 668,
Things of Yo-yang), 606 672
Yogatlira (junction-stars), 253, 254 Yuan Chen (cartographer, + 9th century), 544
Yu (semi-legendary emperor, the Great En- YI/an chhi (primeval vapour), 21 I, 222
gineer), 23, 56, 196,500-1,503,570 Yuan Ch hung (+ 597), 287, 306
Yu (High King of the Chou), 624, 625 Yuan-Chia 'reign-period', 264, 384, 385
Yu (province), 501 Yuan Chia calendar ( + 443), 392
YU (mountain), 604 YlIan Chillg Shih Ta Tien (History of Institu-
Yu (radical applied to jade and all kinds of precious tions of the Yuan Dynasty), 552, 55+, 564
stones), 641 Yuall Ching Shuo (The Far-Seeing Optick Glass),
Yu barbarians. See Tribal peoples 4+5
Yu Chhe (Prefectural Director of Studies at Yuan Hao-Wen (official of the Chin dynasty), 41,
Chen-chiang in + 1142),548 42
Yu Chi Thll (Map of the Tracks of YU (the Great», Yuan-Ho Chiin Hsien Thu Chih (Yuan-Ho reign-
547 period General Geography), 490, 520, 544,
Yu Chi-Tshai (astronomer, c. + 580), 208, 264 608
Yu chih (technical term in cartography; measur- Yuan-Ho reign-period General Geography. See
. ing curves and straight lines), 540, 576 Yuall-Ho Chiin Hsien Thu Chih
Yu Ching (+ 1025),491 Yuan Hsieh (Director-General of Government
YU ChUn (+ 1617),645 Grain Stores, d. + 1220),518
Yu family of astronomers, 205 (e) Yuan-Mo Valley, 524
Yu Hai (Ocean of Jade [encyclopaedia)), 327 Yuan Pi Shu Chien Chih (Collection of Official
Yu Hao (architect), 153 Records of the Yuan Dynasty), 105
Yii-hb,g (astronomical instrument), 334, 336 YI/an Shih (History of the Yuan Dynasty), 48, +<),
Yu heng (star), 233 23~ 297, 298, 299, 36~ 37 1, 37 2 , 373, 52~
YU Hsi (astronomer, A. + 307 to + 338), 200, 206, 574, 667
210,211,220,247,270 ,356,498 Yuan-Thai,5 67
YU Huan (+ 3rd century), 505, 656 Yuan Thien notation. See Totation
Yu Kuang ( + 544), 286 Yuan Thien Thu Shllo (Illustrated Discussion of
Yu Kung (Tribute of VU " ~ _hapter of the SIIlI the Fields of Heaven), 457
Ching, q.v. Yuan Thung (calendar expert, + 14th century), 79
Yu K,mg Cftlli Chih (A few Points in the Vast Yuan Ti (emperor of the Liang), 603
Subject of the' Tribute of Yu '), 540 YUchang, 309
Yu KlIng Shllo Tuan (Discussions and Conclu- YUeh (State), 486, 607
sions regarding the Geographyof the 'Tribute YUeh-chih people. See Tribal peoples
ofYU'), 514, 515 Yueh Chiieh SIIIl (Book of the Former State of
Yii KlIng Ti Yi; Thu (Map of the Places and Cities YUeh),5 I 7
in the 'Tribute of Yu '), 538 Yiieh Ling (Monthly Ordinances), 194, 195, 245,
YU-Iung, 620-1 247, 254
Yu Man-Chhien (official of the Liang), 205 YUeh-Pho-Shou-Na (UpasGnya), 88
Yu MOH (bibliographer, + I 127 to + I 1<)+) . +0, YUeh Shih (geographer, + loth century), 521,
20 7 548 (a)
Yu Ssu-Chhien (+ 1781), 493 YUeh-Ya ChhUan (temple and lake), 607
Yu Sung (astronomer, c. + 265), 201. 211. 222, Yule, Sir Henry, 174, 175, 556
49 8 YUn Cheng, chapter of the SlllI Ching, q.v.
Yii Thallg Chia HlIa (Agreeable Talks in the Jade Yiin Lin Shih Phll (Cloud Forest Lapidary), 604,
Hall), 625 606, 61 5,620,645,647
INDEX
Yiin",u (,cloud-mother', mica), 6..7 YUwen Khai (engineer, Sui period), 327
YUII Tai Rok (Calendar of the Years), 683 Yiiyallg KUlIg Shih Phu (Treatise on Stones by
Yung (province), 501, 539,619 the Venerable Ir YUyang), 645
Yung (river), 501
Yung-chhiu, 577 Zebra, 513
Yung-Fu Buildings Upkeep Office, 33 I Zenith distance, 179, 375
Yung Heng (Sung scholar), 6 .. , 568 Zeno of Elea (fl. -450),92
Yung-khang (near Wuchow), 612, 613 Zero,9 ff., .. 3, 63, 86, 130, 132, 146, 148, 149, 152,
Yung-Lo (reign-period), 557, 558 20 3
YUlIg-Lo Ta Tien (Great Encyclopaedia of the Ziggurat, 296 (k)
Yung- Lo reign-period), 18, 31-2, So, 66, 136 Zilsel, E. (2), 154
Yung-::--'ing Kuan (near Yenchow), 61 .. Zinc, 678
Yung thi and Yung shu (packing problems in 'Zinc pansy' (Viola caLaminaria), 678
mathematics), 1+5 (d) Zinncr, E., 175, 184,282, 341, 373, 374
Yungchow, 615 von Zittel, K. A., 592, 61 I
Yunnan, 52 .. , 557, 593, 665, 67 0 Zodiac, 256, ..38
Yiinnan Thullg Chih (Local Topography of Zodiacal signs, 247, 258, 404
Yunnan), 673 Zoology, 513, 636, 675
Yurungkash (river), 665, 666 ZUrich (Swiss canton ), 579
Yushkevitch, A. P., 2
TABLE OF CHINESE DYNASTIES
N.B. When no modifying term in brackets is given, the dynasty was pl,!rely Chinese. Where the
overlapping of dynasties and independent states becomes particularly confused , the tables of Wieger (r)
will be found useful. For such periods, especially the Second and Third Partitions, the best guide is
Eberhard (9). During the Eastern Chin period there were no less than eighteen independent States
(Hunnish, Tibetan, Hsienpi, Turkic, etc.) in the north. The term' Liu chhao' (Six D ynasties) is often
used by historians of literature. It refers to the south and covers the period from the beginning of the
+ 3rd to the end of the + 6th centuries, including (San Kuo) 'Vu, Chin, (Liu) Sung, Chhi, Liang and
Chhen.
ERRATA TO VOLUME I
p. 31, 4th paragraph, 2nd line. For minister read premier.
p. 36, 13th line. For 1280 read 1648.
p. 37, substitute an asterisk for the dot at the junction of S- and -eng.
p. 49, 5th paragraph, 9th and 12th lines. For Su read So.
p. 56, 'Provinces', after Chekiang. For tfJT read WT.
'Place-names' , after Amoy (city). For J[ read lY..
p. 57, line 31. For Liuchu read Liuchhiu. For JJft ~ read JJft ~J.
p. 67, 2nd line. For Black read Caspian.
p. 77, note d, 4th line. Huang chi tien should be in italics.
p. 78, 32nd line. For + 937 read + 907·
33rd line. For + II25 read + II44.
p. 79, 3rd paragraph, 5th and 6th lines. For first President read Secretary-General.
p. 93, footnote d. For pa read po.
p. 108, last paragraph, 2nd line. For Hsii Shih read Hsii Fu.
p. 122, 9th line. For last read second.
p. 125, 6th line from end. For Weichhi read Yiichhih.
p. 128, 6th line. For +610 read +636.
p. 137, 7th line. For a mud-boat read mud-boots.
p. 138, footnote b, line 1. For second read third.
p. 142, footnote I. For jf: read ~.
p. 145, 6th line. For volumes read chapters.
p. 1S4, 18th line. For late - 5th century read mid -4th.
note g. Read Cf. p. 227 below.
p. 165, 16th line. For - 296 read - 245.
23rd line. For Su Tan-Chi read Su Ta-Chi.
p. 166, 9th line after illustration. For + 2nd century read - 3rd century.
p. 174, note f, 5 lines from end. For p. 185 read p. 186.
p. 180, 2nd paragraph, loth line. For Fan Chhang read Fan fang.
p. 181, 6th and 13th lines. For Ganchow read Kanchow.
p. 182, note c. For p. 195 read p. 196.
p. 186, last paragraph, 5th line from end. For p. 204 read p. 205.
p. 192, fourth column from the right. For before + 429 read c. + 264.
p. 199, section (2), 7th line. For Yuan read Liang.
p. 200, 1st line. For Kallenberg (I) read Kallenberg, 1.
p. 202, note b, 3rd line. For Hsiu read Hsin.
p. 207, 6th line. For Chiu-Mo-Lo-Shih-Pho read Chiu-Mo-Lo-Shih.
p. 209, note b, 2nd line. For + 663 read + 647.
p. 212, 2nd line. For Yo-Yang Tsa Tsu read Yu-Yang Tsa Tsu.
p. 219, 3rd line after quotation. For tshao-hsieh read tshao-shu. For 'J¥. ~ read 'J¥. if·
last line but one. For chih read chiu.
note 8. For ~ read ~.
p. 220, 2nd paragraph, 8th line. For claims from them read claims for them.
p. 233, note g. For Elegies, Ill, 12 read Elegies, IV, 3.
p. 258, IIth line, first column. For + 510 read + 520.
18th line from bottom, first column. For + 670 read + 629.
ERRATA
ERRATA TO VOLUME II
p. 19, 2nd paragraph , 1st line. For (c. -298 to -238) read (c. -305 to -235).
p. 74, note b. For Dr E. Galazs and Dr Lu Bwei-Djen read Dr E. Balazs and Dr Lu
Gwei-Djen.
p. 133, note c, last line. For + 6th century read + 7th century.
p. 164, note c. For Lin Tung-Chi read Lin Thung-Chi .
p. 305, loth line. For - I ISO read - 1050.
13th line. For - 1100 read - 1020.
p. 360, 20th line. For :\Iing read Yuan.
p. 378, note e, 1st line. For Yao Shan Yun read Yao Shan-Vu.
p. 394, note b. For Laufer (6) read Laufer (8).
p. 486, note e, 2nd line. For chen read cMlIg.
p. 493, 9th line. For miao wan Wit erh yen chih yeh read !Iliao wall Wit erh yen che yeh.
p. 516, 3rd paragraph, 3rd line. For Ling read Lin.
p. 625, last line. For 1925 read 1935.
p. 633, 18th line. For HUANG HSIN-CHI read HUA G !ISIU-CHI.
p. 634, under KARLGRE1 . For Shanghai read Peiping.
p. 637, 30th line. For LIN T NG-CHI read LrN TH UNG-CIlI.
ROMANISATION CONVERSION TABLES
BY ROBIN BRILLIANT
Modified Modified
Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin Wade- Giles
a a chou chhou
ai al chu c hhu
an an chuai chhuai
ang ang chuan chhuan
ao a0 chuang chhuang
ba pa chui chhui
bai pai chun chhun
ban pan chuo chho
bang pang ci tzhu
bao pao cong tshung
bei pei cou tshou
ben pen cu tshu
beng peng cuan tshuan
bi pi CUI tshui
bian pien cun tshun
biao piao cuo tsho
bie pieh da ta
bin pin dai tai
bing pmg dan tan
bo po dang tang
bu pu dao tao
ca tsha de te
cal tshai dei tei
can tshan den ten
cang tshang deng teng
cao tshao di ti
ce tshe dian tien
cen tshen diao tiao
ceng tsheng die dieh
cha chha ding ting
chai chhai diu tiu
chan chhan dong tung
chang chhang dou tou
chao chhao du tu
che chhe duan tuan
chen chhen dui tui
cheng chheng dun tun
chi chhih duo to
chong chhung e e, 0
879
Modified Modified
Pinyin Wade- Giles Pinyin Wad Giles
en en jia chia
eng eng jian chien
er erh jiang chiang
fa fa jiao chiao
fan fan jie chieh
fang fang jin chin
fei fei Jlng ching
fen fen jiong chiung
feng feng JIU chiu
fo fo JU chi.i
fou fou juan chi.ian
fu fu Jue chi.ieh , chio
ga ka jun chi.in
gai kai ka kha
gan kan kai khai
gang kang kan khan
gao kao kang khang
ge ko kao khao
gei kei ke kho
gen ken kei khei
geng keng ken khen
gong kung keng kheng
gou kou kong khung
gu ku kou khou
gua kua ku khu
guai kuai kua khua
guan kuan kuai khuai
guang kuang kuan khuan
gui kuei kuang khuang
gun kun kui khuei
guo kuo kun khun
ha ha kuo khuo
hai hai la la
han han lai lai
hang hang lan lan
hao hao lang lang
he ho lao lao
hei hei le le
hen hen lei lei
heng heng leng leng
hong hung li li
hou hou lia lia
hu hu lian lien
hua hua liang liang
huai huai liao liao
huan huan lie lieh
huang huang lin lin
hui hui ling ling
hun hun liu liu
huo huo 10 10
JI chi long lung
880
Modified Modified
Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles
Modified Modified
Pinyin Wade- Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles
se se wan wan
sen sen Wang wang
seng seng wel wel
sha sha wen wen
shai shai weng ong
shan shan wo wo
shang shang wu wu
shao shao XI hsi
she she xla hsia
shei shei xlan hsien
shen shen xlang hsiang
sheng sheng, seng xlao hsiao
shi shih xle hsieh
shou shou xm hsin
shu shu xing hsing
shua shua xiong hsiung
shuai shuai XIU hsiu
shuan shuan xu hsii
shuang shuang xuan hsiian
shui shui xue hsiieh, hsio
shun shun xun hsiin
shuo shuo ya ya
SI ssu yan yen
song sung yang yang
sou sou yao yao
su su ye yeh
suan suan YI
SUI SUI ym yin
sun sun ymg ying
suo so yo yo
ta tha yong yung
tai thai you yu
tan than yu yii
tang thang yuan yiian
taG thao yue yiieh, yo
te the yun yiin
teng theng za tsa
ti thi zal tsai
tian thien zan tsan
tiao thiao zang tsang
tie thieh zao tsao
ting thing ze tse
tong thung zel tsei
tou thou zen tsen
tu thu zeng tseng
tu an thuan zha cha
tui thui zhai chai
tun thun zhan chan
tUG tho zhang chang
wa wa zhao chao
wal wal zhe che
882
Modified Modified
Pinyin Wade-Giles Pin yi n Wad Giles
Modified Modified
Wade- Giles Pinyin Wade- Giles Pinyin
a a chhi o que
al al chhiu qlu
an an chhiung qiorlg
ang ang chho chuo
ao ao chh ou chou
cha zha chh u chu
chai chai chh uai chuai
chan zhan chhuan chuan
chang zhang chhuang chuang
chao zhao chhui chui
che zhe chhun chun
chei zhei chhung chong
cht:n zhen chhi.i qu
cheng zheng ch hi.ian quan
ch ha cha chhi.ieh que
chhai chai chhi.in qun
chhan chan chi JI
chhang chang chi a jia
chhao chao chiang jiang
chht: che chi ao jiao
chhen chen chi eh Jle
chh eng cheng chien jian
chhi qi chih zhi
chhia qia chin jin
chhiang qiang chi ng jing
chhiao qlao chi o jue
chhieh qle chiu JIU
chhien qian chiung jiong
chh ih chi cho zhuo
chhin qin cho u zhou
chhi ng qing chu zhu
883
Modified Modified
Wade- Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin
Modified Modified
Wade- Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin
ku gu mu mu
kua gua na na
kuai guai nal nal
kuan guan nan nan
kuang guang nang nang
kuei gUl nao nao
kun gun nel nel
kung gong nen nen
kuo guo neng neng
la la nl m
lai lai niang mang
lan lan mao mao
lang lang nieh me
lao lao nlen nlan
le le nm nm
lei lei ning ning
leng leng mu nlie
li li nlU mu
lia lia no nuo
liang liang nou nou
liao liao nu nu
lieh lie nuan nuan
lien lian nung nong
lin lin nli nli
ling ling 0 e, 0
liu liu ong weng
10 luo, 10 ou ou
Iou Iou pa ba
lu lu pal bai
luan luan pan ban
lun lun pang bang
lung long pao baD
lli lli pei bei
llieh llie pen ben
ma ma peng beng
mal mal pha pa
man man phai pai
mang mang phan pan
mao maD phang pang
mel mel phao pao
men men phei pei
meng meng phen pen
mi ml pheng peng
miao mlao phi pi
mieh mle phiao plao
mien mlan phieh pie
min mm phien plan
ming mmg phin pm
mlU mlu phing ping
mo mo pho po
mou mou phou pou
885
Modified Modified
Wad Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin
Modified Modified
Wade-Giles Pinyin Wade- Giles Pinyin