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edited by
Mario Bevilacqua
Mario Gori Sassoli

English edition by
Fabio Barry
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The Eighteenth-Century City in the Great Vedute
Rome, Museo del Corso
Via del Corso, 320
14 November 2006 - 25 February 2007

Exhibition curated by
Mario Bevilacqua
Mario Gori Sassoli

Steering Committee General Organisation Photographic References © Copyright 2006

Claudio Strinati Editoriale Artemide Archivio Fotografico Editoriale Artemide s.r.l.
Mario Bevilacqua Secretaries Soprintendenza Speciale Via Angelo Bargoni, 8
Marcello Fagiolo Antonella Iolandi Polo Museale Romano 00153 Rome
Luigi Ficacci Ilaria Sgarbozza Archivio Fotografico Musei Tel. 06.45493446
Mario Gori Sassoli Capitolini Tel./Fax 06.45441995
John Wilton-Ely Exhibition Design Nicolò Orsi Battaglini - Florence
Jean Paul Troili
Alessandro Zuccari Matteo Innocente Furina - Rome
Lay-out Maria Teresa Natale - Rome
In collaboration with Ivano Martino Humberto Serra Nicoletti - Rome
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica - Luciano Pedicini - Naples
Rome Fitting Cover
Gamma Eventi s.r.l. Foto Roncaglia - Modena Lucio Barbazza
Serenita Papaldo Panels and captions Editorial coordination
Director of the Collections Pianeta immagine Acknowledgments Ilaria Sgarbozza
Ginevra Mariani Translations Aurelio Aghemo English Language Edition
Director of Prints Susan Aulton Francesca Bisleti Translations
Alida Moltedo Angela Carbonaro
Frames Fabio Barry
Director of Restoration Laboratory Silvia Chiaraviglio
Colutto, Rome Robert Coates-Stephens
Fabio Fiorani Ileana Creazzo
Copper Plate Laboratory Fiammeri, Rome Photographic Reproduction
Ranfagni, Florence Brigitte Daprà
Giuseppe Trassari Filippetto Ubalplex, Rome Lorenza Del Tosto Page Service s.r.l. - Roma
Loans Office Elena Di Gioia
Orsola Bonifati Scanning
Lighting Paola Di Pietro Iger - Roma
Fratelli Cocca Marzia Faietti
Lenders Patrizia Grassigli Parole e colore - Roma
Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Microclimatic Installation Cristina Intelisano
Vitale Impianti s.r.l. Printing
Uffizi - Florence Anna Lo Bianco Petruzzi Stampa - Città di Castello (PG)
Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria - Restorers Anita Margiotta
Modena Donatella Cecchin Alessandro Marini Balestra
Museo Nazionale di San Martino - Lucia Ghedin Giorgio Marini
Naples Maria Teresa Marciante Lucia Monaci Moran
Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica - Roberto Saccuman Anna Mura Sommella
Palazzo Barberini - Rome Nicola Salini Rossana Muzii
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica - Angela Negro
Rome Press Office
Roberto Begnini Caspar Pearson
Musei Capitolini - Rome Francesca Piccinini
Museo di Roma - Palazzo Braschi, Insurance Giorgio Pighi
Rome Progress Broker Insurance Antonella Poleggi
Giuseppe Marino - Rome Axa Art Milena Ricci
Stefano Bifolco Antiquarius - Rome Aon Simonetta Sergiacomi
Private Collections0 Transport and packing Venceslao and Leone Spalletti
Arterìa Trivelli
Graphic communications Director Nicola Spinosa
Lucio Barbazza Guido Tacoli di San Possidonio
Maria Elisa Tittoni
Virtual Reconstructions Simonetta Tozzi
Fabio Barry, Concept and Project And all those wishing to remain
Coordination anonymous
Andrew Williamson, Realization
and Animation Special thanks to Mario Lugli
Conservation Vicesindaco e Assessore alla Cultura
Immacolata Afan de Rivera del Comune di Modena
Costaguti – Soprintendenza
Speciale per il Polo Museale
ISBN 88-7575-055-6
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11 Emmanuele Francesco Maria Emanuele


15 Serenita Papaldo
Piranesi and the Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica

17 Plates

33 Claudio Strinati
Piranesi and Rome. Safeguarding Immensity

39 Mario Bevilacqua
The Rome of Piranesi. Views of the Ancient and Modern City

61 Marcello Fagiolo
Roma quanta fuit... Piranesi, the Ruin of Antiquity
and the Prophecy of the Modern City

67 John Wilton-Ely
Piranesi and the world of the British Grand Tour

79 Francesca Lui
Des ruines aux bibliothèques. Piranesi and the French World:
Fame, Influence, Legacy

91 Fabio Barry
Rinovare, anziché ristorare: Piranesi as Architect

113 Plates

129 The Vedute di Roma

267 Works exhibited

281 Ilaria Sgarbozza

Piranesi. Biographical profile

289 Bibliography

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Des ruines aux bibliothèques.

Piranesi and the French World: Fame, Influence, Legacy
Francesca Lui

From Rome to France

As John Wilton-Ely has observed, over the course of his
long Roman career Giovanni Battista Piranesi was adept at
constructing an extraordinary rich and intricate network of
international relationships1. His dealings with antiquarians,
artists, collectors and patrons across the Channel were intense,
privileged and sometimes quarrelsome. Although they followed
a different dynamic, the relationships which the great Venetian
enjoyed with the French world were equally fruitful and just as
Thirty years after the historic exhibition Piranèse et les
Français 1740-17902 and the conference of the same name at
Villa Medici, the theme still offers room for investigation. This
complex exchange must be seen against a wider system of
conections, where new findings allow us to reconsider not only
the group of French artists who moved in Piranesi’s orbit and
those who he influenced in various ways (the so-called
piranésiens), but many other questions besides: for example, the
precocious collecting of his graphic works in France, which had
begun as early as the 1750s, and the motivations behind his
decision to publish certain works in French, as in the case of the
Diverse maniere d’adornare i cammini of 1769 (with French and
English translations). We might also consider the last work,
dedicated to Paestum, Différentes vues de quelques restes des trois
grands édifices … dans l’ancienne ville de Pesto, which appeared in
the year of his death; and the exciting fate of the immense col-
lection of copper plates, secured by his son Francesco and trans-
ferred to Republican Paris, by now their “new country.” Finally,
we might consider the heirs’ entrepreneurial hardships in
Napoleonic France, and the fortunes of the “Calcographie des
Piranesi frères,” which in the first decade of the nineteenth cen-
tury incessantly promoted Giovanni Battista’s work (Fig. 1).3 1. Frontispiece of the Catalogo delle opere by Giovanni Battista
and Francesco Piranesi, Paris, 1800 (Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale
The brothers later came up with new publication formulas, as dell’Archiginnasio).
well as other, more daring commercial ventures, such as the
short-lived factory of terracottas (painted vases, candelabra and
tripods) based in Mortefontaine.
With Francesco’s death and the sale of the precious collec- historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de J.-B. Piranesi, written on the
tion of plates, the Piranesian oeuvre in France became the basis of direct and indirect testimonies at the turn of the eigh-
object of various initiatives. The works were reissued by Lamy teenth century, as part of a project to republish the engravings.
and Cussac in 1819 in the guise of a “Cours complet d’Archi- The following century saw the writings of Henri Focillon
tecture, de Peinture et de Sculpture” for artists4, and then again (1881-1943): the celebrated monograph Giovanni Battista
by the publisher Firmin-Didot, who had bought the plates in Piranesi 1720-1778 and the Essai de catalogue raisonné de son
1829. œuvre, both appearing in 1918, which have made a critical
The role of French biographers and critics has been funda- impact on the scholarship of the entire twentieth century. To
mental for Piranesian historiography. The first was the architect this we may add the vast incidence of the “Piranesi phenome-
Jacques-Guillaume Legrand (1743-1807)5, author of the Notice non” in French literature: the dark and irrational spaces of the

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2. Giovanni Battista Piranesi. Plan of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli. Detail. Drawing, Naples, Museo di San Martino.

Carceri, which first appeared in Horace Walpole’s Anecdotes rative impact, he has the protagonists meet “au milieu des
(1771) and then in the pages of De Quincey’s Confessions of an ruines”: “always amidst the ruins and around those who studied
English Opium Eater (1821), also pervaded the imagination of them, [Piranesi] very soon made contact with the pensionnaires
French poets and writers from the romantic era onwards, and of the French Academy.”10 Among the engraver’s French “fel-
settled deeply enough to become a recognisable and recurrent low students”, Legrand includes “Vien, Vernet, the two Châlles
theme from Baudelaire and Mallarmé down to our own day.6 brothers, Petitot, Pêcheux, Clérisseau, Pajou, Doyen and others
The refrain of the labyrinthine staircase multiplying into infin- besides.”11
ity, the “stone cage” which swallows man in the dark meanders But as Bent Sørensen has noted, this list of piranésiens omits
of the abyss, the architectural hallucinations on the border of precisely those artists who are documented as being in direct
dream and nightmare: these are all trauma-images born from contact with Piranesi. There is no mention, for example, of the
the indicipherable “cerveau noir de Piranèse”, to use Victor sculptor Jacques Saly, to whom Piranesi even dedicated a draw-
Hugo’s expression, that later became the title of a penetrating ing in 1746;12 nor the name of Jean Barbault who, as is well
study by Marguerite Yourcenar.7 known, became directly involved as engraver in the collection
In any number of ways, then, France has represented an of the Antichità Romane which appeared in 1756.
important springboard for the understanding and transmission It therefore remains to define the profile of this group of
of the Piranesian oeuvre. young Frenchmen that entertained such a privileged dialogue
with the Venetian artist, in various ways and circumstances,
Conversations with the pensionnaires and produced, as Werner Oechslin has made clear, “kindred”
A number of specific circumstances had from the beginning results in the field of engraving that would serve to initiate a
favoured Piranesi’s introduction to the French circle at Rome. new Geschmackskultur.13
Firstly, topography: his workshop was strategically situated on If we consider the start of his career, when Piranesi was in his
the central Via del Corso, “right across from the French Acade- twenties and had just arrived in the city, and consider his first
my” (dirimpetto all’Accademia di Francia”), as the words at the activity as the author of perspectival views for Roman publish-
bottom of some of his first engravings declare.8 ers, we should not be surprised to find him working next to
The biographer Legrand, in his lively Notice, full of anec- some of these pensionnaires in the greatly expanding market of
dotes as well as a number of direct testimonies,9 deals on sever- urban vedustismo.14 This was a genre which in the Italian cities
al occasions with the theme of Piranesi’s meetings with les of the Grand Tour - Rome followed by Venice, Naples and Flo-
Français. Exploiting Rome as a stage and with undeniable nar- rence - represented one of the fastest sources of income for a

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young artist, whether painter, engraver or architect. This was a rare testimony to these contacts, and to the extent of the cir-
the case, for example, with the small illustrated guide Roma culation of Piranesian graphics in the pensionnaires’ circle.19
Moderna distinta per Rioni of 1741, or the subsequent collection Nicolas-Henri Jardin, who understood this Roman environ-
Varie Vedute di Roma Antica e Moderna Disegnate e Intagliate da ment very well,20 called this drawing “plein de feu” in his inven-
Celebri Autori, published by Fausto Amidei, “Libraro al Corso”, tory, and Sørensen has happily identified the sheet with the
in 1745.15 Participating in this second collection were the spirited example kept at Quimper.21
Frenchmen Jean-Laurent Legeay and Gabriel-Philotée- Proof of the desire to emulate Piranesi’s works is the drawing
François Duflos (to whose works were added, in later reprints, by architect and painter Charles Michel-Ange Challe (1718-
the vedute of architect Jérôme-Charles Bellicard and those of 1778) representing an Architettura d’invenzione. This was con-
the painter Jean Barbault). But the greatest contribution was ceived in 1746 as a brilliant stylistic exercise in the Venetian’s
Piranesi’s: twenty-seven plates in the first edition of 1745, and manner, as the words on the verso bear witness: “par une espèce
almost double that in 1748, executing forty-eight from a total of de concurrence.”22 In a different vein, the talented decorator
eighty-six.16 As is well known, some of these ‘vedutine’ were at and designer of ephemera Louis-Joseph Le Lorrain (1715-1759)
the same time republished by Amidei in Pietro Rossini’s Mercu- competed with the scenographic inventions of the Prima parte
rio errante delle Grandezze di Roma (1750), and in other parallel di architetture, reworking them in his designs for the festival of
editions promoted by Giovanni Bouchard: from the Varie the Chinea (especially that of 1745).23 Later, the architect
Vedute di Roma (1748) to the Raccolte di Varie Vedute di Roma si Charles de Wailly (1730-1798) would also pay hommage to the
Antica che Moderna Intagliate in maggior parte dal celebre Giambat- maestro’s compositional ideas, exploiting them directly in some
tista Piranesi (1752)17 which, as the title declares, focused above of his own building projects.24
all on forty-eight small Piranesian masterpieces. Epistolary sources also reveal how sought-after Piranesi’s
But the first contacts with the French milieu seem rather to graphic experiments were on the French market, even before
have concerned colleagues from the Accademia di Arcadia, to the publication of the Antichità Romane: in a letter from Flo-
which Piranesi had been admitted in around 1744: Claude- rence, dated 28 September 1754, the architect Charles-Louis
Joseph Vernet, Jacques Saly, and the brothers Michel-Ange and Clérisseau states that he has sent to France, together with oth-
Simon Challe.18 er papers, three drawings by Piranesi, stressing furthermore the
Piranesi’s drawing Idée d’un feu d’artifice “pour le recouvre- difficulties he has experienced in obtaining them.25
ment de la santé de M. Saly à Rome, en 1746,” cited in the sales In the light of these facts, several passages of Legrand’s
inventory of goods belonging to the sculptor (1776), constitutes Notice, especially those regarding the artistic borrowings from

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3. Charles-Louis Clérisseau and Antonio Zucchi (figures), Octagonal hall 4. Giovanni Battista Piranesi. Veduta of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli.
in the Small Baths at Hadrian’s Villa. Pen and black/brown ink, brown wash, Drawing, red chalk. Florence, Gabinetto dei Disegni degli Uffizi.
white lead highlights. San Petersburg, Hermitage.

Piranesi by Palazzo Mancini’s young guests, appear all the archaeological direction of the later eighteenth century. They
more likely. finally come to rest at Hadrian’s Villa, chosen by both as a priv-
According to Legrand, Piranesi was admitted into the small ileged place for study.29
circle of French artists, where he experimented with that large et These references, even though exaggerated, correspond in
facile drawing technique and flashing, impetuous line (some- general terms to what we know of Clérisseau’s work. The biog-
times with “excès de l’encre”, in Paciaudi’s and de Caylus’ opin- rapher’s wish to make the French architect’s archaeological per-
ion) which was the hallmark of his graphic style. “These lustrations coincide with those of the more famous Italian, how-
artists,” Legrand affirms, “seeing the zeal and ardour that the ever, might seem at first sight to be a contrivance. It is evident
young Piranesi had for his work, admitted him into their group; that these facts, recorded at a distance of almost half a century -
[…] he acquired from them the practice of free and immediate during Republican times, strongly imbued with nationalistic
drawing, and that swift manner of tracing the motifs, which ideologies - would have contributed in redeeming the figure of
were then rendered with that sentiment and life without which Clérisseau in his own country: it is the same Legrand who
everything appears cold and sterile.”26 asserts that “a long sojourn of twenty years in Rome, and
As for the architect Clérisseau (1720-1819), the Notice immense research on architecture and antiquity” had made
offers a variety of facts on his presumed friendship with Pirane- Clérisseau well known “in Italy, London, and Russia - far more
si. Legrand was tied to Clérisseau by a family connection - in so than in France.”30
1789 he had married his daughter Marie-Josèphe - and it may The discourse on Clérisseau would also have played a deci-
have been in his interest to revalue the work of his father-in-law sive role as regards the projected Encyclopédie de l’Architec-
by insisting on his influence on Piranesi. On the other hand, it ture, comprising all Piranesi’s work, and into which Legrand
is undeniable that he must have received much of his informa- hoped to insert the second volume of Clérisseau’s Antiquités
tion firsthand.27 de la France.31
With an engaging narrative, Legrand assigns the figure of But there is a further passage of the Notice that appears ten-
Clérisseau increasing prominence. He appears for the first time dentious: that in which the biographer states that it was thanks
among Piranesi’s “study companions” and French friends, to his assiduous frequentation of Clérisseau that Piranesi con-
including Vien, Vernet, the Challe brothers, Petitot, Pécheux ceived the volume Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani
and Pajou, and over the course of the story Clérisseau gradually (in which he took aim at the French architect J.-D. Leroy). He
acquires increasing relevance to the main protagonist, Piranesi. even goes on to affirm that it had been Clérisseau’s studies of
Together with the painter Marie-Joseph Vien, it is Clérisseau the antique that had had the decisive effect on Piranesi’s style,
who binds a “genuine tie of friendship” with the “Rembrandt making him abandon “ces mauvais cartouches dans le goût
delle antiche rovine” (as Giovanni Ludovico Bianconi would Napolitain dont il composait ses premières frontispices.”32
call Piranesi), becoming “compagnon de voyage dans les ruines Though written with a certain lightness, Legrand’s sparse
qu’ils parcouraient ensemble.”28 The biographer moves on to notes have influenced twentieth-century criticism, encouraging
describe the explorations carried out by the two artists of the comparisons between the two artists and linking their work and
sites brought to light during the 1750s, a decade crucial for the experiences.33

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5. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Rear view of the Mausoleum of Caecilia

Metella. Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, III, tav. LI).

From the ruins to the libraries: Hadrian’s Villa

Another important point where the Notice insists on the
rapport with Clérisseau concerns the archaeological explo-
rations carried out at Hadrian’s Villa near Tivoli: “Piranesi and
Clérisseau were among the first to sketch and map Hadrian’s
Villa.”34 The vast ruins, which by the middle of the century had
become a magnet for antiquarians, dilettantes, thinkers and
artists, is evoked by the French biographer in particularly
colourful tones, which restore all the attraction of its wild
atmosphere and picturesque abandon. Piranesi, “accompanied”
by Clérisseau looms large “with blows of his axe among the
brambles,” lighting fires to “drive away snakes and scorpions.”35 6. Domenico Montagu da J. Barbault, View of the Mausoleum
In fact, the work of exploration and surveying carried out by of Caecilia Metella. Engraving (from Les plus beaux monuments
the two architects, if not conducted exactly side by side as de Rome ancienne, 1761, tav. 47).
Legrand claims, must at least have been in parallel (Figs. 3 and
4): Clérisseau’s first visits to Tivoli, as MacCormick and Roland
Michel have proposed,36 should be dated to the early 1750s, dur- series of engravings Vasi, candelabri e cippi… (1778, I, pls. 21,
ing his time spent at the French Academy. Further trips are doc- 22).40 He eventually determined to make a complete plan of the
umented between the end of 1755 and the first months of entire complex, and worked systematically on this in the early
1756,37 in the company of the Scotch architect Robert Adam, 1760s. But what appears most interesting for the purposes of
when he was preparing to draw a complete plan of the villa. The this study is that he made use of the research carried out inde-
astronomer and traveller Lalande, in his Voyage d’un François en pendently by a number of pensionnaires: that of the inseparable
Italie (1769), provides some interesting details in this regard, architects Charles de Wailly and Pierre-Louis Moreau-
taken directly from Clérisseau, who had informed him of “plans Desproux, and that of Marie-Joseph Peyre, made in around
détaillés de la Villa d’Adriano” sent by him to Robert Adam in 1755;41 and, above all, the work of Jacques Gondoin (1737-
London “qui doivent être publiés.”38 1818), whose research in the subsequent decade is attested by
Piranesi also explored the site on various occasions. Less his signature, dated 1763, in the western part of the Villa.42
than a year after his arrival in Rome, he had already visited the Next to this, on the same stretch of wall, we also find another
ruins on the Via Tiburtina; this is demonstrated by his signature, signature of Piranesi, with a comment on how desperate and
dated 1741, made in red chalk on the vault of the stairs leading “almost impossible” the undertaking was.43
to the cryptoporticus.39 Subsequently, between 1749 and 1754, In the entry dedicated to Gondoin in the Encyclopédie
he made further investigations, copying the stuccoes of some of méthodique, the theoretical classicist Quatremère de Quincy
the buildings (Nymphaeum and the Large Baths): although records that on leaving Italy for the last time the young archi-
these drawings were to be used only very much later, for the tect had consigned his studies and drawings of Hadrian’s Villa to

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8. Giovanni Battista Piranesi and Jean Barbault,

Fragments of wall decoration from the funerary chamber of the Pyramid
of Caius Cestius. Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane,
1756, III, tav. XLVIII).

ished. Immediately after the artist’s death it was resumed again

and carried to completion by his son Francesco. Using as many
as 250 drawings in plan and relief by both him and his father, as
well as Giovanni Battista’s great preparatory drawing Carta
ichnografica della Villa Adriana (Fig. 2),49 he published an engrav-
ing over three metres in length in 1781, finally satisfying his
father’s longstanding and much coveted dream.50

Jean Barbault between Piranesi and Bouchard

From the beginning, the dissemination of Piranesi’s works
on the cosmopolitan Roman market benefited from the intu-
ition and entrepreneurial capacity of a French bookseller, Jean
(“Giovanni”) Bouchard “mercante al Corso.” Originally from
7. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, View of the foundations the Hautes-Alpes, he had settled in Rome in 1740, the same
of the Theatre of Marcellus. Engraving year that Piranesi arrived in the capital.51 The name “Buzard”
(from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, IV, tav. XXXII). already appears on the frontispiece of the first version of the
Carceri, and the commercial relationship with the bookseller
was consolidated over the years by a series of varied publishing
“son ami Piranèse, alors occupé à des semblable travaux.”44 The initiatives: from the Raccolte di Varie vedute di Roma (1752),
traveller Lalande, on the other hand, without making any refer- aimed chiefly at the Grand Tourists, to the Trofei di Ottaviano
ence to Piranesi’s ambitious project, mentions in his Italian sec- Augusto (1753), a work planned instead as a repertory for
tion the names of Charles de Wailly, Moreau-Desproux and painters, sculptors and architects,52 to the four large-format vol-
Peyre among those who worked for more than fifteen days “avec umes of the Antichità Romane (1756), destined for the demand-
une assiduité incroyable” to make a general plan of the villa.45 A ing, highly cultivé tastes of scholars and amateurs.
first draft of the plan, drawn to scale by Peyre “une ligne par Bouchard’s bookshop, which from 1755 was associated with
toise”, would later be shown to Lalande.46 Gravier, occupied rooms near the church of S. Marcello, a short
Notwithstanding the work of these and other collaborators, distance from Palazzo Mancini, seat of the French Academy.
the titanic project of recording Hadrian’s Villa with method- The store would have been a meeting-place for scholars and
ological premises based on the apprentissage to the cartographic connaisseurs, and also for ordinary travellers - as is shown in the
school of Nolli,47 was obstinately carried forward by Piranesi at large painted signboard, à la manière de Gersaint, which portrays
the cost of great “fatica e pena”, occupying him more than any- the interior, thronged by visitors enaged in conversation as they
thing else in his last years,48 and even then remaining unfin- examine engravings of ancient monuments.53

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Bouchard, called to testify in February 1753 to Piranesi’s

marital status in preparation for his marriage contract, would
state that his relationship with the artist went back to the pre-
ceding decade, just after his arrival in Rome, “per essere [egli]
venuto nella mia bottega.”54
The appearance of the Antichità Romane on the European
scene, issued by Bouchard and Gravier in 1756, represented a
true publishing event. With the visionary strength of his images
of Rome, dominated by the “delirium of the perspective” and
sifted through a dramatic chiaroscuro rendered still more effec-
tive by its impressive sequence of “architectural anatomies,” the
artist shook what had until then been the perception of Roman
antiquity; it was a revolution in the approach to archaeology
(Figs. 5, 7 and 8).55 The publishers did not hesitate to define the
collection the most complete work on antiquity ever printed.56
Among the notable Frenchmen to make an immediate pur-
chase during their Roman travels were Abbot Barthélemy, Pres-
ident de Cotte, Abbot Gougenot de Croissy (travelling with
the painter Jean-Baptiste Greuze), and the scientist Charles-
Marie de la Condamine.57
Charles-Joseph Natoire, director of the French Academy in
Rome, mentioned “les dernières volumes de Piranesi” in a letter
of February 1757; he did not, however, venture an opinion,
appearing rather vaguely informed of the contents.58 9. Jean Barbault, Ancient fragments. Engraving
The only one of Piranesi’s collaborators whose signature has (from Les plus beaux monuments de Rome ancienne, 1761, tav. 66).
been found on the Antichità romane is the French painter and
engraver Jean Barbault (1719-1762).59 The words “Barbault
scolpì le figure”, which appears on some of the plates of the sec- different methods of presenting Barbault’s two illustrated vol-
ond and third volumes next to the name Piranesi, reveals his umes, which included vedute, sculpture and numerous “frag-
collaboration as engraver of the figures on sculpted and painted ments antiques.” It was the standard of the ‘right medium’ - as is
fragments taken from funerary chambers. written in the preface - which provided the work, through its
According to a formula partly derived from Pier Leone texts and images, with a selection of the “plus beaux monu-
Ghezzi, the fragments (that once adorned the tomb chambers of ments,” accompanied by essential historical references, “sans
the columbarium of the Arruntii, that of the liberti of the fami- prolixité et sans oscurité” but at the same time not “avec trop de
ly of Augustus and the burialchamber in the Pyramid of Ces- brièveté.”62
tius) are arranged scenographically by Piranesi, in a manner In the same way, Barbault’s views de Rome ancienne, engraved
that Barbault would shortly repeat in plates for the volume Les for the most part by Domenico Montagu, tend to distinguish
plus beaux monuments de Rome ancienne (Figs. 8 and 9),60 pub- themselves from Piranesi’s. Their framing, with the insertion of
lished in 1761, also by Bouchard and Gravier. This work, fol- new details, and reassuring arcadian-tinged animation are far
lowed in 1763 by its companion piece, Les plus beaux édifices de removed from the dramatic register which runs through the
Rome moderne, had been planned by Piranesi’s publishers at the Venetian’s work. Nonetheless, an undeniably Piranesian mise en
precise moment when their long commercial partnership with scène characterises some of the scenes, as for example in the
the great engraver-architect was about to end.61 It would thus Veduta del Sepolcro di Cecilia Metella, with its overturned urn in
fill a significant gap in the catalogue and relaunch the success- the foreground, the invasive and disordered vegetation, the rap-
ful historical and celebratory trend for images of ancient and id series of inclined planes and, finally, the sepulchre shown from
modern Rome, in French. The practised publishers hit upon below, in a theatrical apparition of antiquity (Fig. 6).

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10. Jacques-Philippe Le Bas after J.-D. Leroy, View of the Temple of Theseus 11. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Ionic capitals. Engraving
at Athens. Engraving (from J.-D. Leroy, Les Ruines des plus (from Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani, Roma 1761, tav. XX).
beaux monuments de la Grèce, 1758, ed. 1770, tav. VIII).

His long familiarity with the vedutistic repertory and expe- publié depuis son retour en France,” he continues, “et qu’Elle
rience gained in Piranesi’s workshop from the 1750s had direct- trouvera decrits dans le dit catalogue, j’ai donné au jour un vol-
ed Barbault’s output towards the service of the publishing trade. ume qui a pour titre, De la Magnificence et De l’Architecture
This original peintre-graveur ended his career in Rome in 1762, des Romains, enrichi de quarante planches.”67
dying at the age of forty-three. The publications of 1761 and It will be useful to summarise the most significant points of
1763 would be followed posthumously with the volume Recueil this epistolary exchange with Marigny, which lasted from Febru-
de divers Monuments anciens répandus en plusieurs endroits de l’I- ary till May 1762, and continued in successive months with the
talie, conceived in 1770, which like the earlier works had a his- director of the French Academy in Rome, Natoire, as interme-
torical rather than polemical character. diary between the two. The subject of this brief correspondence
was the purchase of Piranesi’s works by the Parisian minister.
Piranesi and the Marquis di Marigny: a short correspondence In his first reply, of 10 March 1762, the austere Marigny, not
It was in Bouchard’s bookshop (or perhaps in the artist’s usually inclined to eulogies, does not conceal his surprise and
workshop on the Corso) that the young M. Poisson, brother of admiration at the sight of Piranesi’s Catalogo: “the immensity of
Mme Pompadour, made his first purchase of Piranesi’s “perspec- work which your catalogue presents makes me think that you
tives” during an improving visit to Rome in early 1750. Des- lack neither the courage nor light of that spirit which nature
tined for a brilliant career, as the future M. de Vandières he and study have given you to undertake such a vast project.”68
would on his return to Paris take up the prestigious post of On the same day he wrote to Natoire, revealing his intention to
directeur général of the king’s buildings and academic and artistic acquire all of the artist’s publications - from the Carceri d’inven-
institutions63. zione to the Magnificenza ed architettura de’ romani, to the Cam-
It is worth pausing over this transaction, recalled twelve po Marzio.69
years later by Piranesi in a letter of 16 February 1762 to In the following month (7 April 1762) Natoire updates his
Vandières (who had in the meantime become the Marquis di correspondent regarding the dispatch of the volume Della Mag-
Marigny): “l’honneur qu’Elle daigna me faire il y a douze ans nificenza, informing him besides that the Emissario del lago
[…] de prendre cette petite partie de perspectives qui etoient Albano is still being worked on; in its place, Piranesi - “cet
tout ce que j’avais fait dans ce temps-là.”64 This reference to his artiste laborieux” - has advised him to send the just published
juvenile “petite partie de perspectives,” which seems to have Campo Marzio, in which “son imagination a eu de quoi tra-
been the Prima parte di architetture e prospettive, is significant. vailler dans des espaces imaginaires.”70 In the postscript he
The Prima parte was his first “independent” collection, and is a writes that he has paid Piranesi a supplement of 5 paoli for the
key work which binds together capriccio with veduta, and stage- cover of the Magnificenza, while on 14 April 1762 it is the turn
set with architectural tract, thereby prefiguring the artist’s of the Carceri, sent to Paris “en forme de rouleau.”71
entire future oeuvre.65 On 12 May the director Natoire attaches a letter from
The apparently humble tone of the letter, with the reference Piranesi, no trace of which survives in the French archives;72
to the collections already published and the enclosed Catalogo that its content concerns the dispatch of the Campo Marzio may
which had just been circulated,66 reveals the artist’s desire to be inferred from the reply of the Surintendant, who awaits “ces
publicise his work in France: “outre les ouvrages donc que j’ai fruits de vos talens avec bien du plaisir.”73

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12. Domenico Cunego, after Ch.-L. Clérisseau, View of the Roman 13. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Interior of the so-called Temple of Neptune at
aqueduct near Spalato. Engraving (from R. Adam, Ruins of the Palace Paestum. Engraving (from Différentes vues de quelques restes de trois grand
of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalato, London 1764, tav. LXI). édifices... de l’ancienne ville de Pesto, 1778, tav. XV).

It is curious to note that the purchase of the Campo Marzio Winckelmann, who had criticised the thin content of Piranesi’s
was to be entrusted to the talented young Hubert Robert, who writings, could conceal his admiration for such superb engrav-
bought it directly from the author.74 Following this, or other ear- ing (“Piranesi hat ein prächtiges Werk wegen der Kupfer, aber
lier meetings with Piranesi recorded by Legrand,75 “Robert des von wenigen Inhalt inder Schrift dazu”).81
ruines” (1733-1808) would assimilate many of the Venetian’s
impetuous graphic traits: the spatial amplifications, the enter- Rome and Paestum
taining play of disproportions, the exaggerated scale - as is shown Besides proposing an impressive series of views, the complex
by, amongst other things, a number of drawings in the Louvre system of representation inaugurated by Piranesi with the
sketchbook, not coincidently entitled Varie vedute di Roma.76 Antichtà romane dwells in exhaustive detail on materials and
Again through the mediation of Natoire, in December of construction techniques. Neither are the fragments, the orna-
the same year Piranesi was to send Marigny the Emissario del ments or even the slightest detail overlooked;82 as for the ren-
lago Albano, together with three complimentary new vedute of dering of antiquity and the representation of ruins, the artist
the Tempio della Sibilla a Tivoli.77 resorts to surprising effects - a “shock of recognition” of great
visual impact. Wilton-Ely has efficaciously defined this aesthet-
Piranesi in Lalande’s Voyage (1769) ic as “the poetic amplification of physical facts.”83
Precisely how popular Piranesi was by now within the circle The European success of Piranesi’s collections, relaunched
of French travellers becomes clear in the Voyage d’un François en using this emotively involving and unheralded formula,
Italie by the astronomer Lalande (1769), “one of the classic Ital- enriched the models of scholarly investigation. Scientific and
ian itineraries of the eighteenth century” (Venturi). The book evocative in equal measure, they had something in common
offers a rather well informed picture of the Italian scene with the archaeological reportages of Robert Wood (The Ruins of
between 1765 and 1766, when the voyage was made. Palmyra, 1753; The Ruins of Balbec, 1757).84 Their didactic and
Le Antichità Romane is mentioned in the chapter dedicated original solutions also mixed in elements more precisely related
to the “Authors who have made a description of Rome and its to specialist publications of architecure, so contributing to the
antiquities”, along with its views of monuments “donnés en development of a publishing current which was to exert a deci-
grand par le célèbre Piranesi.”78 According to the writer, such sive influence on European neoclassicism.85
vedute represent “une chose fort agréable” not so much for for- The same alternation of plates of technical character and
eigners actually visiting the Eternal City, as for those who have vedute of “emotive” effect with monuments and ruins is found a
never seen it (“pour ceux qui n’étant point sur les lieux, veulent little later in the work of the French architect Julien-David
en avoir une idée”).79 Leroy, Les Ruines des plus beaux Monuments de la Grèce (1758)
It is also apparent that the figure of Piranesi as “antiquarian (Fig. 10).86 This was the same Leroy whom Piranesi would at-
and man of letters” has by now been superimposed on that of tack three years later in the Magnificenza ed Architettura de’
“architect and engraver”, as emerges in the chapter dedicated to Romani (1761) by affirming the unarguable primacy of Roman
the “Sciences and the Arts,” where Lalande stresses the well civilisation over Greek.87 Here, his original polemical perform-
deserved celebrity of his excellent prints which, quite rightly, ance begins right from the frontispiece, where trophies of
pay him large profits too.80 Indeed, not even the sceptical Roman legionaries’ arms rise up “as if to illustrate a new edition

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14. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Side view of the Temple of Antoninus

and Faustina and the remains of the Temple of Castor.
Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, I, tav. XXXI).
15. Domenico Cunego da Ch.-L. Clérisseau, Side view of the Temple
of Antoninus and Faustina and the remains of the Temple of Castor
in the Roman Forum. Engraving, 1766.
of the De bello gallico.”88 The text (with Latin translation on the
facing page) comprises a crescendo of cutting judgements sub-
stantiated by an impressive apparatus of comparative illustra- nailed home in the Osservazioni sopra la Lettre de M. Mariette and
tions, where Piranesi alternates ‘figured’ citations taken from the Parere su l’architettura (1765), the Paestum series would not
Leroy’s plates with his own drawings (Fig. 11).89 therefore represent his “final acceptance of the Greek cause,”
The assimilation of Piranesi’s principal innovations here is but rather a further polemical chapter in the language of those
apparent in Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spala- who had until then sustained the primacy of Greece: from Laugi-
tro in Dalmatia, published in London in 1764 by the Scotch er to Leroy, down to Mariette, not to speak of Winckelmann,
architect Robert Adam, to whom the Campo Marzio had been known primarily through French translations of his writings.94
dedicated two years earlier. This is apparent not only from its
frontispiece in the form of a capriccio, and the considerable num- To conclude this variegated excursion, it is enough to cite a
ber of vedute (entrusted to Charles-Louis Clérisseau) that enrich page from the Italian diary of the Parisian treasurer general of
the apparatus of the plates, but also from the construction of the finance Bergeret de Grancourt, whom we find in the guise of
views themselves. These adopt a lateral viewpoint, with slight grandtouriste in the Rome of Piranesi’s final years.95 In December
distortions of perspective and other adjustments, the whole pro- 1773 Bergeret writes that he has passed a whole morning car-
ducing a grandiose effect that strikes the eye and aims at the soul peting his room in Rome with the pages of a “très grand plan de
of the reader (Fig. 12).90 The same elaborate effects also appear Rome, très bien fait,” easily identifiable as Nolli’s famous Nuova
in the series of fourteen views, The Architectural Beauties of pianta di Roma,96 and that he subsequently laid out Piranesi’s
Ancient Rome of 1766. The fruits of a triple collaboration be- plan “dit Campo Marzio, qui est le plan ancien de Rome” on the
tween Clérisseau (author of the vedute), the Venetian Antonio opposite side of the room.97
Zucchi (responsible for the figures) and the Veronese Domenico One can imagine this aristocratic and cultivated traveller
Cunego (the engraver), this work represents the culmination of buried in his ponderings of the image of Rome’s past, and com-
the Adams’ entrepreneurial efforts in Italy (Fig. 15).91 paring it with the ‘actual’ city: “c’est sur ces fameux édifices
The last of Piranesi’s collections comprised twenty plates qu’est bâtie la ville actuelle.” The contrast between - and conti-
dedicated to Paestum. We can only guess at the reasons that nuity with - ancient Rome and its modern countenance (“Je
pushed Piranesi and his son Francesco (who had an important serai en état, avec la baguette, de donner sur la carte raison de
role in the company, as Silla Zamboni has underlined)92 to tous ce changements”)98 is revived now not by way of the sug-
choose French for the title and legends of the Différentes vues de gestive medium of the perspective veduta, but through the
quelques restes des trois grands édifices qui subsistent encore dans l’an- abstract and objective filter of cartographic reconstruction.
cienne ville de Pesto, which appeared in 1778 just before Giovan- This culminating reflection, utilised even by a Grand Tourist
ni Battista’s death. Wilton-Ely has observed that the text and such as Bergeret to contemplate the transformations of the
the captions “minimise the Hellenic origins of the complex,” Eternal City, reveals a new cognitive approach: technical-sci-
while at the same time “they affirm the monumental values of an entific, philological, it is the much sought goal of Enlighten-
architecture born on Italian soil” (Fig. 13).93 Following the clear ment man.99 And in the case of Piranesi and his plans, it repre-
philo-Roman positions assumed in the Magnificenza (1761), sents the non eccentric contribution of his versatile genius.

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* I thank Bent Sørensen for rereading this paper 40

N. Blanc in J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT, H. LAVAGNE 1999, pp. 203-204.
J. WILTON-ELY 1978a. 41
G. BRUNEL 1976. 42
“Gondoin 1763 a levé le plan de la villa adrienne en 1762 et 1763”, cited in H.
U. VAN DE SANDT 1980. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 262.
M. CATELLI ISOLA 1978, pp. 73-74. 43
H. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 263.
Legrand’s manuscript, kept at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, was transcribed 44
W. OECHSLIN 1978a, p. 401.
with critical notes in the edition of G. EROUART and M. MOSSER 1978. 45
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, V, pp. 345-346.
L. KELLER 1966; G. POULET 1966. 46
M. YOURCENAR 1962. 47
M. BEVILACQUA 2004c, pp. 27-29.
Cf. the words on some of the plates of the Grotteschi: “Piranesi inv., incise, e vende 48
G. L. BIANCONI 1802, II, p. 138.
dirimpetto l’Accademia di Francia in Roma” or those of the Antichità Romane fuori di 49
The ensemble of “250 dessins des plans avec les élévations de la villa Adriana à
Roma: “si vende dall’Auttore dirimpetto l’Accademia di Franzia”. Tivoli par Jean-Baptiste et François Piranesi” is cited in the inventory of possessions
“Rédigé sur les notes et les pièces communiquées par ses fils, les Compagnons et sequestered in Rome by commissario Venuti at the behest of the King of Naples,
les Continuateurs de ses nombreux travaux”, as Legrand writes at the top of his manu- enclosed with Francesco and Pietro Piranesi’s letter (Paris, 22 December 1800) sent to
script, cit. in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 221. the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corr. Dir. 1904, XIII, n. 9842, p. 273.
Ibidem, p. 222. 50
J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT 1999, p. 180, n. 29; on Piranesi’s plan and Francesco’s
Ibidem. engraving of 1781 cf. also J. Pinto in W.L. MACDONALD, J. PINTO 1995.
B. SØRENSEN 1996. 51
L. MORETTI 1983, p. 137.
W. OECHSLIN 1978b, pp. 370-372; G. EROUART 1982, pp. 33-34; M. N. ROSEN- 52
J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, pp. 327-328.
FELD 1993, pp. 33-34. 53
The painting was published for the first time in 1961 (I Francesi a Roma, p. 298,
G. MARINI 2004, pp. 50-51. n. 731), and appears in the exhibition catalogue Piranèse et les Français, Rome 1976, p.
C. BERTELLI 1985. 36; Fasto Romano, 1992, and, with an entry by J. Garms, in A. WILTON, I. BIGNAMINI
For the various editions of the Varie vedute di Roma Antica e Moderna cf. ibidem, p. 1997, p. 122 n. 75. Cf. the more than six hundred titles of the Catalogue des livres nou-
19. veaux qui se trouvent chez Bouchard et Gravier libraires, dating to the pontificate of Pius
J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, p. 90. VI. For the topography of Rome’s printing presses and bookshops, cf. P. ORZI SMERIGLIO
On this point cf. B. SØRENSEN 1996, p. 482 and, more generally, O. MICHEL 1996. 1959, pp. 12-13
On J. Saly (1717-1776), who worked in Rome between 1740 and 1748, cf. B. 54
L. MORETTI 1983, p. 136-137.
SØRENSEN 1996, as well as P. ARIZZOLI 1976, pp. 327-328; B. SØRENSEN 1994. 55
J. WILTON-ELY 1983a, pp. 317-338; S. M. DIXON 1999.
G. EROUART 1976, pp. 155-159. 56
Bouchard and Gravier to Marigny, Rome, 26 May 1756, in Corr. Dir. 1901, XI, n.
B. SØRENSEN 1996, pp. 477-489. 5163, p. 139.
Paris, Département des Arts Graphiques; the apograph on the verso states: “M. C. 57
Challe, Elève de Mr. Boucher, a fait ce dessin d’architecture imaginée, ainsi que 58
Natoire to Duchesne, Rome 22 February 1757, ibidem, n. 5220, p. 176.
plusieurs autres, à peu près pareils, étant encore à Rome en 1746, et par une espèce de 59
The plates of the Antichità romane signed by Barbault are: vol. II: tavs. XII, XIII,
concurrence avec ceux du celebre Pyranèse vénitien”, cf. B. SØRENSEN 1996, pp. 478- XIV, XV, XX, XXXIII, XXXV, XLV, XLVI; III vol.: tavs. XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX, XLVI,
479. XLVIII. On Barbault’s activity in Rome cf. P. ROSENBERG 1978.
J. WILTON-ELY 1978c, p. 543; M. GORI SASSOLI 1994, pp. 114-115. 60
Cf. tavs. 66, 67, 68, and 69 relative to “Fragmens antiques”.
H. F. DITTSCHEID 2002. 61
In 1761 Piranesi publicised the new sales point at Palazzo Tomati in Strada Felice,
“il est inesprimable combien j’ai eu la peine pour les avoir”; the letter, kept in creating for the occasion the Catalogo delle opere, cf. J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, p. 14.
Paris, Fondation Custodia, is published in F. LUI 2006, pp. 205-208. On the theme of 62
Les plus beaux monuments…, Préface, p. VII.
Piranesian collecting in France, see also M. BARBIN 1978, pp. 43-37. 63
A. GORDON 2002.
J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 222. 64
The handwritten letter is kept at the Pierpont Morgan Library of New York; J.
Ibidem, p. 221. WILTON-ELY 1978b, pp. 60-61; C. D. DENISON 1993, n. 60.
Clérisseau “était son compagnon de voyage dans les ruines qu’ils parcouraient 65
This was the collection published in 1743, enlarged in 1745 and combined in
ensemble et dont toutes les pierres leur étaient si parfaittement connues [...] Ouvrait on 1750 in the Opere varie with the Grotteschi and the Carceri, cf. J. GARMS 1978, p. 16-23;
une nouvelle fouille, ils y couraient ou se trouvaient réunis, souvent sans être avertis et A. ROBISON 1986.
mus par la même curiosité,” ibidem, pp. 230-231. 66
On the history and the various versions of the Catalogo delle opere cf. WILTON-ELY
Ibidem, pp. 231, 235. 1994a, I, p. 14; for a reference to two unpublished exemplars cf. M. KOSHIKAWA 1992, F.
Ibidem, p. 230. LUI 1998.
G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 217. 67
C. D. DENISON, M. N. ROSENFELD, S. WILES 1993, p. 108 n. 60.
Ibidem, p. 232. 68
Marigny to Natoire, Versailles 10 March 1762, in Corr. Dir., 1901, XI, n. 5564,
TH. MACCORMICK 1978; for a more nuanced approach, cf. F. LUI 2006, pp. 151- pp. 413-414.
153. 69
Marigny to Natoire, Versailles 10 March 1762, ibidem, n. 5564, pp. 413-414.
“Piranesi et Clérisseau levèrent et dessinèrent des premiers la villa Adrienne à 70
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 7 April 1762, ibidem, n. 5569, pp. 416-417; on the rela-
Tivoli,” J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, pp. 231, 235. tions between Piranesi and Marigny, see J. WILTON-ELY 1998, p. 69 n. 18.
Ibidem. 71
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 14 April 1762, in Corr. Dir., XI, n. 5570,
T. MACCORMICK 1978, pp. 304-305; M. ROLAND MICHEL 1999, p. 107. p. 418.
Ibidem, pp. 35; cf. a number of vedute of Hadrian’s Villa kept at the Hermitage, in 72
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 12 May 1762, ibidem, n. 5576, p. 421.
J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT, H. LAVAGNE 1999, pp. 282-284; and at the Fitzwilliam Museum, 73
Marigny to Piranesi, Versailles 30 May 1762, ibidem, n. 5581, pp. 423-424.
Cambridge, in J. RASPI SERRA, F. DE POLIGNAC 1998, p. 91. 74
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 16 June 1762, ibidem, n. 5584, pp. 425-426.
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, V, p. 345. 75
J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 231.
H. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 259. 76
J.-F. MÉJANÈS 2006, pp. 8-9; B. SAINT-GIRONS 1999.

06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 90

Natoire to Marigny, Rome, 8 December 1762, in Corr. Dir. 1901, XI, n. 5624, pp. 89
J. WILTON-ELY 1993, p. 38.
448-449. 90
I. G. BROWN 1992; F. LUI 2006, pp. 218-225.
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, III, XII, pp. 267-268. 91
F. LUI 2006, pp. 227-237.
Ibidem. 92
A. CAVICCHI, S. ZAMBONI 1983, pp. 213-215.
Ibidem, V, XIII, pp. 271-272. 93
J. WILTON-ELY 1994b, p. 144.
Winckelmann refers to the Magnificenza ed architettura de’ romani of 1761, letter 94
É. POMMIER 2003, pp. 201-208; cf. also J. RASPI SERRA 1990.
to Wolkman, Rome, 3 March 1762; J.J. WINCKELMANN, II, p. 211, n. 471. 95
J. WILHELM 1948, p. 71.
J. WILTON-ELY 1976b, p. 155 and 1998, p. 65. 96
For the European distribution of Nolli’s Nuova pianta di Roma cf. M. BEVILACQUA
J. WILTON-ELY 1983a. 1998, pp. 58-61.
F. LUI 2006, pp. 153-158. 97
This was probably the Pianta di Roma e del Campo Marzio, which had recently
H.-W. KRUFT 1988, p. 276; W. SZAMBIEN 1998, p. 310. been printed, cf. S. ZAMBONI 1978, pp. 62-63.
A. BRAHAM 1978, pp. 68-69. 98
J. WILHELM 1948, p. 71.
J. WILTON-ELY 1978c. 99
M. FAGIOLO 2004, p. 12; M. BEVILACQUA 2004c, p. 27.
J.-M. PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS 1978, p. 422.

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Edited by Ilaria Sgarbozza

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