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FONDAZIONE CASSA DI RISPARMIO DI ROMA

THE ROME OF PIRANESI

THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY CITY IN THE GREAT VEDUTE

edited by
Mario Bevilacqua
Mario Gori Sassoli

English edition by
Fabio Barry
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THE ROME OF PIRANESI

The Eighteenth-Century City in the Great Vedute
Rome, Museo del Corso
Via del Corso, 320
14 November 2006 - 25 February 2007

Exhibition curated by
Mario Bevilacqua
Mario Gori Sassoli

Steering Committee General Organisation Photographic References © Copyright 2006

Claudio Strinati Editoriale Artemide Archivio Fotografico Editoriale Artemide s.r.l.
Mario Bevilacqua Secretaries Soprintendenza Speciale Via Angelo Bargoni, 8
Marcello Fagiolo Antonella Iolandi Polo Museale Romano 00153 Rome
Luigi Ficacci Ilaria Sgarbozza Archivio Fotografico Musei Tel. 06.45493446
Mario Gori Sassoli Capitolini Tel./Fax 06.45441995
John Wilton-Ely Exhibition Design Nicolò Orsi Battaglini - Florence
Jean Paul Troili editoriale.artemide@fastwebnet.it
Alessandro Zuccari Matteo Innocente Furina - Rome www.artemide-edizioni.com
Lay-out Maria Teresa Natale - Rome
In collaboration with Ivano Martino Humberto Serra Nicoletti - Rome
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica - Luciano Pedicini - Naples
Rome Fitting Cover
Gamma Eventi s.r.l. Foto Roncaglia - Modena Lucio Barbazza
Director
Serenita Papaldo Panels and captions Editorial coordination
Director of the Collections Pianeta immagine Acknowledgments Ilaria Sgarbozza
Ginevra Mariani Translations Aurelio Aghemo English Language Edition
Director of Prints Susan Aulton Francesca Bisleti Translations
Alida Moltedo Angela Carbonaro
Frames Fabio Barry
Director of Restoration Laboratory Silvia Chiaraviglio
Colutto, Rome Robert Coates-Stephens
Fabio Fiorani Ileana Creazzo
Copper Plate Laboratory Fiammeri, Rome Photographic Reproduction
Ranfagni, Florence Brigitte Daprà
Giuseppe Trassari Filippetto Ubalplex, Rome Lorenza Del Tosto Page Service s.r.l. - Roma
Loans Office Elena Di Gioia
Orsola Bonifati Scanning
Lighting Paola Di Pietro Iger - Roma
Fratelli Cocca Marzia Faietti
Lenders Patrizia Grassigli Parole e colore - Roma
Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Microclimatic Installation Cristina Intelisano
Vitale Impianti s.r.l. Printing
Uffizi - Florence Anna Lo Bianco Petruzzi Stampa - Città di Castello (PG)
Biblioteca Estense e Universitaria - Restorers Anita Margiotta
Modena Donatella Cecchin Alessandro Marini Balestra
Museo Nazionale di San Martino - Lucia Ghedin Giorgio Marini
Naples Maria Teresa Marciante Lucia Monaci Moran
Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica - Roberto Saccuman Anna Mura Sommella
Palazzo Barberini - Rome Nicola Salini Rossana Muzii
Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica - Angela Negro
Rome Press Office
Roberto Begnini Caspar Pearson
Musei Capitolini - Rome Francesca Piccinini
Museo di Roma - Palazzo Braschi, Insurance Giorgio Pighi
Rome Progress Broker Insurance Antonella Poleggi
Giuseppe Marino - Rome Axa Art Milena Ricci
Stefano Bifolco Antiquarius - Rome Aon Simonetta Sergiacomi
Private Collections0 Transport and packing Venceslao and Leone Spalletti
Arterìa Trivelli
Graphic communications Director Nicola Spinosa
Lucio Barbazza Guido Tacoli di San Possidonio
Maria Elisa Tittoni
Virtual Reconstructions Simonetta Tozzi
Fabio Barry, Concept and Project And all those wishing to remain
Coordination anonymous
Andrew Williamson, Realization
and Animation Special thanks to Mario Lugli
Conservation Vicesindaco e Assessore alla Cultura
Immacolata Afan de Rivera del Comune di Modena
Costaguti – Soprintendenza
Speciale per il Polo Museale
Romano
ISBN 88-7575-055-6
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Index

11 Emmanuele Francesco Maria Emanuele

Foreword

15 Serenita Papaldo
Piranesi and the Istituto Nazionale per la Grafica

17 Plates

33 Claudio Strinati
Piranesi and Rome. Safeguarding Immensity

39 Mario Bevilacqua
The Rome of Piranesi. Views of the Ancient and Modern City

61 Marcello Fagiolo
Roma quanta fuit... Piranesi, the Ruin of Antiquity
and the Prophecy of the Modern City

67 John Wilton-Ely
Piranesi and the world of the British Grand Tour

79 Francesca Lui
Des ruines aux bibliothèques. Piranesi and the French World:
Fame, Influence, Legacy

91 Fabio Barry
Rinovare, anziché ristorare: Piranesi as Architect

113 Plates

129 The Vedute di Roma

267 Works exhibited

281 Ilaria Sgarbozza

Piranesi. Biographical profile

289 Bibliography

9
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10
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Des ruines aux bibliothèques.

Piranesi and the French World: Fame, Influence, Legacy
Francesca Lui

From Rome to France

As John Wilton-Ely has observed, over the course of his
long Roman career Giovanni Battista Piranesi was adept at
constructing an extraordinary rich and intricate network of
international relationships1. His dealings with antiquarians,
artists, collectors and patrons across the Channel were intense,
privileged and sometimes quarrelsome. Although they followed
a different dynamic, the relationships which the great Venetian
enjoyed with the French world were equally fruitful and just as
polemical.
Thirty years after the historic exhibition Piranèse et les
Français 1740-17902 and the conference of the same name at
Villa Medici, the theme still offers room for investigation. This
complex exchange must be seen against a wider system of
conections, where new findings allow us to reconsider not only
the group of French artists who moved in Piranesi’s orbit and
those who he influenced in various ways (the so-called
piranésiens), but many other questions besides: for example, the
precocious collecting of his graphic works in France, which had
begun as early as the 1750s, and the motivations behind his
decision to publish certain works in French, as in the case of the
Diverse maniere d’adornare i cammini of 1769 (with French and
English translations). We might also consider the last work,
dedicated to Paestum, Différentes vues de quelques restes des trois
grands édifices … dans l’ancienne ville de Pesto, which appeared in
the year of his death; and the exciting fate of the immense col-
lection of copper plates, secured by his son Francesco and trans-
ferred to Republican Paris, by now their “new country.” Finally,
we might consider the heirs’ entrepreneurial hardships in
Napoleonic France, and the fortunes of the “Calcographie des
Piranesi frères,” which in the first decade of the nineteenth cen-
tury incessantly promoted Giovanni Battista’s work (Fig. 1).3 1. Frontispiece of the Catalogo delle opere by Giovanni Battista
and Francesco Piranesi, Paris, 1800 (Bologna, Biblioteca Comunale
The brothers later came up with new publication formulas, as dell’Archiginnasio).
well as other, more daring commercial ventures, such as the
short-lived factory of terracottas (painted vases, candelabra and
tripods) based in Mortefontaine.
With Francesco’s death and the sale of the precious collec- historique sur la vie et les ouvrages de J.-B. Piranesi, written on the
tion of plates, the Piranesian oeuvre in France became the basis of direct and indirect testimonies at the turn of the eigh-
object of various initiatives. The works were reissued by Lamy teenth century, as part of a project to republish the engravings.
and Cussac in 1819 in the guise of a “Cours complet d’Archi- The following century saw the writings of Henri Focillon
tecture, de Peinture et de Sculpture” for artists4, and then again (1881-1943): the celebrated monograph Giovanni Battista
by the publisher Firmin-Didot, who had bought the plates in Piranesi 1720-1778 and the Essai de catalogue raisonné de son
1829. œuvre, both appearing in 1918, which have made a critical
The role of French biographers and critics has been funda- impact on the scholarship of the entire twentieth century. To
mental for Piranesian historiography. The first was the architect this we may add the vast incidence of the “Piranesi phenome-
Jacques-Guillaume Legrand (1743-1807)5, author of the Notice non” in French literature: the dark and irrational spaces of the

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2. Giovanni Battista Piranesi. Plan of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli. Detail. Drawing, Naples, Museo di San Martino.
Carceri, which first appeared in Horace Walpole’s Anecdotes
(1771) and then in the pages of De Quincey’s Confessions of an
English Opium Eater (1821), also pervaded the imagination of
French poets and writers from the romantic era onwards, and
settled deeply enough to become a recognisable and recurrent
theme from Baudelaire and Mallarmé down to our own day.6
The refrain of the labyrinthine staircase multiplying into infin-
ity, the “stone cage” which swallows man in the dark meanders
of the abyss, the architectural hallucinations on the border of
dream and nightmare: these are all trauma-images born from
the indicipherable “cerveau noir de Piranèse”, to use Victor
Hugo’s expression, that later became the title of a penetrating
study by Marguerite Yourcenar.7
In any number of ways, then, France has represented an
important springboard for the understanding and transmission
of the Piranesian oeuvre.
Conversations with the pensionnaires
A number of specific circumstances had from the beginning
favoured Piranesi’s introduction to the French circle at Rome.
Firstly, topography: his workshop was strategically situated on
the central Via del Corso, “right across from the French Acade-
my” (dirimpetto all’Accademia di Francia”), as the words at the
bottom of some of his first engravings declare.8
The biographer Legrand, in his lively Notice, full of anec-
dotes as well as a number of direct testimonies,9 deals on sever-
al occasions with the theme of Piranesi’s meetings with les
Français. Exploiting Rome as a stage and with undeniable nar-
80
rative impact, he has the protagonists meet “au milieu des
ruines”: “always amidst the ruins and around those who studied
them, [Piranesi] very soon made contact with the pensionnaires
of the French Academy.”10 Among the engraver’s French “fel-
low students”, Legrand includes “Vien, Vernet, the two Châlles
brothers, Petitot, Pêcheux, Clérisseau, Pajou, Doyen and others
besides.”11
But as Bent Sørensen has noted, this list of piranésiens omits
precisely those artists who are documented as being in direct
contact with Piranesi. There is no mention, for example, of the
sculptor Jacques Saly, to whom Piranesi even dedicated a draw-
ing in 1746;12 nor the name of Jean Barbault who, as is well
known, became directly involved as engraver in the collection
of the Antichità Romane which appeared in 1756.
It therefore remains to define the profile of this group of
young Frenchmen that entertained such a privileged dialogue
with the Venetian artist, in various ways and circumstances,
and produced, as Werner Oechslin has made clear, “kindred”
results in the field of engraving that would serve to initiate a
new Geschmackskultur.13
If we consider the start of his career, when Piranesi was in his
twenties and had just arrived in the city, and consider his first
activity as the author of perspectival views for Roman publish-
ers, we should not be surprised to find him working next to
some of these pensionnaires in the greatly expanding market of
urban vedustismo.14 This was a genre which in the Italian cities
of the Grand Tour - Rome followed by Venice, Naples and Flo-
rence - represented one of the fastest sources of income for a
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young artist, whether painter, engraver or architect. This was
the case, for example, with the small illustrated guide Roma
Moderna distinta per Rioni of 1741, or the subsequent collection
Varie Vedute di Roma Antica e Moderna Disegnate e Intagliate da
Celebri Autori, published by Fausto Amidei, “Libraro al Corso”,
in 1745.15 Participating in this second collection were the
Frenchmen Jean-Laurent Legeay and Gabriel-Philotée-
François Duflos (to whose works were added, in later reprints,
the vedute of architect Jérôme-Charles Bellicard and those of
the painter Jean Barbault). But the greatest contribution was
Piranesi’s: twenty-seven plates in the first edition of 1745, and
almost double that in 1748, executing forty-eight from a total of
eighty-six.16 As is well known, some of these ‘vedutine’ were at
the same time republished by Amidei in Pietro Rossini’s Mercu-
rio errante delle Grandezze di Roma (1750), and in other parallel
editions promoted by Giovanni Bouchard: from the Varie
Vedute di Roma (1748) to the Raccolte di Varie Vedute di Roma si
Antica che Moderna Intagliate in maggior parte dal celebre Giambat-
tista Piranesi (1752)17 which, as the title declares, focused above
all on forty-eight small Piranesian masterpieces.
But the first contacts with the French milieu seem rather to
have concerned colleagues from the Accademia di Arcadia, to
which Piranesi had been admitted in around 1744: Claude-
Joseph Vernet, Jacques Saly, and the brothers Michel-Ange and
Simon Challe.18
Piranesi’s drawing Idée d’un feu d’artifice “pour le recouvre-
ment de la santé de M. Saly à Rome, en 1746,” cited in the sales
inventory of goods belonging to the sculptor (1776), constitutes
a rare testimony to these contacts, and to the extent of the cir-
culation of Piranesian graphics in the pensionnaires’ circle.19
Nicolas-Henri Jardin, who understood this Roman environ-
ment very well,20 called this drawing “plein de feu” in his inven-
tory, and Sørensen has happily identified the sheet with the
spirited example kept at Quimper.21
Proof of the desire to emulate Piranesi’s works is the drawing
by architect and painter Charles Michel-Ange Challe (1718-
1778) representing an Architettura d’invenzione. This was con-
ceived in 1746 as a brilliant stylistic exercise in the Venetian’s
manner, as the words on the verso bear witness: “par une espèce
de concurrence.”22 In a different vein, the talented decorator
and designer of ephemera Louis-Joseph Le Lorrain (1715-1759)
competed with the scenographic inventions of the Prima parte
di architetture, reworking them in his designs for the festival of
the Chinea (especially that of 1745).23 Later, the architect
Charles de Wailly (1730-1798) would also pay hommage to the
maestro’s compositional ideas, exploiting them directly in some
of his own building projects.24
Epistolary sources also reveal how sought-after Piranesi’s
graphic experiments were on the French market, even before
the publication of the Antichità Romane: in a letter from Flo-
rence, dated 28 September 1754, the architect Charles-Louis
Clérisseau states that he has sent to France, together with oth-
er papers, three drawings by Piranesi, stressing furthermore the
difficulties he has experienced in obtaining them.25
In the light of these facts, several passages of Legrand’s
Notice, especially those regarding the artistic borrowings from
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3. Charles-Louis Clérisseau and Antonio Zucchi (figures), Octagonal hall
in the Small Baths at Hadrian’s Villa. Pen and black/brown ink, brown wash,
white lead highlights. San Petersburg, Hermitage.
Piranesi by Palazzo Mancini’s young guests, appear all the
more likely.
According to Legrand, Piranesi was admitted into the small
circle of French artists, where he experimented with that large et
facile drawing technique and flashing, impetuous line (some-
times with “excès de l’encre”, in Paciaudi’s and de Caylus’ opin-
ion) which was the hallmark of his graphic style. “These
artists,” Legrand affirms, “seeing the zeal and ardour that the
young Piranesi had for his work, admitted him into their group;
[…] he acquired from them the practice of free and immediate
drawing, and that swift manner of tracing the motifs, which
were then rendered with that sentiment and life without which
everything appears cold and sterile.”26
As for the architect Clérisseau (1720-1819), the Notice
offers a variety of facts on his presumed friendship with Pirane-
si. Legrand was tied to Clérisseau by a family connection - in
1789 he had married his daughter Marie-Josèphe - and it may
have been in his interest to revalue the work of his father-in-law
by insisting on his influence on Piranesi. On the other hand, it
is undeniable that he must have received much of his informa-
tion firsthand.27
With an engaging narrative, Legrand assigns the figure of
Clérisseau increasing prominence. He appears for the first time
among Piranesi’s “study companions” and French friends,
including Vien, Vernet, the Challe brothers, Petitot, Pécheux
and Pajou, and over the course of the story Clérisseau gradually
acquires increasing relevance to the main protagonist, Piranesi.
Together with the painter Marie-Joseph Vien, it is Clérisseau
who binds a “genuine tie of friendship” with the “Rembrandt
delle antiche rovine” (as Giovanni Ludovico Bianconi would
call Piranesi), becoming “compagnon de voyage dans les ruines
qu’ils parcouraient ensemble.”28 The biographer moves on to
describe the explorations carried out by the two artists of the
sites brought to light during the 1750s, a decade crucial for the
82
4. Giovanni Battista Piranesi. Veduta of Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli.
Drawing, red chalk. Florence, Gabinetto dei Disegni degli Uffizi.
archaeological direction of the later eighteenth century. They
finally come to rest at Hadrian’s Villa, chosen by both as a priv-
ileged place for study.29
These references, even though exaggerated, correspond in
general terms to what we know of Clérisseau’s work. The biog-
rapher’s wish to make the French architect’s archaeological per-
lustrations coincide with those of the more famous Italian, how-
ever, might seem at first sight to be a contrivance. It is evident
that these facts, recorded at a distance of almost half a century -
during Republican times, strongly imbued with nationalistic
ideologies - would have contributed in redeeming the figure of
Clérisseau in his own country: it is the same Legrand who
asserts that “a long sojourn of twenty years in Rome, and
immense research on architecture and antiquity” had made
Clérisseau well known “in Italy, London, and Russia - far more
so than in France.”30
The discourse on Clérisseau would also have played a deci-
sive role as regards the projected Encyclopédie de l’Architec-
ture, comprising all Piranesi’s work, and into which Legrand
hoped to insert the second volume of Clérisseau’s Antiquités
de la France.31
But there is a further passage of the Notice that appears ten-
dentious: that in which the biographer states that it was thanks
to his assiduous frequentation of Clérisseau that Piranesi con-
ceived the volume Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani
(in which he took aim at the French architect J.-D. Leroy). He
even goes on to affirm that it had been Clérisseau’s studies of
the antique that had had the decisive effect on Piranesi’s style,
making him abandon “ces mauvais cartouches dans le goût
Napolitain dont il composait ses premières frontispices.”32
Though written with a certain lightness, Legrand’s sparse
notes have influenced twentieth-century criticism, encouraging
comparisons between the two artists and linking their work and
experiences.33
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5. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Rear view of the Mausoleum of Caecilia

Metella. Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, III, tav. LI).

From the ruins to the libraries: Hadrian’s Villa

Another important point where the Notice insists on the
rapport with Clérisseau concerns the archaeological explo-
rations carried out at Hadrian’s Villa near Tivoli: “Piranesi and
Clérisseau were among the first to sketch and map Hadrian’s
Villa.”34 The vast ruins, which by the middle of the century had
become a magnet for antiquarians, dilettantes, thinkers and
artists, is evoked by the French biographer in particularly
colourful tones, which restore all the attraction of its wild
atmosphere and picturesque abandon. Piranesi, “accompanied”
by Clérisseau looms large “with blows of his axe among the
brambles,” lighting fires to “drive away snakes and scorpions.”35
In fact, the work of exploration and surveying carried out by
the two architects, if not conducted exactly side by side as
Legrand claims, must at least have been in parallel (Figs. 3 and
4): Clérisseau’s first visits to Tivoli, as MacCormick and Roland
Michel have proposed,36 should be dated to the early 1750s, dur-
ing his time spent at the French Academy. Further trips are doc-
umented between the end of 1755 and the first months of
1756,37 in the company of the Scotch architect Robert Adam,
when he was preparing to draw a complete plan of the villa. The
astronomer and traveller Lalande, in his Voyage d’un François en
Italie (1769), provides some interesting details in this regard,
taken directly from Clérisseau, who had informed him of “plans
détaillés de la Villa d’Adriano” sent by him to Robert Adam in
London “qui doivent être publiés.”38
Piranesi also explored the site on various occasions. Less
than a year after his arrival in Rome, he had already visited the
ruins on the Via Tiburtina; this is demonstrated by his signature,
dated 1741, made in red chalk on the vault of the stairs leading
to the cryptoporticus.39 Subsequently, between 1749 and 1754,
he made further investigations, copying the stuccoes of some of
the buildings (Nymphaeum and the Large Baths): although
these drawings were to be used only very much later, for the
6. Domenico Montagu da J. Barbault, View of the Mausoleum
of Caecilia Metella. Engraving (from Les plus beaux monuments
de Rome ancienne, 1761, tav. 47).
series of engravings Vasi, candelabri e cippi… (1778, I, pls. 21,
22).40 He eventually determined to make a complete plan of the
entire complex, and worked systematically on this in the early
1760s. But what appears most interesting for the purposes of
this study is that he made use of the research carried out inde-
pendently by a number of pensionnaires: that of the inseparable
architects Charles de Wailly and Pierre-Louis Moreau-
Desproux, and that of Marie-Joseph Peyre, made in around
1755;41 and, above all, the work of Jacques Gondoin (1737-
1818), whose research in the subsequent decade is attested by
his signature, dated 1763, in the western part of the Villa.42
Next to this, on the same stretch of wall, we also find another
signature of Piranesi, with a comment on how desperate and
“almost impossible” the undertaking was.43
In the entry dedicated to Gondoin in the Encyclopédie
méthodique, the theoretical classicist Quatremère de Quincy
records that on leaving Italy for the last time the young archi-
tect had consigned his studies and drawings of Hadrian’s Villa to

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7. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, View of the foundations
of the Theatre of Marcellus. Engraving
(from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, IV, tav. XXXII).
“son ami Piranèse, alors occupé à des semblable travaux.”44 The
traveller Lalande, on the other hand, without making any refer-
ence to Piranesi’s ambitious project, mentions in his Italian sec-
tion the names of Charles de Wailly, Moreau-Desproux and
Peyre among those who worked for more than fifteen days “avec
une assiduité incroyable” to make a general plan of the villa.45 A
first draft of the plan, drawn to scale by Peyre “une ligne par
toise”, would later be shown to Lalande.46
Notwithstanding the work of these and other collaborators,
the titanic project of recording Hadrian’s Villa with method-
ological premises based on the apprentissage to the cartographic
school of Nolli,47 was obstinately carried forward by Piranesi at
the cost of great “fatica e pena”, occupying him more than any-
thing else in his last years,48 and even then remaining unfin-
84
8. Giovanni Battista Piranesi and Jean Barbault,
Fragments of wall decoration from the funerary chamber of the Pyramid
of Caius Cestius. Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane,
1756, III, tav. XLVIII).
ished. Immediately after the artist’s death it was resumed again
and carried to completion by his son Francesco. Using as many
as 250 drawings in plan and relief by both him and his father, as
well as Giovanni Battista’s great preparatory drawing Carta
ichnografica della Villa Adriana (Fig. 2),49 he published an engrav-
ing over three metres in length in 1781, finally satisfying his
father’s longstanding and much coveted dream.50
Jean Barbault between Piranesi and Bouchard
From the beginning, the dissemination of Piranesi’s works
on the cosmopolitan Roman market benefited from the intu-
ition and entrepreneurial capacity of a French bookseller, Jean
(“Giovanni”) Bouchard “mercante al Corso.” Originally from
the Hautes-Alpes, he had settled in Rome in 1740, the same
year that Piranesi arrived in the capital.51 The name “Buzard”
already appears on the frontispiece of the first version of the
Carceri, and the commercial relationship with the bookseller
was consolidated over the years by a series of varied publishing
initiatives: from the Raccolte di Varie vedute di Roma (1752),
aimed chiefly at the Grand Tourists, to the Trofei di Ottaviano
Augusto (1753), a work planned instead as a repertory for
painters, sculptors and architects,52 to the four large-format vol-
umes of the Antichità Romane (1756), destined for the demand-
ing, highly cultivé tastes of scholars and amateurs.
Bouchard’s bookshop, which from 1755 was associated with
Gravier, occupied rooms near the church of S. Marcello, a short
distance from Palazzo Mancini, seat of the French Academy.
The store would have been a meeting-place for scholars and
connaisseurs, and also for ordinary travellers - as is shown in the
large painted signboard, à la manière de Gersaint, which portrays
the interior, thronged by visitors enaged in conversation as they
examine engravings of ancient monuments.53
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Bouchard, called to testify in February 1753 to Piranesi’s

marital status in preparation for his marriage contract, would
state that his relationship with the artist went back to the pre-
ceding decade, just after his arrival in Rome, “per essere [egli]
venuto nella mia bottega.”54
The appearance of the Antichità Romane on the European
scene, issued by Bouchard and Gravier in 1756, represented a
true publishing event. With the visionary strength of his images
of Rome, dominated by the “delirium of the perspective” and
sifted through a dramatic chiaroscuro rendered still more effec-
tive by its impressive sequence of “architectural anatomies,” the
artist shook what had until then been the perception of Roman
antiquity; it was a revolution in the approach to archaeology
(Figs. 5, 7 and 8).55 The publishers did not hesitate to define the
collection the most complete work on antiquity ever printed.56
Among the notable Frenchmen to make an immediate pur-
chase during their Roman travels were Abbot Barthélemy, Pres-
ident de Cotte, Abbot Gougenot de Croissy (travelling with
the painter Jean-Baptiste Greuze), and the scientist Charles-
Marie de la Condamine.57
Charles-Joseph Natoire, director of the French Academy in
Rome, mentioned “les dernières volumes de Piranesi” in a letter
of February 1757; he did not, however, venture an opinion,
appearing rather vaguely informed of the contents.58 9. Jean Barbault, Ancient fragments. Engraving
The only one of Piranesi’s collaborators whose signature has (from Les plus beaux monuments de Rome ancienne, 1761, tav. 66).
been found on the Antichità romane is the French painter and
engraver Jean Barbault (1719-1762).59 The words “Barbault
scolpì le figure”, which appears on some of the plates of the sec- different methods of presenting Barbault’s two illustrated vol-
ond and third volumes next to the name Piranesi, reveals his umes, which included vedute, sculpture and numerous “frag-
collaboration as engraver of the figures on sculpted and painted ments antiques.” It was the standard of the ‘right medium’ - as is
fragments taken from funerary chambers. written in the preface - which provided the work, through its
According to a formula partly derived from Pier Leone texts and images, with a selection of the “plus beaux monu-
Ghezzi, the fragments (that once adorned the tomb chambers of ments,” accompanied by essential historical references, “sans
the columbarium of the Arruntii, that of the liberti of the fami- prolixité et sans oscurité” but at the same time not “avec trop de
ly of Augustus and the burialchamber in the Pyramid of Ces- brièveté.”62
tius) are arranged scenographically by Piranesi, in a manner In the same way, Barbault’s views de Rome ancienne, engraved
that Barbault would shortly repeat in plates for the volume Les for the most part by Domenico Montagu, tend to distinguish
plus beaux monuments de Rome ancienne (Figs. 8 and 9),60 pub- themselves from Piranesi’s. Their framing, with the insertion of
lished in 1761, also by Bouchard and Gravier. This work, fol- new details, and reassuring arcadian-tinged animation are far
lowed in 1763 by its companion piece, Les plus beaux édifices de removed from the dramatic register which runs through the
Rome moderne, had been planned by Piranesi’s publishers at the Venetian’s work. Nonetheless, an undeniably Piranesian mise en
precise moment when their long commercial partnership with scène characterises some of the scenes, as for example in the
the great engraver-architect was about to end.61 It would thus Veduta del Sepolcro di Cecilia Metella, with its overturned urn in
fill a significant gap in the catalogue and relaunch the success- the foreground, the invasive and disordered vegetation, the rap-
ful historical and celebratory trend for images of ancient and id series of inclined planes and, finally, the sepulchre shown from
modern Rome, in French. The practised publishers hit upon below, in a theatrical apparition of antiquity (Fig. 6).

85
06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 86
10. Jacques-Philippe Le Bas after J.-D. Leroy, View of the Temple of Theseus
at Athens. Engraving (from J.-D. Leroy, Les Ruines des plus
beaux monuments de la Grèce, 1758, ed. 1770, tav. VIII).
His long familiarity with the vedutistic repertory and expe-
rience gained in Piranesi’s workshop from the 1750s had direct-
ed Barbault’s output towards the service of the publishing trade.
This original peintre-graveur ended his career in Rome in 1762,
dying at the age of forty-three. The publications of 1761 and
1763 would be followed posthumously with the volume Recueil
de divers Monuments anciens répandus en plusieurs endroits de l’I-
talie, conceived in 1770, which like the earlier works had a his-
torical rather than polemical character.
Piranesi and the Marquis di Marigny: a short correspondence
It was in Bouchard’s bookshop (or perhaps in the artist’s
workshop on the Corso) that the young M. Poisson, brother of
Mme Pompadour, made his first purchase of Piranesi’s “perspec-
tives” during an improving visit to Rome in early 1750. Des-
tined for a brilliant career, as the future M. de Vandières he
would on his return to Paris take up the prestigious post of
directeur général of the king’s buildings and academic and artistic
institutions63.
It is worth pausing over this transaction, recalled twelve
years later by Piranesi in a letter of 16 February 1762 to
Vandières (who had in the meantime become the Marquis di
Marigny): “l’honneur qu’Elle daigna me faire il y a douze ans
[…] de prendre cette petite partie de perspectives qui etoient
tout ce que j’avais fait dans ce temps-là.”64 This reference to his
juvenile “petite partie de perspectives,” which seems to have
been the Prima parte di architetture e prospettive, is significant.
The Prima parte was his first “independent” collection, and is a
key work which binds together capriccio with veduta, and stage-
set with architectural tract, thereby prefiguring the artist’s
entire future oeuvre.65
The apparently humble tone of the letter, with the reference
to the collections already published and the enclosed Catalogo
which had just been circulated,66 reveals the artist’s desire to
publicise his work in France: “outre les ouvrages donc que j’ai
86
11. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Ionic capitals. Engraving
(from Della Magnificenza ed Architettura de’ Romani, Roma 1761, tav. XX).
publié depuis son retour en France,” he continues, “et qu’Elle
trouvera decrits dans le dit catalogue, j’ai donné au jour un vol-
ume qui a pour titre, De la Magnificence et De l’Architecture
des Romains, enrichi de quarante planches.”67
It will be useful to summarise the most significant points of
this epistolary exchange with Marigny, which lasted from Febru-
ary till May 1762, and continued in successive months with the
director of the French Academy in Rome, Natoire, as interme-
diary between the two. The subject of this brief correspondence
was the purchase of Piranesi’s works by the Parisian minister.
In his first reply, of 10 March 1762, the austere Marigny, not
usually inclined to eulogies, does not conceal his surprise and
admiration at the sight of Piranesi’s Catalogo: “the immensity of
work which your catalogue presents makes me think that you
lack neither the courage nor light of that spirit which nature
and study have given you to undertake such a vast project.”68
On the same day he wrote to Natoire, revealing his intention to
acquire all of the artist’s publications - from the Carceri d’inven-
zione to the Magnificenza ed architettura de’ romani, to the Cam-
po Marzio.69
In the following month (7 April 1762) Natoire updates his
correspondent regarding the dispatch of the volume Della Mag-
nificenza, informing him besides that the Emissario del lago
Albano is still being worked on; in its place, Piranesi - “cet
artiste laborieux” - has advised him to send the just published
Campo Marzio, in which “son imagination a eu de quoi tra-
vailler dans des espaces imaginaires.”70 In the postscript he
writes that he has paid Piranesi a supplement of 5 paoli for the
cover of the Magnificenza, while on 14 April 1762 it is the turn
of the Carceri, sent to Paris “en forme de rouleau.”71
On 12 May the director Natoire attaches a letter from
Piranesi, no trace of which survives in the French archives;72
that its content concerns the dispatch of the Campo Marzio may
be inferred from the reply of the Surintendant, who awaits “ces
fruits de vos talens avec bien du plaisir.”73
06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 87
12. Domenico Cunego, after Ch.-L. Clérisseau, View of the Roman
aqueduct near Spalato. Engraving (from R. Adam, Ruins of the Palace
of the Emperor Diocletian at Spalato, London 1764, tav. LXI).
It is curious to note that the purchase of the Campo Marzio
was to be entrusted to the talented young Hubert Robert, who
bought it directly from the author.74 Following this, or other ear-
lier meetings with Piranesi recorded by Legrand,75 “Robert des
ruines” (1733-1808) would assimilate many of the Venetian’s
impetuous graphic traits: the spatial amplifications, the enter-
taining play of disproportions, the exaggerated scale - as is shown
by, amongst other things, a number of drawings in the Louvre
sketchbook, not coincidently entitled Varie vedute di Roma.76
Again through the mediation of Natoire, in December of
the same year Piranesi was to send Marigny the Emissario del
lago Albano, together with three complimentary new vedute of
the Tempio della Sibilla a Tivoli.77
Piranesi in Lalande’s Voyage (1769)
Precisely how popular Piranesi was by now within the circle
of French travellers becomes clear in the Voyage d’un François en
Italie by the astronomer Lalande (1769), “one of the classic Ital-
ian itineraries of the eighteenth century” (Venturi). The book
offers a rather well informed picture of the Italian scene
between 1765 and 1766, when the voyage was made.
Le Antichità Romane is mentioned in the chapter dedicated
to the “Authors who have made a description of Rome and its
antiquities”, along with its views of monuments “donnés en
grand par le célèbre Piranesi.”78 According to the writer, such
vedute represent “une chose fort agréable” not so much for for-
eigners actually visiting the Eternal City, as for those who have
never seen it (“pour ceux qui n’étant point sur les lieux, veulent
en avoir une idée”).79
It is also apparent that the figure of Piranesi as “antiquarian
and man of letters” has by now been superimposed on that of
“architect and engraver”, as emerges in the chapter dedicated to
the “Sciences and the Arts,” where Lalande stresses the well
deserved celebrity of his excellent prints which, quite rightly,
pay him large profits too.80 Indeed, not even the sceptical
13. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Interior of the so-called Temple of Neptune at
Paestum. Engraving (from Différentes vues de quelques restes de trois grand
édifices... de l’ancienne ville de Pesto, 1778, tav. XV).
Winckelmann, who had criticised the thin content of Piranesi’s
writings, could conceal his admiration for such superb engrav-
ing (“Piranesi hat ein prächtiges Werk wegen der Kupfer, aber
von wenigen Inhalt inder Schrift dazu”).81
Rome and Paestum
Besides proposing an impressive series of views, the complex
system of representation inaugurated by Piranesi with the
Antichtà romane dwells in exhaustive detail on materials and
construction techniques. Neither are the fragments, the orna-
ments or even the slightest detail overlooked;82 as for the ren-
dering of antiquity and the representation of ruins, the artist
resorts to surprising effects - a “shock of recognition” of great
visual impact. Wilton-Ely has efficaciously defined this aesthet-
ic as “the poetic amplification of physical facts.”83
The European success of Piranesi’s collections, relaunched
using this emotively involving and unheralded formula,
enriched the models of scholarly investigation. Scientific and
evocative in equal measure, they had something in common
with the archaeological reportages of Robert Wood (The Ruins of
Palmyra, 1753; The Ruins of Balbec, 1757).84 Their didactic and
original solutions also mixed in elements more precisely related
to specialist publications of architecure, so contributing to the
development of a publishing current which was to exert a deci-
sive influence on European neoclassicism.85
The same alternation of plates of technical character and
vedute of “emotive” effect with monuments and ruins is found a
little later in the work of the French architect Julien-David
Leroy, Les Ruines des plus beaux Monuments de la Grèce (1758)
(Fig. 10).86 This was the same Leroy whom Piranesi would at-
tack three years later in the Magnificenza ed Architettura de’
Romani (1761) by affirming the unarguable primacy of Roman
civilisation over Greek.87 Here, his original polemical perform-
ance begins right from the frontispiece, where trophies of
Roman legionaries’ arms rise up “as if to illustrate a new edition
87
06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 88
14. Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Side view of the Temple of Antoninus
and Faustina and the remains of the Temple of Castor.
Engraving (from Le Antichità Romane, 1756, I, tav. XXXI).
of the De bello gallico.”88 The text (with Latin translation on the
facing page) comprises a crescendo of cutting judgements sub-
stantiated by an impressive apparatus of comparative illustra-
tions, where Piranesi alternates ‘figured’ citations taken from
Leroy’s plates with his own drawings (Fig. 11).89
The assimilation of Piranesi’s principal innovations here is
apparent in Ruins of the Palace of the Emperor Diocletian at Spala-
tro in Dalmatia, published in London in 1764 by the Scotch
architect Robert Adam, to whom the Campo Marzio had been
dedicated two years earlier. This is apparent not only from its
frontispiece in the form of a capriccio, and the considerable num-
ber of vedute (entrusted to Charles-Louis Clérisseau) that enrich
the apparatus of the plates, but also from the construction of the
views themselves. These adopt a lateral viewpoint, with slight
distortions of perspective and other adjustments, the whole pro-
ducing a grandiose effect that strikes the eye and aims at the soul
of the reader (Fig. 12).90 The same elaborate effects also appear
in the series of fourteen views, The Architectural Beauties of
Ancient Rome of 1766. The fruits of a triple collaboration be-
tween Clérisseau (author of the vedute), the Venetian Antonio
Zucchi (responsible for the figures) and the Veronese Domenico
Cunego (the engraver), this work represents the culmination of
the Adams’ entrepreneurial efforts in Italy (Fig. 15).91
The last of Piranesi’s collections comprised twenty plates
dedicated to Paestum. We can only guess at the reasons that
pushed Piranesi and his son Francesco (who had an important
role in the company, as Silla Zamboni has underlined)92 to
choose French for the title and legends of the Différentes vues de
quelques restes des trois grands édifices qui subsistent encore dans l’an-
cienne ville de Pesto, which appeared in 1778 just before Giovan-
ni Battista’s death. Wilton-Ely has observed that the text and
the captions “minimise the Hellenic origins of the complex,”
while at the same time “they affirm the monumental values of an
architecture born on Italian soil” (Fig. 13).93 Following the clear
philo-Roman positions assumed in the Magnificenza (1761),
88
15. Domenico Cunego da Ch.-L. Clérisseau, Side view of the Temple
of Antoninus and Faustina and the remains of the Temple of Castor
in the Roman Forum. Engraving, 1766.
nailed home in the Osservazioni sopra la Lettre de M. Mariette and
the Parere su l’architettura (1765), the Paestum series would not
therefore represent his “final acceptance of the Greek cause,”
but rather a further polemical chapter in the language of those
who had until then sustained the primacy of Greece: from Laugi-
er to Leroy, down to Mariette, not to speak of Winckelmann,
known primarily through French translations of his writings.94
To conclude this variegated excursion, it is enough to cite a
page from the Italian diary of the Parisian treasurer general of
finance Bergeret de Grancourt, whom we find in the guise of
grandtouriste in the Rome of Piranesi’s final years.95 In December
1773 Bergeret writes that he has passed a whole morning car-
peting his room in Rome with the pages of a “très grand plan de
Rome, très bien fait,” easily identifiable as Nolli’s famous Nuova
pianta di Roma,96 and that he subsequently laid out Piranesi’s
plan “dit Campo Marzio, qui est le plan ancien de Rome” on the
opposite side of the room.97
One can imagine this aristocratic and cultivated traveller
buried in his ponderings of the image of Rome’s past, and com-
paring it with the ‘actual’ city: “c’est sur ces fameux édifices
qu’est bâtie la ville actuelle.” The contrast between - and conti-
nuity with - ancient Rome and its modern countenance (“Je
serai en état, avec la baguette, de donner sur la carte raison de
tous ce changements”)98 is revived now not by way of the sug-
gestive medium of the perspective veduta, but through the
abstract and objective filter of cartographic reconstruction.
This culminating reflection, utilised even by a Grand Tourist
such as Bergeret to contemplate the transformations of the
Eternal City, reveals a new cognitive approach: technical-sci-
entific, philological, it is the much sought goal of Enlighten-
ment man.99 And in the case of Piranesi and his plans, it repre-
sents the non eccentric contribution of his versatile genius.
06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 89

* I thank Bent Sørensen for rereading this paper 40

N. Blanc in J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT, H. LAVAGNE 1999, pp. 203-204.
1
J. WILTON-ELY 1978a. 41
J. RASPI SERRA, A. THEMELLY 1993.
2
G. BRUNEL 1976. 42
“Gondoin 1763 a levé le plan de la villa adrienne en 1762 et 1763”, cited in H.
3
U. VAN DE SANDT 1980. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 262.
4
M. CATELLI ISOLA 1978, pp. 73-74. 43
H. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 263.
5
Legrand’s manuscript, kept at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, was transcribed 44
W. OECHSLIN 1978a, p. 401.
with critical notes in the edition of G. EROUART and M. MOSSER 1978. 45
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, V, pp. 345-346.
6
L. KELLER 1966; G. POULET 1966. 46
Ibidem.
7
M. YOURCENAR 1962. 47
M. BEVILACQUA 2004c, pp. 27-29.
8
Cf. the words on some of the plates of the Grotteschi: “Piranesi inv., incise, e vende 48
G. L. BIANCONI 1802, II, p. 138.
dirimpetto l’Accademia di Francia in Roma” or those of the Antichità Romane fuori di 49
The ensemble of “250 dessins des plans avec les élévations de la villa Adriana à
Roma: “si vende dall’Auttore dirimpetto l’Accademia di Franzia”. Tivoli par Jean-Baptiste et François Piranesi” is cited in the inventory of possessions
9
“Rédigé sur les notes et les pièces communiquées par ses fils, les Compagnons et sequestered in Rome by commissario Venuti at the behest of the King of Naples,
les Continuateurs de ses nombreux travaux”, as Legrand writes at the top of his manu- enclosed with Francesco and Pietro Piranesi’s letter (Paris, 22 December 1800) sent to
script, cit. in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 221. the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corr. Dir. 1904, XIII, n. 9842, p. 273.
10
Ibidem, p. 222. 50
J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT 1999, p. 180, n. 29; on Piranesi’s plan and Francesco’s
11
Ibidem. engraving of 1781 cf. also J. Pinto in W.L. MACDONALD, J. PINTO 1995.
12
B. SØRENSEN 1996. 51
L. MORETTI 1983, p. 137.
13
W. OECHSLIN 1978b, pp. 370-372; G. EROUART 1982, pp. 33-34; M. N. ROSEN- 52
J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, pp. 327-328.
FELD 1993, pp. 33-34. 53
The painting was published for the first time in 1961 (I Francesi a Roma, p. 298,
14
G. MARINI 2004, pp. 50-51. n. 731), and appears in the exhibition catalogue Piranèse et les Français, Rome 1976, p.
15
C. BERTELLI 1985. 36; Fasto Romano, 1992, and, with an entry by J. Garms, in A. WILTON, I. BIGNAMINI
16
For the various editions of the Varie vedute di Roma Antica e Moderna cf. ibidem, p. 1997, p. 122 n. 75. Cf. the more than six hundred titles of the Catalogue des livres nou-
19. veaux qui se trouvent chez Bouchard et Gravier libraires, dating to the pontificate of Pius
17
J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, p. 90. VI. For the topography of Rome’s printing presses and bookshops, cf. P. ORZI SMERIGLIO
18
On this point cf. B. SØRENSEN 1996, p. 482 and, more generally, O. MICHEL 1996. 1959, pp. 12-13
19
On J. Saly (1717-1776), who worked in Rome between 1740 and 1748, cf. B. 54
L. MORETTI 1983, p. 136-137.
SØRENSEN 1996, as well as P. ARIZZOLI 1976, pp. 327-328; B. SØRENSEN 1994. 55
J. WILTON-ELY 1983a, pp. 317-338; S. M. DIXON 1999.
20
G. EROUART 1976, pp. 155-159. 56
Bouchard and Gravier to Marigny, Rome, 26 May 1756, in Corr. Dir. 1901, XI, n.
21
B. SØRENSEN 1996, pp. 477-489. 5163, p. 139.
22
Paris, Département des Arts Graphiques; the apograph on the verso states: “M. C. 57
Ibidem.
Challe, Elève de Mr. Boucher, a fait ce dessin d’architecture imaginée, ainsi que 58
Natoire to Duchesne, Rome 22 February 1757, ibidem, n. 5220, p. 176.
plusieurs autres, à peu près pareils, étant encore à Rome en 1746, et par une espèce de 59
The plates of the Antichità romane signed by Barbault are: vol. II: tavs. XII, XIII,
concurrence avec ceux du celebre Pyranèse vénitien”, cf. B. SØRENSEN 1996, pp. 478- XIV, XV, XX, XXXIII, XXXV, XLV, XLVI; III vol.: tavs. XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX, XLVI,
479. XLVIII. On Barbault’s activity in Rome cf. P. ROSENBERG 1978.
23
J. WILTON-ELY 1978c, p. 543; M. GORI SASSOLI 1994, pp. 114-115. 60
Cf. tavs. 66, 67, 68, and 69 relative to “Fragmens antiques”.
24
H. F. DITTSCHEID 2002. 61
In 1761 Piranesi publicised the new sales point at Palazzo Tomati in Strada Felice,
25
“il est inesprimable combien j’ai eu la peine pour les avoir”; the letter, kept in creating for the occasion the Catalogo delle opere, cf. J. WILTON-ELY 1994a, I, p. 14.
Paris, Fondation Custodia, is published in F. LUI 2006, pp. 205-208. On the theme of 62
Les plus beaux monuments…, Préface, p. VII.
Piranesian collecting in France, see also M. BARBIN 1978, pp. 43-37. 63
A. GORDON 2002.
26
J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 222. 64
The handwritten letter is kept at the Pierpont Morgan Library of New York; J.
27
Ibidem, p. 221. WILTON-ELY 1978b, pp. 60-61; C. D. DENISON 1993, n. 60.
28
Clérisseau “était son compagnon de voyage dans les ruines qu’ils parcouraient 65
This was the collection published in 1743, enlarged in 1745 and combined in
ensemble et dont toutes les pierres leur étaient si parfaittement connues [...] Ouvrait on 1750 in the Opere varie with the Grotteschi and the Carceri, cf. J. GARMS 1978, p. 16-23;
une nouvelle fouille, ils y couraient ou se trouvaient réunis, souvent sans être avertis et A. ROBISON 1986.
mus par la même curiosité,” ibidem, pp. 230-231. 66
On the history and the various versions of the Catalogo delle opere cf. WILTON-ELY
29
Ibidem, pp. 231, 235. 1994a, I, p. 14; for a reference to two unpublished exemplars cf. M. KOSHIKAWA 1992, F.
30
Ibidem, p. 230. LUI 1998.
31
G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 217. 67
C. D. DENISON, M. N. ROSENFELD, S. WILES 1993, p. 108 n. 60.
32
Ibidem, p. 232. 68
Marigny to Natoire, Versailles 10 March 1762, in Corr. Dir., 1901, XI, n. 5564,
33
TH. MACCORMICK 1978; for a more nuanced approach, cf. F. LUI 2006, pp. 151- pp. 413-414.
153. 69
Marigny to Natoire, Versailles 10 March 1762, ibidem, n. 5564, pp. 413-414.
34
“Piranesi et Clérisseau levèrent et dessinèrent des premiers la villa Adrienne à 70
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 7 April 1762, ibidem, n. 5569, pp. 416-417; on the rela-
Tivoli,” J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, pp. 231, 235. tions between Piranesi and Marigny, see J. WILTON-ELY 1998, p. 69 n. 18.
35
Ibidem. 71
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 14 April 1762, in Corr. Dir., XI, n. 5570,
36
T. MACCORMICK 1978, pp. 304-305; M. ROLAND MICHEL 1999, p. 107. p. 418.
37
Ibidem, pp. 35; cf. a number of vedute of Hadrian’s Villa kept at the Hermitage, in 72
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 12 May 1762, ibidem, n. 5576, p. 421.
J. CHARLES-GAFFIOT, H. LAVAGNE 1999, pp. 282-284; and at the Fitzwilliam Museum, 73
Marigny to Piranesi, Versailles 30 May 1762, ibidem, n. 5581, pp. 423-424.
Cambridge, in J. RASPI SERRA, F. DE POLIGNAC 1998, p. 91. 74
Natoire to Marigny, Rome 16 June 1762, ibidem, n. 5584, pp. 425-426.
38
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, V, p. 345. 75
J.-G. Legrand, in G. EROUART, M. MOSSER 1978, p. 231.
39
H. LAVAGNE 1983, p. 259. 76
J.-F. MÉJANÈS 2006, pp. 8-9; B. SAINT-GIRONS 1999.

89
06 Lui:06 Lui 16-11-2012 16:28 Pagina 90

77
Natoire to Marigny, Rome, 8 December 1762, in Corr. Dir. 1901, XI, n. 5624, pp. 89
J. WILTON-ELY 1993, p. 38.
448-449. 90
I. G. BROWN 1992; F. LUI 2006, pp. 218-225.
78
J.-J. DE LALANDE 1769, III, XII, pp. 267-268. 91
F. LUI 2006, pp. 227-237.
79
Ibidem. 92
A. CAVICCHI, S. ZAMBONI 1983, pp. 213-215.
80
Ibidem, V, XIII, pp. 271-272. 93
J. WILTON-ELY 1994b, p. 144.
81
Winckelmann refers to the Magnificenza ed architettura de’ romani of 1761, letter 94
É. POMMIER 2003, pp. 201-208; cf. also J. RASPI SERRA 1990.
to Wolkman, Rome, 3 March 1762; J.J. WINCKELMANN, II, p. 211, n. 471. 95
J. WILHELM 1948, p. 71.
82
J. WILTON-ELY 1976b, p. 155 and 1998, p. 65. 96
For the European distribution of Nolli’s Nuova pianta di Roma cf. M. BEVILACQUA
83
J. WILTON-ELY 1983a. 1998, pp. 58-61.
84
F. LUI 2006, pp. 153-158. 97
This was probably the Pianta di Roma e del Campo Marzio, which had recently
85
H.-W. KRUFT 1988, p. 276; W. SZAMBIEN 1998, p. 310. been printed, cf. S. ZAMBONI 1978, pp. 62-63.
86
A. BRAHAM 1978, pp. 68-69. 98
J. WILHELM 1948, p. 71.
87
J. WILTON-ELY 1978c. 99
M. FAGIOLO 2004, p. 12; M. BEVILACQUA 2004c, p. 27.
88
J.-M. PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS 1978, p. 422.

90
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