Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
2013
ISSN 2178-1842
Corpo Editorial
editor
José Renato Ferraz da Silveira
Comitê Editorial
Ana Carolina Serro Polita, Augusto César Dall’Agnol, Bruna Toso de Alcântara, Bruno Gomes
Gottschefsky, Bruno Rizzi, Dionathan Ysmael Rodrigues da Silva, Fabiane Frois, Germano
Londero Zenkner, Giuliana Facco Machado, Guilherme Pastl, Gustavo Manduré, José
Renato Ferraz da Silveira, Juliana Graffunder Barbosa, Junior Ivan Bourscheid, Marcelo
Fabri Junior, Marcos Pascotto Palermo, Nerissa Krebs Farret e Rafaela Gardin dos Santos.
Conselho editorial
Adriano José Pereira (UFSM), Ana Maria Evans de Carvalho (Georgetown University, EUA),
Clarissa Franzoi Dri (UFSC), Fréderic Louault (Sorbonne Nouvelle, Paris), Guillaume Pierre
Leturcq (UFSM), Gláucia Angélica Campregher (UFRGS), Ivani Vassoler (UFSM), José Carlos
Martines Belieiro Junior (UFSM), José Luiz de Moura Filho (UFSM), José Renato Ferraz da
Silveira (UFSM), Marcelo Arend (UFSC), Niousha Roshani (UFSC), Oliver Stuenkel (FGV),
Sérgio Alfredo Massen Prieb (UFSM), Teresa Cristina Bruno Andrade (UNESP) e Uacauan
Bonilha (UFSM).
Nota: Os trabalhos assinados exprimem conceitos da responsabilidade de seus autores, coincidentes ou não com os
pontos de vista da redação da Revista.
Todos os direitos Reservados: Proibida a reprodução total ou parcial, sem a prévia autorização do Núcleo, por qualquer
meio ou processo, especialmente por sistemas gráficos, microfílmicos, fotográficos ou videográficos. Vedada a memori-
zação e/ou recuperação total ou parcial, bem como a inclusão de quaisquer partes desta obra em qualquer sistema de
processamento de dados. Essas proibições aplicam-se também às características da obra e à sua editoração. A violação
dos direitos autorais é punível como crime (art. 184 e §§, do Código Penas, cf Lei nº 6.895, de 17-12-1980) com pena
de prisão e multa, conjuntamente com busca e apreenção e indenizações diversas (arts. 122, 123, 124 e 126, da Lei nº
5.988 de 14-12-1973, Lei dos Direitos Autorais).
pareceristas
Alfredo Alejandro Gugliano (UFRGS) Fernando da Silva Camargo (UFPEL)
Doutorado em Sociologia + Ciência Política Doutorado em História (PUC-RS)
alfredogugliano@uol.com.br fscam@hotmail.com
Semestral.
ISSN: 2178-1842
Vol. 4, n. 4 (jan/jun. 2013)
CDU 327
entrevista
Thiago Rodrigues
entrevista 11
Carlos Andrés Jiménez Navarro
América Latina: amenazas y calidad de la
democracia en el siglo XXI
23 ensaio
Cristine Koehler Zanella
Inaê Siqueira de Oliveira
A atuação do Brasil no Órgão de 43
Solução de Controvérsias da OMC
e o lugar do direito na PEB
Prakash Kona
Revolutionary medicine: a response to 131
corporatizing healthcare in India
R.S. Rose
The Manipulation of History: Censorship in
Freedom of Information Act Requests 163
at the U.S. Department of Justice,
Federal Bureau of Investigation
6 | InterAção
InterAção | 7
apresentação
8 | InterAção
InterAção | 9
CARTA DE APRESENTAÇÃO
Os editores
InterAção | 11
entrevista
Thiago Rodrigues
12 | InterAção
InterAção | 13
ensaio
24 | InterAção
InterAção | 25
Resumen
Abstract
The first decade of the century in Latin America has elapsed
in most countries under the control of democratically elected govern-
ments, which does not necessarily indicate that this fully consolidated
democracy, but that is still under construction. Therefore, in the middle
of the development of democratic processes in the region, it is necessary
factors to become a starting point for assessing the quality of democracy,
a first factor that determines the overall quality of democracies is justice,
understood as democracy operates with fairness, justice content within
democracies and democracy as a tool to identify injustices. It also identi-
fied three areas identified as latent and permanent threat to democracies
in the region: 1. Inequality and inequity. 2. Participation and inclusion
of citizenship. 3. Customizing democracy.
Calidad de la democracia
tipo de bien, ya que implica que tan bueno o malo es cierto producto
frente unos parámetros de comparación, por lo general de tipo cua-
litativo; es allí donde aplicar el concepto de calidad de la democracia
y ante todo establecer las condiciones o atributos de calidad para la
misma puede variar de un estudio o investigador a otro, como de un
país así como la metodología misma para cuantificar los resultados
obtenidos. (El presente artículo no evalúa ningún tipo de metodo-
logía utilizada para evaluar la calidad de la democracia en América
Latina, únicamente busca determinar algunas condiciones mínimas,
que sirvan como punto de partida para señalar si existe o no algún
grado de calidad en la democracia).
La principal dificultad en el análisis en cuanto la calidad de
la democracia es que este depende de la definición misma de demo-
cracia y que es posible “confundir la calidad de una democracia con
el nivel de democratización de un régimen político. Sin embargo, los
análisis de calidad sólo pueden aplicarse a aquellas sociedades que
han asumido un mínimo grado de democratización, esto es, aquellas
que cumplen los requisitos elementales de una democracia” (MOR-
LINO, 2009. p. 26).
Como punto de partida en la evaluación de la calidad de la
democracia es necesario tener en cuenta —como mínimo— el ele-
mento de la justicia; discriminada en tres aspectos fundamentales:
1.La democracia opera con justicia: entendiendo que el procedi-
miento o funcionamiento mismo de la democracia debe contener ni-
veles de justicia, de tal manera que ofrezca las condiciones necesarias
para satisfacer como mínimo las garantías que propone el concepto de
poliarquía de Robert Dahl:
30 | InterAção
Amenazas de la democracia
Desigualdad e inequidad
Personalización de la democracia
Referencias
artigos
42 | InterAção
InterAção | 43
Resumo
Abstract
INTRODUÇÃO
7 A Carta Constitutiva da OIC, também conhecida como “Carta de Havana”, foi fi-
nalizada em 1948 e, apesar de repetidamente submetida ao Congresso Americano,
não foi aprovada. Como os EUA eram os responsáveis pela maior parte do comércio
internacional, a sua não adesão à Organização comprometeu a sua existência.
8 Não se pode ignorar, entretanto, que estes avanços não se deram de forma
simétrica para todas as nações que aderiram ao GATT. A disparidade entre as regras
aplicadas aos produtos industriais e agrícolas (que ainda hoje existe) é apenas um
dentre os tantos exemplos de desnível no terreno da disciplina do comércio interna-
cional (AZEVEDO; CARDOSO, 2007).
InterAção | 49
11 Dados referentes a maio de 2012, disponíveis no site oficial da OMC, indicam que
atualmente a Organização Mundial do Comércio possui 155 membros e 29 países
observadores (WTO, 2012a). Mas há que se considerar que a Rússia confirmou sua
adesão à organização dia 21 de julho de 2012 – que começará a valer 30 dias após
a ratificação, quando a OMC passará, então, a contar com 156 membros e 28 países
observadores (RUSSIA TODAY, 2012).
InterAção | 51
CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS
REFERÊNCIAS
VAN DEN BOSSCHE, Peter. The Law and Policy of the World Trade
Organization: text, cases and materials. New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2005.
Resumo
Abstract
studies the role of FDI in the global economy; the second examines
the consequences of corruption in transactions involving FDI. For this
purpose, we carried out a bibliographic review on the subject. The stage
of the research indicates that the perception of corruption can be a con-
ditioning factor for the inflow of FDI in a particular country.
Introdução
tras variáveis que caracterizam o ambiente social, pois seus efeitos se-
rão menores na presença de fatores positivos de atratividade de IED,
como a abertura de mercado e estabilidade política. Concluem que a
corrupção é uma “barreira, e não um fator decisivo, para a realização
do pleno potencial de investimento de um país”.
Outra constatação interessante diz respeito a possível influ-
ência da corrupção no tipo de investimento estrangeiro. Conforme
dados levantados por WEI (2000b, p. 14), países com altas taxas de
corrupção possuem baixo IED comparativamente em relação aos in-
vestimentos de portfólio. Isso ocorre por que esse tipo de investimento
é menos dependente do arranjo político-institucional para florescer.
Enquanto as operações de IED são vulneráveis à extorsão de agentes
governamentais, uma vez que necessitam firmar um relacionamento
duradouro com o poder público, na forma de concessão de autori-
zações, licenças e benefícios, o investimento de portfólio desenvolve
pouco contato com o governo, pois é um projeto de retorno financeiro
em curto prazo e de fácil mobilidade para outras economias.
Outras pesquisas, realizadas na forma de entrevistas, auxi-
liam a comprovação dos argumentos apresentados. Em estudo da
TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL (2009, p. 21), no qual
foram entrevistados 2.700 executivos oriundos de 26 países, um a
cada quatro respondentes indicou que a corrupção prejudica a ope-
ração e o crescimento de seu negócio. Dentre 350 executivos senio-
res entrevistados pela PRICEWATERHOUSECOOPERS (PwC)
(2008, p. 02) quase 45% dos entrevistados confessou que costuma de-
sistir de ingressar em um mercado ou implementar um negócio devi-
do ao risco de corrupção. Por fim, conforme pesquisa de WEITZEL
74 | InterAção
9 Nos últimos três anos, China, Rússia e Índia conduziram reformas legislativas com
o objetivo de aperfeiçoar seus mecanismos de controle da corrupção. Tratam-se de
projetos em andamento (BBC, 2010, 2012; RIA NOVOSTI, 2011).
10 Lei Federal nº 10.683 de 28 de maio de 2003.
11 Lei Federal nº 12.527 de 18 de novembro de 2011.
12 Projeto de Lei nº 6.826/2010. A legislação prevê a possibilidade das empresas
brasileiras serem punidas em caso de vinculação com práticas corruptas. A idéia é
atacar os financiadores da corrupção. As empresas poderão ser impedidas de parti-
ciparem de contratos do governo (a atual legislação é insuficiente nesse aspecto) e
condenadas a severas multas.
InterAção | 77
Considerações Finais
Referências
Resumo
Abstract
Introdução
Conclusão
Referências
Resumo
Abstract
Introdução
por vez, por anos vem sendo o objetivo chinês, com tais crescimentos
comercial, tecnológico e desenvolvimentista.
criarem agitações entre países, pelo interesse comum sob este último.
Mas é necessário ter em mente que, para haver uma certa dis-
seminação do poder, principalmente quando um Estado-nação busca
alcançá-lo – por medidas de domínio regional ou outra fonte – este es-
tará situado em determinado lugar, preferencialmente central. Assim é
que explana Claude Raffestin, em sua obra sobre a geografia do poder:
Conclusão
Referências
Prakash Kona1
Abstract
Corporate Healthcare
rience; the politicizing of art is the politicizing of everyday life and the
politicizing of experience.
The intellectual is political in a comprehensive sense and not
someone who reduces the world to politics. To politicize is to make choi-
ces and not to indulge in jargon that through a pre-given method re-
solves a puzzle the way one does with the Rubik’s cube. How do we
define the communist intellectual except as Gramsci says, someone who
has “worked out and made coherent the principles and the prob-
lems raised by the masses in their practical activity” (330). In the
same passage Gramsci stretches the point further that only when a
philosophical movement comes into contact with what he calls the
“simple” by which he means the problems raised by the masses in their
practical activity, “does a philosophy become “historical”, purify itself
of intellectualistic elements of an individual character and become
“life”. The “intellectualistic elements” are without the character of life
because they are not rooted in practical activity or what we call work.
The ability to theorize is rooted in the experience of work.
Work is a complex term from breathing to doing a difficult
arithmetic problem, swimming or designing a building. There is no
work however despicably routine or soul-killing that it does not need
imagination. The “corporate market” is not anti-work in principle as
much as it is anti-worker; it is guilty of separating work from real-
ity; that there is a reality outside the human effort to be creative and
free; as McMurtry makes the point in The Cancer stage of capitalism:
“People who must work most of their active hours to earn enough
money to live must normally sell their work or service to a corpora-
tion or other employer in exchange for wages and salaries. The sale
134 | InterAção
of their work is all of the value they have to sell in the corporate
market” (49). Their right to imagine or the right to be real is taken
away from them. Having lost the reality that creative work promises
to bring them into touch with, they live isolated from the “concrete”
submitting consciously to free market hallucinations. Karel Kosik in
Dialectics of the Concrete calls it the “doctrinaire systematization or
the romanticization of routine ideas” (6). Trite and banal notions get
packaged and repackaged as original without possessing the essence
of originality which is being creative. The lack of freedom is built into
the idea – since the idea is about consumption and not about freedom.
Dr. Johnson notes that: “Human experience, which is con-
stantly contradicting theory, is the great test of truth” (Life 238).
Theory is the ability to make assumptions about a situation; but such
ability has to be preceded by experience that is bound to contradict
the theory at any point in time. Theories are static in that sense unless
like the legendary Proteus they are able to adapt themselves to the
lived nature of experience. Gramsci points out that: “the majority of
mankind are philosophers in so far as they engage in practical activ-
ity and in their practical activity (or in their guiding lines of conduct)
there is implicitly contained a conception of the world, a philosophy”
(344).
The theoretical basis of healthcare is that it forms a privileged
body of knowledge independent of power relations. That the “treat-
ment” of patients is far more patient-centered in a corporate than in
a state-run hospital is the premise on which the latter claim their
superiority. The dehumanization of the patient and stripping of in-
dividual rights is never spoken about as an issue. It’s not knowledge
InterAção | 135
that creates a sense of power but pure faith in that kind of knowledge.
The statement from Louis Pasteur and the hidden world of microbes il-
lustrates my point. “Referring to Colin’s results, which contradicted
his own, Pasteur scoffed, “If I take a clod of earth and find anthrax
there, that’s because it’s there; and if, placing the same clod between
the hands of M[onsieur] Colin, he doesn’t find it, that’s because he
has made a mistake. One road leads to truth, a thousand to error.
Colin always takes one of the latter”” (72). The road that leads to
“truth” is just one, while “thousand” lead to error. There is nothing to
explain what distinguishes truth from error. There is no definition to
back the statement even for a great scientist like Louis Pasteur. The
modern hospital is built on a theory of what constitutes knowledge
because it has “truth” on its side. An ahistorical truth can never be a
scientific one. A truth isolated from social and political contexts is an
ideological statement because it is a natural one or a cultural one but
never a historical one.
The Hospital X that Orwell talks about in “How the poor
die” shows what the reality on the ground is like. Orwell says: “If
you are seriously ill and if you are too poor to be treated in your own
home, then you must go into hospital, and once there you must put
up with harshness and discomfort, just as you would in the army.”
The “army” and the “hospital” comparison is true with everyone who
has the experience of being in a hospital for a certain period of time
irrespective of whether it’s a private or a public one. In the public
hospital you confront the reality of being in a state of want. In the
private hospital the good-will and the atmosphere is paid for and thus
alienating in its own way. Orwell adds in the same essay:
136 | InterAção
sing the property of appropriating all objects, money is thus the object
of eminent possession. The universality of its property is the omni-
potence of its being. It therefore functions as the almighty being.
Money is the pimp between man’s need and the object, between his
life and his means of life. But that which mediates my life for me, also
mediates the existence of other people for me. For me it is the other
person” (Tucker 102). The corporate hospital is a financial institution
where money is rotated at various levels. Institutions are social pro-
ducts and reproduce the hierarchies of the real world. The corporate
hospital is an extension of inequalities of the social world. If corpo-
ratization is meant to reach out to the poor it is merely to appropriate
their meager resources and not to address the disease whose origins
are social as much as political rooted in an economy of powerlessness.
Corporatization of healthcare in India is an American-style
institution attempting to be comprehensive in the maximum sense
possible. The American conditions are conspicuous by their absence.
By American conditions I mean the cultural matrix for an institution
to exist; this is not possible in a third world country like India where
the relationship between the doctor and a patient is fundamentally an
unequal one more so if the patient comes from the exploited classes;
the patient is patronized and humiliated and made to rely completely
on the doctor for support or “cure”; money is the principal medium
that brings together the patient and the doctor – practically you can-
not be in a corporate hospital unless you afford it; the relationship
therefore is a deeply alienating one similar to the prostitute and a
client except that the prostitute is the exploited while the doctor who
sells himself is the exploiter. McMurtry says: “The efficiency that
138 | InterAção
dying hospital industry that put the poor out of the picture. Instead
of directly looting from the poor the corporations take from the go-
vernment that loots the poor. These so-called people-oriented sche-
mes are symptom-addressing devices and do not address the disease
of exploitation endemic to this nation.
The corporatization made possible through widespread cor-
ruption at every level has reached tyrannical proportions and holds an
entire civil society to ransom. The pauperization of the middle classes
who are portrayed as the beneficiaries of globalization is achieved in
a gradual manner. The plight of those who barely make a living such
as migrant workers and other homeless people exposed to the worst
forms of pollution can only be imagined. Samuel Johnson says: “I
consider that in no government power can be abused long. Mankind
will not bear it. If a sovereign oppresses his people to a great degree,
they will rise and cut off his head. There is a remedy in human nature
against tyranny that will keep us safe under every form of govern-
ment” (351). Ultimately there is only so much tyranny that mankind
will bear. The “remedy in human nature” that Johnson speaks of whi-
ch is cutting the head of the sovereign is a euphemism for an armed
revolution.
Revolutionary Medicine
The doctor is an agent of social change. The power that the doctor
seeks is not just the power to do good, but the power to lead the mas-
ses to fight for their rights, to arouse the “nature” in a human being
to “rise up” and claim “her original rights” by overturning “a corrupt
political system.” The doctor’s role is a more immediate one as well.
And one way of getting to the heart of the medical question
is not only to visit and become acquainted with the people who make
up these cooperatives and work centres, but to find out what diseases
they have, what their sufferings are, what have been their chronic
miseries for years, and what has been the inheritance of centuries
of repression and total submission. The doctor, the medical worker,
must go to the core of his new work, which is the man within the
mass, the man within the collectivity.
Always, no matter what happens in the world, the doctor is
extremely close to his patient and knows the innermost depths of his
psyche. Because he is the one who attacks pain and mitigates it, he
performs and invaluable labour of much responsibility in society.
Revolutionary medicine is a multifaceted term and is about
ethics as much as about politics. The ethical for Che is a manifesta-
tion at the personal level of the political. Precisely what is absent in a
capitalist society is morality that does not reduce the individual to a
commodity. The visible reduction into a state of a commodity is what
the individual is fighting against and must eventually put to an end.
Things don’t happen just like that. What causes them is in many
ways more important than what meets the eye. At the heart of the
commodification of the individual is “imperialism” “the final stage of
capitalism.”
150 | InterAção
cator. She breaks through those imaginary cordons that ideology pla-
ces in the minds of the exploited. To the oppressed she reveals the
possibilities of change. She belongs to the “vanguard organization” of
the “party” which is “made up of the best workers, who are proposed
for membership by their fellow workers. It is a minority, but it has
great authority because of the quality of its cadres. Our aspiration is
for the party to become a mass party, but only when the masses have
reached the level of the vanguard, that is when they are educated
for communism. Our work constantly strives toward this education”
(Global Justice 43).
Bibliography
Orwell, George. How the poor die. Web. January 28, 2012.
Zinn, Howard. The uses of history and the war on terrorism, Web. Nov.
24, 2006.
162 | InterAção
InterAção | 163
R.S. Rose2
Abstract
1 An Earlier Version of this Work was Presented to the Academy of Criminal Justice
Sciences Convention San Diego, CA, February 24, 2010.
2 Professor Visitante no Núcleo de Estudos das Américas, Universidade do Estado do
Rio de Janeiro (UERJ).
164 | InterAção
3 The published version is available in English in as Johnny: A Spy’s Life (College Park:
Penn State University Press, 2010) and in Portuguese as Johnny: A vida do espião que
delatou a Rebelião Comunista no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Record, 2010).
4 U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation [hereafter FBI], [J. Kevin
O’Brien], letter, August 18, 1995. At the time, O’Brien was the chief of the Freedom of
Information Privacy Acts Information Resources Division.
5 Ibid., letters, January 24, 1995 and August 3, 1995.
6 Johnson was opposed to the bill for much of its ride through the legislature. He
begrudgingly signed it, on July 4th, following a good deal of cajoling by California
Democratic congressman John Moss. LBJ’s resistance revolved around his dislike
of allowing outsiders to scrutinize government archives. In the end, he affixed his
signature to the measure with an accompanying statement cautioning against releas-
ing military secrets, confidential advice, personnel files, investigative files and those
items withheld out of executive privilege. “Freedom of Information at 40,” The Na-
tional Security Archive, [http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB194/index.
htm], accessed August 12, 2012.
InterAção | 165
7 The term is perhaps only exceeded in its hilarity by another U.S. government phrase,
“expletive deleted.”
8 J. Kevin O’Brien], letter, August 18, 1995.
166 | InterAção
years and pay the copying fees once again. Moreover, the applicant
would have to repurchase the entire file and not just single pages in
the file.16 Through this clever and expensive process, the number of
researchers who reapply was/is obviously reduced.
Throughout the appeal process, moreover, government offi-
cials continued to use the same opening phraseology made infamous
by the American auto insurance industry when denying a claim: “Af-
ter careful consideration [italics mine] of this matter, I have determi-
ned that my original decision, . . . was appropriate.”17
There was no “careful consideration.” In fact there was prob-
ably no consideration of any kind. What happened and continues to
happen was and is a circling of American government wagons. This
fact was borne out by two facts. First, the vast majority of names in
the released documents sent to this researcher were expunged. This
could lead one to believe that the persons who did the censoring sim-
ply covered up any name they ran across. As bureaucrats, they must
have reasoned, “Why stick my neck out? It might come back to haunt
me. So I’ll just delete everything that looks interesting, relevant,
or that I don’t understand.” Second, and most revealing, De Graaf
16 USDJ, [David M. Hardy], letter, May 27, 2005. At the time of his communication,
Hardy was the U.S.
Department of Justice’s section chief, Record/Information Dissemination Section, Re-
cords Management Division. A list of 91-released pages with suspected erroneously
censured names was prepared and sent to the Department of Justice. They indicated
that a new request to see the entire file would have to be made. USDJ, [Richard L.
Huff], letter, March 7, 2005.
17 USDJ, [Richard L. Huff], letters, September 29, 2004; March 7, 2005; and USDJ,
[David M. Hardy], letter, May 10, 2006 [postmarked].
170 | InterAção
Page
U.S. Page number,
Name deleted at least once on each FBI
censoring number, RCMP
page
statute FBI copy copy
(vol. 4)
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 39 42
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 40 44
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 42 46
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 44 47
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 45 48
Aitken, George (b)(7)(C) 45 49
Berger, Harry19 (b)(7)(C) 55 60
Billy (b)(7)(C) 39 42
Billy (b)(7)(C) 40 43
Billy (b)(7)(C) 42 46
Milly (b)(7)(C) 40 43
Milly (b)(7)(C) 42 46
Milly (b)(7)(C) 43 46
Milton [Eugene Dennis] (b)(7)(C) 56 60
Milton [Eugene Dennis] (b)(7)(C) 60 65
Milton [Eugene Dennis] (b)(7)(C) 60 66
Milton [Eugene Dennis] (b)(7)(C) 61 66
Milton [Eugene Dennis] (b)(7)(C) 62 67
Molotov, Vyacheslav (b)(7)(C) 80 87
Molotov, Vyacheslav (b)(7)(C) 81 88
Munzenberg (b)(7)(C) 14 13
Obuch, Dr. (b)(7)(C) 18 18
Paulina (b)(7)(C) 34 37
Pieck, William (b)(7)(C) 9 8
Pieck, William (b)(7)(C) 10 10
Pieck, William (b)(7)(C) 18 19
Pieck, William (b)(7)(C) 19 19
Plantz, Special Agent (b)(7)(C) 23 25
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 38 41
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 40 43
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 41 44
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 41 45
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 42 45
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 42 46
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 44 47
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 45 48
Pollitt, Harry (b)(7)(C) 45 49
Saul (b)(7)(C) 34 37
Saul (b)(7)(C) 35 38
Silverthorn, Special Agent (b)(7)(C) 23 25
174 | InterAção
Stolzenberg (b)(7)(C) 11 11
Swan, Willie (b)(7)(C) 9 8
Swan, Willie (b)(7)(C) 10 9
Swan, Willie (b)(7)(C) 11 10
Swan, Willie (b)(7)(C) 11 11
Thalheimer, August (b)(7)(C) 9 8
Thalheimer, August (b)(7)(C) 10 9
Ulbricht, Walter (b)(7)(C) 9 8
Ulbricht, Walter (b)(7)(C) 10 10
Ulbricht, Walter (b)(7)(C) 18 19
Ulbricht, Walter (b)(7)(C) 51 55
Voroshilov, General Klimientiy (b)(7)(C) 31 34
Walter, Mrs. (b)(7)(C) 59 64
Wickman, Harry (b)(7)(C) 55 59
Wickman, Harry (b)(7)(C) 55 60
Wickman, Harry (b)(7)(C) 57 62
Wilhelm, Hans (b)(7)(C) 52 56
Wilhelm, Hans (b)(7)(C) 60 65
Wilhelm, Hans (b)(7)(C) 62 67
Wollenberger (b)(7)(C) 42 45
Lavar Kaganovich
Otto Kuusinen
Dmitri Manuilski
Anastas Mikoyan
Vyacheslav Molotov
William Pieck
Harry Pollitt
August Thalheimer
Walter Ulbricht
General Klimientiy Voroshilov
duals are dead? It is reasonable to believe that they should, but do not
because of faulty selection procedures by the American Department
of Justice and FBI in allocating supervising employees to the roles of
Freedom of Information Act overseers. Moreover, to say that “after
careful consideration” these superiors deem that their underlings have
acted correctly in repressing a name is probably a falsehood. While
some superiors actually read the requests and appeals that cross their
desks, a more likely scenario is that the majority of superiors simply
sign off without ever reading beyond the recommendations of under-
lings.
There is one final alternative. Could it be that the American
government, in it labyrinth of competing security agencies, allows its
records of who was on or is on the political left to influence what and
how much material is released to the petitioner under the terms of the
Freedom of Information Act? While we would hope that such is not
the case, it is not beyond the realm of possibility in view of the ite-
ms withheld in this study on Johnny de Graaf. Contributors might,
accordingly, wish to think carefully about their own past, including
their ties to Latin America, before requesting documents from the
U.S. Department of Justice/FBI. It is vital to note, in this regard,
that the selective availability of archival items impacts what we know
and do not know about the past. In that vein, the forces controlling
access to this information shape our collective memories and in so
doing manipulate our history—not just in Latin America, but so too
in the United States of America.
InterAção | 177
178 | InterAção
Formatação
Direção de arte: André Luis
Designer responsável: Mariana Zago