Bahir Dar University Graduate Program

BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY GRADUATE PROGRAM
DEPARTMENT OF
HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
HARARI-OROMO INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION IN THE

CITY OF HARAR FROM 1887 TO 1991
BY
CHALA ABDURAHMAN
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL

FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY
JUNE 2018
BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA
1
BY: CHALA ABDURAHMAN
Advisor: Abebe Dires (PhD)
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT
JUNE 2018
BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA
i
BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE
DEPARTMENT OF
HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

BY
CHALA ABDURAHMAN
Approved by Board of Examiners
________________________ __________ __________________
Advisor Date Signature
________________________ __________ __________________
Internal Examiner Date Signature
________________________ __________ __________________
External Examiner Date Signature
________________________ __________ __________________
Chairperson Date Signature
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents Pages
LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ 5
KEY TO THE TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM........................................................................... 6
DEFINITION OF LOCAL TERMS (GLOSSARY) ...................................................................... 8
ACRONYMS ................................................................................................................................ 10
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................................................................................ 11
PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................... 12
ABSTRACT .................................................................................................................................. 14
CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................... 15
1. GENERAL BACKGROUND .................................................................................................. 15
1.1. The Geographical Setting ............................................................................................... 15
1.2. The Häräri people and the walled city ........................................................................... 21
1.3. The Oromo in Härär ....................................................................................................... 30
CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................................... 34
2. INTRA ETHNIC INTERACTIONS AND THE QUEST FOR INTEGRATION IN HARAR:

A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ................................................................................................ 34
2.1. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions: 1887 to 1936 ........................................................ 34
2.2. Oromo-Häräri Intermarriage .......................................................................................... 45
2.3. Cultural Tolerance and Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms........................... 48
CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 53
3. INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION FROM 1930-1974 ............................................................ 53
3.1. Aspect of Amicable Häräri-Oromo Social relationship ................................................. 53
3.1.1. Socio Economic interaction .................................................................................... 54
iii
3.1.2. Social relationship ................................................................................................... 58
3.1.3. Socio-cultural practices as inter-ethnic connections and disjuncture. .................... 62
3.2. Ethnic Interaction during the Italian Occupation and Its Sequel ................................... 67
3.3. Return of Emperor Haile Silassie I and Absolutism 1941-74 ........................................ 76
3.4. Religion and social interaction ....................................................................................... 79
CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 84
1. PATTERNS OF INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTIONS DURING DÊRG PERIOD (1974-1991)

84
1.1. Survey of Political Organizations in Härär .................................................................... 84
1.2. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions................................................................................ 88
1.3. Häräri -Oromo Coexistence through political Context .................................................. 92
1.4. The Political Controvercy since Post Dêrg period: ........................................................ 93
CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................. 98
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 100
LISTS OF INFORMANTS ......................................................................................................... 107
Appendix ........................................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
Declaration .....................................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.
iv
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1:Location of Häräri region in Ethiopia .......................................................................... 21
Figure: 2: Historical market Färäs Mägälä, .................................................................................. 27
Figure 3: Official of new administration being escorted by attendants in the city ....................... 28
Figure 4: Th five gates of Jêgôl wall (in red color) ..................................................................... 30
Figure 5: Genealogical Tree of the Afrän Qälo Oromo clans in Härär ........................................ 32
Figure 6: Häräri People Regional State (HPRS) with the environs of Oromo settlements ..............
Figure 7: The mädabä with red color, which found in every Häräri and Oromo House .............. 64
Figure 8: Examples of forehead jewelry and basketry.................................................................. 66
Figure 9: Oromo women infront of Arab masjid. ......................................................................... 89
Figuree 10: The Governmental Structure of Häräri People Regional State ................................. 96
5
KEY TO THE TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM
I. The seven sounds in Amharic and Afaan Oromo are represented as follow.
N.B. All Häräri words are the same with Amharic vowel or written system.
Amharic Afaan Oromo Transliteration

1st በ ba bä
2nd ቡ bu /buu bû
3rd ቢ bi/bii bî
4th ባ ba/baa ba
5th ቤ be/bee bê
6th ብ bi bi
7th ቦ bo/boo bô
II. Palatal Sounds are represented as follows:
Amharic Afaan Oromo Transliteration For example:

ሸ sh šhä šhäwä
ጨ ca Ĉä Ĉät/Čällänqo
ኘ ny ññ Fuññanbira
ዥ ___ Zhä ____
ጀ j jä Järsô /Jêgôl
Afaan Oromo Transliteration
4. Germination usually indicated by doubling; however in Häräri language it is almost the same
with Amharic vowels.
All words, proverbs, songs, names of Oromo origin are spelled according to the writing and
reading system using Latin alphabets. In Afän Oromo, we have five short and five long vowels.
6
Short vowels Long vowels
a aa
e ee
i ii
o oo
u uu
III. Labial Sounds

Amharic Afaan Oromo Transliteration
መ m ma
ጰ Ph pha
IV. Dental Sounds

Amharic Afaan Oromoo Transliteration
ጠ x x
ጸ ts tsa
ደ dh da
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DEFINITION OF LOCAL TERMS (GLOSSARY)
The meanings of the Afaan Oromo, Häräri and Amharic words or phrases not listed in the
Glossary were explained in the part of the thesis.
Afaan Oromo terms

Ääddee------------------- Title of respect for women:
Abbä Gadä---------------- Head of Gadä Assembly
Adää --------------------- Culture: custom(s), practice(s) etc. in both languages.
Adäre -----------This word is derogatory expressing low opinion or criticism to Häräris by the
Ahmaras and/or Oromos who coined the word itself. The aborigines call themselves Häräri or
Gey Usu‘, never use the word Adäre.
Daminä ----------Chief of a lineage group among the Eastern Oromo, who came to power with the
decline of the Rabadori. His power rests on the people and was responsible to adjudicate blood
compensation and other conflicts within the community.
Gärädä---------- the chief subordinate of the dämina. He was supposed to collect tax as his power
emanated from the clan land administration
Gôsa ---------------------- Clan
Gumää ---------------------Compensation
Obbôô --------------------Title of respect for men
Häräri terms
Afochä ------------------Social, traditional self-help organization ever since the coming of Islam,
to observe wedding (balachu) and mourning (amouta) as immediate tasks.
Amîr ---------------------King, sovereign or leader.
Awliya -------------------Muslim holy men/women.
Ĉhät or Ĉät -------------A types of leaf consumed for its stimulating effect
Dîwän---------------------Court
Gessi ----------------------Title of respect for men
Gêy sinan------------------City language
Gideer --------------------- Large, big
Gisti ----------------------- Title of respect for women
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Haji/hajia -----------------Terms of respect to address persons who have made pilgrimage to
Mekka, male and female respectively.
Hannolato---------------Somali word literally means. ‗Long live‘; otherwise, Gey usu'
independence movement in the 1940‘s
Haräm ------------------Acts which strictly forbidden by Islam
Madrasa---------------- School where the Islamic education and sciences are studied
Mahällaq ---------------Häräri currency related to ashrafi. Härärhad gold, silver, bronze mint
coins at early time.
Qottû---------------------This word is derogatory expressing low opinion or criticism to Oromo‘s
by the Häräri‘s, Amhära‘s and others. They call themselves at early time too; never use the word
Qottû since 1970‘s.
Zîyära------------Visitation to Awach/shrine where one usually takes gift and receives a blessing
AMHARIC TERMS
Abbä------------------Religion title among the Orthodox Christian

Atô -------------------- Title of respect for men
Awräjä --------------- Sub-provinces of Ethiopia before 1991.
Dajӓzmӓč ------------ A higher warrior title of the Amhära.
Dêrg ------------------ Committee.
Fitӓwrӓri ------------- A warrior title literally means "leader of the vanguard army."
Kiflӓ Hӓgӓre---------- Province
Lîj ------------- Literally meaning "child" honorable title given for prince, sons of the royal family
Mӓlkeñña ------------- Literally rifle men
Qäbälé ----------------- The lowest administrative structure in a district.
Rist ------------------ Hereditary right over land, communal land right
Wäräda ------------------- district.
Weyzäro-------------------- Title of a married woman
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ACRONYMS
AAU - Addis Ababa University
AH - After Hijra
BA - Bachelor of Arts
BoFED - Bureau of Finance and Economic Development
CSA - Central Statistics Agency
EC - Ethiopian calendar
EPRP - Ethiopia People‘s Revolutionary Party
FDRE - Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
HLN - Häräri National League
HNA - Häräri National Assembly
HPNRS - Häräri people‘s national regional state
HPRC - Häräri people‘s regional council
HREC - Häräri regional economic council
HRAO - Häräri regional Administration office
MA - Master of Arts
NALA - National Archives and Library Agency
OLF - Oromo Liberation Front
OPDO - Oromo People‘s Democratic Organization
PBUH - Peace Be Upon Him
PHD - Doctor of Philosophy Degree
UNESCO - United Nation Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization
WSLF - Western Somali Liberation Front
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, ―praise to be ALLAH‖ who helped me afford all the burdens throughout my study. Next, I
feel compelled to express my sincere gratitude to my Advisor Dr Abebe Dires, who showed me
the right direction whenever we met, with his wonderful behavior and heartfelt support for me to
be on the right track.
I am also indebted to the Oromo and Haräri elders and elites from the study area who were happy
and willing to share their knowledge, whose friendliness and hospitality made me feel at home
during my fieldwork. Some of them are: Ahmed Zekaria (assistant professor at Addis Ababa
University). The informal discussions I made with them helped me greatly in one way or another
in shaping my thinking in my work. I am grateful thanks to all my informants for their
cooperation and willingness to provide me with what they knew about the Ethnic Interaction.
Financial support from the Ministry of Education, to cover the expenses incurred in the research
work, is duly acknowledged. I would also like to thank the library workers of Arthur Ramboud
House Museum in Härär and Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES) of Addis Ababa University who
patiently availed materials I was looking for to construct my work.
Last but not least, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my caring, loving and supportive
family members whose advice, prayers and encouragements brought me to this level. My elder
brother Fahmi Shafi, for his brotherly support in translating some of the sayings, poems, and
songs of Haräri language; my best friend, Emam, for helping in searching archive and important
data: I say thank you so much from the bottom of my heart. I am grateful to all those who
supported me directly or indirectly for their while working on this research project.
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PREFACE
This thesis attempts to reconstruct Häräri-Oromo Inter-Ethnic Interaction in the city of Härär
from late 19th to the 20th century. The discussions are presented in a chronological order. The
year 1887 is very significant and a turning point in the history of Härär, and the last years of
1990‘s also mark the establishment of the autonomous regional state. The paper investigates and
closely examines the ethnic interaction between the Häräri and the Oromo in the city of Härär
through historical perspective. The City is a home of indigenous ethnic groups who have lived in
harmonious, peaceful coexistence since incorporation into the Ethiopian state by Emperor
Mênêlîk II.
This study views people those had different economic and social backgrounds at early times, and
have lived in congruous coexistence since the incorporation. Historically, the two people‘s
interaction was dependent on agriculture, with trade added later. The interaction in Härär in the
20th century peacefully, resolving conflicts through traditional mechanisms obtained from
cultures of both groups. Religion has the served as a channel for peaceful interaction for
centuries in the region.
The major historical events discussed in this thesis, are organized chronologically and
thematically. To this end, the work is arranged in four parts. The First chapter presents
Introduction: This includes topics like: Geographic setting, early settlement pattern, origin of the
Oromo in Härär, the Häräri people and their relations with the walled city of Härär. In addition,
ethno-history and acculturation that has pervaded in the city are included. Moreover, it examines
their impacts on the local peoples.
The Second chapter deals with historical survey of the Intra-Ethnic Interactions and the Quest for
Integration from 1887 to 1936. The 1909/10 land measurement and taxation reform of Emperor
Menelik II revived the old gäbbar system. Then, the Häräri and Oromo in the region suffered a
lot from the system, especially the Oromos most of whom existed on agriculture. In addition, the
chapter also discusses cultural tolerance and traditional conflict resolution mechanisms, and also
deals with their Intermarriage system.
The Third chapter deals with Inter-Ethnic Interaction during Emperor Haile Silassie‘s time 1930-
1974. This part is mainly focused on social and economic interactions between the two groups.
More emphasis has been given to this chapter because it is the central theme of the thesis to
12
investigate new features of ethnic interaction in terms of social and cultural amalgamation.
Under this chapter, the researcher attempts to investigate the reactions/resistance in city to the
Italians. The resistance is treated divided into regions, religious beliefs, sex and educational
status. The researcher emphasizes the reaction of the local Hararis to Emperor Haile Silassie‘s
return to power advancing same unbearable policy, and the people in the city revolting
intermittently.
The last and fourth chapter presents the patterns of inter-ethnic interactions during the Military
Government (Dêrg) period 1974-1991. In this chapter the researcher attempts to investigate the
Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions continuing from the previous chapters. Finally, ethnic
interaction is discussed focusing on political context.
The researcher faced several challenges while conducting this thesis. Among the major
challenges was, that he was not able (not allowed) to take photographs of archival sources at IES
and Häräri Administration archive office. Orking in an unorganized archive, the researcher
encountered health challenges related with dust in the archive at RSAO. Second, in Härär, the
archive had no informed person to assist users (former head deceased) and the materials were not
put in order. Besides, some letters in the archive were written in Arabic, with some not even
readable thus difficult to interpret. The third challenge the researcher faced was some informants
were either reluctant or afraid to give specific information. However, to avoid problems in the
use of oral sources significant measures have been taken to in selecting knowledgeable sources.
Lastly, the researcher would like to indicate that due to above obstacles and other related
challenges the researcher believes the work is not complete by this little work itself. However, it
is hoped that this work fills the existing gaps and serves as a guide for those interested in
conducting a research on ethnic interaction in the city of Härär and related issues.
The region has accommodated different ethnic groups, especially after incorporation under the
central government.
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ABSTRACT
The study was intended to discuss the patterns of ethnic interaction among the Häräri and the
Oromo people in the city of Härär. The main themes were the social, economic and political
interaction between the two groups. The research is about the Häräri Region, based in the
walled city of Härär. A qualitative research approach was used. The researcher attempted to
utilize source analysis of unpublished and published written materials to investigate ethnic
interaction. Efforts have been made to support the oral information with written literature and
archives. Archival sources were the sources that the researcher wanted to use in detail to
conduct the research. Majority of archival materials that could support the study were housed in
different archival centers (HRAO, Sharif private museum in Härär, Arthur Rimbaud house
museum, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, IES of Addis Ababa University, and NALA). Based
on the collected sources, my study attempted to assess the impact of the 1909/10 confiscation of
land grant from Häräri people and local ethnic change related with the Italian period. The
purpose was to reconstruct the history of ethnic interaction in the region, and thus analysis of
pertinent data on the modes and manifestations of ethnic interactions was conducted. To sum up,
ethnic interaction since incorporation of Harar under the central government, was types of
peaceful coexistence.
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CHAPTER ONE
1. GENERAL BACKGROUND
1.1. The Geographical Setting
Ethiopia is one of the countries known for its multi-ethnic, plural society living together.
Circumstantial evidence shows, Härär is one of the former capitals of the Adäl sultanate and one
of the oldest cities in the world.. The available historical sources dedicated to the historical
narrative of this sultanate, indicate that they wit was established by Shärîf and säyîd of Arab
origin who came to the region allegedly to preach Islam. The city is counted the fourth Holiest
city in the world next to Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem.1
Due to its advantageous geographical location and political importance, as a long-standing city-
state with established connections to both the interior and the coast, Härär developed into a living
commercial center under an independent dynasty established in the late 17th century. Härär had
its own political administration that was called Gäräd. The main power was in hands of an Amîr
or Emäm. Besides the Amîr, every village had their own administrative leader who was known as
Garädä. This title continued until the 19th century2
The name Häräri comes from Härär.3 Häräri, who call themselves gé usu, ጌይኡሱእ (citizens of
the city) have different names. Oral tradition among the Haräri claims, that the Oromo people
who lived in the surrounding area and used Härär as a market place called it Adärê Biyyo. 4 Biyo
means a land. The Häräri people, those living inside Jêgôl wall are also called Gēy (ጌይ) majority
1
Ewald Wagner, ―Härär history till 1875‖ in Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol. II, Ed. Siedbert Uhlig,
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005, p. 115. Härär is not a pilgrimage center - Muslims do not
come from outside Härär to visit these shrines.
2
Abbas Ahmed. ―A Historical Study of the City-State of Härär 1795-1875.‖ M.A thesis, Addis Ababa
University: Department of History, 1992.
3
Bedri Kebir, ―A History of the Afrän Qällo Oromo‖ BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, Department
of History,1995, pp.43, 48 &61.
4
Informant: Umar Xirso.
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of the people practice Islam. For that reason, it is sometimes known in Arabic as (‫مدي نة‬ )
the City of Saints where the official name is Härär (ሐረ ር ).5 There are different views regarding
the origin and meaning of Härär.6 Today Härär is the capital city of the regional state, formerly,
named region 13. Härär is also the capital of East Härärghe zone.7
Härär is located 525 km from the country‘s capital Addis Ababa by road and is in he eastern part
of the country.It is bounded by Fêdis the south, Järsô in the north, Bäbile in the east, and in the
west by Kômbôlcha (in Harämäyä wäräda of East Härärghe zone of Oromia regional state). It is
the seat of the administrative center of the Häräri regional state. Based on figures published by
the Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia in 2007, the territorial extension of Härär a regional
state was estimated to be 343.2 square kilometers. As a result, it is the smallest regional state in
the Federal Democratic republic of Ethiopia.8 The city in general is composed of 36 qäbäles, out
of which 17 are rural and 19 urban. In Ethiopia, the most significant factor which causes
differences in climatic conditions is altitude. The elevation of the city ranges between 1400-2200
meters above sea level, based on the altitudinal positions and ranges indicated above the aw-
Hakim mountain range and the Erer valley, which constitute the topographic highs and lows,
respectively. The Häräri region is well known for its cash crop production, especially “ĉät/chat,”
coffee, fruits, and vegetables. The average annual rainfall of the region is estimated to be about
600-800 ml per annum and the average temperature is 280c. The climatic condition of the region
is 90% ―wäyna däga‖ and the rest 10% is ―qola‖ (of lowland weather). The region is well
5
Leslau, Wolf. ―Etymological Dictionary of Haräri,‖ University of California Press: Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1963), p.2. Ewald Wagner, pp. 1015-1019.
6
Details of these developments will be discussed in chapter two.
7
Informants: Khalid Hussien, Abdallah Sharif. Leslau, pp.12-13. Asante. Belte 2003: ―Harär‖
Encyclopaedia Aethiopica Vol. 2. Siedbert Uhlig, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.p 5. In this
paper, I have used the term "Häräri‖ interchangeably with the term of self-reference, ge usu‟ ("city
person"). In the same manner, I used the term Härär to refer to all names in my research because
there is so much place names in the environs.
8
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Central Statically Agency Population Census Commission:
Summary and Statistical Report of the 2008 Population and Housing Census (Addis Ababa:
Central Statistical Authority, 2007)
16
equipped with infrastructures like roads, electricity, telecommunication, schools, colleges, banks
and insurance companies, hospitals.9
Like In terms of land size, the region is considered one of the lowest populations in Ethiopia
regions. Beginning of 20th century, the population of Härär was estimated between 40,000-
50,000 by the European writers like Robecchi-Bricchetti, Marcel Cohen and Bardey.10
According to the statically agency, the total population of the region is 183,415. (Of which
92,316 male and 91,099 female) It is the only region in Ethiopia where most of its population,
live in Urban. i.e., 99,368 or 54.18% is urban inhabitants. In terms of ethnic nations Oromo and
Amhära ethnic clan were among dominating group next to the Häräri people. The population of
the Härär is ethnically diversified. It is inhabited by various ethnic groups, Such as Argôbä,
Sômäle, Gûrägê and Tîgrê.11 The origin and early settlement of these ethnic groups will be
discussed in the next chapter.
The Oromo are the largest Cushitic-speaking ethnic group in Ethiopia. In Oromo every clan has
its own traditionally identified and defined territorial limits.12 The major Oromo groups who
inhabited the city include Akkichû, Nôle, Bäbile and Järsô and Nôle.13 Especially, at present the
dominant group settled in Härär city are Järsô and Nôle clans. According to Oromo tradition a
person called Qällô, who was believed to have begotten four sons, was ancestor father of those
9
Häräri People Regional State: Bureau of Finance and Economic Development population image of
2010 Magazine. Dire printing press, December, np and Häräri People Regional State: Bureau of
Finance and Economic Development, Baseline Data (Harär, 2006).
10
Richard Pankhurst, Economic History of Ethiopia 1800-1935 (Addis Ababa: Haile Silasse University
press, 1968), p.696.
11
CSA, 2007, P. 72.
12
Mohaammed Hassen, the Oromo and the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia 1300-1700 (Boydell &
Brewer: Cambridge University Press, 2015). pp. 2–3
13
Informants: Abdurahman Hajji Hassen, Abdurazak Hussen, Abdul-Reshid Osman, Hajji Abdosh Ali,
Abdulqadir Abdurahman.
17
four clans, mentioned above. Local informants say that long before the arrival and settlement of
other ethnic groups, Häräri was occupied by the Häräri and Oromo.14
The Oromo despite their sixteenth century settlement in Härär or Jêgôl, did not immediately
expand into the neighboring surrounding area.15 After their long stay there, they were finally able
to join and populate with the Häräri clan living within the wall. Jêgôl wall was built by the Amîr
Nûr Mûjähidin in the 16th century to defend the city/Hararis from the Oromo expansion. It
encompasses 48 hectares with a circumference of 3,348 m and it had five main gates and five
small gates. They symbolize the Five Pillars of Islam. In terms of language and religion, Gêy
sinan (Häräri language) Semitic and Ôrômifä Cushitic are the predominantly spoken languages
in the City of Häräri next to Amharic language. Concerning their religion, both the Häräri and
the Oromo practice Islam. Trimingham mentions that, before the coming of Egyptians to Härär,
the Oromo follow the Gädä religion.16
There was no other clan apart from Häräri and Oromo of Afrän Qälô tribe before the coming of
Emperor Mênêlîk; with his new administration there followed the increasing number of the
Amhära people in the city. However, there was a controversy about the early inhabitants of the
Oromo and Häräri.17 According to mohammed Hassan, at early time, the Oromo, Argoba and
Somale were seetled in the region with the Harari people. We‘re as the Amhara who later
dominate the region politics was popularly merged after Emperoro Menelik incorporate the
region..18
The region was autonomous until its incorporation into central government of Ethiopia by Nêgûs
Mênêlîk in 1887 after a tough battle fought with support of the Oromo of surrounding area (see
Appendix II for details). Both Häräri and Oromo endeavor to defend themselves failed, and the
city came into the fold of the central government for the first time. The monument erected in the
cities of Härär and Čällänqo are illustrative symbols of the resistance, despite the controversy
14
Ibid.
15
Mohammed Hassen, 2015, p.74.
16
J. Spencer. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), pp. 140 & 205.
17
Trimingham, pp. 143.
18
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, pp. 42-44.
18
surrounding its implications. Regarding the history of the battle of Čällänqo from both sides,
what informants say is not sanity; that is why both regions built the obelisk in their area (refer to
the last appendix). Based on such opinions, therefore, that situation may dominate the history of
the area in the future.19 AAfter incorporation into the center, Emperor Mênêlîk appointed Ras
Mäkonnän Wäldä-Michael to govern Härär who administered it up to 1906.20 Until the coming
of Italian invaders, the central political administration in Härär was dominated by the Šhäwän
elite. Both the Häräri and the Oromo locals were excluded from the power.21
According to archival evidence, the only Häräri elite who was served at some level of authority
as a go-between the officials and the ordinary people was Gäräd Haji Yusuf Berkele. The new
rulers were different from most of the population of the province in terms of religion, ethnic
identity, language and their political culture.22 In 1936, however, this administrative arrangement
was interrupted by the five years of Italian occupation. After withdrawal of Italy, Härär was fully
incorporated as part of the Härärghe Țeklay Gizat (province or governorate-general as it was
known). Later in 1994 the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia under its new constitution
established it as one of the nine regional states.23 Härär‘s historic wall separated two entities: the
old town as called Jêgôl, and the new town which has grown around it since the incorporation of
Härär by Emperor Mênêlîk and expanding with the settlements of Oromo and others around the
city and in the city through time.24 The other unique historical phenomenon of the city of Härär
was that it was a land of trade and traders, arising from which the rulers of Härär also developed
19
Informants: Abdurahman Hajji Hassen, Hassen Abdi. For more detail we can see the obelisks found
in two places -- Čällänqo, the battle site and at the Färäs Mägälä in Härär city (see the last
appendix).
20
Makuria Makasha, 2000: ―ye Čällänqo torinat‖ ina ye Häräri Amats, Häräri National Congress,
(Addis Ababa: fana democracy publisher, 2000), p.103.
21
Informants: Abdalah Sharif, Abdulqadir Abdurahman.
22
Häräri Regional State Archive. Folder No.1262.Letter Written to Lt Kebede Gebre, enderassé of
Härär on Hamle 3 1952 E.C by Garada Abdurahman Ahmed Aboňň.
23
Informant: Abdulqadir Abdurahman.
24
Ibid
19
its own currency. This helped make Häräri to correlate with the other ethnic groups linked in this
trade, especially the Oromo and the Somali. Certain events in Häräri history allowed for the
development of trade, and its concomitant mintage of coinage. They called the money mahälläk.
According to Ahmed Zekaria, Härär was one of the earliest urban centers to have minted its own
coinage in Ethiopia and the Horn, next to Aksum.25 Table:Location of Häräri region in Ethiopia
25
Ahmed Zekaria, ―Häräri Coins, A Preliminary Survey‖, In Journal of Ethiopian Studies Vol. XXIV,
(Addis Ababa Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1991), P. 23. URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/41965992 Accessed: 02-n,11-2017 05:18 UTC.
20
Figure 1:Location of Häräri region in Ethiopia (Made by Roba Abduba, student of Geographic
Information System (GIS) at Bahir Dar University, April 2018).
1.2. The Häräri people and the walled city
In this section, the people of Härär and the walled city of Härär is discussed from historical
perspective. The Häräri people are one of the native Ethiopian people who live in their homeland
called Härär. The introduction and spread of Islam in the regions, is understood to have played a
significant role in their life and history. There is a strong tradition in the Häräri community about
successive arrival of Muslim ûlämä and äshräts from Arabia in the 9th and 10th centuries.
According to a manuscript written by Yähyä Näsêr, the most renowned member of ulämä was
Sheik Umär Al Ridä whose nick name was Aw Abädir, who came to Härär from Arabia through
Zeyla with forty-five of his friends on Friday 15, Ramadan 612, H. C. Abädir played prominent
21
role in converting the local people to Islam. The accounts by different authors vary26, and one
source claims that he did not only convert the various unidentified tribal group about whom we
know very little, but also ruled those who live in the surroundings of Härär. Oral information I
acquired claims that Häräri people came from foreigners, especially related with the Arab
world.27 But Burton‘s account used the term gêy to designate the city; hence, it can be surmised
that the term has been in use from early on in written sources. There are at least two traditions on
the origin of the word Härär. The first tradition holds that the name comes from a tree named
Härär which grew commonly in the past in the site of present day Härär town. In support of this
version, Richard Burton also indicated the city got its name from a tree that abundantly grew in
the area where the city is founded. The second account attempts to explain the link between the
name of the town and the name of a certain Amîr called Har‘här (r.1109-1182).28 It is true that in
the list of the Haräri amirs, the name Sultan Har‘har appears as the 13th Amir. On the basis of internal
evidence, we have said earlier that Abadir was the founder of the city of Harär and between his reign
and the reign of Amir Har‘har there was quite a significant gap. In other words, Har‘har ruled long
after the establishment of the town.29
It is difficult to trace the exact period for the foundation of the town of Härär and when its native
inhabitants developed a socially and politically stratified society. Written documents indicate that
it was established in the 7th century. Some oral informants associate its establishment with the
coming of Sheik Abädir. However, from the chronicle of King Amda Tsion in the early 14th
century as well as other circumstantial evidence Fäth Mädinät Härär for instance indicates the
beginning of the 13th century as the foundation of the city with Sheik Abädir as the first Amir.
One can assume that the Häräri were already politically organized like many other people in the
eastern and southeastern part of the country towards the end of the 13th century. The chronicle
26
Archive IES 00794 (A) no title, no Author. Shihab ad-Din Ahmed bin Abd al-Qadr bin Salem bin
'Uthman, 2003: Futuh al-Habashah, p.48.
27
Wagner, Ewald. ―Three Arabic Documents on the History of Harär.‖ in Journal of Ethiopian Studies.
Vol. XII, No.1., (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1974), pp.213- 224.
28
Bedri Kebir, p.21. Richard Burton, p.41.
29
A list of Amir names with the years in office are posted in the Arthur Ramboud House Museum in
Harär.
22
narrates how Qädi Sälih assembled several Muslim kings and their followers to challenge the
army of King Amdä Tsîon, who sent an army under the leadership of three governors
(Mäkônnên).30
To illustrate, regarding the foundation of the city, one Oromo aphorism detailed; Abbädirû liqîîn
dhäbbäte (Abädir itself established by debate). One of the credible evidences is that many
shrines were founded in the city and environs of the Härär city; however, the time of their
founding is not clear. But in the list of amîrs who governed Härär, Amîr Habôb reigned before
Abädir. The Häräri people revere Abädîr. They call his name in their daily life activities. A
Häräri poem illustrates this veneration:
ጌይ ሲናን Gloss
አው አባዱሮው አባዱር ኡመር Oh, äw Abädir, you, Omer ‗Sheikh

ሼኮው Our home is thine and in good hands,
ባደ አማነው Pray, protect it and be on the lookout,
ዚዱን ደሌደልው Aw Abädir, lend us your ears,
ባዴል ሇልው Vanguard of faith, jewel of our homeland,
31 You are the custodian of the homes.

ባዴ አማነኾው
According to an informant, there is an aphorism that tells of Abädir‘s arrival in this country
where he asked the Fûgûg Gäräd to gave him land to use to teach Islam, then the Garäd
responded gave him a place called Adäre [Häräri]. That means small land that is the size of a
goat‘s head. However, it is an aphorism, and the Häräri people do not want to hear this kind of a
tale. However, at the beginning of 20th century the Oromo used to call them in that name. For
this one of the Oromo proverbs appears herunder:
30
Huntingford, G.W.B, The Gloroius Victories of Amda Tsion King of Ethiopia (Oxford: Clardon Press,
1965), p. 78. See also Ewald Wagner, 2005, p.1015.
31
Informants: Rawda Husien Zahara Mohammed.
23
Afän Oromo Gloss
Yä Adäree Biyo Adäre Oh! Adärê, the country of the Adare,
Xiqoo akkä Addä re‟ee So small you‘re, like baby goat [goat head]
Nii muulatä Halälahu? Quundhudho gubbahu rê 32 Visible isn‘t it? From atop Qundudo.
The origin of the Häräri is obscure. There are different hypotheses about their origin but the most
commonly articulated postulation on their origin is the one that associates them as the remnants
of the Härlä. Orally, the Oromo believe, Jêgôl is the home of Häräri people. 33 However the
Häräri don‘t take this seriously. They assert that not only Jêgôl, but the surrounding land is the
homeland of the Häräri people. They reflect the same through the following song:
ጌይ ሲናን Gross
አሌሇላ ሐሇ ባዴ God has given us a homeland,
ረብቢላ ሐሇ ባዴ the lord has given us a homeland,
oh lord, do take us to a homeland,

ጋይቶው አቱሰተነ
ዯርጌይ ከጌይ ኩኚ34 because that is what we ought to wish
Prior to the foundation of Härär, the Häräri lived for some time in a series of settlements in seven
different villages. These are Eskhanti gey, Tukhun gey, Hasän Gêy, Haräwê gêy, Ruqiya gêy
32
Informant: Ahmed Yuyo. See also Afendi Mutaqi, p.175, Oral written poem in Afaan Oromo. W.
mountain is one of the huge mountains found in the vicinity of Härär, presently in Oromia region
Jarso warada. From the top of the mountain, the whole Härär city is seen at night time. In Afaan
Oromo the name of the mountain is Gara Kundhudho, whereas in Haräri they call it W mountain
because of its shape.
33
Informants: Abdala sharif, Abduselam Idris.
34
Informants: Abdallah Sharif, Ayub Abdulahi, Zahara Mohammed.
24
(Ruhuq gêy), Feräqa gêy, and Samti gêy (Khanti gêy).35 Presently, these villages are found
around the city and some are considered in the Oromia regional state. The walled city of Härär
was surrounded by the wall, which was constructed in early days. These seven villages
eventually resolved their differences and merged for military protection and moved to the place
now known as Härär. However, oral tradition does not give us the details on the exact period of
their establishment.36
The circular wall surrounds the historical city of Härär; it has five main gates and five hyena
gates. These gates around the wall open or close the city. In addition to the original Häräri
names, Oromo names had been added to some of the gates and Amharic names to the others,
especially to those that carried names given by the Egyptians during their domination of the city.
The one that at present serves as the main entry to Härär was constructed by the Italians, and the
main road from the gate to the center of Jegol at the historical market Färäs Mägälä in front of
Medhäniälem Church and the Čällänqo monument is called Andeññä Mengäd.37 Majority of the
population that live inside Jêgôl are Häräri people, followed by the Oromo and Amhära.38 In the
walled city of Härär, there are many local place names, coupled with their explanatory traditions
that make the city a very meaningful place for the people. Although the city is bafflingly
complex to the outsider, it is conceptually quite simple for the Häräri and Oromo clans. First, the
city is divided into five quarters. Each of these quarters is further subdivided into neighborhoods.
These neighborhoods are not merely spatial referents; each has its tales and traditions, which
enhance the meaning of living in the city.39
As the figure 4 shows, the city of Härär is sub-divided into five quarters or beri (gate). No
physical markers or boundaries exist, although, most Häräri know the exact point of demarcation
35
Shihab ad-Din, p.48-49.
36
Mengistu Asfaw. ―The Wall of Harär: An Archaeological and Historical Study.‖ Paper Presented for
the 10th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Paris, 1988. See also National Archive File
no.17.1.7.15.06. ye Härär ye zar gind [in Amharic], p. 157-160.
37
Informants: Abdul-Reshid Osman, Abdurahman Yonis, Ayub Abdulahi.
38
BoF, 2010, np. Bahru Zewde, 2001, p. 19.
39
Informants: Abdul-Reshid Osman, Abdurahman Yonis, Ayub Abdulahi.
25
between quarters. As the Häräri term for quarter indicates, these are named after and associated
with each of the old gates through the city wall.40
After Mênêlîk‘s conquest, two more gates were added: Duk Bäri in the west, which was
embellished with an arched stone structure between 1968 and 1975, and Barbäri Bari in the
North West. Both gates and roads are shown in the maps of Härär. Both maps, however, make
clear that the ―Šäwä bär" Gate (Asäddim Bäri) was still more important than the Duk Bäri at the
time of the Italian occupation, while the Bärbäri Bäri was destroyed during the same period. 41In
the past time, the fives gates were locked at night time for city‘s security.42
The Häräri elders trace their origin to seven main Härla Clans. These are Gidäya, Awäri, Wargär,
Gaturi, Adish, Hargäya and Aboññ. Häräri are the descendants of the Härla people who are the
earliest people known in the area and that no one existed in the area following the Härla, but the
Häräri. As such, evidences show that the Häräri are the legitimate descendants of the Härla
people. According to Futûh al häbesh the Härla were one of the three main components of the
Imam‟s army, together with the Somali and Malasay. Likewise, the linguistic similarity between
Härär and Härla may also lead one to assume that Härär has got its name from these ancient
settlers. 43
In terms of linguistic, religious and political affiliation, the Häräri and the Oromo have been
intimately related peoples for centuries. From the beginning of the 20th century, in terms of
religion the Häräri people practice Islam. Besides, it is explicitly discussed that the Häräri people
who practice Islam did not go to war even when the Sheikh Bäzikh Mosque was destructed and
Medhäne Alêm Church constructed.44
40
For details refer to the map at the end of this sub title (Fig: 6).
41
Informant: Abdala Sharif.
42
Ahmed Zekaria, ―Some notes on the account-book of Amir Abd Al- Shakur B. Yusuf (1783-1794)‖ of
Harär‘ Sudanic Africa, 1997), pp.15-26.
43
Paul Lester Stenhouse and Richard Pankhurst (trns). The Conquest of Abyssinia. (Hollywood: Tsehay
Publishers,2003), p.76.
44
Wehib, Ahmed (October 2015). History of Härär and the Häräris (PDF). Häräri People Regional
State Culture, Heritage and Tourism Bureau. p. 29. Retrieved 7 July 2017.
26
Majority of the Häräri people live inside Jêgôl.45 The walled constructed in early times enclosed
the home of the Häräri people and their city state since ancient time. Many reside in the city have
land. The Häräri and Oromo interaction was mainly based on land.46
The Häräri administrative system is primarily concerned with taxation. It had a simple hierarchy
within the city, each of the "five quarters was under the charge of a maläqä, who had in turn,
several lesser officials called gäräd under him. As the system was extended (probably no more
than a twenty-kilometer radius) outside the city, the hierarchy proliferated. Referring to the early
Figure: 2: Historical market Färäs Mägälä, as it appeared in the first decade of the
twentieth century: (Photo from Arthur Rimbaud House Museum)
45
Informant: Zalalam Kebeda.
46
Ibid.
27
Figure 3: Official of new administration being escorted by attendants in the city at the
beginning of twentieth century Official of new administration being escorted by
attendants in the city at the beginning of twentieth century: (Photo from Arthur Rimbaud
House Museum)
nineteenth century, Yusuf Ahmed says,
A gäräd is the chief of a village, or sub village; the däminä is the chief of a whole tribe.
Several gärädäch, sometimes five or six, come under one däminä. The gäräd or the
däminä, each on his own level, is the Amir's administrative agent; he distributes justice
and collects taxes or tithes. At the head of the above-mentioned chiefs is the dogin.47
Although, under the amirs, the highest officers were always Häräri, many officers below the
level of dogin were the Oromo elite. Besides receiving an estate in land from the amîr and
regional monopolies in taxation, "the bearer of the office enjoyed the free service rendered to
him by the peasants under his garädship or däminship."48 Although, that system continued until
the Dêrg regime made land reform in 1975. Waldron expressed their position in the following
words:
Häräri landholdings were circumscribed and the Qottû [Oromo] peasantry was virtually
disenfranchised. Power in the political economic system was now monopolized by
highlanders, indiscriminately called Amhära in the region, who controlled the
47
Yusuf Ahmed, ―p.23.
48
Ibid p. 24.
28
government and who progressively expropriated land upon which the sustenance of the
pre-conquest populations depended.49
On the other hand, landlords could lease out their lands to many tenants. As a result, a landlord
might have many tenants while the amount of land rented to each tenant was too small. As the
same time, there is continued tenant problem from amîr the by the Emperor on the Oromo.
Besides, there were make Häräri hegemony at a region. Sources from archive elucidated, the
Häräri general citizenry was displaced from the alliances which were vital to the city's survival.
Their lives were more directly affected by the increased economic burdens induced by effective
alliances.50
According to most informants, the city land was expanded since 20th century. Majority of the
population those live outside the wall was both Oromo and the Amhära people. In the region
surrounding the city, the control of Oromo populated agricultural lands was overseen by the
Däminä, Malläqs, and Garäds. Many of these, particularly in the higher offices were Häräri.
Some were Oromo, the incipient elite whose "emergence" was now at an end. (Further details see
51
Appendix II) A source confirms that the territorial jurisdiction of the Diwän (court) varied
depending on its function. The land transfer of property either in the form of sale or inheritance
within a wall seen have been exclusive authority of the Diwäṅ. The account is worth quoting:
……የፀሐፊ ሀይላ ባሌዯረባ…………የሚባሇዉ የአዯሬ እስሊሞች ቡዲበር ቦታ

ሽጦሌኛሌ ብሌዋሌ እና እዉነት ሽጦሇት እንዯሆን እንዯ ዯንቡ እንዴገዛዉ ያሁን፡52
…. the secretary of court and coworker of fitawarari Häîlê said that the Muslim of
Adare[Häräri] who called……, sold me the urban land in Buda Bar, if they truly sold
him, he had to buy according to rule.
49
Waldron, ―The Political Economy of Häräri Oromo Relations, p.24.
50
Häräri Regional State Archive Folder No. 1262, ―Sile Aderewoch‖ i.e about the Adares, [Haräri]
Amharic version.
51
Informants: Feqadu Tefera, Jamal Ali and Mohammed Ahmed.
52
IES, MS-902 yê Härär Awrajä êndaräse wanä tsifat bêt to Haji Ahmed aboññ. Ginbot 16. 1921. E.C.
29
Figure 4: Th five gates of Jêgôl wall (in red color) (Source: Extracted from international map of Härär)
1.3. The Oromo in Härär
The origins and prehistory of the Oromo people is unclear, different scholars done on the origin
of the Oromo people, among this Mohammed Hassan mentions the origin of the Oromo was the
central part of the Oromia state presently called Medä Wäläbû.53The history of Oromo people
was a story of fusion and interaction. ―There is no such thing as a pure Oromo tribe derived from
a single founding father‖54 The Oromo people general, categorized into two major branches. The
Bärentu Oromo those inhabit the eastern parts of the region and Borana Oromo those dominated
53
Mohammed Hassen. The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1990), pp. 8-9.
54
Ibid, p. 4.
30
in the western part of the Oromia regional states and northern Kenya.55 According to the CSA
report the Oromo are the largest ethnic group in the country.56
The Oromo of Härär belong to three major confederacies known as Afrän Qallo (the four sons of
Qälo), namely Allä, Nôle, Järsô and Obôr. The tribal genealogy of the Oromo in Härär appears
pertinent here (next page):
The Oromo of this area very much connected to the city of Härär during the Egyptian
occupation. Mohammed also argues that the Oromo came to the city because of two reasons: the
first that different sources mention was trade and the second was to get permits to land, what is
called Haräshi. 57
According to an extensive interview with informants throughout the city, they mention that the
Oromo come from the surrounding, the present-day Järso, Nole and Fädis districts. An archival
photo which exists in the Arthur Rambo Museum shows Oromo women exchanging
commodities in the market, taken at the beginning of the 20th century. A short time after the
occupation, the regime ended this phase of development of Häräri-Oromo interaction.58
55
Ibid.
56
CSA. (2008), p.81.
57
Mohammed Hassen 1973, p. 15-16. Informants: Abdulqadir Abdurahman, Umar Xirso, Zalalam
Kebeda.
58
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, p.32. Informants: Umar Xirsoo, Yuya Aliyi; See also Figure 7.
31
Qãllo
Obôrã Alla Dãga Bãbilê
Akichû Fädis Nôle Gônjebe
Däga Gorô Järsô Jilê
Bili Gurãwa Ume Hawiyya
Bôräni Hälele
Oromô
Mucha
Oromô Wälabû Däwaro Säyô Ogä
Figure 5: Genealogical Tree of the Afrän Qälo Oromo clans in Härär Genealogical Tree of the Afrän Qälo
Oromo clans in Härär.59
The History of Häräri-Oromo Ethnic Integration goes back to the 16th century. However, the
relation at a time was not peaceful, which different manuscripts indicate several times. Initially
the amir had the wall constructed for the sake of controlling Oromo forces and stop Oromos
from entering into the Jêgôl. Later he allowed the Oromo to enter the walled city. In those days,
an informant maintains that the wall was closed at night time. However, the era of conflict was
changed to peaceful interaction since 20th century. The relation gradually grew into coexistence
and that took the form of collaboration like during the battle of Čällänqo which was fought
between the forces of Emperor Menelik II and the Amîr Abduläh warriors.60
59
Informant: Adam Abdi.
60
Informants: Yuya Aliyi, Umar Xirsoo and Abdurazak Dolal.
32
Ethnic interactions improved when the Oromo people accepted Islam as their religion. The
Häräri played vital role to construct mädrasä‟s (religion schools) at different places where the
Oromo people lived, and they also opened Quranic schools and taught the Qur‘an in Oromo land.
In terms of ethnic interaction and integration domination of one group controlling the basic
resources, never truly existed in the city of Harar. The Harai-Oromo interaction was based on
mainly social, economic as well as cultural. Archival sources written in Arabic indicate this.61
61
Informants: Yuya Aliyi, Abdurazak Dolal, Zälaläm kebeda and Umar Xirsoo. Sharif Härär private
Museum የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 42/46 No title, no author.
33
CHAPTER TWO
1. INTRA ETHNIC INTERACTIONS AND THE QUEST FOR

INTEGRATION IN HARAR: A HISTORICAL
PERSPECTIVE
1.1. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions: 1887 to 1936
After the Battle of Čällänqo,62 Amîr Abdullahi, the last amîr, escaped to Somalia and the city
was captured by the Shäŵän forces. It was indicated that the city of Härär had surrendered
without any further resistance after Čällänqo. In fact, the town seems to have benefitted under
the new administration.63 Security reigned in and around the town, trade routes became safe,
commercial activities revived with fresh impetus and Härär became the most important
commercial town in the empire. Overall, the interaction among the Häräri and Oromo was
centered on agriculture. In another words, the surrounding Oromo paid tax for the Häräri
landlord as well as the central government. A tax that was paid by those Oromo‘s who were
entrusted with the amîrs‟ herds, and they had to hand over the calves they bred as a form of tax
or rental.64 When he ruled the city, the amir levied taxes on every slave traded passing through
his dominion from Shaŵa and taxes were collected from storage services. Häräri landholdings
were circumscribed and the Oromo peasantry was virtually disenfranchised. Overall, Häräri-
Oromo ethnic stratification, in terms of one ethnic-class's domination of another such group's life
62
Informant: Abdala Sharif, many Häräri people today talk about the past event it is with frustration.
63
Caulk, Richard. ―The Occupation of Härär: January 1887.‖ Journal of Ethiopian Studies.Vol.9, No.2,
(1971), p.15.
64
Caulk. R ―Härär Town and its Neighbors in the Nineteenth Century.‖ Journal of African History,
Vol.18 No.3, (UK: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp.369-374 URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/180638 Accessed: 17-02-2017 06:03 UTC.
34
by its control of basic resources, never truly existed in and around Härär at the beginning of the
20th century.65
The Häräri people lived with the other ethnic groups through peaceful coexistence. The Showan
settler in Härär was not sophisticated compared with the residents of Harar city, and Teshale
Tibebe aptly depicts this fact in the following words:
…The Gabbi Lebash Showan had to learn the sophisticated urban splendor of Häräri
civilization. It was a contest between Orthodox-Christian-parochialism against urban–
Muslim-cosmopolitanism. The Showan won militarily, but not civilization; the Häräri
lost militarily, but won civilization. Twentieth century Ethiopia followed the urban-
civilization path of the nineteenth-century Härär. To this day, Härär implies urban,
civilized culture. Compare Härär with say, Debra Markos…?66
The Härär-Oromo system existing in and around the city of Härär was dominated by the Häräri
because they owned much of the agricultural land in this area. The Oromo of the region had
access to farmland, essential to their economy, only under systems of tenant-farming or
sharecropping, which were very profitable to the Häräri, whose rent was exorbitant for the
Oromo farmers.67 This system is appropriately deemed ethnic stratification since ethnic
differences coincided with class differences. That is, in this concept, the Häräri ethnic group
comprised the dominant class while the Oromo peasantry constituted the subordinate class.68
Whether the Oromo peasant worked under the indirect rule of the däminä hierarchy, or, as was
typical farther away from the city, under one form or another of tenancy under the direct control
of a member of the new ruling class, the duties of the tribute-payer -- the gabbär -- were onerous.
First, at, least one third of the land's produce went as tribute to the landholder. Beyond this, and
from the remaining production, the gabbär provided the äsrät tax, and later a separate land tax.
The gäbbär was also required to provide manual service, as well as supply some consumables
65
Yusuf Ahmed. ―An Inquiry into Some Aspects of the Economy of Härär and the Records of the
Household Economy of the Amirs of Härär (1825-1875).‖ Ethnological society Bulletin No. 10.
(1961), pp.18-19.URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25653296 Accessed: 02-11-2017 05:17 UTC.
66
Teshale Tibebe, The Making of Modern Ethiopia 1896-1974, The Red Sea Press, 1995, p.43; See
Figure 3 found at Ramboud Museum.
67
Ibid, p. 23.
68
Cohen, Abner. Urban Ethnicity (London: Tavistock Publications, 1974), p 18.
35
and fuel requirements to the landholder, such as meat, honey, firewood, etc. The gabbär was also
required provide a host of other maintenance and exceptional services. As the following
statement, by Caulk indicates, conditions became worse as time went on:
. . .as mälkäññä were appointed over more and more districts especially after Mäkonnen's
death in 1906, those with less land including the poorer gäräd were reduced to near
serfdom—worse off than slaves, Räs Imru commented in an interview, because they had
to work day and night for their mälkäññä and his wife and then pay taxes besides 69
In the same manner, the Oromo poet, Sheikh Mohammad Abdulahi had this aphorism "the time
when Härär Oromos lived in ―hell on earth‖ in connection with the condition of the Oromo, as
quoted in Muhammed Hassan.70 In fact, the discussion was about the Härär-Oromo interaction,
frequently non-violent, and that the economic interdependence and political necessity brought
closer alliance between the city's administration and the settled Oromo. Such alliances reflected
economic as well as political necessity.71
As I earlier mentioned, the majority of the Oromo lived in the rural area, despite that they had
some interaction with the residents of the urban center with some level of interdependence.
According to Ahmed Zekaria, it is difficult to clearly describe interaction of a community from
the rural area with the one who are born and raised in the city, which means simply it‘s about
assumption, what city people thought about the rural Oromo and vice-versa from the earlier time.
To this may be added, that probably the regime might see the peaceful Häräri-Oromo interaction
with suspicion.72
Since the end of 19th century, the central government appointed different governors in Härär. For
example, according to Addis Hiwot, Mênêlîk appointed Bälämbäräs Mäkonnen Walda-Michael,
69
Caulk A, Richard. ―The Occupation of Harär: January 1887.‖ Journal of Ethiopian Studies.Vol.9,
No.2, (1971), pp.1-19 URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41967469 Accessed: 19-02-2017 06:26
UTC.
70
Mohammed Hassen, 1987, pp. 130-131.
71
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, p.1.
72
IES, MS-4774 ―Sila Härär ketama,‖ Amharic Version, p. 13; Personal communication with Ahmed
Zekaria, in Nov, 2017 at IES, regarding ethnic interaction in the walled city of Harär; Informants:
Ahmed Zekaria, Abdurahman Haasen, Osman Ali.
36
as governor of Härär, with his title elevated to Dajazmäch, later Räs.73 Hence continued the
similar situation, when Räs Mäkenon died in 1906 the government of Härär was given to his
elder son Dajazmach Yilma, and his brief administration lasted for about one and half year.
Härär was next given to Däjäzmäch Bälcha Säfo who ruled for two years before he was
transferred to Sidäma.74 In 1910, Däjäzmaäch Tafarî Mäkonên, the later emperor, was given
Härärghe province by Empress Täitu Bitual, who dominated the politics of the country upon the
Emperor Mênêlîk‘s prolonged bout of illness, soon, Däjäzmäch Täfäri appointed Fitêwrarî
Gabayo Dalal as his deputy governor.75It was during the first three years of his governorship that
Däjäzmäch Täfäri divided Härärghe province into twelve äwräjä‟s (sub-provinces) for
administrative purpose.76
During the time Mênêlîk‘s Empire and at the beginning of the 20th century the strategic location
of the city of Härär for the Empire, became more apparent, because of its geopolitical
significance as a crucial center for conrolling the route to sea outlet and for its resources. With a
number of infrastructures improved the city‘s wealth increased. Elders disclose that the
commercial center expanded, the rural community became vulnerable for two reasons – i) the
central government appointing its own leaders, and ii) re-appointing Häräri demina (land
officials) like the previous system.
Here, it is important to note that, in the walled city of Härär, many houses were confiscated from
the indigenous Häräri people (See Appendix XIII). The Häräri who did not share or experience
the new-comers‘religion before had difficulty relating with those from Šhäwä. The new Šhäwän
settlers were strangers in the city, trying to overcome difficult situation; hence it is sung:
Amharic language Gross
73
Addis Hiwot. Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution: Review of African Political Economy.
(London: Occasional Publication, 1975), p. 44.
74
Häile Silassie I, Hihwatenä yä‟Ityopiä irmijä (Addiss Ababa: Birhanina Salam, 1973) p.13.
75
Seifu Metaferia, ―Sixteen Letters of Ras Makonnen and His Sons to Haji Ahmed Abogn of Harär‖ in
the Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. II, No. 2. 1974), P.181
76
Haile Silassie, p.21.
37
አይሆንም እንጂ ቢሆንማ፤ It never happens, but if it were
ከአዯሬ ጋር አዲራሽ፤ ይሻሊሌ እላፍ Better to own a hut, than share Adäre House
ጎጆ!77
Related problems continued even during the Italian period. Fragmentary evidences from archives
indicate obstacles especially about land with Oromo and Amhära. During Lij Iyasu‘s tme, the
relations between the two ethnic groups, Oromo and Häräri, was based on religious tolerance,
related with Lij Iyasu‘s support to the Islam, in general, and in constructing mosques in
particulary. It may be interesting to show how it was going for the Oromo who lived in the city at
time.78
Different sources and my informants indicated as both Häräri and Oromo were neglected from
political roles after incorporation. Generally those who controlled the region by force did not
trust putting members of both ethnic groups as top officials; however, based on Häräri regional
state archive center, some like Hajji Yusuf Berkele and a few others had been assigned to places
of authority. Later also people like Hajji Ahmed Aboññ also participated in the political process
with the national government to represent the Häräri people.79
77
Informant: Abdala Sherif, related this and other different ethnic aphorisms in Amharic, Afaan Oromo
and Häräri languages that refer to the three ethnic goups. Abdala Sherif told me that, however,
majority of them consist of antagonism and animosity words which are critical other ethnic groups.
To avoid problems, I carefully selected the ones showing this friction with sanity and can be taken
with my topic. See also archives from the National Archive, Folder No. 64/1 about ―Härär Awraja
Administrative and Security Affairs‖.
78
Ejeta Feyisa. ―Newcomers and the Peoples of Härär in the Early 20th Century from Menilek‘s
Conquest to the Italian occupation.‖ Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University, (n. d).
Social Sciences Miscellaneous No 4. p.3. Archives from the Office of the Häräri National Regional
State Administrtaion office. Folder No. 10171 File No. 9 „Kätäma Hizbôch” Amharic version.
79
Häräri Regional State Archive Folder No.1262.Letter Written to Lt Kebede Gebre, enderassé of Härär
on Hamle 3, 1952 E.C. by Garada Abdurahman Ahmed Aboň; Informant: Abdulqadir
Abdurahman.
38
Besides different Häräri elites had served as a bridge between the central government and the
people of Härär. Hajji Yusuf Berkele was appointed as supreme in the diwan and representative
of the Häräri people during the reign of Räs Mäkonnen. Hajji Abdullah Ali Sediq was appointed
to the same office and was a representative of the Häräri between 1907-1909 E.C., then
Qänyäzmäch Hajji Ahmed Aboññ was appointed to the same post from 1910 to 1918 E.C. The
Häräri were trusted during the Lij Iyasu era also.
In the region surrounding the city, the control of Qottu {Oromo} populated agricultural
lands were overseen by the dämins, mäläqs, and gäräds. Many of these, particularly in
the higher offices were Häräri. Some were Oromo, the incipient elite whose "emergence"
was now at an end. Häräri clerks were retained in government offices, where they
continued to keep records in Arabic (until 1916, when Amharic was adopted).80
It was claimed that after the Italian occupation, the Häräri were not represented in the
administration of the province in the office of the enderassé.81 Turning to 1910‘s, there were
large numbers of people from the the north and thearea surrounding Härär who mingled with the
existing population in the city. According to Mäkonnen, from among these were soldiers who
were searching for wealth and wanted to settle in a region. However, the landlords and soldiers
were isolated from the local population for security reasons. Their only means to get control and
dominate a much larger population was through control of firearms. They allied themselves with
the balabat class who helped to keep the local people quiescent. The Häräri and Oromo
distanced themselves from these groups and disagreed with them. It was probably due the loss of
control of resources which the indigenous people lost; they were in opposition to the system that
restricts relationship to land and associated resources. This became the source of conflict
between the tenant and those affiliated with the administering group. And the prominent rebels
were from the Aniyä clan in the region.82
According to a letter in the archive, written in Arabic, found in Sharif Museum, the Häräri elders
agreed on somemmatters of concern to them, with the Ras Mekonnen, Governor of Härär, on the
80
Sydney. Waldron, ―The Political Economy of Häräri–Oromo Relationship, 1559-1974‖ Northeast
African Studies, Vol. 6 (1/2), pp. 24.
81
Ejeta Feyisa, No 4, p.3.
82
Makonnen Tamiru, ―The History of Garrison Town: Gerawa 1889-1974‖ Senior Essay (Addis Ababa
University, Department of History, 1988), pp.23; and see also Mohammed Hassen, 1980, p.237.
39
behalf of Emperor. The elders were from Häräri and Oromo groups, those prominent in Islamic
law (Sheik‟s), and they included Sheik Ahmed Amano, and Sheik Abubakar. According to this
treaty, the Häräri raised three key issues with the king. First the right of free exercise of their
right on the land; second, they needed safety for the public of the region; and third, that they
would not agree to any interference in the religious affairs. The Emperor accepted their demand
and this resulted in a reconciliation agreement.83
My Häräri and Oromo sources reflect both covert and overt impressions about their self-images
and about the image of other group. For reasons difficult to uncover, the Oromo informants were
very careful and seemed to conceal the images of both themselves and the Häräri. On the
contrary, the ‗curtain‘ between the front-stage and back-stage performances of my Häräri
informants was very transparent. The Häräri present themselves as ―brave, proud, strong group,
wealthy [trader] as mentioned elsewhere, and with superior culture, compared to the Oromo
whom they portray as inferior in political traditions.84
More importantly, the covert images of self and of the other group overshadow the alleged
similarities and strengthen the differences. I argue that these ethnic self-images and images of the
other – whether covertly or overtly expressed – contributed their share in dichotomizing the
groups‘ ethnic identities and helped them to maintain ethnic boundaries in their long history of
interaction despite flow of personnel across ethnic boundaries.85
In the process the former settlement pattern of the indigenous peoples had been greatly
endangered with the growing number of newcomers. The tradition of the Amhära settlement in
Härär was not as old as that of the Oromo and the Somale. With the integration of Härär into the
central government by Neguś Mênêlîk of Šhäwä in 1887, the Šhäwäns though initially
successful, sometimes faced stiff resistance from inhabitants -- both Häräri and Oromo.
Consequently, some of them were taken as captive by the local people to be used as domestic
servants, but, through time they were set free and could settle in the region.86
83
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 41/46 no title Arabic version.
84
Ibid.
85
Informants: Abdurazak Dolal and Umar Xirso.
86
Ibid.
40
More informants elucidated that the interaction between Oromo and Häräri people, and they did
not hate people by their descent or due their ethnicity; this was not allowed in Härär during Häîlê
Sîlässîê‘s period unless they expected it come from the Amhära land.87 Majority of the Oromo in
the area practiced Islam while the Amhära were Christians. They differed in some social customs
too. For example, the Häräri and Oromo chewed chat daily and their trade was also related with
chat. In addition, Amhära were not chewing chat [not considering the recent generation] and did
not like/approve it for the local people.88
The trade route that ran to the eastern part of Härärghe passed though Bäbilê, Činäksän, Järsô,
Gûrsûm and crossed the Härärghe at different directions from Somali region. Caravan merchants
also crossed Härärghe through Gûrsûm and went all the way to Barbara, on the sea shore in
Somaliland. As informants confirm, in the first half of the twentieth century the most significant
commodities gained from Härär market were chat, oxen and coffee, and others. From these trade
items, chat and oxen was the main commodity which reached Härär market. Then they were
transported and sold at Barbara in Somaliland, and Mogadishu in Somalia or sent to the interior
market in the hinterland.89
Further a document written by an unknown author tells us the story of heavy taxation imposed on
the local merchants by the Šhäwän landlords during the Governership of Räs Mokenan of Härär.
The statements in this document of the period contains the the words:
“አወይ የሰው ነገር በቃኝን አያውቅም፡፡የማያገባው አገር ሐረር መጥቶ ይህን ሁለ ክፈለ
ብል በእኛ በባሊአገር ሊይ መቁረጡ…በእነሱ ምክንያት ያዲም ዘር ሐረር ሊይ መጨነቁን
ግን::”90 which may be translated as follows:
87
Mohammed Hassen, 1980, pp. 74.
88
Informants: Abdosha Ayub, Hajji Abdurazak and Umar Xirso.
89
Informants: Abdosha Ayub and Usman Ali.
90
Häräri Regional State Archive Folder No.35448, letter which is has no author folder name ―ye
mazgaja bet fayiloch.‖
41
Oh men, they doesn‘t even know to say it suffices. They came to a place they don‘t
belong to and demand more levy from us rural folks. But they don‘t seem to feel that all
beings in Harar are suffering …
It is said that, in the 1920s the trade route from Härär to Mogadishu included furt markets such
as Fûnyän Birä and Gûrsûm. This places that produced cat and coffee were where the Oromo
lived predominantly. Furthermore, in the 1920s merchants from Järsô, Nôle and environs of
Härär started to go as far as Barbara with the Häräri merchants. The most prominent merchants
who were actively engaged in the trade between Härär and Barbara were Dälädältichä Hajji
Räshid Usso and Abdulrashid Abdukarim. These merchants are from Järsô and Nôle clans,
respectively. Informants recognized them in the following song.
Afaan Oromo Gloss
Dälädältichi ǧéréré Dälädältichä made a song
Dälädältichi gäraa raaséé Motivated merchants
Jarsotti kära baaséé Explored a way to Järsô
Jarsoof dämbii baaséé.91 Made regulation for Järsô.
Another interior important trade route from Bärbära passed through Anäno Mixê, Järsô and
reached Härär. It is said that amole (salt bar) had very high demand in the local market that
reached Härär in exchange for cotton from the local Häräri, Oromo and Somale clans. These
trade routes were serving as opportunities interaction among members of the three different
ethnic in a region (Häräri, Oromo and Somale) and reduced the assumption that the urban
dwellers of the peoples had for those engaged in agriculture.92
However, merchants from Härär confronted several challenges while trading with the Somali
merchants. Some Häräri merchants lost their lives due to banditry; and the Häräri suspected most
91
Informants: Umar Xirso, Abdurazak Dolal and Abdul-Reshid Osman.
92
Ibid.
42
of banditry was from Oromo clans.93 The Somali merchants also faced difficulties from Oromo
merchants deciding lower prices to export commodities and goods. Similarly, inhabitant
merchants from Härär faced severe problem of unbalanced trade in their transactions.
Communication due to language barrier was another challenge to the Häräri in their interaction
with the Somali merchants. For fear of the bandits, the Häräri merchants also had to work with
the Oromo merchants. The Oromo proverb is evidence for this: warrä dhänqa kan karä shänitti
sangä gurguratu; this may be translated; Dhänqa (one of Järsô Oromo clan) who sell an oxen at
five gates.94 In any case, the valuable trade activity of the region stagnated during the five years
of Italian occupation. This was because of security problem on the trade routes and the resistance
struggle against the invaders in the city and other parts of the country.95
By the beginning in the 19th century, the city state of Härär seemed to have lost its capacity to re-
emerge as the dominant political entity capable of exerting political and economic influence over
a large territory.96 One of the letters written by Räs Imiru to Fitäwräri Täklähäwariyat illustrates
vividly the fact. It reads: we had the province of Härär divided into twelve sub-provinces these
are Čärčär, qôrä, Wäbäre Meta, Jigjiga, Dire Dawa, Jarso, Äniyä, Gärämûlätä, Härär Zûriä
äwräjä, Qočär, Obbora and Meta. And under this decree, the town of Härär was made part of the
Härär zuria awraja.97 The city and the Harari had become just one part of the Härärgé țeklay
gezat (province), instead of being its controlling and governing center
After the withdrawal of Italy, the first administrative regulation was issued. The system divided
the country into awraja, wäräda, and mesläné. The seat of the awräjä gezät was Härär while the
seat of the wäräda administrator, i.e. abägäz, was the capital of wäräda towns. Later this was
93
Archives from the Office of the Häräri National Regional State Administrtaion Office. Sile
Aderewoch Guday.File No. 21. No Folder No. See also File No. 21.
94
Informants: Umar Xirso and Ahmed Yuyo.
95
Abbas Ahmed, 1992: ‗A Historical Study of the City-State of Härär 1795-1875‖. (M.A thesis),
Department of History, Addis Ababa University, p. 43.
96
Ibsa Ahmed.2007. ―A History of the Itu Oromo 1880s-1974.‖ (M.A. Thesis), Department of History,
Addis Ababa University, pp.25-26.
97
IES-MS, 922 Amharic version.
43
amended by the 1946 administrative regulation. According to this proclamation, Härärghe was
reconstituted as țeklay gezat (province), the previous wäräda gezat were renamed awräjä (sub-
province), and the mesläné was made wäräda and an additional tier meketel mesläné (sub-
district) were added. Based on this, Härärghe was divided into nine äwräjäs, thirty-five wärädäs,
and sixty-four mikikitel wärädäs.98 This change of administrative hierarchies and nomenclatures
caused some problems in the literature, causing confusion in studies using different titles for the
same unit. The problem is even more complex particularly with mesläné and wärädä. The
number and the boundaries of the divisions continuously changed.99
Since prior to Egyptian period and Mênêlîk‘s incorporation of the region, relations between the
Oromo and Häräri was directly or indirectly linked with land and trade. And in these relations,
they in a way considered their lot together as the one nation according to informants. As
evidence for this they elucidate that the central government did to them, their social and politics
rights, and as one informant says: the new-comers (government0 called them qôttû, especially
the Oromo. Qôttû means those who dig a land, or simply farmers. Such reality made the
interaction between two clans that of a feeling of solidarity for one another, instead of tension.
The name qôtû of Oromo of Härärghe, used to appear in different sources. 100 The one way or the
other tranquil relations between two ethnic groups has made the city one region in Ethiopia
where no ethnic conflict has occurred in 20th century, and still the native people of the region
(the Häräri) number less than 15%, far outnumbered by the Amhära and the Oromo. That made it
the city of peace and tolerance duly recognized recently by UNESCO101
98
Negarith Gazeta Administrative Decree No. 1 of 1942, for the details of the division into wäräda and
mesläné see for example National archive File No. 63.1.42.11. The Six wäräda were Harär,
DireDawa, Jigjiga, Garamulata, Obbora-Meta and Cärčär.
99
Negarith Gazeta, 5th Year, No.10. Decree No.6 of 1946 administrative proclamation.
100
Informants: Abdurahman Yonis, Abdul-Reshid Osman, Hajji Abdosh Ali, Abdulqadir Abdurahman.
101
Ibid. Ibsa Ahmed, p. 23. The Oromo elite used a term Oromo and in the same manner, they used
Adare to refer to the Häräri. Among the non Afran Qällo Oromo in Härärge, and other peoples, the
Afrän Qällo were known as Qottu probably for a century. Qottu is a label used for the Muslim
Oromo of the Härär Plateau. In Afaan Oromo it implies cultivation of the soil. Actually, Oromo
44
1.2. Oromo-Häräri Intermarriage
Marriage is one of key acts that makes strong ethnic interaction in the walled city of Härär.
Intermarriage and other interactions are reported to be taking place between the two groups.
From the earliest time in Härär, intermarriage was held between the Häräri and Oromo. A
historian, Carmichael, denies existence of ethnic intermarriage simply, ―Normally there is no
marriage between the two groups.‖102 However intermarriage is common, and some scholars like
Mohammed Hassan, Ahmed Zekaria wrote the existence of intermarriage in the city starting
from the period of the amîrs. And many of my informants also say they have witnessed it.
According to Mohammed Hassan thesis, during the reign of Amîr Abdullahi Ibn Ali (1671-1700)
there was political marriage with an Oromo and after that there were also several marriages
among members pf different ethnic groups.103 Waldron wrote:
The structural implications of these marriages were defined by the reciprocity entailed in
Oromo affinal ties. In exchange for his daughter, an Oromo alliance partner could expect
periodic gifts from his in-laws. In the context of pastoral Oromo society such affinal
reciprocity would serve as a link between gôsã which, by circulating wealth, would
provide a levelling [leveling] mechanism within the society. As applied to the Amîr‟s of
Härär, the relationship probably assured them of defined and peaceful relationships with
a specific gosä….104
The Oromo‘s have a traditional marriage ceremony which descended from earlier times
(antiquities). The great social significance is attached to the wedding ceremony. The wedding
day is a very important day in the life of both the bride and the groom. Like the other Oromo of
Härärghe, the Oromo of Härär practice different types of marriages. However, the Häräri people
themselves called themselves by this name before 1970‘s. Currently the term is considered as
pejorative.
102
Tim Carmichael, 2010, ―Approaching Ethiopian History, Addis Ababa, Local Government of Härär
1900-1950‖ PhD Dissertation, p.104.
103
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, p.38 and 40.
104
Waldron, p. 8.
45
practice their own marriage system. The main point here marriage was held between the two
groups.105
In the city of Härär, there are different types of marriage held according to their culture and their
religion. But the most commonly applied form of marriage was performed through the consent of
the family. This form of marriage had an inbuilt bias against communities. Informants raise the
propect of the family of the daughter frequently breaking an earlier marriage agreement they had
entered with the family of the prospective bridegroom, who happened to be a poor family. Often
the families were reluctant to give their daughters to those who did not have treasure, and they
counted their clan descent because the Häräri were better satisfied if their child marry from the
Häräri clan and the same is true for the Oromo people.106
Based on the diwan documents consulted in the IES, it can be established that marriage
agreements frequently broke before the spouses started to live on their own, independent of their
families. A crosscheck of this information with oral informants shows that families were not
interested in giving their daughters to poor a family, especially to tenants. Historical oral sources
indicate that a Häräri man did not marry an Oromo woman unless he had another‘s wife and he
did not merge agree with the previous family. But sometimes Häräri man has an Oromo wife.
Such marriage is essentially entered for economic and political purposes. The same oral sources
indicate that the Oromo man did not marry Häräri women unless she is willing to be an outcaste
and to be ostracized. Oromo oral sources mention the Häräri were not willing to live outside
Jêgôl, and when they were questioned why they did not want to live outside of Jêgôl, they
answered: ―everything is available [in Jêgôl,] what do we look for from outside.‖107
One often notices in the archives that illegal marriages were frequent in Härär villages. Härär
characteristically was observed among the younger members of the community who had come of
age but did not have the property they could offer as bridewealth for the family of the
105
Informants: Abdallah Sheriff, Wehib Ahmed, Abdulqadir Abdurahman, Afaandi Abdi and Zahar
Mohammed.
106
Ibid.
107
IES-MS, 919; Informants: Wehib Ahmed, Abdallah Sherif, Zahar Mohammed.
46
daughter.108 It appears that the main barrier to inter-ethnic marriage is related to religion and
customs. The dominant factor that demarctates the boundary of marriage, according to
informants, happenes to be religion.109
My own female informants, however, have opinion about marriage. In the city where women
were known to be good wives, taking also care of part of the economic burden of the household
by selling the field produce of their husbands in the local market. As everyone knows chät (chat)
is sold by the women in the city and elsewhere. However, according to informants at the early
time this product was the activity of the men. The Häräri women were never veiled, although
perhaps for the fotä, the headscarf, some sort of veil, as does the gäftä, the hairnet, with which
the married women were supposed to cover their hair.110 A Häräri girl is supposed to get married
at fairly an early age in the 1920s it was about at the age of 13 and does so. Divorces were and
are still rare, the average Häräri having one wife only.111
The position of women in the marriage was poor, that they were not equal partners. Their social
and economic security depended on marriage only. Divorce was easy (from the men's side), often
only on the grounds of the fading beauty of the wife,. Men had the sole right over the children.
Women were not entitled to learn or to practice a trade to make a living; the only way to gain
economic and social security was a second marriage. And of course to extract from their
husband(s) as much jewelry as possible, since her personal jewelry was the only property a
woman had claim to in case of divorce.112 The Oromo cultural song of early days expressed their
feelings told by my informants in such a way.
Afaan Oromo Gross
108
Archives of Häräri National Regional State Administrative Office, File No. 10290 and 2237.
109
Informant: Zahra Mohammed.
110
Ibid.
111
V. Stitz, Arabic town records and the economic and population history of Härär during the 19th
century. Paper presented at the Häräri Studies Conference, Addis Ababa 1975, p. 6.
112
Informants: Temesgen Oljira, Yuya Aliyi.
47
Adärên bîyô karî shänî The city of Adärê has five gates,
Abbê birrî diddê ya shäggê Your father withheld the money my pretty,
Mälîn sosôbanî 113 What is it that would mollify you
1.3. Cultural Tolerance and Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms
In the walled city of Härär since 20th century, socially there has been cultural tolerance. Inside
the wall the Häräri were among the majority residents. On the other hand, outside the old city is
an expanding new urban center at least equal in size to the old city. Ethnically, it is dominantly
Amhära, with lesser numbers of Oromo, Gurage and other Ethiopians. At the early time, the
Häräri‘s was basically extension of Islamic culture; and in the same manner, the Oromo
practiced the form of Gädä system which through time is mixed with the Häräri culture.114
The social organization of the Eastern Oromo could approximately be put in ascending order:
wärä, mänä, gandä, gosä, sabi-lämi and sabä extending from the nuclear family to a nation. Of
these categories, gosä is the most popular and universal social organization among the Oromo. It
served as the basis for socio-economic, political and military organization of the Rabä Dori.115 It
is the gosä that defends the wellbeing of the members like securing economic resources with
respect to land, cattle and others; it is the gosä members that pay diyyä and gûmmä.116
Yet, the Oromo of Härär became mixed farmers and lived with their Gädä system intact. They
were highly influenced by Häräri people but did not give up their cultural gadä practices. Häräri
113
Informants: Abdosh Ali, Amiina Barkale, Momina Usman, Zahar Mohammed.
114
Informants: Abdurazak Dolal, Abdosh Ali.
115
Bedri Kebir, pp.23-24.
116
Informants: Abdurazak Doläl, Abdosh Ali, Mohammed Ahmed.
48
used different Oromo institutions such as adoption (ilmängosa-childern of the clan) for spreading
Islam.117
Because of being engaged in trade more and more, the majority of Häräri gradually gave up
agricultural activities.118 Moreover, Häräri viewed their own Muslim urban society as superior to
that of the Oromo, and this accentuated the stereotype held by the Häräri thsat the Oromo re of
low status, potentially dangerous people. Exacerbated by the Häräri blaming of Oromo for most
of their troubles, a pattern emerges which provides a degree of understanding for the attitudes
upon which intergroup relations rested in later decades.119
The Häräri elders had facilitated the favorable condition and realistic situation for development
and aspiration to attain advanced civilizations. One of the major social tolerances in the last
century was because of the Gädä system that allows assimilation of non-Oromo to be an Oromo.
The process was called moggäsa (adoption) one form and the others were known as gûddifaĉhä
(a foster parent adopting a child) adoption into a clan or tribe. The process held individual or
group could be either Oromo or non-Oromo. The process was undertaken by the Abba gadä on
behalf of his gosä (clan) traditional adopted son was looked upon as a real son, and he/she enjoy
all right of true son.120
Moggäsa a second form of adoption which can be distinguished from gûddifaĉhä not by right
transfer by nature of the parties involved. Both terms were denoting the public or official and
incorporative aspect of relationship.121 Hence, one of the strategies of administration used by the
Oromo was adoption.122 My point aims here, that the Häräri fear may lose their identity or are
117
Asafa Jalata Oromia and Ethiopia: State Formation and Ethno-national Conflict, 1868-1972
Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers: 1993) p. 286. Mohammed Hassen, 1991, p.26.
Mohammed Hassen,1973, p.28 & 55-56.
118
National Archive, File No. 17-7-23-08.
119
Informants: Mulualem Desta, Zahara Mohammed.
120
Ibid.
121
Diriba Damuse, Ilälchä Oromo: Bärrô. Ädä Sênä fi Amantä Oromo (Addis Ababa: IIsabaa printing
presss), pp.243-244.
122
Ibid.
49
vulnerable to these mechanisms. And they fear their way of life could be taken over by the
Oromo.
This was happening because of two factors; the first was the number of Oromo population were
increasing in the city through time. Among the Oromo parents, ilma (son) is considered as the
prime source of economic and physical support. As ilmä, one is supposed to fulfill the social
responsibilities of supporting the parents, particularly in their old age. Hence, the Oromo parents‘
common prayer is: yää Rabi, ilmä mälee nän ajjeesin (God, don‘t destine me to die without a
son). And the second factor is the central government also denied opportunities for the neither
Häräri nor Oromo to dominate one another. Rather it seems to encourage understanding and
helping each other. 123
In any case, the interaction between the Oromo and the Häräri in the city during the 20th century
is based on cooperation and mutual respect. Where a dispute arises, it is soon resolved through
mediation by a council of elders. Ethnic conflicts, although not unknown, tend to be relatively
minor and rapidly resolved through the traditional conflict resolution mechanisms. This
reconciliation process is called arärä. It is a process of conflict management involving individual
clans within and outside the community. It is basically handled by the council of elders in the
community and thus associated with the gädä system and called järsummä in some localities.
The term järsä is the Oromo version of elder and thus järsummä is the process of reconciliation
between conflicting individuals or groups by a group of järsummä‟s (elders).124 For example, if
the one clan group killed another from a separate clan the elders would reconcile the two clans
and make the thing claim down. However, järsummä had had own rule and regulation called
hêrä fi sêrä järsä.125
If the family of the deceased knows the killer or suspects someone, a member of the aggrieved
side will approach the kin and clan to begin the process of charging the suspected person. They
123
Informants Abdurazak Dolal, Umar Xirsoo.
124
Informant: Umar Xirsoo.
125
Informants: Desta million, Mohammed Ahmed, Mohammed Hassen, Umar Xirsoo.
50
referred to identify by calling the clan name, for example Wära Gära Mûläta, Järsô, Nôle,
something like these.126
The elders who serve to handle disputes are called järsa biyä; the Häräri elders also have their
own elders who represent the Häräri clan to serve as the Oromo beside the court. Once the järsa
biyä and the gädä representatives meet, they usually go to the clan (gôsä) of the dead person to
ask that the matter be given to järsa biyyä and to give permission for the three critical places by
the family and clan of the person who committed the crime. They assist the family in burying the
dead and stay with the family during the entire period of mourning ranging from one to four
weeks. After the mourning ends they declare mûrtte (verdict). If for example, murder is involved,
they will determine the blood payment (gûmma) unless the deceased family is ignoring to accept
that gûmma. The elders facilitate peacemaking and reconciliation between the parties at conflict.
This law is also directly used among the Oromo clan if the action may happen between different
clans in the region. Thus eventually it will produce arära between the parties and restoration of
peace and harmony among the communities.127
Nine more persons from the concerned gôsä or from each gôsä will start to deliberate as to
manner of settlement and payment of gûmä (blood compensation). The compensation is to be
awarded as per what the Shari‟ä prescribes in which a set of specific rules called fiqi sets specific
remedies for both civil and criminal cases. The compensation prescribed for homicide is 101
(one hundred and one) cattle. From this number, the first twelve will be given to family of the
victim in the form of ‗refisa‘ to calm and stabilize members of the family until final settlement.
The remaining 89 cattle will be delivered subsequently within a week after the delivery of the
first twelve. If the killer was from the Häräri descendent, the payment of compensation can either
be in cash or in kind. However, compensation cannot be paid exclusively in terms of money,
rather should be used to buy cattle with it. The offender, he adds, should deliver at least limited
number of cattle.128
126
Ibid.
127
Ibid.
128
Informant: Aburazak Dolal.
51
In such cases, commonly the Häräri use the diwän (court). The Oromo choose to finish that
conflict through their järsûmä process. But regardless, related with the court language was
officially Arabic; it suits the Häräri people.129 As one of my informants told me, the traditional
cultural conflict between Oromo and Häräri is handled by elders has dramatically declined due to
the institution of the court system in the city.130 There were no political obligations to use a court
in the city since Emperor Häîlê Sîlässîê I‘s time. However, some of the Oromo believed the court
is better than the järsûmä. They reflected the same through the following proverb:
Afaan Oromo Gross
Fûlä itttî awwälu hîn qäbu, abbän bôlä gäd There is no place to bury him, so his father
käyye dhaqê went begging for a grave site.
Nämni du'ê jênnän ajjeftê duutä jä'ê qabê A person has died, and they accuse order to
arrest him
Namumä känkê sîrä ajjessê innumä dubbi siiti
dhalê He just killed your own kin and then fabricated
Dubbi jîrä hîn awäliin rêfî mauuma keessäti false allegation against you.
shämê.131
The court case is involved, the dead could not
be buried, the corps lying decomposing
When asked about the effectiveness of the ‗modern‘ court system as compared with the
traditional mechanism of conflict resolution in making long-lasting peace, informants responded
that, ―in the court system a transgressor stays for some years in prison and comes back. After
that, families of the deceased take revenge by killing him. But in järsummä tradition, people fear
the ‗curse‘ if they violate the oath they were committed to at the settlement ceremony.‖132
129
Addis Zaman. Gênbôt 3, 1951 E.C. Two important point need to be included in here. First, during the
20th century the Oromo of Härär used as the Gadä system, within environs of Oromo and as well,
the rational conflict resolution mechanism was prior to control.
130
Ibid.
131
132
Ibid.
52
CHAPTER THREE
1. INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION FROM 1930-1974

1.1. Aspect of Amicable Häräri-Oromo Social relationship
In hapter two is discussed the aspects of ethnic interaction between the two groups of Häräri and
Oromo from historical perspective. In this chapter I have tried to develop from the preceding
chapter and demonstrate how the ethnic integration in city was going on, especially focused on
the social integration during the rule of Emperor Häîlê Sîlässîê I. Written as well as oral sources
tell us that there was amicable ethnic relations between Oromo and Häräri in the city in the past.
In addition to a mixture of a relatively local or ―indigenous‖ ethnic and cultural group like the
Oromo, the city had a significant population of later day‘s immigrants due to various
socioeconomic and demographic factors. In this section, discussion will be made on the socio-
cultural interaction between the Härär people and the Oromo people. Though the city was
inhabited by ethnically and culturally diverse population, generally there was respect between
the cultural groups.133 However, there were some internal frictions among the ethnic groups,
from time to time, not in the sense of conflicts between large ethic communities, but rather
between either individuals or small groups. Written sources indicate that conflict between the
two people of Oromo and Harari was not obvious or not great issue in the region.134
This generally peaceful relations turned to amicable in the mid-nineteenth century with the
conquests of Harar by Emperor Mênêlîk II. According to oral sources, the conquest led to
amicable Oromo-Häräri interaction in the region. Culturally and in economic terms too it had its
benefits; moreover, socially it greatly helped to affiliate the Harai-Oromo ethnic groups in the
region.135 These great achievements in ethnic relations are elucidated under sub-titles on the next
pages.
133
Informant: Abdalla Sharif.
134
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, pp. 78.
135
Informants: Fikadu tefera, Hamza Yusuf.
53
1.1.1. Socio Economic interaction
Härär tradition identified three geographic divisions of the city-state based on the differences in
their economic significance. These regions could be visualized as three concentric circles whose
inner most one is represented by the city (gêy); followed by the adjacent gardens and grain fields
(gêy fagäy); and the last, the whole region which was the outside periphery left fallow (Gäffä)
before the sedentary Oromo occupied it. After the settlement of Oromo in the periphery, with a
little modification due the new reality, the Häräri farmlands could be viewed in three concentric
circles. The first or the inner circle was surrounding the five gates. Following it, the circle
covered with orchards and gardens was called géy fagäy, while the outer district mainly used for
cereal farming was called gaffä as discussed above, the latter being the part where the Oromo
and Häräri were occupied in rural sedentary life.136
Chiefs fall into at least three major ranks –dämina, gärada and mälaqa (the latter two titles with
time became also references to the land ownership under their jurisdiction akin to the gult right).
A däminä was chief of a clan with authority over several gärada. The däminä was the appointee
of the amir who collected tax and supervised farming under the amir‟s control. He was also the
amîr‘s administrative agent; he administered justice. The dämina was the most important Oromo
official. The amîrs appointed däminä from among men who had property, children and wives in
the city. However, it is not known whether their wives were Häräri or Oromo. Originally the
däminä had jurisdiction only over blood compensation in line with the traditional Oromo culture.
These däminä were called bokû. But gradually, the dämîna became an appointee of the central
government to oversee administrative affairs and to mobilize people for different social activities
like road construction.137
Besides these, the most invaluable source of Häräri agricultural history is the information
gathered from knowledgeable informants. As a matter of fact, this system of economic
interaction ceremonial practice based on the farmland between Häräri and Oromo were
continued well into the 20th century and are discussed in detail by Ras Imiru. As a result, settler
136
Ibid.
137
Addis Zämän. Nähäse 11,1965 E.C.; Informants: Abdurazak Dolal, Ayub Abdulahi, Wehib Ahmed,
Umar Xirso
54
communities with certain political or social power would get the title and used it to transfer land
in their names. The bearer of the office enjoyed the free service rendered to him by the peasants
under his gäradinet or mälaqinet (i.e., garäda-ship, mälaqa-ship). What is not clear from the
archives, however, was whether the transfer of the land and office was peaceful or involved
coercion. Archives simply state the transfer was made through the agreement of the two sides,
which is doubtful.138 According to my Härär informants, the Häräri lived in rural area in early
times, however because of pressure from the Oromo they shifted their lifestyle to trade.
Consequently, I attempted to identify from the archives what was the pressure or reason for the
displacement of the Häräri clan and related questions; unfortunately, there is does not exist any
document that shows cleavages between two peoples on the land.139
Majority of the Oromo‘s, those who know about the issue of land during the Emperor Häîlê
Sîlässîê I period, assumed, the Adäre[Häräri] people transfered their land to our grandfathers and
fathers; they say ―Obboleyan keenya wan tahaniif‖ that means in simple language: ‗because they
are our brothers‘.140 However, there is oral narrative that appeared in 20th century, when the
Häräri left the land and started trading; the Oromo were pushed out from the land practices
several times. They were expressing hatred and grievance through oral poetry etc. One common
song collected from Oromo of Härär runs thus:
Afaan Oromo Gloss
Yää Adäree, Yää Adärêê you people of Adäre [Häräri]
Iffîf gängeerra tessänî you yourself ride on your mule
Giftî tessän fardarää gotänii as for your consorts on a horse back
Nûrä galää Jôôgoli mirazää kessänî141 Leave to us (farms) and go to Jêgôl your home
138
Haräri Regional State Archive. ―Yä Qälad Mazgab‖ Folder No.6.
139
Informants: Abdallah Sharif, Mohammed Hassen, Wahib Ahmed.
140
Ibid. see also Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administrtaion. Sile
Aderewoch Guday.File No. 101. (No Folder.).
141
Informant: Abdurazak Dolal.
55
The adoption by the Oromo of the Häräri agricultural practices and their transformation from
autonomous pastoralists to agriculturalists was basically a controlled process and the impulse for
this managed conversion can be explained from two perspectives. The first reason for the
peasantization of the Oromo could be said to have emanated from the interests of the well-to-do
Oromo, chiefly those who had been bestowed upon land and titles under the emirate. The land
they were granted was suitable for cultivation whose income could be maximized only through
agricultural activities. This transformation of Oromo economy would then be the product of
these newly formed Oromo landlords. The second factor was the fact that there was land under
the authority and domain of the amîr in the outskirts of the city owned by his officers and the
ordinary Gê‟usû. These officers leased out their lands for the emerging Oromo peasants who
were practicing agriculture as a new way of livelihood.142 Transformation in socio-economic
structures, inter-ethnic interaction, and population distributions in Härär, have made the current
designation of the Häräri‘s, as the rulers of a region in which they now represent a numeric
minority, problematic, though not so much between ethnic groups in Härär as we might expect.
However, the Häräri left the land, their land because of the regime‘s pressure. 143 Most of the
remaining Gê‟usû‟ farmers moved into mercantilism and rented their farmlands to Oromo
tenants. Christine Gibb has the following to say:
With the introduction of the Dêrg‘s land reform policies, the ethno-structural relations
which kept Oromo in a position of effective serfdom vis-à-vis Gê‟usû‟ [Häräri]
landowners were undermined as rights to land ownership were seized from absentee
landlords. While the basic economic structure through which relations between Gê‟usû
[Häräri] and Oromo have been organized was dramatically altered, many creative
strategies were employed whereby Ge usu‟ [Häräri] retained nominal or de facto control
over their lands.144
Along the same line, Richard Caulk argues that through a long process of co-option and cultural
exchange the Oromo have adopted the Häräri agricultural practices. He asserts that the Häräri
today claim that it was their ancestors who taught the Oromo how to farm in addition to
142
Addis Zämän. Yakätit 21, 1963 E.C Waldron, p.36.).
143
Informants: Abdellah Sharif, Ayub Abdullahi.
144
Christine Gibb, ―Sharing the Faith – Religion and Ethnicity in the City of Härär (paper presented at
the 13th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies in 1997. Horn of Africa, 1999), P.3. Date
accessed: 10/12/2017.
56
converting them to Islam. In fact, the town at the same time provided market for the Oromo who
supplemented their subsistence economy by trading their agricultural produce. Several Oromo
and Häräri oral informants unanimously asserted that the Oromo, especially the Nôle and Allä
branches of the Afrän Qällô lineage, adopted agricultural practices and borrowed specific crops
from the Häräri.145The other great achievements that concentrate the ethnic interaction in the city
of Härär were trade. It was indicated that the city of Härär had surrendered without any further
resistance after Čällänqo.146Whereas the city of Härär was put under the control of Šhäwän
administration it continued to run its internal affairs with little interference. In fact, the town
seems to have benefited under the new administration. Security reigned in and around the town,
trade routes became safe, commercial activities revived with fresh impetus and Härär became the
most important commercial town in the empire.
A place called Färäs Mägälä served as neutral zone where different ethnic groups met and
exchanged their produce and information about their life and surroundings. Apart from market
places and towns, their contacts were limited and the passage into each other's territory was
always safe.147 In the past, movements outside one's own territory were allowed. Even in the
recent past, the problems of inter-ethnic conflicts and wars have not yet been created in the city
between the Oromo people and the Häräri people. According to majority of my informants, it
was harmonious, much better than beginning of the 20th century. The better interaction was most
probably the result of economic interdependence between them. The Häräri obtained the
different cereals and ĉät or chät they needed from the Oromo, while the Oromo in turn obtained
the cloth and other merchandise they needed from the Häräri. The Häräri‘s also applied
preferential treatment to them, allowing the Oromos to buy goods in Härär for fixed prices while
they sold their products at market price. Due to the minimal contacts and hostile relationships
145
Caulk, 1977, pp.373.
146
Mohammed Hassen, 1980, p.234.; See also Harold Marcus, p.93;informants: Abdosh Ali, Abdurazak
Dolal
147
Informants: Aziza Usman, Khalid Hussien, Nuria Abdullahi.
57
with their neighboring groups, the Oromo had developed peaceful relations among the Häräri
ethnic group in the city of Härär.148
The market places in Härär were always stuffed with goods and merchandises imported from
abroad via Zayla or Barbara trade routes. The Zayla route cuts through the Eesa Somali territory.
The route from Barbara cuts through the mountains of the Nôlê tribe. The imported goods and
merchandise were either consumed in Härär or were taken either by Häräri‘s or other merchants
further into the high land to the interior part of Ethiopia, especially to the province of Arsi and
Šhäwä,149 the merchants from the different trade routes converged at Alêyû Ambä, in eastern
Šhäwä, connecting Šhäwä with Härär. Hence, ―Härär was essentially a commercial town and a
point of contact between the rich interior Ethiopia and the countries of the Gulf of Aden and
beyond.‖ Hence as Abbas postulated, that Härär market served as trade center and point of
cultural contact. The multi-faceted relationships were regulated through property rights, price
settings, taxes, agency, etc.150There were two important market places in 20th century Härär:
Färäs Mägälä and Gîdîr Mägälä, further south. Färäs Mägälä is the former horse market. It is
found at the end of the main street where presentday Čällänqo monument is found and also the
Medanialem Church. Mäkînä Gîrgîr Street, which descends from Färäs Mägälä toward Gîdîr
Mägäla central market, accommodates traditional handicrafts and textiles and tailors in the lower
level in early times. Both Häräri and Oromo basketry comprises most of craftsware exchanged.
Lower level of Makina Girgir street ends with the central Gîdîr Mägäla market that was built
under the Italian occupation. The only one erected in masonry. Oral sources indicate that in the
middle of the square the Oromo women coming from the country used to sell butter in the old
days, and recently in this place they sell vegetables, fruits and spices at the same place.
Historically it was called Bäkkä Dhädhä in Afaan Oromo (butter place) 151
1.1.2. Social relationship (Afôchä)
148
Ibid.
149
Richard Burton, Vol.II, P.47; Pankhurst, 1968, pp 73-75.
150
Abbas, p. 21.
151
Informants: Amiina Barkale, Zahra Mohammed.
58
At any given time and place, an ethnic group may employ different principles for defining and
maintaining relationships with other groups. In many cases identity markers such as a common
ancestry, a shared cultural heritage, a shared history, a common language, and common belief
systems, among others, are used to differentiate insiders from outsiders. The process of defining
and conceptualizing ethnic identity based on such given attributes and enduring qualities are
considered as an essentialist approach. Being born in the city and speaking its language would
seem to be prerequisites enough for citizenship, but to fully qualify, he must participate in the
city's three basic social institutions: Ähli, Märinyet, and Afôchä. The first is the family network
called Ähli; organized friendship called Märinyet; and, community organization known as
Afôchä.152
We do not know how long the afôchä institution worked, although one of my female informants
was able to name one and the same afôchä as the same where she herself, her mother and her
maternal grandmother had been a member. This would give us at least 90 years considering that
in Härär a woman does not enter an afôchä unless her children have reached the age of 8 to 10
years. That means she should be around the age of 25-30 years by the time she could be a
candidate for the afôchä membership. I have no comparable data about men's afôchä, for no
other type of comparable associations, self-help societies, clubs, etc. is mentioned in the
travelers‘ reports of the 19th or early 20th centuries. However, my Häräri and Oromo informants
assume that some neighborhood self-help organizations did always exist to help in some
festivities.153
At the literature level the Oromo afôchä is not such as written formally like the Häräri afôchä
broadly. According to my informants the step and ceremonial act of both afôchä is almost the
same. The son will join his father‘s afocha and the daughter joins her mother‘s afôchä when they
buildtheir house or when they get married. It is it not known where the term afôchä‟s comes
from, whether from the Häräri language or from Oromifä. However, both groups use the term in
their languages and gave meaning to it. Afôchä are composed of citizens from all occupation, of
152
Waldron 1978: p.10.
153
Informants: Abdallah Sharif, Dassaleyni Abara, Khalid Hussien, Wehib Ahmed, Zahara Mohammed
59
all levels of wealth and social status.154 They are strongly egalitarian in ideology and practice.
Richa and poor deal with one another in meetings as equals. Each afôchä has elected officials,
called xätib or leader. The position of xätib is not viewed by the Häräri as being a position of
power or political advantage, but as one of the great prestige. To be a xätib, age and religious
piety are the traditional marks for respect which members cite as criteria for eligibility. And
coming from a good family is also a criterion. There is strong interaction between them.
Typically, the Häräri descendent will join the Häräri‘s afôchä when he/she outgrows the teenage
years and the same is true for the Oromo men or women. There are some obstacles regarding an
Oromo attempting to join the afôchä of the Harari. The first that many of my informants point
out is prejudice between the two ethnic groups. Some from among the Häräri consider the
Oromo as strangers, as outsiders. That means those who came from outside of the Jêgôl wall.155
The other reason was the issue of communication; while most Häräri speak Afaan Oromo, the
great majority of Oromo speak no gê sînän (language of the Häräri). Consequently, the Häräri
have an important control on the flow of information. My Häräri informant denied this, and said
membership in an afôchä is based on the criteria, no other barrier. Besides there are differences
in affiliation among the Oromo, whereby members of the Allä clan join their own afôchä and
those from other clan join the Häräri afocha.156
During funerals members of both ethnic groups attend burial ceremonies, without bothering
about afôchä membership. Besides, afôchä‘s obligation there is a religion obligation too. Afôchä
is still the most important association for the Häräri people, Sä‘ädä Ahmed, Chairman of the
Häräri Ädä gär. She says ―In Härär, a man can live without relatives and friends, but never
without an afôchä‖. The afocha has extremely affected on the happiness which person enjoys
and the sorrow that befalls him in Härär.157 The organization of afôchä is primarily concerned
with wedding and funerals. When a member or the close relatives of members of afôchä dies the
members of the afôchä go from house to house, notifying all members. the person closest to the
154
Informant: Khalid Hussien
155
Ibid.
156
Informant: Amiina Barkale.
157
Informants: Amiina Barkale, Khalid Hussien Wehib Ahmed, Zahara Mohammed.
60
deceased takes care of the burial, which takes places at the city graveyard. After burial the men‘s
afôchä group joins the women afôchä in consoling the bereaved at the home of the deceased.158
A ceremony lasts three days, is called Amota gar (death house). However, if the deceased was
from the Oromo, the Häräri afôchä‟s members only participate in burial ceremony; in the same
manner, if the deceased was from Häräri, the Oromo afôchä‘s members do the same thing. Their
interaction was based on knowing the relative of the deceased individual. When a person first
enters the compound of the amôtä gär, he goes to the members of immediate family and says
―may Allah give you patience.‖ No comment is made at this time about the good qualities of the
deceased. In these three days, amôtä gär is calm and quiet. Reading of the Quran and
interpreting, contemplative silence, conversing, and chewing chat are activities of the men at
afôchä of the amôtä gar in the both Häräri and Oromo afôchä in the city. 159
Besides helping each other, afôchä served people maintain their calm social activities from day-
to-day. Every Häräri was attends to tha requirements of the afôchä to ensure neighborhood
peace, even if a conflict arises between individuals due to misbehavior by a neighboring child, as
the following statement indicates:
If your son fights with a neighbor's son, and if you speak up for him against your
neighbor, you will have alienated your neighbor. If one has bad relations with the afôchä,
it can be difficult. You will get no cooperation from them when you need it. A wise
father lets children fight and lets them make up in the normal course of events without
getting involved.160
Archives indicate that during around forty-eight afôchä participated in the burial ceremony from
both clans, when Häjj Ahmäd Aboññ died in 1956/57 in Härär. Every member of an afôchä is is
duly informed by the leaders about the operation of the institution and the rights and duties of
member, before he/she is admitted to the association. More importantly, any incoming member is
required to resolve disputes between him/her and other members under the institutional
158
Ibid.
159
Ibid.
160
Informants: Aziza Usman.
61
arrangements without recourse to regular courts, before his/her case for membership is
considered.161
1.1.3. Socio-cultural practices as inter-ethnic connections and disjuncture.

Because of the absence of a written language of the Oromo negatively affected the development
of cultural studies and relations with the other cultures. Many scholars have made a tremendous
effort to reconstruct the history and culture of this society. In the Gadä system, there is culture of
respecting the other groups. That why the Oromo said ―yô aadään kê akka kabäjamû barbäde
kan namä birä Kabäjii‖ i.e if you want others to respect your culture, respect the other‘s first,‖
my own translation.162
Härär has a long-standing rich culture, which people learned from elders orally. One of the
Häräri cultural practices is marriage what is called balächu, in the local language. Accordingly,
in Häräri context, it discharges responsibility of the wedding ceremony in myriad episodes and
noteworthy details. This discussion highlights the major public events.
There is circumstantial evidence supporting that the Häräri were not only prejudice against the
Oromo, but they were also undermining the other cultures.163 One eminent literate who has been
in fact settled in the city for 42 years, was worried regarding the prejudices and assumptions of
one group over the others in the city. After the incorporation of Härär into the central
government, the people of the city were mixed with peoples who have different religions and
different cultures. However, the Häräri were not happy with what they saw in their homeland.
Based on this study, two scenarios were established, the first and is that they lost the
administrative role through politics and the other is that they ended up hosting cultures strange in
the city.164
161
Negarit Gazeta. ―Civil unique‖ Proclamation No.14 of August 1956; Archives of Haräri National
Regional State Administrative Office, File No. 16666.
162
163
Informants: Abdosh Ali, Amiina Barkale, Dassaleññi Abara, Yusuf Abdusamad.
164
Informants: and Desta Mellion, Zalalam Kebeda.
62
The Oromo of the city practice the same culture of the rest of Afrän Qälo Oromo. However,
since the time of Italian occupation theyshared the Häräri culture, for example, in decorating the
house decorating or styling, basketry and body art practices, etc. For example, decorating houses
in the city has a long history and also presently in every Häräri and Oromo house the visible part
of the nädäbas are painted red with oil paint (as a reminder of the bloodshed at the battle of
Çâllânqo, it is said). Even in the Oromo house it was circumstance, one of my informants
recommended me, besides remembering the bloodshed of the Čällänqo, it used to reconstruct and
to show unity of two ethnic groups. Unfortunately, some Häräri‘s did not recognize the
symbolismor significance of the red colour of the nädäbas when I asked them why they were
painted that colour.165
In the same manner, according to Addis Zämän Gazeta, of Yekatit 19, 1965.E.C. notes the
commonalities in relations between Häräri and Oromo in this regard. An excerpt of the article in
Addis Zämän reads:
ይህ ምሌክት በያንዲንደ የሐረሪና የኦሮሞ ቤት መኖራቸውን እራሱ የሚጋሩት እና

የሚተሳሰሩበት አንዴ የጋራ ያሌሆነ ታሪክ አንዲሊቸው የሚያረጋግጥ ይህም እንዯ
አፎሻ፤ የጎሳ ጔዯኛ፡ ከመሳሰለት ሌማድች ጋራ በመኖር አንዴነታቸውን አጠናክው
አቆይተውሊቿሌ፡፡166
These signs in both Häräri and Oromo houses show us that they share common historical
cultural customs. These are like afôchä, clan relationship and other social contracts
existed among the two people from the past, which make them strengthen relationship.
Another important issue attracted the attention of many writers is about madaba‟s in both Häräri
and Oromo houses. Written and oral sources confirm in the gadä system, every Oromo child
from his birth to death, it has stages of prestige in the community. However, regardless, among
the Häräri people the comparable educational levels. For example, every Häräri house has five
mädabä or sitting levels, each of them has a name and a position. The first, Amîr mädab, which
is only allowed to a household; second, sîtîner mädab which is for religion leaders; the third is
dätîher mädäb, which is for women; the fourth place is gîdîr mädabä, which is suited for the
165
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. Sîlä Adärewôch
Gudäy.File No. 17. (No Folder No.) and IES-MS-4774, p.4; Informants: Amiina Barkale, Khalid
Hussien.
166
Addis Zämän, Yêkätît 19, 1965.E.C. details of this issue, refer to photo next (Figure 8).
63
elites; and the last one and highest is Tît, which is set aside for the educated. To sum up, it shows
how the early Häräri give attention for education in their life. For this in the following poem, the
Häräri encourage child for education and show them to hard work:
ጌይ ሲናን Gross
ዝሇመዯ አታይዞ ጋንበረ ኤቀዱንታ One who hasn‘t learned, stays out-of-doors
ዝሇመዯ ቆበዞላ ሻሂ መቅዲህ He who isn‘t literate become his friend‘s servant
ዩኹናሌ167
Figure 6: The mädabä with red color, which found in every Häräri and Oromo House, the red
colour is said to be in remembrance to Čällänqo. (One from Philippe‘s book and other by the
author)
Waldron associates the red colour mädabä in a Häräri House with ethnic awareness, as expressed
in the following sentence:
The physical evidence of ethnic awareness is manifold in Härär. Even household

architecture plays its role, since every feature of the traditional home has a pattern, which
is explained in terms of the past of the city. A good example is the explanation of the
hard-packed red earth floor of traditional Häräri homes. The red color of this specially
prepared surface is said to represent the Häräri blood spilled at the Battle of Čällänqo,
167
Informant: Mohammed Yusuf.
64
where the city lost its independence forever to the forces of the Ethiopian Empire in
1887. Children are thus raised with the distinctiveness between gê‟ûsû [Häräri] and other
ethnic groups firmly entrenched as part of their surroundings.168
In most cases others body art was practiced by both ethnic clans. Wealthier Häräri wear a kind of
qärmä loti made from gold instead of the aluminum, tin, or nickel alloys created for the Oromo.
The Häräri headpiece also consists of seven triangles instead of five and displays more intricate
filigree work. However, starting from the time of the Egyptian Occupation, the qärmä loti worn
by both Oromo and Häräri women was identical in appearance and was created from silver by
Häräri smiths.169
In the past recent decades, inheriting that kind of culture create internally confused between two
peoples. This recent change in material can be viewed, first and for most, as a political move by
Oromo women to create new dress forms that no longer resemble Häräri qärmä as a means of
creating distance from their Häräri neighbors, an ethnic group with which they have growing
tension over land and demographic representation. Ambarka and challee qärmä are most
commonly worn together by unmarried girls, who are taught to bead as a pastime.170
Young Oromo women generally only wear beaded items that they themselves have assembled
and pride themselves in never creating the same pattern twice now wearing the pattern of fellow
Oromo traders. Some of the basketry which both clans use as comforts in their life activities are
put here as an example; even today these materials are used by both peoples in Härär.171
168
Waldron, Sidney, 1974; "Within the Wall and beyond, p.37.
169
Informants: Amiina Barkale, Zahra Mohammed.
170
Ibid.
171
Ibid.
65
Figure 7: Examples of forehead jewelry and basketry which Häräri and Oromo use past time
(Photos from Sharif Härär private Museum.)
Decoration is increasingly used by Oromo women, wearing on the head and other parts. Women
infrequently travel great distances, many of them express a desire to connect with the other
groups, distinguishing themselves through forehead decorations is one way to create visual
participation in emerging Oromo nationalism, and in this respect there is historical dispute over
claims of ownership between Häräri and Oromo of Härär ethnic groups.172 However, there was
no conflict so far experienced between these ethnic groups in the walled city of Härär. The
cultural glue of this nationalist movement within Oromo, in the surrounding Härär regional state
within Ethiopia, and the Oromo who live abroad largely founded on the shared experience of
language, history, and political domination.173
Ädä-gär‟ (Häräri Cultural Centre) was established in 1980, to promote the Häräri culture. The
effort was perhaps an extension of ‗firmäch or amäshna‟. (Firmäch attempted the development
172
Ibid.
173
Informants: Abdalla Sharif, Abdurazak Dolal, Umar Xirso.
66
of cultural practices and had passed resolutions). Similarly, ädä-gär also passed a resolution
regarding reduction of extravagant expenses during wedding and mourning ceremonies. The
ädä-gär was well established to the extent that Härär has four well-organized museums and
cultural centers (ädä-gär) in addition to numerous publications, antiquities, manuscripts and
costumes in the collection. Above all, the awareness of heritage in its multi-faceted features
became shared value since the public discussed it everywhere, that ädä (culture) and quras
(heritage) are fully rooted in Häräri consciousness today.174
1.2. Ethnic Interaction during the Italian Occupation and Its Sequel
Unlike in the previous chapter, this one aims at discussing inter and intra-ethnic arid sub-ethnic
relations in the city of Härär during the Italian occupation. Italy launched invasion of Ethiopia on
October 3, 1935 to turn it into colonial territory in east Africa and to avenge Ethiopians for their
victory over the invading Italians at the Battle of Adäwa in 1896. 175
During their occupation of Ethiopia between1936-1941, the Italians initiated several changes in
the east, including in the Härär area. They abolished the gabbär system and land tax. The Häräri
(with other people of the surrounding) were given greater freedom to conduct their traditional
socio-economic and political practices. Most ethnic groups of the east, including the Oromo have
retaliated against the emperor ruling system for their mal-administration of the east after
Mênelik's conquest. The action taken is clearly reflected in one of the Oromo as the following
verses:
174
Yahya Abdullahi, 1998: Aner, magazine by DD Ädägär; I visited several times Ädä-gär (Haräri
culture centre) what I saw is they (including the institution‘s guide person), undermine the other
culture and blame history, especially Amhärä and Oromo to make culture at one place is good for
the coming generation. However if the history that we pass to the coming generation is a history
that is far away from truth and is arbitrary it is good to avoid it. For example, they attempt to deny
the history that the Haräri shared with other people; they blame Oromo‘s for a loose at Čällänqo
battle. In the same manner, they count Emperor Mênêlîk as an invader and colonizer, etc.
175
Taklasadiq Makurya, Ye Ityopiya Tarik: Kä Aşe Tewodros Eskä Qädamawi Haile Selasse, 2nd ed.,
(Addis Ababa: Qedus Giyorgis Printing Press, 1951E.C), p.257.
67
Afaan Oromo Gross
Hidhê nu hika ädärticha We were jailed and released by Häräri [Häräri Baläbat]
Hidhê nu dhana habbäshan We were jailed and beat by Häbashäs (Amhara‘s)
Halûn sûn bate barränna.176 Now it is our time, we could retaliate against them
In the 20th century, different scholars wrote the social history of Häräri people through different
angles. According to them the most important ethnic groups that the Häräri made daily contact
with were the Oromo. The Oromo were the productive forces of the city of Härär for a several
centuries, even though, most of the times the Oromo were permitted to live inside Jêgôl as
servants. The Oromo maybe conceived of as having two levels of dependence upon the Häräri,
depending on where they lived in the city. In the first circle of dependence they lived inside the
wall as servants who served as labourers and watchmen. These are the most dependent, received
only food and lodging for their efforts.177 The second concentric circle of dependency is
encountered as one gets farther from the city. According to archives in the president‘s office,
there was agreement between the Häräri and Oromo tenants. There are also some archives in
Häräri administration office, which show agreements, and in this case between Häjji Usmän Ali
and (W/ro) Fatuma Abdosh. The appeal is hereunder:
176
Informants: Yuya Aliyi, Abdurazak Dolal, Zälaläm Kebeda and Umar Xirsoo.
177
Ibid.
68
ታህሳስ 12, 1938 ዓ.ም
ሇክቡር ያገር ግዛት ሚኒስቴር
ክቡር ሆይ; እኔ ሐጂ ኡስማን አሉ የሐረር ከተማ ነዋሪ ስሆን፤ ከዴሬ ጣያራ አካባቢ
ግመሽ ጋሻ መሬት ከዚህ በፊት ከተሊየዩ የአካባቢው ሰዎች ጋር ከተሇየዩ ኮቱዎቸ
[ኦሮሞ] ጋራ ስንካፈሌ ነበረ፡፡ ባመጨረሻም ከወይዘሮ ፈቱም አባድሽሀ ባሌ ጋራ
ስንጠቀም ከርመን፤ አሁን ግን ሙለ በሙለ ሇወይዛሮ ፋቱማ አበድሽ ባሌዋ
ስሇሞተባት ሇርስዋ ሇመስጠት እና ክብር ያገር ግዛት ሚኒስቴር እንዱያውቅ እና ከአሁን
በኃሊ የፋቱማ ንብረት እንዯሆና በፊርማዬ አረጋግግጣሇሁ፡፡178
December 21, 1945
To Ministry of Interior
I, Häji Usmän Ali, a resident of Härär city, I used hîrtä [sharing land production equally]
with the different xire xäyara kotu [Oromo] tenants on half a gäsha of land in Dire
Xäyara [place near Härär city] at previous time. Then I shared it with the husband of
Fätuma Abdosh. But now I gave my land to Fätuma Abdosh fully and I want this to be
recognized by the Ministry of Interior that it is her property and confirm this fact by my
signature.
There are signatures.
Even, during the Italian period the Showan landholders in Härär confiscated lands from the
Oromo. They appealed to the Emperor. One informant suggests that the governor was
intimidating the many farmers and took their land. They appeal because to say ―dänyatu dänya
oli‖ judge had over judge.‖179 There are archive sources from the IES which reveal such cases
found in the archives. One of the appeal letters written to the Hajji Ahmed Aboññ by Ministry of
Interior which written in Yêkätit 1937 appears pertinent to the subject and is quoted at length
hereunder
178
Ibid, Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administrtaion.Sile Aderewoch
Guday.File No. 101. (No Folder.)
179
Informants: Hailu Mängäsha, Umar Xirso.
69
Amharic
የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት አሌጋ ወረሽ………….
ከሀረር ዙርያ ንብረታኝን ተወስድብናሌ ብሇዉ ቅሬታ ያስገቡ አለ፤ ከዚህ በፊት
አሳውቀን እንዯ ነበር እና ሁኔታውን አጣርታችሁ እዉነት ከሆነ
እንዴታስተካክለ: ካሌሆነ ወዯፊት የሚያስቸግር ሁናታ መፍጠሩ ያሰጋሌና ፡180
Gloss
Ethiopia government crown prince
…there are some appeals from your area residents about land taken away from
them. We did notify you previously. If this case is true, you have to rectify it.
Otherwise, this would create a difficult situation in the future.
Even though it is assumed a long and trusting relationship exist between a Häräri and his Oromo
farmers when a farmer visits the Häräri‘s home he must sit on the floor. These prejudice shows
that the the Häräri separate themselves from the Oromo,181 with the Häräri calling themselves the
citizen of the city. Those kinds of prejudices held among the Häräri towards the Oromo
continued until the Dêrg‘s land proclaimation.182 As the same time as we know it, the Oromo
expand their clan to make a non-Oromo person Oromo through one of three gadä mechanisms.
An Oromo, then can live in Härär in a condition of the servitude only by attempting to become a
Häräri. This was quite rare perhaps because most Oromo were not all that interested in becoming
Häräri, and perhaps because an Oromo man who wanted to follow the process to the end would
have to have much wealth and the great majority of his folks engaged in farming the Häräri
lands. As described, the combination of literacy and nationalism are the keys to Häräri control of
celebrated shrine of holy men, which was viewed mark of Häräri superiority and impressive to
the Oromo. But the Häräri fear the Oromo, or so it seems, as one interested and cooperative
informant told me. The Häräri consider the Oromo to be potentially dangerous, and this is not
without historical basis. After the Gräññ war until the coming of Mênêlîk, Häräri‘s believed
180
IES, MS-1974, P.68, see also, National Archive, File No. 01-01-09.1963 E. Bä Balärestena Čiseñña
Mäkakäle Yalewen Ginuñenät Lämäwäsän Yäwäta Awaj‖ Amharic Version.
181
Informants: Abdurazak Dolal, Umar Xirsoo, Yuya Aliyi, Zalalam Kebeda.
182
Asmarom Legesse, 1973. Gada: Gada, pp.14-15; Informant: Mohammed Ahmed.
70
Oromo rebels killed Häräri farmers and occasionally raided the city itself. But to summarize it all
seems to be the Härär prejudice against the Oromo.183
According to oral informants, the Italians occupied the city in 1937. Their interest of ruling the
region using the local chiefs, who had surrendered to them, was unthinkable. They faced stiff
resistance struggle in the area. In 1936-1941, was one of the challenging eras in the history of
our country. The administration put both positive and negative impact in the city, in terms of
cultural and social acculturation. The Häräri were a Muslim community, and several strange
practices like the street beggars, prostitution and others were observed during the time of Fascist
control and these were foreign to the city. An Oromo oral story called the city of Härär as:
Adäre biyyô, biyyä Abädir biyyä qûfä. It refers to how prosperous city is, i.e., ―Härär, city of
Abadir, land of plenty where no one would go hungry‖. Begging (on the street) is strange for the
community and they believe it was created by the Italian rule. The changing of religion
(conversion) from one to another, and prostitution were all among the new unwelcome routines
started by the Fascists in the city. These measures have affected the Häräri way of life. On the
other hand, the coming of Italy to Härär opened a new chapter for the Oromo and Häräri people
in different ways. For example, the previous language of the court in the city was Arabic
whereas, for Oromo they started Afän Oromo in a radio program. My many Oromo informants
remember the first Oromo mass media was started in Härär by the Italian occupiers. 184They give
land and some rights to the Oromo in the city, which made good impression on the Oromo and a
favorable view of Italian rulers. The Häräris, who were made numerically a minority within the
Härär region (their homeland) were amalgamated with the rest of the population and faced
discrimination.185 Racial segregation was held by the Italians in the city of Härär like the other
parts of the country. Through their progaganda and various measures, the Italians made attempt
to creat ethnic conflict among the Häräri, the Oromo, and the Amahra people in the region.186
183
EIS, MS- 4774 ―yê Härärachir tärik‖ pp. 28-30; informant: Solomon Hayla Eyasus.
184
185
Archives from the Abdalah Sharif Private Museum in Härär, ye talayayu ye hizbi Guday.File No. 05.
(No Folder No.).
186
71
They give religious freedom to the Muslim; however, they attempted to cause discord between
the Muslim and the Christians rather than respect the other group‘s religion.187 The majority of
my informants transmitted to me what they heard from their elders. A similar narrative can be
established from the archives. Unlike the Emperor‘s regime, Italians also appointed their cadres
in the city one after another. Besides that they abrogated the local person who had strong trust
previously.188 Härär was represented by Sufian 'Abdullahi, son of the former Amîr 'Abdullahi of
Härär. Although the council was to be an advisory body, it could also function as a forum for
discussing colonial matters with those familiar with the problems of their people.189
The Häräri people opposed to Italian rule several times, and according to Abdälla, this makes the
whole clan united and to fight for their country, especially, those who lived mainly in the area:
meaning the Oromo and Häräri. They were ready to express their disgust violently if need be.
As a result, the Italian Fascists destroyed the city, dropping bomb at Gidir Magäla, in the center
of the city, which fortunately did not explode, but resulted in death of many. As Häräri oral
tradition has it, the Italians destroyed part of the wall. It is the second time that Harari‘s united
for a war; the first was the Čällänqo with emperor Menêlik, according to him. According to
sources in archives of the Häräri Regional State, the Italian administration of the city lasted upto
1940. In this period, there were two governors: General Nasi (1936-1939) and Enrico Cerulli
(1939-1940). Beyond the physical destruction of the city, they caused some friction between
ethnic groups in the city.190
In the beginning of the 20th century, the maladministration in the city continued by the Empire.
The Fascists followed a policy of pitting different ethnic and religious groups against each other
to gain the support of the subordinated groups. To ensure the effectiveness of their policy, they
built one mosque and repaired another. The Italians encouraged the use of Arabic in schools and
187
Negarit Gazeta. ―Administrative proclamation.‖ Decree No.6 of 1946.
188
IES 4774 Sila Härär Acir tarik, p 77; Informants: Abdallah Sherif and Hailu Mängäsha.
189
190
Ibid. Häräri Regional State Archives are utilized to trace the list of the Deputy Governor Generals.
Besides, the photos of these governors along with the years in office were posted in the private
Museum of Abdella Sherif in Harär.
72
courts. Häräri and other Muslims were hired by the administration and previously confiscated
lands were restored to their original owners or their descendants. However, this created conflict
among the Oromo who life previously depended on the land.191 Later after end of Italian
occupation, according to archive sources, there was external conflict related with bandit who
lived beyond the city limits. The sources claimed that the bandit were from the Oromo clans.
One such case is quoted hereunder.
ሐምሌ 05 1936 ዓ.ም

ሇክቡር አፈመስፍን አንዲርጋቸው መሳይ
የሐረር አውራጃ ገዥ እንዯራሴ
በባቢላ በኩሌ ከሚገኙት አንዲንዴ የኮቱ [ኦሮሞ]ሽፍቶች ሰሊማዊ ነን ብሇው ተቀምጠው
የነበሩ በአንዴ ምክር በአንዴ ቃሌ ሆነው የኤሪራን ሰፈር በዙሪያው ከበው ዛሬ ቀን
ወይም ማታ ሇመምታት ተዯራጅተውበታሌ: ሳይመቱና ቤቱን ሳያቃጥለ አይቀርም:
ነገር ግን ከዚህ ቀዯም የተሊኩሌን መሳሪያዎች ስማቸው እንጂ በፀብ ሊይ ምንም
የሚያዯርጉት ነገር የሇም፡፡ ከእኛ ዘንዴ መሳሪያ ባይገኝ ከእንግሉዞችም በኩሌ ቢሆን
የአውሮፕሊን ሀይሌ በግዴ አስፈሊጊ ነው፡፡ ይህ ካሌሆነ ግን ከጅጅጋ እስከ ባቢላ ያሇው
መንገዴ በፍፁም መቆረጡን እያስገነዘብኩ በቶል ቢታሰብበት ሇህዝቡ ዯህንነት
ሲበሇ….192
ፊታውራሪ ጓንጉሌ ኮሊሴ
የጅጅጋ ወረዲ አበጋዝ
July 12, 1944
To: His Excellence Andargachew Mäsay,
Enderasié of Härärgé Province
Some Oromo from around Bãbilê claimed they were peaceful. But now they have joined
the bandits around them and set to burn the villages of Erêr soon. However, the weapons,
sent to us earlier were found to be useless in actual engagement. If you have no weapons,
try to get some from the British including aircrafts. Otherwise the route from Jigjîga to
Bãbilê is to be completely cut off …
Fitawrari Guangul Kolasé,
191
Carmichael, Tim, ―Approaching Ethiopian History, (Addis Ababa, Local Government Härär 1900-
1950‖ PhD Dissertation, 2010), p.32.
192
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administrtaion.Sile Aderewoch
Guday.File No. 21. (No Folder No.) see also Ezekiel Gebissa. ―Consumption, Contraband and
Comodification: A History of Khat in Härärge, Ethiopia.C.1930-1991.‖ Ph.D. dissertation,
Michigan State University, 1997.p 7-9.
73
Governor of Jigjiga Wäräda
The provincial administrative units of Härär have been reorganized many times. After the Italian
period, the city administration system continued under the Härärgé province. Based on the
archives consulted, the Italians had sub-divided Härärgé into six ‗commissariato‟ (wäräda gezat)
each administered by an Italian ‗commissariato.‘193 According to archive from NALA these
division consisted of Härär and the surrounding, and that included Garämulata, Fuññanbira and
Babile. This change of administrative hierarchies and nomenclatures caused some problems in
the consultuing the literature on the subject, causing confusion in studies whereby different titles
were assigned for the same unit. The problem was complicated particularly with the ex-emperor
appointing persons of Häräri descent and former land owners as Garäda.194 At the same time,
such an administration system caused some riot among the community in the city and it
surroundings. The number and the boundaries of the divisions continuously changed. This
change of administrative hierarchies and nomenclatures caused some problems in the literature,
causing confusion in studies using different titles for the same unit. This became the source of
conflict between wäräda and awraja administrations at different times. Frequently the elderly
and local baläbat were invited to mediate conflicts between the residents of these administration
units.195
Due to the short occupation period, the changes initiated by Italians did not last long when Häile
Selässie came back with the British Army to liberate Ethiopia, a few of those settled in the
surroundings fought on the Italian side against the reinstatement of the what they assumed as
oppressive rule of the Emperor. According to informants, the Oromo fared relatively better under
the Italians which helped them, at least temporarily, to rebuild the pride and self-esteem that has
been eroded under the Mênelik and Häile Selässie rules.196
193
National Archive Folder No. 17-1-1-291-02
194
Negarith Gazeta.Administrative Decree No. 1 of 1942. For the details of the divisions of Härär and
wäräda; National Archive. Folder No. 17-1-1-291-02; See also Appendix XVII.
195
National Archive. File No. 17-7-23-08.
196
Informant: Wehib Ahmed.
74
1941 is a special year in Ethiopia social, economic and political history. It marked the demise of
five years of Italian colonialism making Ethiopia as the only African independent country.197
After the Italian colonial administration failed, Härär was administered within the Härärghe
province, especially with the surrounding area of the city. As I elucidated elsewhere above, the
regime was not willing to share power with the city‘s residents. The administration issued decree
in 1942, and according to Markakis only members of the royal family were given the full title of
governor general. Markakis‘s argument seems plausible when one realizes that Emperor Häîlê
Siläsie bestowed on Prince Mäkonen Häîlê Silläsie the title of Mäsfin of Härär –which was
translated as the Duke of Härär. The governorate general included Balé, an äwräjä, from 1933-
1957, with brief interruption during the Italian Interlude. Since 1958 the position of Duke of
Härär was given to the son of the late Prince Makonnen, Prince Wasan-Sagad Makonnen,198
while the provinces were governed by the enderassés. Based on the archival evidence, the names
of the governors of Härär following the Italian colonial period to end of Emperoror‘s period are
listed below:
- Afä Mäsfin Andargachew Mesay (Later ras) (1941-1942)
- Ţassew Wallellu (1942- 1945)
- Blatta Ayälä Gäbré (1946-1955)
- Däjazmach Kefle Yergețu (1956- 1961)
- Lieutnant Colonel Tamrat Yegezu (1962-1965)
- Lieutnant General Käbädä Gäbré (1965-1968)
- Däjazmach Wärkineh W/Amanuel (1969-74) 199
197
Bahru Zewde. A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1974. (London: James Curry, 1991), pp. 86,145-
146.
198
Markakis, John. Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity. (Oxford Studies in African Affairs. Addis
Ababa: Shama Books printing press, 2006), p. 352.
199
The list may not be as exhaustive as required since the sources are not much helpful to trace the
whole list. Different archival letters found in the National Archive and Häräri Regional State
Archives are utilized to trace the list of the Deputy Governor Generals (the last four were
75
As can be observed from the list, the local Oromo and Häräri were totally excluded from
appointment as enderassé of the province. The system alienated them from administrating their
own affairs and forced them to remain under alien administration. The new rulers were different
from much of the population of the province in terms of religion, ethnic identity, language and
above all political culture.200
1.3. Return of Emperor Haile Silassie I and Absolutism 1941-74
Ultimately, the Italian colonial rule ended in 1941 in the entire country. Emperor maintained his
former administrative system and approached his people in his former frame of mind. Having
experienced the Italian rule in the country the people have witnessed the existence of different
way of administration, hoped for independence and better administration.201 Singing for
liberation everyone hoped it may bring a new chapter to the country‘s political administration
and social life.
The restoration of Häîlê Sîlässie to the throne, and the post-war decades of 1941-74 constituted a
resumption of the era of absolute monarchy, but was fraught with regional uprisings and revolts
by the major nationalities demanding that the right of national identity can no longer be denied
and that one part of the country could not impose its views on the rest. 202 The Ethiopians saw the
return to absolutism, injustice, which caused civil and ethnic subjugation, famine and the
consequence of this autocracy and tyranny, which in turn instigated popular resistances for
instance, the 1961 coups d‘état attempt. The locals were forced to use Amharic language in the
court of Sharia and schools, and were not appointed to higher offices, even at the level of the
administration of Härär. The Häräri‘s sent delegates to the Emperor, to present their complaints
and to submit to him to protect religious freedom and equal rights to citizens.203 However, the
enderassés). Besides, the photos of these governors along with the years in office were posted in
the private Museum of Abdella Sherif in Harär.
200
Informant: Abdulqadir Abdurahman.
201
Muhammed sayid, seenaafi qabsoo Oromootaa (finffine: HY international printer, 2004), p.12 &13.
202
R. Greenfield, Ethiopia: A New Political History, (London: Pall Mall Press, 1965), pp. 271-276.
203
Rahaji Abdella, ―The Kullub-Hannolato Movement by the Häräri, 1946- 1948.‖ Senior Essay, (Addis
Ababa University: Department of History, 1994), p. 43.
76
Emperor‘s response was that the requests would be attended to by the governor, Blattä Ayyele,
implying not only the rejection of the request, but also indirectly confirming the policy was by
imperial design and, not that of Blatta.204 In fact, but to the surprise of the Häräris, the
prosecution by the Blatta was further reinforced to the extent that they were even forbidden to
hoist the Ethiopian flag on Muslim holidays. And naturally, the Häräris refused to accept the
autocratic rule of Häîle Silassîe, individually and in groups and resisted subjugations and violent
reaction ensued. As an instance, Sheikh Ibrahim Gatur struggled against Emperor Häîle Silassîe‘s
government since 1941.205
In the archive records consulted for this study, there are evidences which indicate some
government officials harboured concern and fear and were suspicious of the Häräris. A letter
from Aklilu Dejene to the Emperor dated February 3, 1944 reveals such suspicion and bad
feeling the official had for the Häräri. In his letter, he indicated that the Häräris were plotting
against the government and were rallying other ethnic groups in their plot. He described them as
the ―central motors‖ of the region and pointed out that they had been assured that the Somalis
might be allied with them.206 He also made the Häräris responsible for the resistance and
insurrections of the Oromo people in Härärgêy which had become prevalent in the early 1940s.
He finally suggested uprooting as many Häräris as possible from their land and settling them into
other ―Amhära country‖ to quell their movements. And accordingly, these transfers began to be
implemented adroitly.207
204
Informan: Bereket Teshoma; Rahaji. Abdella, ―The Kullub-Hannolato Movement by the Häräri,
1946- 1948.‖ Senior Essay, (Addis Ababa University: Department of History, 1994), p. 43.
205
Markakis, p.159.
206
Haräri Regional State Archive Folder No.1262.Letter Written to Lt Kebede Gebre, enderassé of
Harär on Hamle 3 1952 E.C by Garada Abdurahman Ahmed Aboň. He indicated that after the
Italian conquest the Imperial Government of Ethiopia had totally forgotten the Häräri, as opposed
to the special attention given in the pre-war period and then he hinted that was why the Häräri
became rebellious and engaged in anti-state activities as they simply became victims of foreign
influence which was anti-Ethiopian central government.
207
Archive in Haräri National Regional State Administrative Office. Folder No.1262 (Letters Written
by Aklilu Dejene to Emperor on Teqemet 17, 1935 (October 27, 1942).
77
In this new distribution of land, the Šhäwän Oromo and the Amhära (with no relation with
landowner) were excluded from the Härär farmland. Because the Häräri landowner suspended
the Šhäwän Oromo, they chose the Oromo they already knew, i.e., the Oromo of Härär. The
Šhäwän Oromo‘s and Amhärä‘s were allowed only to claim land held by their fathers.
Confirming the same fear is one of the reports by the Endarassé of the province, Blata Ayälä
Gäbré on Miyazia 18, 1938 E.C. It was written to the concerned higher officials to bring an early
solution to the problem as delay would have potentially dangerous implications.208
As circumstances suggested that, Härär went back to feudal system of tenure. Furthermore,
heavy taxes were imposed on chat and coffee products.209 Consequently, the local population
started to move to the lowlands, where most of the inhabitants were Somali and Muslim or
further to the localities defined as the ‗allied reserved area‘ [Ogaden]. In these lowlands people
only pay nomad taxes and other reasonable taxes and were immune from service either
themselves from heavy taxation or oppressive act until 1954. After this year people expressed
concern and dissatisfaction related with both political and economic actions of the central
government.210
When British look over Häräri from Italians, the Häräri had asked the British to give them the
administration of Härär, before the administration of the Emperor‘s government was established.
Hence, this incident shows that there was a feeling hatred toward the central government. 211
The circumstantial evidence shows that because of opposition the Häräri established organization
and resisted the regime. There is an argument today that those opposing groups started a
movement of the Häräri clan. However, the Oromo informants denied this. According to sources,
Häräri was denied governing by central administration. A direct translation of a letter written by
Governor General of Härär – Prince Mekonnen Duke of Härär is here: ―Some advice on Adäre
208
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 144/21 The report was titled ―Yä HärärAwraja Gezat Yager Astedader Ena Tsetita
Atebabek Guday‖ ―Härär Awraja Administrative and Security Affairs‖.
209
Ezkiel, p.44.
210
Informants: Abubaker Abdulhamid, Desta mellion, Hassen Ali, Mulualem Desta, Usman Jara.
211
Ibid, Yahya Abdullahi, 1998: Aner, magazine by DD Adagar.
78
[Häräri] Muslims who resides in Härär city and their intention not to be governed by the
Ethiopian government‖212
Like the Häji Ahmed Aboññ, the prominent Häräri elder of post-1940‘s years, served as bridge
between the government and people was also Häji Baräso. He was from Häräri clan; he was
considered as among the elite, elder and prominent among the people of Härär. However, he was
pro-Häîlê Sîlässîê government. He played vital role during the offer by the British for Härär to
choose between becoming part of British protectorate or to continue as part of Ethiopia. Related
with Emperor‘s return, Baräso allowed assuming the title of qägnazmäch.213 Different
armaments were hidden by the Häräri people in city and by some Oromo people in rural area.
Related with this, according to informants, many youths were killed and repressed by the
regime.214 The Häräri people who were less numerically and a minority in their homeland were
amalgamed with the Oromo and other people in a forced discrimination.215 According to archive
sources, large numbers of Häräri were imprisoned, flogged, their properties confiscated, their
family life shattered, uprooted and impoverished. Many of them escaped to Somalia and Egypt,
left their home through force. Many oral sources elucidate about the Oromo also, however the
archival sources were about the Häräri clan. 216
1.4. Religion and social interaction

Religion is a major source of division in Ethiopian society especially, through identity
construction. These narratives have been proved by chronicles, travel accounts and secondary
212
Sharif Museum. የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ No 23/55 No Folder “yê täläyayu yê hîzbi Gudäy.
213
Amîr Yonis, 2013: Yê-Misräk Färtôch, Haräri Culture, Heritage and Tourism Bureau, Dire Printing,
Dire Dawa.
214
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 46/55 የ.ወ.መ.ቀ 44/55. Informants: Abdala sherif, Abdurazaq Dolal and Umar Xirso.
215
Informants: Hailu Mängäsha, Usman Jara.
216
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. Folder No.9793, file No.
36 (refere also appendix VII).
79
material at different times.217 Mostly the Häräri people were Muslim if we trace their history
back in the literacy sources. There was an exception, the Oromo who immigrated as waqêfatä
and were subsequently converted to Islam, a process which was not completed before 1970‘s.
Fragmentary sources suggest that the spread of Islam among the Oromo people was mainly by
migration of trader‘s adventurer who settled in their midst.218
Related with my topic, both groups have been practicing the same religion since the beginning of
the 20th century (See Appendix I for further details). The Islamic culture is related with faith or
the new faith, which they locally call Wähäbîyä and Ähabäšh or Sufîsm which emerged since the
late 1940‘s and 1950‘s. According to my informants who were religious leaders, the Oromo and
Häräri pilgrims mainly gather at the saints‘ shrines for the birthday of prophet (Mowlud al Nabi)
and for thanksgiving after harvests. These kinds of thanksgivings were held popularly until
recently. Even today, most of Oromo from outside Härär city come to the shrine and
thanksgiving. Häräri, Oromo and other people come to one prominent shrine found inside Jêgôl
name called Aw Abädir Shrine. However, related with emergence of different religion faith,
some of these forbade the shrines, especially from the Oromo‘s who follow the Wähäbîzm faith.
The greatest celebrations at the Aw Abädir are common one associated with Abdu-Al-Kadir al-
Jalani. The Abädir Käramä (miracles) gift and graces with which Allah equips his saints, is not
regarded as very important. That is why only people of the vicinity of Härär come to pray and to
celebrate at the shrine.219 Majority of these did not do ziyara Abädir and at other shrines
doubting whether they were breaking the faith rule if they do attend. 220 Bearing this in mind,
those who practice it comment that this ritual is addressed to the entire congregation, it deals
with earthly matters, and it reflects the motives of pilgrims to the shrine of Sheikh Abädir as
follows:
217
Brooks, Miguel, f, 1965. A Modern Translation of the Kebra Nagast, Lawrenceville, N.J: Red Sea
Press, p. 121-3.
218
Trimingham, p.149.
219
Informants: Hamid Alisho, Hassan Ali, Jamal Ali.
220
Informant: Malaganat Yitbarek.
80
Xiqqä guddän wal hä jälatu May the young and the old love each other
Ilmi abbä hä beeku May children know their fathers
Ilmmi hädha hä beeku May children know their mothers!
Waljibbän hä dhabamttu May hatred disappear
Hajän kee hunduu guutuu hä tätu221 May all your wishes be fulfilled
Both the Häräri and the Oromo are predominantly Islam. Regardless, almost all Häräri practice
the Sunni Islam which centrally believe in coexistence between Islam and Christianity. However,
like other Oromo, the Oromo of Härär were practicing what is locally called Wähäbîyä, which
denies the intercessory power of holy men. In religion practice, there is a huge different
regarding Practicing the religion. 222
Häräris practice Sufism, which is a more tolerant form of the dominant Shafin (Sunni) Islam.
Although followers of the more fundamentalist Wähäbî Islam, often trained in Saudi Arabia,
have been in Härär for a long time, it is only recently that they have attracted a significant
following, particularly of young Oromo men who use Wähäbîsm as a channel for their
grievances.223
It is popularly said that ninety-nine mosques existed inside Jêgôl, but according to the culture
and tourism bureau report, there are eighty-three mosques.224 In any case, these variation in
within the religion in the city was a new phenomenon, because my elders‘ informants from both
clans told me that they inherited a single Islam religion. That means in another word, in previous
221
Informant: Dawit Hussein, I wrote directly through Afaan Oromo‘s because, both my informant from
Oromo people, the Rituals message were almost the same with Häräri language.
222
Ibid, Mohammed Hassan ―The City of Härär and the Spread of Islam Among the Oromo in
Härärghe.‖ A Paper Presented at an African Studies Association Annual Meeting, (Philadelphia,
November 11-14, 1999), pp.3-5. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/355437 Accessed: 28-12-
2017 11:34 UTC.
223
Informant: Mulualem Desta.
224
Häräri BoFED, 2010, pp.5-6.
81
time, no Wähäbîyä faith or any other of those was practiced. There is only Sunni Muslim; they
go to shrine to visited shrines what is called in religion name ziyara, like the Orthodox Christians
visited the religious places. In Härär, regarding the Islam religion, the controversial act was what
caused the recent uprising. My informants claim the events were recent because they know they
didn‘t inherit from their parents varieties of the faith like the Wähäbîyä group making today. 225
For example regarding celebrating the birthday of the prophet (PBUH), the Wähäbîyä restricted
it, making it is Haram (forbidden) or bida. However, Häräri elders and some Oromo elders, those
who lived in the city of Härär, know that this group who restricted this act came in the past six or
seven decades. Some say the first Ähabäšh came over fifty years ago, during the imperial years,
and that the government chased them out. Others said that if a Häräri becomes Wahäbi, he is
ostracized by his community.226
That cult of saints tends to be a cult of the poor and downtrodden, in material as well as in social
terms. Not only in terms of conversation about Islam religion, there was also good relation
between Islam and Orthodox Christians in the city of Härär as well as near Härär city in the old
time. Since the old time, people of the different groups, like Somali, Oromo, Häräri and others
peacefully gathered at the same shrines. They were places where the use of weapons is strictly
banned. Also, religious tolerances were observed. As one my informants observed, ―I saw
Orthodox Christians at Muslim shrines in my birthplace called Ĉhêrchêr‖ (environs of Härär
city) who where obviously hoping to get access to the baraka (blessings) of saints.227 And vice
verse, the other informant told me that he also visits the Christian pilgrimage center popularly
known as Qulubi (near Härär city).228 There is a widespread belief that whatever provoked
violent actions at holy places is the devil‘s companion and will be condemned. However,
according to elders the religious controversies between followers of different faiths were recent
phenomena.229
225
Informant: Abdallah Sharif, Hassen Ali, Yusuf Abdusemed, Zeyneba Kamil.
226
Ibid.
227
Informants: Adam Abdi, Desta mellion, Tawaduda Abubaker, Usman Jara.
228
Informants: Bereket Teshoma, Malaganat Yitbarek.
229
Informants: Jamal Ali, Yusuf Abdusemed.
82
In the recent past, the cultural interaction and integration were the common heritage of the city.
There is no colour prejudice at all. The interaction and integration between Häräri and Oromo in
the city, right from the primary school, secondary and higher levels are fairly tolerant in recent
past. Besides schools, there have been much more interaction in many places and many sectors
like in trade and others.230
The Oromo-Häräri ethnic group‘s interaction involves face to face contact in every social
activity. During the 1960‘s and 1970‘s two schools were prominent in the walled city of Härär.
One found inside Jêgôl by the name called Gêy Madrasa and other Sängabar found in the
environs of Jêgôl. The first was, as the name indicates ‗Gêy‟ majority of student were from the
Häräri, whereas Sängabar, since late 1990‘s served as an Oromo school with the medium of
instruction becoming Afän Oromo.231 However, at both schools the language of instruction was
Amharic at the beginning during the Dêrg period. At the time most of the kids went to separate
schools, i.e., while the Oromo kids went to Sängabar, the Häräri kids went to either Gêy
Madrasä or Aw Abdal (the only school instructed in Arabic at a time). While the schools for
Häräri and Oromo kids taught up to grade eight; the curriculums were almost the same but in
Gêy Madarsä they took religion course, and in Sängabar they did not. My Häräri informants,
elaborated it is not obligatory during their time, in 1980‘s to attend any schools. But their parents
cared and wanted them to learn their culture, language and identity. That is why they registered
us at select schools.232 There are more interethnic social gatherings and interactions especially
for the young people in the school. A plural society is not theory in Härär, but rather a way to
describe the diversity of the ethnic groups. Social interaction now goes beyond the market, which
also existed before several centuries in the city of Härär.233
One of the most important Häräri interaction with the Oromo were the cultural veneration days
in the city that are celebrate annually, which is focused on participation of all ethnic groups, but
majority of them related with Islamic religion. For example, Hišhäshô, is veneration together,
230
Ibid.
231
Informant: Temesgen Oljira.
232
Informants: Nuria Abdullahi, Rawda Husien.
233
Informants: Abdulatif Ahmed, Nuria Abdullahi, Temesgen oljira, Rawda Husien.
83
Môwlûd celebration (birthday of prophet) and the latest one is which invited by the current
government, the Häräri national day, which is celebrated every July 4 annually by the people of
Häräri descent from around the world, especially this day is unique among the Häräri diaspora.
The other was Ashûrä (hyena feeding) celebration. It was very interesting with the Häräri people
but also those from aboard, which involves feeding hyena delicious porridge once in a year. My
informants‘ comment it is related with the prophecy that goes like this: if the hyena finished the
porridge, the Häräri people expected the year as good, and if the hyena took only half of porridge
or doesn‘t consume it at all, it is interpreted as bad omen and the year would be considered as
unlucky.
For centuries, people in Härär have lived side by side with hyenas, one of the world‘s deadliest
land predators. They call them young priests. Every new year in the Arabic calendar, they make
porridge feast for them in the four corners of the city.234
CHAPTER FOUR
1. PATTERNS OF INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTIONS DURING

DÊRG PERIOD (1974-1991)
1.1. Survey of Political Organizations in Härär
In the preceding chapter, I discussed the symmetric ethnic interaction through social and
economic perspective. In this part the discussion will be focused on political aspect between the
Häräri and the Oromo people in the region. After the defeat at Čällänqo, both Häräri and Oromo
did not stop resistance, especially the Häräri opposed the central administration system because
before the coming of new administration they had their own administration system lead by their
amîr.235 By the amalgamation of Jam‟iya al-Wataniya al-Kheiriya and Firmach the Watäni
234
Ibid
235
Ayub Abdullahi, 2011: Yä‟Haräri Hezb Särä-Čeqona Tegel (Bä ČälänqoŢornät Lay Yatäkorä),
Harär: Haräri Bureau of Culture, Heritage and Tourism, p 14-15.
84
Association was established in 1926 in Härär. The Watäni were formed not only by the Häräri
but also consisted of the Oromo of Härär as well. According to Wehib, an extract from the report
is quoted here for the important message it delivers:
The Watani inherited from its predecessor, the Firmäch, the stress and dedication to
education, not only to ensure the return of the Häräri youth to the patriotic fold, but also,
as the most effective means of the immediate and long-term development of the Häräri
nation. They further initiated a wider programme of extending comprehensive education
in their region by providing scholarship to the children of the Oromo, thereby expanding
the Häräri/ Oromo fraternal base.236
My informants, in elucidating their suspicion, told me that; because of they were religious
educators they fled to place where Muslim community were predominant and joined with rebel
groups, like in Somalia.237Later in 1943, another group was formed under the name Kulub in
Mogadishu by Häräri and Oromo elite, especially by those who fled and survived during the
Italian time. This didn‘t last long; it changed to ‗Somali Youth League‘ in 1947, because the
majority of the members who later joined them were from of Somali descent. But a prominent
Häräri educator told me that because of that situation the majority of the group returned to Härär
and joined a Häräri uprising that lasted for two years. Perhaps it could be considered as the
vanguard of the uprisings in the country in the 20th century. The aim of the uprising was to gain
national freedom and self-administration. Many Häräri were returnees from Egypt according to
archive sources (See Appendix XI).238 Those arrested were sent to prison found in different
provinces in the country. The Oromo reflect through the following verse the ruthlessness of what
the regime did to the Kulub members:
Afän Oromo Gross

Dûbbî gäffa kulub ka dhîrti ittî the case of kulub for which men were
dhûmte sacrificed
Gaffäs adarênfa lafära yôm haftê the time Adäre [Häräri] were eliminated
236
Wehib Ahmed, History of Härär and the Haräris (Harär: Haräri Culture Tourism and Heritage
Bureau, 2015), p.150.
237
Informant: Mohammed Yusuf.
238
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. ―Bêtîfät Mîknîyat Sîle
Täserut Adäre Islämoch Nîbret Mêlqäq”file no 14, no.5, Informants: Ahmed Zekaria.
85
Hêddû Itôpiyän chubûdhan Ethiopia‘s criminally oppressing
mîdhamte we Kottu [Oromo] have more to our
Nu kottûn [Oromo] wa sîla aman repression
nû idatû subjugation trouble and beaten badly
Ĉhînki räkko midha chubudhän nû we see our trouble but could not dare to
nyätê speak
Lalän nûfakäte sodäne dûbbatu
The government investigation revealed the extent of the underground movement of the Anolato-
Kulub, which had cells in Härär and Dire Dawa. It was found that these cells were preparing
guerilla warfare to liberate Härär. Young Häräri men set up branches of the association in Arab
countries and started buying armament and smuggling into Ethiopia. The secret was revealed by
one of the members of the Kulub.239
Archival source suggests that the government imprisoned, tortured and impoverished some
members. As tradition holds, the Häräri elders requested the Emperor to release these peoples.
The government took different measures against those arrested. First they confiscated their
properties. The archives in Härär depict numerous cases of confiscation of properties that
resulted in social deprivation and impoverishment of many families. The archives state that these
people were imprisoned because of the so called “ye Adärewoch tîfät‖ meaning Häräri
misdemeanour.240 There is also letter that illegally transfers Häräri‘s property to occupiers. Here
is the direct translation of letter found in the regional administration archive, written to Härär
municipality from the central government. A letter pofromthat time states: ―Balämbaräs Welde
Mariäm Welde Michael applied for permission of rist land and house given to him earlier in
239
Informants: Abdosh Ali, Hailu Mangasha, Lulu Cherinet, Mohammed Ahmed, Umar Xirsoo. My
eye witness informants claimed that they had personally talked to those reveal secret and they are
not from one ethnic clan, rather they are from both groups, and most of them were merchants.
240
Ibid, Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. ―Sile Kulub
Mähiber Yemiyaworä Dose. Folder No. 17199 File No. 4.
86
Härär city Sengä bär by (the so called) regulation [confiscation of the property of Häräri
martyrs] …‖ There are signatures241.
The surviving groups established new group called Amäshññ in Härär. The movement was
inspired by fifteen youths and some elders, who were highly concerned about basic issue of
Häräri identity, language and culture. The movement was consisting only people of Häräri
descent. They held meeting at night and basically it was known as a self-help association. It
opened branches in different part of the country like Dire Dawa, Jijiga, and Gûrsûm where
people of Häräri descent lived.242 At the same time, those members (the Oromo) who worked
with the Häräri in Kulub were putting pressure on the government in the environs of Härär.
Lastly those people were a vanguard to establish Mecha Tulama self-help association.243
Informants and written sources assert that the movement adopted a political program, and made
people to oppose the government through demonstration. For example in 1957, around 5000
Häräri openly opposed the government demanding for their democratic and human rights. The
government opposed and arrested some members of Amäshññ leaders and decided to flog them
in public claiming that they had instigated public uprising against the government. 244 The
situation was described as follows:
በርካታ ሰዎችን እሰር ቤት ከመክተታቻው ባሊይ የአዯሬዎችን መዯረሳ [የሙሰሉም

ትምህርት ቤት] ጨምሮ ላልች የህዘብ ንብረቶች በሀይሌ ወሰደት፡፡ በሸሪያ ሲተዲዯር
የነበረው መዯረሳ ወዯ አሌሆነ ትምህርት ቤት እንዱቀየር ተዯረጓሌ፡፡ የሆነ ሆኖ እሰር
ቤት ከመጠን ባሊይ በመሙሊታቻው ምክንያት አንዲንዴ ሰዎች የተሇቀቁ ቢሆኑም
እነዚህ ሰዎች የቁም እስረኛ ስሇነበሩ ዘውተር ጠዋት ጠዋት ፖሉስ ጣቢያ እየሄደ ሀገር
241
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. Folder No. 10171 File
No. 9. Ye mäzägajä betä fäyiloch.see also the Appendix IX, X.
242
Makuria Makasha, ―Tinishuwä Qundô Bärabäre‖ in ye Haräri Amats, Haräri National Congress,
Harär: mega printing enterprise, 2000), p.112-113.) Amharic version.
243
244
Informant: Abdalah Sharif.
87
ሇቆ አሇመሄዲቸው የማረጋገጥ ግዳታ ነበረባቸው፤ ከዚህ ቀጥል አዯሬዎች ያሇ ሌዩ
ፊቃዯ ሐረር ውሰጥ እንዯይኖሩ ተከሇከለ፡፡ 245
Besides jailing these peoples, mädräsä schools (Muslim school) and other public service
were taken over by rebels forcefully. Those Muslim schools were changed to
inappropriate thing. In any case, because prisons were full, some of jailed were released
to stay on house arrest. However, they have an obligation to daily register themselves at
police stations to check whether they were around or not. Then many Häräris were made
to get special permits in order to live in Härär.
Generally, political movements that started 1920‘s in Härär were not successful fading one after
another. For these failures, the Häräri elders mention two key reasons. These were external and
internal political factors. Externally, the central government greatly challenged the movements
and organizations at different times. Internally, the the first challenge was disagreement among
the members. For example, lack of keeping the movement secret and treachery were among the
obstacles for the political movement. What was involved was their alignment with the movement
and sending of their delegates to Somalia and promoting their slogan of Somali Hannolatto and
remaining inside the walled city of Härär. The movement faced lack of planning, managing and
coordinating movements.246
The Dêrg targeted Härär during the red terror time, because EPRP was active in the city. And
some Amashna members participated in EPRP and WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front)
and fought against the Dêrg. In other words, the Häräri movement was on the side of Somalia to
wage war against the Dêrg regime. Wehib elucidating the case says ―A prominent example of
the latter is Colonel Ezedin Yusuf who took an active role during the Ethio-Somali war by
leading the Somali army against the Dêrg.‖ The motto of the movement was related with
Somalia irredentism. Because the actual meaning of name itself called long live Somali.247
1.2. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions
Just like the dramatic social change in last several decades, socially, economically as well as
politically, ethnic interaction in the city of Härär faced change. Due to geographic position they
245
Archives from the Office of Haräri National Regional State Administration. Sile Aderewoch
Guday.File No. 12. (No Folder No.)
246
247
Wehib, p.172.
88
have had for strategic links with the Oromo who were settled around the city. Different ethnic
groups mingled in the city of Härär. Overall, in Härär, cultural differences did not prevent the
various ethnic groups from interacting and integration across ethnic boundaries. For example, it
is not hard to find a Häräri ethnic to speaking Afän Oromo; similarly, the Oromo could speak
Amharic accordingly.248
Figure 8: Oromo women infront of Arab masjid, a big market since 1980‘s (Photo from Arthur
Rimbaud House Museum).
It‘s is not news in city of Härär to see majority of Oromo women who participate in different
trades. Photographs capturing the scenes from more than a century ago are currently available in
Rimbaud Museum.249
Economically, as I mentioned elsewhere above, the Häräri had land before the Dêrg
sanctimonious land proclamation in 1975. One way or another, after this period, trade was the
whole or entire economic engagement in Häräri as well for the Oromo in the city. In the process
of lifestyle changes, inter-ethnic interaction between Oromo and Häräri in the city permanent
settlers has also changed. The interaction has been ambivalent, in that the Häräri and Oromo
248
Informants: Eskender Abdurahman, Wehib Ahmed.
249
Different photo‘s which captured at early time different ethnic groups were available in Arthur
Rimbaud House‘s Museum. Some of photographs related with my topic are included here.
89
traders were mutually dependent economically. The persistence of ethnic identification along
economic specialization not only strengthened ethnic group boundaries and ethnic identities, but
also restricted ethnic groups.250
As a result, each ethnic group had misconception, prejudice, misunderstanding and prejudice of
its own toward other ethnic groups. All these factors apparently contributed to ethnic problems in
the city of Härär, not in the whole ethnic group or rather it was between individuals like in
assumptions of subordination of one ethnic group to the other. Meanwhile, prejudices of ethnic
groups against another persisted even after the autocratic system was eliminated. One of the
prejudices of the Oromo who embraced Häräri culture is known in Oromo language as ―Nii
Adaräwêê‖ ‗he or she became an Adäre‘. Some of the Oromo descent who occupied an
ambivalent position between the Oromo and Sufi Islam ultimately adopted Häräri culture and
identity. The converts are locally called in Afän Oromo ―Qottû [Oromo] Adärôyte‖ who have
been converted to Häräri identity. From the accounts of the sets of Oromo mentioned above we
can see that some informants shifted between resisting and embracing each other.251
In the same manner, there were negative prejudices held by the Häräri related to calling the
Oromo by name argetä and others that are pejorative today.252 For example, when a small Häräri
child acts obnoxiously, one of his elders may say ―mille argetta texunax?‖ which means why do
you act like argetä [Oromo]. Use of some pejorative words for members of ethnic groups who
were unable to pronounce and unable to write in the communities from both sides persisted.
However great change has taken in the city dwellers since the last three or four decades.253 In any
case, the Oromo did not concern themselves with this name since 1970‘s.
Coexistence of several lineage groups in one village has become a common feature in almost
every Oromo settlement. This is also reflected in their personal naming. Today both at personal
and group levels, taking an ethno-name has become a new dimension to group affiliation and
250
Ibid
251
Ibrahim: Adam Abdi, Abdulle, Nuria Abdullahi.
252
Informant: Abdulatif Ahmed.
253
Informants: Aziza Usman, Hamza Yusuf. In my observations, while perhaps still desirable, a
pretence to ethnic exclusivity is difficult to maintain in present day Harär.
90
assertion of ethnic identity. This has been an expression of distinct ethnic boundary maintenance
in relation to others. In the case of Häräri, they do not bear any clan identity as part of personal
names as practiced among the villages (only inside Jêgôl). The element of ethno-naming is a
process of both socio-political and cultural identity making254
As historical continuity, the walled city is a place where the majority of Häräri descent lived.
Later, others like the Oromo and Amhära, and Gurage though less in number and others joined
them. It may be possible to mention places or villages where ethnic groups lived in large
numbers in the city, and most of the names of villages in Härär city reflected ethnic background,
who might have lived in it. According to bureau of finance report, majority of Häräri descent
lived inside the Jêgôl.255 Majority of Häräri lived inside Jêgôl. The Oromo lived in Arateññä or
Gända fêrô. The Amhära were once the dominant group who lived in Shênkor or Beer säfär
(village). However, none of these quarters of the city were completely were for a single ethnic
group, rather they were ethnically homogenous.256
I take most of the above quarters as examples to show neighboorhoods which fundamentally
bond by a sense of place. Neighboring are communities of place. A place ―having a number of
close family members living within walking distance of one another and engaging in the same
ritual and practice according to some calendar,‖257Based on this definition, in Härär, ethnic
boundaries were practice the social sharing between the different ethnic clans. For example,
afôchä was the main means of ethnic integration, especially, during the last three decades.
According to many informants, before fifty or sixthly decades each clan had their own afôchä
community. My Häräri informant told me, that was not obligation to select the person‘s clan, but
for the sake of active communication some of Oromo descent joined the Oromo afôchä. And she
254
Ibid.
255
Haräri People Regional State: Bureau of Finance and Economic Development, Baseline Data (Harär,
2006).
256
Informants: Solomon Hayla Eyasus, Lulu Cherinet, Wehib Ahmed.
257
John G. Bruhn, The Sociology of Community Connections, 2nd ed. (London, New York: Springer
Science Media,2011), p,54,55; found in Pdf at ebooksclub.org. Accessed on March 14, 2018.
91
added, among the Oromo, those from Gara Mulata were not willing to join the Häräri afôchä
than the other‘s Oromo.258
1.3. Häräri -Oromo Coexistence through political Context
In terms of political interaction between two groups, the interaction gained strength after the
region came under the central government. Therefore, Oromo inclusion into the political system
was occurring as an internal affair as well as as external with another group.
Like their neighboring Oromo community in the environs of Härär city, the social structure of
the Oromo of Härär was founded on the Gadä system of the past. A long history of social
interaction among different groups in the region, and harmonious integration between some of
them enhanced the sharing of some cultural elements. Traditions say that the Oromo people
borrowed the administration system from Häräri of what is called amir‟s administration with
which they had a long history of cultural, economic and political relations, and geographical
proximity.259
Moreover, the Häräri clan suspected that the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was a driving force
behind the questions raised by the Oromo. Informants suggest that, in the city of Härär, the
government perceived any popular movement from the Oromo community as being instigated by
OLF. However, the Häräri elite were also members of OLF, for that reason they suffered
different forms of repression from the Dêrg regime in 1970‘s and 1980‘s.260
As far as the reaction from the politicians was concerned, as mentioned above, politically
speaking since the ‗Oromo People‘s Democratic Organizations‘ (OPDO) was established around
1990 the popularity of OLF within the communities had declined. The Häräri‘s struggle for their
rights that began in 1920‘s was weakened and fragmented and was as exiled aboard and not in
the city. They were despondent and later with the transitional government their question was
answered at the last time.261 As I discussed earlier, some OLF cadres considered the Härär
258
Informants: Abdallah Sharif, Jamal Ali, Rawda Husien, Yusuf Abdusemed.
259
Ibid.
260
Informants: Abdurazak Dolal, Abdussamed Idris, Bakri Yuyya, Umar Xirso.
261
Ibid.
92
settlement on Oromia land. Perhaps, that is why still the city serves as the capital of east
Härärghe zone Oromia region beside being the Häräri regional state capital.262 The myth goes
like this: ―Gaddisa odda jalatti ona Afran Qaloo Härär keessatti hoordoftoota baay‟ee keenya
wajjin, kayyoo keenya galmaan gahuu” …i. e., on the shadow of our administration system
(gadä) in ours Afran Qalo land‘s Härär, with our members we should succeed to our target‘ But
the reality related with the current administration system, the Häräri region is an enclave inside
east Härärghe zone, Oromia region.263 The political motives of the Oromo liberation front in
Härär was manifesting Islamic fundamentalist, and for that reason they were not putting great
influence on the people in the city, though generally speaking there were some stories regarding
worries of attack by the OLF.264
In sum, internal dynamics within Oromo groups, such as increased wealth, changes in political
systems, conversions to Islam and subsequent connections to these communities, adoptions and
the ability to integrate into other societies, helped the Oromo to enter Häräri society.265
1.4. The Political Controvercy since Post Dêrg period:
After the fall of the Dêrg regime, the political interaction between Häräri and Oromo was
intensified. The Häräri were claiming to hold the political domination over the others peoples
even though the majority of population in the region was the Oromo and Amhära. 266 The
political question reflects, on the one hand, the tension between the indigenous claims of Häräri
population and, on the other hand, the popularity of OLF in the eastern side of the country
affecting the political situation for a certain period.267 According to Härär Negarit Gazexa which
262
Ibid.
263
Muhammed Sayid, PP.57 &59.
264
Informants: Abdurazak Dolal, Alamu Kabbada and Umar xirso. I don‘t get deeply on this in details,
because the topic is broad and although one can tell similar stories of coexistence throughout this
issue.
265
Ibid.
266
Haräri BoFED, 2010, p.3.
267
Informants: Eskender Abdulrahman, Wehib Ahmed.
93
was published Yekatit 1993 E.C, there were committees to solve any popular uprisings
happening in the city. That is making a regional arrangement between Oromia and Häräri
regional states. Besides, in the draft legislation presented to the parliament, a minority of the
members of the Community Development Committee in the Chamber of Deputies had strongly
opposed the continuation of the services by rural and city dwellers in Härär described the views
of the majority in the following words:
ከአብዘኛው የኮሚቴው አባሊት የሚነገረው ይህ ህግ ሥራ ሊይ ሲውሌ በህዝቡ መካከሌ

ብጥብጥና ዯም ማፋሰስ ያመጣሌ የሚሌ ትችት ተነግሯሌ: ዯም ማፍሰስን
የሚያስከትሇው ያሇ ህግ መኖሩ ነው ወይስ ሁሇቱ ወገኖች በህግ እንዱገናኙ ማዴረግ
ነው::268
As it was reiterated by the majority of Committee Members, if this draft legislation was
to be implemented, it will create turmoil and social unrest to the extent of bloodshed. Is it
to live as an outlaw or to be governed by the rule of law that creates bloodshed?
A tentative solution came when a Transitional Government (TGE) was established and later the
popularity of OLF decreased. However, the Häräri National League (HNL) and Oromo People
Democratic Organization (OPDO) in some way administered the regional political arrangement
to cooperate and control clandestine between the people in the city as well the whole region. The
1991 charter and 1995 constitution gave the rights to the Häräri to establish their own regional
state.269 Ethnic Häräri had control over the government through veto power and reserved seats in
the regional parliament, even though they have now become a minority in their own region.
Traditionally the president is Häräri and the vice president Oromo.270 Moreover, the regional
constitution prioritized the ethnic interaction in the city of Härär. An extract from a report is
quoted here for the important message it delivers: Archive material written at the end of 1990‘s
mentioned to say:
268
HärärNegarit Gazeta, regional states Proclamation No. 24 of 1983 E.C. Vol.41, No. 10.
269
HärärNegarit Gazeta. ―Administrative proclamation.‖ Decree No.6 of 1996, p.53.
270
Camilla, P. 268.
94
የሐረሪ ህዝብ ሲዯርስበት የነበረው ግፍና ጭቆና ሲካፋሌባት የነበረው ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ
ጋር በመሆን የክሌለ አስተዲዯር በጋራ ማቋቋምና መመራት እንዲሇባቸው መሆኑን….
271
The Häräri people who were repressed and had to bear it with the Oromo people in Härär,
has to create regional administration and jointly administrator it...
In October 1992, during the 18th regular meeting of the council of the representatives of the TGE
a discussion on recognition of Härär as a regional was held.272 From this discussion the council
proposed the issues to be seen by community elders of the Oromo and surrounding Oromo
residents. Members consisted of seventeen representatives of HNL and OPDO and other
observers. The following issues were critically analyzed; first recognizing Härär as a city state
comprising urban and rural areas since its earlier period unlike other cities of the country.
Second, the existence of Oromo and Häräri‘s farmers in the rural area, though the Oromo were
the majority.273
The HPNRS constitution divided the power and function of various levels of government.
Accordingly, the HPNRS (Häräri people‘s national regional state) was responsible or had
jurisdiction for socio-economic and political matters, as indicated in the region‘s constitution.
The HPRC, which comprised HPRC (Häräri people‘s regional council) and HNA (Häräri
National Assembly) was the highest legislative organ elected and accountable to peoples. It was
to be recalled that the HNA was also accorded legislative power with respect to culture, language
and history of Häräri, whereas the HPRA didn‘t have legislative power rather it could initiate
draft laws, with respect to region‘s economic and social development, politics and strategies.
According to Iskender, the Häräri executive committee (HREC) was the highest executive organ
of the region and comprising seven members elected from candidates nominated by the HPRA
(4) and HNA (3).274 The commite is accountable to the council and responsible for carrying out
271
IES-MS 4243, p.2. yê Haräri higä mêngist rêqîq äwaj.
272
Ahmed Zekaria, ―A short history of Härärin the Haräri revolution,‖ (Addis Ababa: fana democracy
publisher, 2000), p.10.
273
Ibid, p.10-11.
274
Informant: Iskender Abdurrahman,.
95
administrative function. The HPEC plays vital role by initiative and submitting position to the
HPRC. On the other hand, the HPEC formulates rules and orders; moreover, it coordinates, leads
and supervises different sectors and bureaus of the region.275 The structure of political organ is
reproduced here from Häräri Negarit Gazeta of 1995: Structure of the HPNRS the researcher
attempted to put in figure as the following
Voters
HPRSA HREC HNA
V. PRESIDENT PRESIDENT Secretary
Economic Social sector Urban Justice and

sector administrative security sector
sector
Figuree 9: The Governmental Structure of Häräri People Regional State 276
275
Häräri Negarit Gazeta. ―Administrative proclamation‖ Decree No.6 of 1996, pp.20-21.
276
Haräri Negarit Gazeta, No.1.11. September 1995. Amharic, Harär: HPRC.
96
Some Amhära, on the other hand, were not satisfied with the mechanism of representation of
different ethnic group, and hence, demanded some proportional representation and the status of
Härär to be a chartered city like Dire Dawa, which is directly responsible to the Federal
Government.277 Bearing this in mind, one of the political controversies in Härär was neglecting
one ethnic group through inappropriate political assumption.278 In the city of Härär, the Amhära
ethnic group, those far who were majority than the Häräri, ―did not have their own local saints in
the area.‖279 The consequence was the present political arrangement in which the League claims
all the seats within the city wall and the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) holds
all the remaining seats in the region. From the above explanation, it was not related to their being
Christian. Both HNL and OPDO had active Christian participants because they expected Amhära
were newcomers and they did not share the historical experiences of living in the city.280
277
Ibid, pp.23-24.
278
Informant: Temesgen Oljira.
279
Christine, p.8.
280
Ibid, pp.8-9.
97
CONCLUSION
From the vantage point of Mt. Hakim, the city of Härär resembles an island of houses amid open
country. In many ways, Härär is very much like an island, separated both physically and
symbolically from its neighboring ethnic groups. The Häräri, though sometimes described as
―the Arab descendants‖ by the Oromo in the region, the Häräri, on the contrary call themselves
‗gê usû' "people of the city," call their language ‗gê sînän,' ―the language of the city," and call
their way of life ‗gê ädä,‟ “the custom of the city". Those outside the wall are referred to as
‗dêrgä usû,‘ "wild or uncultured people". The religion of the city, Islam, is its major cultural
connection to many of the surrounding peoples.
As the discussion in this paper clearly shows there is ethnic interaction between Häräri and
Oromo in the city of Härär, from the 16th century onwards. The battle of Čällänqo was a
landmark in the history of the region, because, after the battle, the Häräri-Oromo ethnic relations
based on agriculture called tenancy system. Among the local communities it is expressed as the
land administration through däminä. Even before the coming of Emperor Mênêlîk to the region
overcoming the amir‟s reign, the Häräri were landowners and practiced the äräshi system. The
Oromo peasant worked under the indirect rule of the däminä hierarchy. The political
administration was hosted in the form of gäräd. The administration system concluded under the
central government through Härärghe Tekläy Gizät (governorate general) . Related with this,
different ethnic background emerged in the city at the beginning of 20th century, besides the
Häräri and Oromo ethnic groups.
Among other things, trade has been the main factor to ethnic interaction in Härär in the past time.
Härär was a strategic place for trade in early times that was visited by different people from
abroad. For that reason, both ethnic groups were vulnerable to cultural influence since the
beginning of 20th century. The Oromo in Härär practice some form of gadä system as related
with administration with Häräri people. The majority of Häräri adopted some foreign culture,
like clothing, languages and others. Later, the Amhära provincial and military administration,
and eventually the Italian colonial period have all left their marks on the culture of the city which
has and has brought about some level of transformation among the ethnic groups in the region.
Historically, the Häräri were traders and the Oromo were leading agrarian form of life. There
were local trade routes to Härär and the surrounding Oromo area. From these the important ones
98
remembered by the communities today were the trade routes that ran through from Härär east
passing through Činäksän, Järsô, and continued to the sea coast. By the beginning of the 20th
century, most of the Oromo in the Härär were sedentary agriculturalists, while most of Häräri
were traders. Ethnic interactions during Emperor Häîlê Sîlässîê I period (1930-19740 were based
on cultural relations rather than land related like prior to that period.
The local structure of the local community derived primarily from relationship three dominant
institutions: Ahlî, friendship and male and female afôchä. Häräri use the term afôchä to describe
the relationship and obligation, they have with the people who live around them. Afôchä are
communal organization formally concerned with wedding and funerals. It is a great important to
maintain the Häräri and the Oromo way of life in both formal and informal aspects.
In terms of Religion, both peoples were practice Islam. However, there were differences in
varieties of the faith that created controversies beginning in late 1940‘s and in 1950‘s that is
locally called Wähäbîyä and Ähabäšh or Sufism. The city ethnic interaction was developed from
schools and villages between the two groups. In Härär, different schools existed, from the time of
Häîlê Sîlässîê these schools were attended by students of different ethnic backgrounds.
Lastly, ethnic interaction during the Dêrg period, focused on political views. Perhaps, the social
and cultural interaction was exacerbated in this period. However, the landmark of this era was
more political controversies beside social ethnic interactions. Related with the regime‘s
repression, the Häräri left their homeland to flee to abroad and the numbers of Häräri people
became minorities. Later the Dêrg was removed and there was struggle on the right of ownership
of the city, especially between the Häräri and the Oromo. However, a tentative solution was
given by the transitional government and both established political parties to hold or share
administrative power of the region mutually. Generally, my thesis argued that the peaceful
coexistence of the Häräri and the Oromo in Härär had often been championed without taking into
consideration the significant conflicts. Our approach seeks to acknowledge the obvious tensions
that made the achievement of relative peace even more remarkable.
99
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Unpublished Materials
1.1 Archives
National Archive and Library Agency (NALA)
Folder No. 1.2.40.07. Yê wîci zêgôch: Amharic version
Folder No. 17-1-1-291-02
File no. 17.1.7.37.06
File No. 01-01-09.03
File No. 17-7-23-08.
Folder No. 17-1-1-291-02
100
Folder No.17.1.7.15.06. ―Yê Häräryê zara gind‖ Amharic version
Institution of Ethiopian Studies Archives (IES)
IES, MS-4774 ―silä Härärkêtäma,” Amharic Version.
IES, MS-1974
IES-MS,919.
IES-MS, 922 Amharic version.
IES 00794 (A) no title, no Author. Amharic version.
EIS, MS- 4774 ―yê Härär achir tärik
Sherif Härär private Museum
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 23/45 “yê täläyayu yê hîzbi Gudäy”
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ No 44/55
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 46/55
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 41/46 no title Arabic version
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 42/46
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 12/55
የ.ሻ.መ.ቀ 15/61 the report was titled ―Yä HärärAwraja Gezat Yager Astedader Ena Tsetita
Atebabek Guday” ―Härär Awraja Administrative and Security Affairs‖
Häräri National Regional State Administrative Office Archive (HNRAO)
Archives of Häräri National Regional State Administrative Office, File No. 16582 and 3772.
Folder No.1262.Letter Written to Lt Kebede Gebre, enderassé of Häräron Hamle 3 1952 E.C by
Garada Abdurahman Ahmed Aboňň.
No Folder No. File No. 21.
Folder No.1262 ―Selä Aderewôch Gudäy”
Folder No.10290 ―Härär Folder No. 10171 File No. 9 Kätäma Hizbôch”
101
No Folder No. File No. 101
Folder No.1262
No folder no, files no. 5 and 14 ―Betîfät Mîknîyat Selä Täserut Adäre [Häräri] Islamôch Nîbret
Meleqeq”
No folder No File No. 16666.
Folder No.9793, file No. 36
Folder No. 17199 File No. 4 ―Sêlä Kulub Mähîber” Yemiy Seläwora Dose
Folder No. 10171 File No. 9
Folder No.1262 File No. 22
Folder No. 17199 File No. 4
Folder No. 10171 File No. 9. ―Yê mäzägäjä bêtä fayiloch‖
Folder No.35448
Folder No. 8568 File No 15 about ―Härär Awraja Administrative and Security Affairs
1.2 Theses and Dissertations
Abbas Ahmed. ―A Historical Study of the City-State of Härär 1795-1875.‖ M.A thesis, Addis
Ababa University: Department of History, 1992.
Bedri Kebir. ―A History of the Afrän Qällo Oromo.‖ Senior Essay. Addis Ababa University:
Department of History, 1995.
Brook, Clarke Harding. ―Settlement of the Eastern [Oromo] Härärge Province, Ethiopia.‖ PhD
Dissertation in Geography, Lincoln Nebraska, 1956.
Ezekiel Gebissa. ―Consumption, Contraband and Comodification: A History of Khat [Ĉhät] in

Härärghe, Ethiopia.C.1930-1991.‖ Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University,1997.
Gibb, Cammila. ―In the City of Saints: Religion, Politics and Gender in Härär, Ethiopia.‖ Ph.D.
dissertation in Social Anthropology, Oxford University, 1996.
102
Ibsa Ahmed. ―A History of the Itu Oromo 1880s-1974.‖ M.A. Thesis Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa
University, 2007.
Mekonnen Tamiru. ―The History of Garrison Town: Gurawa 1889-1974.‖ Senior Essay Addis
Mohammed Hassen. ―The Relation between Härär and the Surrounding Oromo‖ Senior Essay
Addis Ababa University: Department of History, 1973.
Oljira Tujuba. "Oromo-Amhär Relations in Horro Guduru Awraja Northeastern Wellaga C.

1840-1941." MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1994
Rahaji Abdella. ―The Kullub-Hannolato Movement: Häräri 1946- 1948.‖ Senior Essay Addis
2. Published Materials
2.1 Books
Afaandi Mutaqi. Härär Gey: Ethnographic Survey of the Town and its people (Amharic). Härär:
Häräri Culture Tourism and Heritage Bureau, 2012.
Ahmed Zekaria, A short history of Härär in the Häräri revolution, Häräri National Congress,
Addis Ababa: fana democracy publisher, 2000.
Asafa Jalata, Oromia and Ethiopia: State Formation and Ethno-national Conflict, 1868-1972
Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1993.
Asmarom Legesse, Gadä: three approaches to the study of African society. Washington, DC:
Free press, 1973.
Bahru Zewde. A History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1991. 2nd ed. Oxford: James Curry, 2001
Braukamper, Ulrich. Islamic History and Culture in Southern Ethiopia. Collected Essays.Verlag
Munster, 2004
Diriba Damuse. Ilälchä Oromo: Bärrô. Ädä Sênä fi Amantä Oromo Finfine: IIsabaa printing
presss, 2015.
Häile silase I, Hiwotenä yä ityopiä irmijä, Addis Ababa: Birhanina selam, 1973
103
Huntingford, G.W.B, the Gloroius Victories of Amda Tsion king of Ethiopia Oxford: Clardon
Press, 1965
Markakis, John. Ethiopia: Anatomy of Traditional Polity. Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2006
Mohammed Hassen. The Oromo and the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia: 1300-1700. Boydell &
Brewer: Cambridge University Press, 2015
____________. The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1990.
Muhammed Sayid. Seenaa fi qabsoo Oromootaa Finffine: HY international printer, 2004.
Pankhurst, Richard. Economic History of Ethiopia 1800-1935, Addis Ababa: Häîlê Sîlläsîe
University Press.1968.
Taklasadiq Makurya, Yä Ityopiya Tarik: Kä Aşe Tewodros Eskä Qädamawi Häîlê Selasse, 2nd
Ed, Addis Ababa: Qedus Giyorgis Printing Press, 1951 E.C.
Teshale Tibebu, the Making of Modern Ethiopia 1896-1974, the Red Sea Press Inc.1995
Trimingham, J.S. 1965. Islam in Ethiopia, London: Oxford University Press, 1965.
2.2 Articles in Journals and Conference Proceedings
Ahmed Zekaria. ―Häräri Coins: A Preliminary Survey.‖ In Journal of Ethiopian Studies

Vol.XXI. (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies,1991), pp. 23-46.
Burton, Richard. First Footsteps in East Africa: An Exploration of Härär. Vols.I and II. New
York: Dover Publications, (1956), pp. 33-107.
Caulk, Richard. ―The Occupation of Härär: January 1887.‖ Journal of Ethiopian Studies.Vol.9,
No.2, (1971), pp.1-19.
______________. ―Härär Town and its Neighbors in the 19thC.‖ Journal of African
History.Vol.18, No.3, (1977), 369-386.
Elzabeth. Dorothea, 1982: "The City of Härär and the Traditional Härär House", Journal of
Ethiopian Studies, Vol. XV. (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies), p. 58-59.
104
Mengistu Asfaw. ―The Wall of Härär: An Archaeological and Historical Study.‖ Paper Presented
for the 10thInternational Conference of Ethiopian Studies.Paris,1988
Mohammed Hassen. ―Menelik‘s Conquest of Härär, 1887, and its Effect on the Political
Organization of the Surrounding Oromo Up to 1900.‖ Working Papers on Society and
History in Imperial Ethiopia: Cambridge: African Studies Center,1980), pp.227-246.
___________. ―The City of Härär and the Spread of Islam Among the Oromo in Härärge.‖ A
Paper Presented on African Studies Association Annual Meeting, (Philadelphia, November
11-14, 1999), pp.1-60.
Mustafa Kabha and Haggai Erlich, ―Al-Ahbash and Wahhabiyya: Interpretations of Islam‖,
International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press Nov 2006), pp. 523 & 525.
Seifu Metaferia, ―Sixteen Letters of Ras Makonnen and His Sons to Häji Ahmed Aboññ of
Härär‖ in the Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. II, No. 2. 1974), pp.134-181.
Waldron, Sydney. ―The Political Economy of Häräri –Oromo Relationship, 1559-1874.‖

Northeast African Studies, Vol. 6 (1/2), (1984), pp.23-39.
Wagner, Ewald. ―Three Arabic Documents on the History of Härär.‖ in Journal of Ethiopian
Studies. Vol. XII, No.1., (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1974), pp.213- 224.
2.3 Government Publications
Central Statistics Office National Survey Sample of Arsi, Begemdir, Gojam, Härärge, Illubabor,
Kefa, šhäwä, Sidamo, Wällaga and Wällo (Addis Ababa, 1963-68).
Häräri People Regional State: Bureau of Finance and Economic Development, Baseline Data
(Härär, 2006).
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Population Census Commission Summary and

Statistical Report of the 2007 Population and Housing Census. (Addis Ababa, December
2007), pp.69, 72, 81,
2.4 Encyclopedia obtained from Arthur Rimbaud house museum
105
Abebe Kifle Yesus. ―Argobä Ethnography.‖ in Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol.1, ed. Siedbert
Uhlig, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003), pp. 331-334.
Ewald Wagner. ―Abädir Umär ar-Ridä.‖ in Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol. I, Ed. Siedbert Uhlig,
(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag,2003), PP.4-5.
________. ―Härär history till 1875.‖ in Encyclopedia Aethiopica, Vol. II, Ed. (Siedbert Uhlig,
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005), 1015-1019.
2.5 Newspapers
Addis Zämän. Gênbôt 3, 1951 E.C.
___________. Yäkätit 19, 1965 E.C
Härär Negarit Gazeta. ―Regional states Proclamation.‖ No. 24 of 1983 E.C. Vol.41, No. 10
___________. ―Härär city population and different infrastructures view.‖ No. 24 of 1985 E.C.
Vol.43, No. 12
___________. ―Administrative proclamation ―Decree No. 6 of 1996.
Negarit Gazeta. ―Administrative Proclamation‖ Decree No. 1 of 1942.
___________. ―Land tax proclamation‖ No.70. November 1, 1944.
___________. ―Administrative proclamation‖ Decree No. 6 of 1946.
___________. ―Civil unique‖ Proclamation No.14 of August 1956.
106
LISTS OF INFORMANTS
107
Appendix XVIII: Čällänqo monument founding Oromia region and Häräri region
The Adherent message but different place: Čällänqo monument founding Färas mägälä and
Čällänqo from left to righ
108

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HARARI-OROMO INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION IN THE

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO BAHIR DAR UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL

BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA

BY: CHALA ABDURAHMAN

Advisor: Abebe Dires (PhD)

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

BAHIR DAR, ETHIOPIA

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT

HARARI-OROMO INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION IN THE

Approved by Board of Examiners

________________________ __________ __________________

Advisor Date Signature

________________________ __________ __________________

Internal Examiner Date Signature

________________________ __________ __________________

External Examiner Date Signature

________________________ __________ __________________

Chairperson Date Signature

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................................ 5

KEY TO THE TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM........................................................................... 6

DEFINITION OF LOCAL TERMS (GLOSSARY) ...................................................................... 8

CHAPTER ONE ........................................................................................................................... 15

1. GENERAL BACKGROUND .................................................................................................. 15

1.1. The Geographical Setting ............................................................................................... 15

1.2. The Häräri people and the walled city ........................................................................... 21

1.3. The Oromo in Härär ....................................................................................................... 30

CHAPTER TWO .......................................................................................................................... 34

2. INTRA ETHNIC INTERACTIONS AND THE QUEST FOR INTEGRATION IN HARAR:

2.1. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions: 1887 to 1936 ........................................................ 34

2.2. Oromo-Häräri Intermarriage .......................................................................................... 45

2.3. Cultural Tolerance and Traditional Conflict Resolution Mechanisms........................... 48

CHAPTER THREE ...................................................................................................................... 53

3. INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTION FROM 1930-1974 ............................................................ 53

3.1. Aspect of Amicable Häräri-Oromo Social relationship ................................................. 53

3.1.1. Socio Economic interaction .................................................................................... 54

3.1.3. Socio-cultural practices as inter-ethnic connections and disjuncture. .................... 62

3.3. Return of Emperor Haile Silassie I and Absolutism 1941-74 ........................................ 76

3.4. Religion and social interaction ....................................................................................... 79

CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................................... 84

1. PATTERNS OF INTER-ETHNIC INTERACTIONS DURING DÊRG PERIOD (1974-1991)

1.1. Survey of Political Organizations in Härär .................................................................... 84

1.2. Patterns of inter-ethnic interactions................................................................................ 88

1.3. Häräri -Oromo Coexistence through political Context .................................................. 92

1.4. The Political Controvercy since Post Dêrg period: ........................................................ 93

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................... 100

LISTS OF INFORMANTS ......................................................................................................... 107

Appendix ........................................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.

Declaration .....................................................................................Error! Bookmark not defined.

Figure: 2: Historical market Färäs Mägälä, .................................................................................. 27

Figure 4: Th five gates of Jêgôl wall (in red color) ..................................................................... 30

Figure 8: Examples of forehead jewelry and basketry.................................................................. 66

Figure 9: Oromo women infront of Arab masjid. ......................................................................... 89

Amharic Afaan Oromo Transliteration

II. Palatal Sounds are represented as follows:

Amharic Afaan Oromo Transliteration For example:

Afaan Oromo Transliteration

III. Labial Sounds

IV. Dental Sounds

Afaan Oromo terms

Abbä------------------Religion title among the Orthodox Christian

____

____

____

____