UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PHILOSOPHY

A PRELIMINARY STUDY OF TAGALOG LAGUNA

JOHN OLIVER B. MONGHIT

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
BACHELOR OF ARTS IN LINGUISTICS

MARY ANN G. BACOLOD, PH.D.

ADVISER

DECEMBER 2016
DILIMAN, QUEZON CITY 1101
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This Thesis would not have been possible without the

Help, Support, and Encouragement of

My Family,

Friends,

Batchmates,

UP Samahang Linggwistika (UP SALIN),

and

The UP Department of Linguistics.

This Thesis is dedicated to my

Late Grandfather,

Alter G. Monghit.

Para sa Bayan.

ii
 ABSTRACT

Dialectology is the study of dialects and the Tagalog language is composed of different dialects

that are mutually intelligible. Some of the most notable dialects of Tagalog are Tagalog Manila,

Tagalog Bulacan, Tagalog Rizal, Tagalog Nueva Ecija, Tagalog Batangas, Tagalog Quezon, and

Tagalog Marinduque.

The focus of this study is to describe the variety of Tagalog spoken in the province of Laguna.

Linguistic fieldwork was done in ten towns in Laguna and an elicitation material made especially for

this research was used.

The gathered data were first compared to Tagalog Manila which is considered to be the most

prestigious variety of the Tagalog language. These two varieties were compared in two aspects:

phonology and morphosyntax.

This was followed by a discussion on phonological variation among Tagalog Laguna varieties.

Using a software called Cog, the percentage of phonetic similarity was computed to show the

variation among Tagalog Laguna varieties on the phonological level.

Lastly, this research has also presented how lexical items in each town vary. The forms were

plotted in a map and there were five sets of isogloss made based on the distribution of these lexical

items. The lexical similarity percentage was also computed to show how these towns relate to each

other in terms of the vocabulary they use.

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 LIST OF FIGURES

Map of Laguna 1………………………………………………………………………………………1

Map of Laguna 2………………………………………………………………………………………1
Map of the 10 Towns in this Study……………………………………………………………………6
Distribution of the Word-Medial Glottal Stop………………………………………………………..28
Distribution of the Penultimate Stress………………………………………………………………..32
Graph of the Relationship of Ten Towns in Laguna Based on Phonetic Similarity………………….34
Map for Lolo ‘grandfather’……………………………………………………………………………36
Map for Lola ‘grandmother’…………………………………………………………………………..37
Map for Ama ‘father’………………………………………………………………………………….38
Map for Ina ‘mother………………………………………………………………………………….39
Map for Kuya ‘older brother’…………………………………………………………………………40
Map for Ate ‘older sister’……………………………………………………………………………...41
Map for Tito ‘uncle’…………………………………………………………………………………..42
Map for Tita ‘aunt’……………………………………………………………………………………43
Map for Katawan ‘body’….……..…………………………………………………………………….44
Map for Tenga ‘ear’……….…..………………………………………………………………………45
Map for Leeg ‘neck’……………….……………...……………………………………………………46
Map for Panga ‘jaw’……………………….…..………………………………………………………47
Map for Bagang ‘molars’………………...……………………………………………………………48
Map for Baba ‘chin’………………...…………………………………………………………………49
Map for Balakang ‘hip’……………………..…………….……………………………….…………..50
Map for Balakubak ‘dandruff’……………………..…….……………………………………………51
Map for Biloy ‘dimple’…………………………..……….……………………………………………52
Map for Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’…………...……..……..…………………………………………….53
Map for Gilagid ‘gums’……………..…………………………………………………………………54
Map for Lalamunan ‘throat’…………………………………………………………………………..55
Map for Sinat ‘mild fever’……………………………………………………………………………..56
Map for Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’……………………………………………………………….57
Map for Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’………………………………...………………………………….58
Map for Banli ‘scald’………………………………………………...………………………………...59
Map for Kiliti ‘tickle’…………………………………………………………………………………..60
Map for Hikab ‘yawn’……………………………………………………...…………….……………61
Map for Hilo ‘dizzy’………………………………………………………..…………………………62
Map for Nabulunan ‘to choke’……………………………………………..………….……………..63
Map for Nginig ‘to tremble’………………………………………………….………………………64
Map for Salampak 'to sit on the floor'……………………………………….………………………65
Map for Tagyawat ‘pimple’………………………………………………….………………………66
Map for Pusod ‘belly button'………………………………………………….……………………..67
Map for Noo ‘forehead’……………………………………………………….……………………..68
Map for Batok ‘nape’………………………………………………………….……………………..69

iv
Map for Tiyan ‘stomach’……………………………………………………….……….…………….70
Map for Likod ‘back’…………………………………………………………….…….……………...71
Map for Tuhod ‘knee’…………………………………………………………….….………………72
Map for Pipi ‘mute’……………………………………………………………….….……………….73
Map for Dighay ‘burp’……………………………………………………………..…………………74
Map for Titi ‘penis’………………………………………………………………………...………….75
Map for Pepe ‘vagina’ ……………………………………………………………………..…………76
Map for Hatsing 'to sneeze'…………………………………………………………………..……….77
Map for Paa ‘foot’……………………………………………………………………………..………78
Map for Alakdan ‘scorpion’…………………………………………………………………..………79
Map for Alamang ‘small shrimp’……………………….……………………………………..……...80
Map for Talangka ‘swamp crab’………………………………………………………………..……81
Map for Asung ulul ‘mad dog’……………………….…………………………………………..…..82
Map for Bahaghari ‘rainbow’………………………………………….…………………………..…83
Map for Bangaw ‘fly’………………………………………………………………………………....84
Map for Biik ‘piglet’…………………………………………………………………………………..85
Map for Buko ‘coconut’……………………………………………………………………….…..….86
Map for Kalamansi ‘calamansi’……………………………………………………………..….…….87
Map for Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’…………………………………………………………..………88
Map for Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’…………………………………...………………………..……89
Map for Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’……………………..……………………………………..….…90
Map for Gagamba ‘spider’…………………………………….…………………………….……...…91
Map for Hanip ‘chicken louse’………………………….…………………………………………….92
Map for Ipis ‘cockroach……………………………..………………………………………………...93
Map for Langgam ‘ant’……………………………….……………………………………………….94
Map for Munggo ‘mung beans’………………………..……………………………………………...95
Map for Paniki ‘bat’…………………..……………………………………………………………….96
Map for Saput ‘cobweb’……………………………………………..………………………………...97
Map for Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’………………………………..……………………………………98
Map for Sitaw ‘string beans’…………………………………………………..………………………99
Map for Tuta ‘puppy’……………………………………………………………………….………..100
Map for Ulap ‘cloud’…………………………………………………….…………………………...101
Map for Ambon ‘drizzle’…………………………………………….………………………………102
Map for Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’………………….……………………………………………...103
Map for Tahol ‘to bark’………………………………………….…………………………………..104
Map for Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’……………………………………………………..……...…….105
Map for Suha ‘grapefruit’…………………………………………….……………………………...106
Map for Paru-paro ‘butterfly’………………………………………..…………………….…...……107
Map for Hamog ‘fog’………………………..………………………………………………………..108
Map for Buto ‘bone, seed’…………………………..………………………………………...……...109
Map for Buwan ‘moon, month’……………………………………………….……………………..110

v
Isogloss Set 1: One form for all……………………………………………………………………....111
Isogloss Set 2: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ and
another form in MG-PG-PA-SI-FA………………………………………………………………….112
Isogloss Set 3: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ-MG and
another form in PG-PA-SI-FA……………………………………………………………………….112
Isogloss Set 4: One form in SI and
another form in all the other towns………………………………………...………………………113
Isogloss Set 5: One form in RI and
another form in all the other towns…………………………….………………………………….114
Bundles of Isogloss…………………………………………..……………………………………...114
Graph of the Relationship of Ten Towns in Laguna Based on Lexical Similarity………………….116

vi
 LIST OF TABLES

Cognate Percentage and its Implications………………………………………………………………7

Lexical Roots without the Word-Medial Glottal Stop in Tagalog Manila
but with in Tagalog Laguna…………………………………………………………………………...15
A Minimal Pair with a Different Stress Placement in Tagalog Laguna………………………………15
Roots with Ultimate Stress in Tagalog Manila but Penultimate Stress in Tagalog Laguna…………..16
A Root with Penultimate Stress in Tagalog Manila but Ultimate Stress in Tagalog Laguna…………16
kain ‘to eat’ in -um- Form…………………………………………………………………………….17
Difference between -um- and naː-……………………………………………………………………17
Question Marker in Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna .………………………………………….18
Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna Intensifiers…………………………………………………….18
The Interjections eh in Tagalog Manila and ay in Tagalog Laguna………………………………….19
The Glottal Stop in Anggi ‘rain getting inside’………………………………………………………..22
The Glottal Stop in Baba ‘chin’………………………………………………………………………..23
The Glottal Stop in Dausdos ‘to slide’…………………………………………………………………24
The Glottal Stop in Katawan ‘body’…………………………………………………………………..25
The Glottal Stop in Bagang ‘molars’………………………………………………………………….25
The Glottal Stop in Buto ‘seed’……………………………………………………………………….26
The Glottal Stop in Asung ulul 'mad dog'……………………………………………………………27
The Position of Stress in Imis ‘to arrange’……………………………………………………………28
The Position of Stress in Buwan ‘moon, month’……………………………………………………...29
The Position of Stress in Leeg ‘neck’………………………………………………………………….30
The Position of Stress in Biik ‘piglet’…………………………………………………………………30
The Position of Stress in Hikab ‘yawn’……………………………………………………………….31
Phonetic Similarity Percentage………………………………………………………………………33
Forms for Lolo ‘grandmother’……………………………………………………………………….36
Forms for Lola ‘grandmother’……………………………………………………………………….37
Forms for Ama ‘father’……………………………………………………………………………….38
Forms for Ina ‘mother..……………………………………………………………………………….39
Forms for Kuya ‘older brother’………………………………………………………………………40
Forms for Ate ‘older sister’…………………………………………………………………………...41
Forms for Tito ‘uncle’..……………………………………………………………………………….42
Forms for Tita ‘aunt’…………………………………………………………………………………43
Forms for Katawan ‘body’…………………………………………………………………………….44
Forms for Tenga ‘ear’…………………………………………………………………………………45
Forms for Leeg ‘neck’…………………………………………………………………………………46
Forms for Panga ‘jaw’…………………………………………………………………………………47
Forms for Bagang ‘molars’……………………………………………………………………………48
Forms for Baba ‘chin’…………………………………………………………………………………49
Forms for Balakang ‘hip’………………………………………………………………….…………..50
Forms for Balakubak ‘dandruff’………………………………………………………………………51

vii
Forms for Biloy ‘dimple’………………………………………………………………………………52
Forms for Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’…………...……………………………………………………….53
Forms for Gilagid ‘gums’……………..………………………………………………………………54
Forms for Lalamunan ‘throat’………………………………………………………………………..55
Forms for Sinat ‘mild fever’…………………………………………………………………………..56
Forms for Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’…………………………………………………………….57
Forms for Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’………………………………………………………………….58
Forms for Banli ‘scald’………………………………………………………………………………...59
Forms for Kiliti ‘tickle’………………………………………………………………………………..60
Forms for Hikab ‘yawn’………………………………………………………………….……………61
Forms for Hilo ‘dizzy’…………………………………………………………………………………62
Forms for Nabulunan ‘to choke’……………………………………………………….……………..63
Forms for Nginig ‘to tremble’…………………………………………………………………………64
Forms for Salampak 'to sit on the floor'………………………………………………………………65
Forms for Tagyawat ‘pimple’…………………………………………………………………………66
Forms for Pusod ‘belly button'………………………………………………………………………..67
Forms for Noo ‘forehead’……………………………………………………………………………..68
Forms for Batok ‘nape’………………………………………………………………………………..69
Forms for Tiyan ‘stomach’…………………………………………………………………………….70
Forms for Likod ‘back’………………………………………………………………………………...71
Forms for Tuhod ‘knee’………………………………………………………………………………72
Forms for Pipi ‘mute’………………………………………………………………………………….73
Forms for Dighay ‘burp’………………………………………………………………………………74
Forms for Titi ‘penis’………………………………………………………………………………….75
Forms for Pepe ‘vagina’ ………………………………………………………………………………76
Forms for Hatsing 'to sneeze'………………………………………………………………………….77
Forms for Paa ‘foot’……………………………………………………………………………………78
Forms for Alakdan ‘scorpion’…………………………………………………………………………79
Forms for Alamang ‘small shrimp’……………………….…………………………………………...80
Forms for Talangka ‘swamp crab’……………………………………………………………………81
Forms for Asung ulul ‘mad dog’……………………….……………………………………………..82
Forms for Bahaghari ‘rainbow’………………………………………….……………………………83
Forms for Bangaw ‘fly’………………………………………………………………………………..84
Forms for Biik ‘piglet’…………………………………………………………………………………85
Forms for Buko ‘coconut’…………………………………………………………………………….86
Forms for Kalamansi ‘calamansi’…………………………………………………………………….87
Forms for Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’…………………………………………………………………88
Forms for Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’…………………………………...……………………………89
Forms for Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’……………………..…………………………………………90
Forms for Gagamba ‘spider’…………………………………….……………………………………91
Forms for Hanip ‘chicken louse’………………………….………………………………………….92

viii
Forms for Ipis ‘cockroach……………………………..……………………………………………...93
Forms for Langgam ‘ant’……………………………….…………………………………………….94
Forms for Munggo ‘mung beans’………………………..…………………………………………...95
Forms for Paniki ‘bat’…………………..…………………………………………………………….96
Forms for Saput ‘cobweb’……………………………………………..……………………………...97
Forms for Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’………………………………..…………………………………98
Forms for Sitaw ‘string beans’…………………………………………………..……………………99
Forms for Tuta ‘puppy’……………………………………………………………………………...100
Forms for Ulap ‘cloud’…………………………………………………….………………………...101
Forms for Ambon ‘drizzle’…………………………………………….……………………………102
Forms for Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’………………….…………………………………………...103
Forms for Tahol ‘to bark’………………………………………….………………………………..104
Forms for Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’……………………………………………………..………….105
Forms for Suha ‘grapefruit’…………………………………………….…………………………...106
Forms for Paru-paro ‘butterfly’………………………………………..……………………………107
Forms for Hamog ‘fog’………………………..……………………………………………………..108
Forms for Buto ‘bone, seed’…………………………..……………………………………………...109
Forms for Buwan ‘moon, month’……………………………………………….…………………..110
Lexical Similarity Percentage……………………………………………………………………….115

ix
 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

FA Famy
LI Liliw
MG Magdalena
MJ Majayjay
NG Nagcarlan
PA Paete
PG Pagsanjan
RI Rizal
SI Siniloan
SP San Pablo

x
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………………..ii
ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………………...iii
LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………………….iv
LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………………..vii
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………………….x

CHAPTER 1:INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………..1
1. The Province of Laguna ………………………………………………………………………...1
1.1. The Tagalog Language………………………………………………………………………...2
1.2. Objectives of the Study………………………………………………………………………..3
1.3 Importance of the Study………………………………………………………………………3
1.4. Methodology………………………………………………………………………………….4
1.5. Scope and Limitations of the Study…………………………………………………………...5
1.6. Theoretical Framework………………………………………………………………………6

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE………………………………………………………8

2.1. Contemporary Linguistic Analyses of Tagalog……………………………………………….8
2.2. Tagalog Dialectology…………………………………………………………………………9
2.2.1. Tagalog Marinduque………………………………………………………………….9
2.2.2. Tagalog Rizal…………………………………………………………………………10
2.2.3. Other Varieties of Tagalog…………………………………………………………...11
2.2.4. Internal Reconstruction of Tagalog………………………………………………….12
2.3. Dialectology of Other Philippine Languages……………………………………………….13

CHAPTER 3: COMPARISON OF TAGALOG MANILA AND TAGALOG LAGUNA……………………14

3. Features of Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna……………………………………………..14
3.1. Phonology………………………………………………………………………………14
3.1.1. The Glottal Stop /ʔ/ ……………………………………………………………...14
3.1.2. Stress Placement ..……………………………………………………………….15
3.2. Morphosyntax………………………………………………………………………….16
3.2.1. Verbal Affix……………………………………………………………………...17
3.2.2. Question Marker………………………………………………………………...18
3.2.3. Intensifier…………………………………………………………………….….18
3.2.4. Interjection……………………………………………………………………...19
3.3. Summary………………………………………………………………………………20

CHAPTER 4: PHONOLOGICAL VARIATION IN TAGALOG LAGUNA………………………………21

4. Phonological Variation in Tagalog Laguna………………………………………………….21
4.1. The Distribution of the Glottal Stop /ʔ/……………………………………………….21
4.1.1. Root-Initial……………………………………………………………………..22

xi
 4.1.2. Root-Final………………………………………………………………………23
4.1.3. Root-Medial…………………………………………………………………….24
4.2. Variation on Stress Placement…………………………………………………………28
4.3. Phonetic Similarity Percentage………………………………………………………...33
4.4. Summary……………………………………………………………………………….34

CHAPTER 5: LEXICAL VARIATION IN TAGALOG LAGUNA………………………………………….35

5. Lexical Similarities and Differences…………………………………………………………..35
5.1. Kinship…………………………………………………………………………………36
5.1.1. Lolo ‘grandfather’……………………………………………………………….36
5.1.2. Lola ‘grandmother’……………………………………………………………...37
5.1.3. Ama ‘father’…………………………………………………………………….38
5.1.4. Ina ‘mother……………………………………………………………………..39
5.1.5. Kuya ‘older brother’……………………………………………………………40
5.1.6. Ate ‘older sister’…………………………………………………………………41
5.1.7. Tito ‘uncle’………………………………………………………………………42
5.1.8. Tita ‘aunt’……………………………………………………………………….43
5.2. Body……………………………………………………………………………………44
5.2.1. Katawan ‘body’…………………………………………………………………44
5.2.2. Tenga ‘ear’………………………………………………………………………45
5.2.3. Leeg ‘neck’………………………………………………………………………46
5.2.4. Panga ‘jaw’………………………………………………………………………47
5.2.5. Bagang ‘molars’…………………………………………………………………48
5.2.6. Baba ‘chin’………………………………………………………………………49
5.2.7. Balakang ‘hip’…………………………………………………………………...50
5.2.8. Balakubak ‘dandruff’……………………………………………………………51
5.2.9. Biloy ‘dimple’……………………………………………………………………52
5.2.10. Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’……………………………………………………….53
5.2.11. Gilagid ‘gums’…………………………………………………………………54
5.2.12. Lalamunan ‘throat’……………………………………………………………55
5.2.13. Sinat ‘mild fever’………………………………………………………………56
5.2.14. Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’…………………………………………………57
5.2.15. Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’……………………………………………………..58
5.2.16. Banli ‘scald’……………………………………………………………………59
5.2.17. Kiliti ‘tickle’…………………………………………………………………….60
5.2.18. Hikab ‘yawn’…………………………………………………………………...61
5.2.19. Hilo ‘dizzy’……………………………………………………………………..62
5.2.20. Nabulunan ‘to choke’……………………………………………………….…63
5.2.21. Nginig ‘to tremble’……………………………………………………………..64
5.2.22. Salampak 'to sit on the floor'…………………………………………………..65
5.2.23. Tagyawat ‘pimple’……………………………………………………………..66

xii
 5.2.24. Pusod ‘belly button'……………………………………………………………67
5.2.25. Noo ‘forehead’…………………………………………………………………68
5.2.26. Batok ‘nape’……………………………………………………………………69
5.2.27. Tiyan ‘stomach’………………………………………………………………..70
5.2.28. Likod ‘back’…………………………………………………………………….71
5.2.29. Tuhod ‘knee’…………………………………………………………………...72
5.2.30. Pipi ‘mute’……………………………………………………………………..73
5.2.31. Dighay ‘burp’…………………………………………………………………74
5.2.32. Titi ‘penis’……………………………………………………………………..75
5.2.33. Pepe ‘vagina’ …………………………………………………………………76
5.2.34. Hatsing 'to sneeze'…………………………………………………………….77
5.2.35. Paa ‘foot’………………………………………………………………………78
5.3. Nature……………………………………………………………………………………….79
5.3.1. Alakdan ‘scorpion’………………………………………………………………79
5.3.2. Alamang ‘small shrimp’………………………………………………………...80
5.3.3. Talangka ‘swamp crab’…………………………………………………………81
5.3.4. Asung ulul ‘mad dog’…………………………………………………………..82
5.3.5. Bahaghari ‘rainbow’……………………………………………………………83
5.3.6. Bangaw ‘fly’……………………………………………………………………..84
5.3.7. Biik ‘piglet’………………………………………………………………………85
5.3.8. Buko ‘coconut’………………………………………………………………….86
5.3.9. Kalamansi ‘calamansi’………………………………………………………….87
5.3.10. Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’……………………………………………………88
5.3.11. Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’……………………………………………………89
5.3.12. Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’……………………………………………………90
5.3.13. Gagamba ‘spider’………………………………………………………………91
5.3.14. Hanip ‘chicken louse’………………………………………………………….92
5.3.15. Ipis ‘cockroach………………………………………………………………...93
5.3.16. Langgam ‘ant’………………………………………………………………….94
5.3.17. Munggo ‘mung beans’………………………………………………………...95
5.3.18. Paniki ‘bat’…………………………………………………………………….96
5.3.19. Saput ‘cobweb’………………………………………………………………...97
5.3.20. Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’………………………………………………………98
5.3.21. Sitaw ‘string beans’……………………………………………………………99
5.3.22. Tuta ‘puppy’…………………………………………………………………..100
5.3.23. Ulap ‘cloud’…………………………………………………………………...101
5.3.24. Ambon ‘drizzle’………………………………………………………………102
5.3.25. Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’…………………………………………………...103
5.3.26. Tahol ‘to bark’………………………………………………………………..104
5.3.27. Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’…………………………………………………….105
5.3.28. Suha ‘grapefruit’……………………………………………………………...106

xiii
 5.3.29. Paru-paro ‘butterfly’…………………………………………………………107
5.3.30. Hamog ‘fog’…………………………………………………………………..108
5.3.31. Buto ‘bone, seed’……………………………………………………………...109
5.3.32. Buwan ‘moon, month’………………………………………………………..110
5.4. Sets of Isogloss……………………………………………………………………………..111
5.4.1. Isogloss Set 1: One form for all………………………………………………..111
5.4.2. Isogloss Set 2: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ and
another form in MG-PG-PA-SI-FA………………………………………………….112
5.4.3. Isogloss Set 3: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ-MG and
another form in PG-PA-SI-FA……………………………………………………….112
5.4.4. Isogloss Set 4: One form in SI and
another form in all the other towns…………………………………………………113
5.4.5. Isogloss Set 5: One form in RI and
another form in all the other towns………………………………………………….114
5.4.6 Bundles of Isogloss……………………………………………………………...114
5.5. Lexical Similarity Percentage……………………………………………………………...115
5.6. Summary…………………………………………………………………………………..116

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...117
References………………………………………………………………………………………118

Appendix

xiv
 Chapter 1
Introduction

1. The Province of Laguna

Laguna is one of the provinces comprising Region IV-A (CALABARZON), the region which

has the biggest population in the country as of 2015. With a land area of 175, 973 ha (1, 759.73

km2), it has a population of approximately 3.04 million and is the third most populous province in

the whole archipelago. It is located in the southeast of Metro Manila, north of Batangas, east of

Cavite, and west of Quezon. The political structure of the province consists of 4 congressional

districts, 6 cities, 23 municipalities, and 674 barangays. The capital of Laguna province is the

municipality of Sta. Cruz.

Figure 2. Map of Laguna 2

Figure 1. Map of Laguna 1

On the north of the province is Laguna de Bay, the largest inland body of water in the

country and the third biggest lake in Asia. Mountains and mountain ranges also characterize the

topography of the province. These are Mount Makiling, Mount Banahaw, and the Sierra Madre

mountain range.

1
 Because of its proximity to Metro Manila, the economy of Laguna is very thriving. It is

dubbed to be the “Detroit of the Philippines” because of the presence of automotive manufacturing

companies in the city of Sta. Rosa. It also earned the name of the “Silicon Valley of the Philippines”

since a number of factories specializing in electronics and semiconductors are based in this

province. In addition, it has become a tourist destination for its hot springs and spring resorts, thus

the name “Resort Capital of the Philippines”. The agricultural and fisheries sector of the province is

also flourishing because of the rich natural resources of Laguna and of the presence of Laguna Bay

and Mount Makiling which enrich the biodiversity of the area. The province of Laguna can also be

considered an education hub in Southern Luzon. It is home to several higher education institutions

like the University of the Philippines Los Baños, Polytechnic University of the Philippines-Laguna,

University of Perpetual Help System, and Colegio de San Juan de Letran.

Like its nearby provinces, i.e. Quezon, Batangas, Rizal, and Metro Manila, Laguna is

primarily a Tagalog-speaking area. Besides Tagalog, English is the second most important language

of communication in the province.

1.1. The Tagalog Language

The Tagalog language is one of the most widely spoken languages in the whole Philippine

archipelago. It is spoken by 25 million people all over the world in which 21 million is in the

Philippines (Ethnologue, 2016) . As proclaimed by the Constitution of the Philippines, it is the basis

of the national language, Filipino.

Tagalog is a member of the Austronesian language family, under the Malayo-Polynesian

subgroup and forms a smaller subgroup together with other Philippine languages found in southern

Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao called Central Philippines (Blust, 1991).

The language is spoken as a first language in Central Luzon and Southern Luzon, particularly

in Bataan, Bulacan, some parts of Nueva Ecija, Aurora, Batangas, Cavite, Laguna, Marinduque,

Occidental Mindoro, and Oriental Mindoro. The dialects of Tagalog can be named in which

province it is spoken. Thus, the Tagalog dialects are Tagalog Aurora, Tagalog Bataan, Tagalog

Batangas, Tagalog Bulacan, Tagalog Cavite, Tagalog Laguna, Tagalog Marinduque, Tagalog Mindoro,

2
Tagalog Nueva Ecija, Tagalog Quezon, and Tagalog Manila (Peneyra, 2003).

1.2. Objectives of the Study

First, this research aims to describe the Tagalog language as it is spoken in the province of

Laguna. After gathering data from towns in Laguna chosen for this research, the results will be

contrasted with Tagalog Manila to show and prove that Tagalog Laguna is different from Tagalog

Laguna which is considered to be the most prestigious variety of Tagalog. These two varieties will be

compared in terms of phonology and morphosyntax. This will be followed by a discussion of the

phonology of the varieties of Tagalog Laguna. Based on two phonological features, the distribution

of the glottal stop and the position of stress in a lexical item, this research will show how similar and

different some varieties of Tagalog Laguna are. Using a software called Cog, the percentage of

phonetic similarity will also be computed to better present the variation between the speech of

Tagalog Laguna speakers. Lastly, this study will also show the lexical variation in three semantic

domains among the towns in Tagalog Laguna. These domains are kinship, body parts, and nature.

The results will also be presented with a dialect map and sets of isogloss will be identified, if there

are any. The program Cog will also be used to compute for the lexical similarity percentage of the

towns to show which towns share more cognate forms with each other.

1.3. Importance of the Study

Since most literature has covered other varieties of Tagalog (which will be discussed in Chapter

2), this focused research on Laguna Tagalog will be of great significance on describing this variety

which is less represented in Tagalog dialectology studies. It shall show the features of Laguna

Tagalog which could lead to a more comprehensive linguistic and dialectological description of the

Tagalog language. In addition, this will be essential to the study of the province of Laguna and of the

culture of Lagueños. With this study, may the natives of the province become prouder of their

language and heritage. With the implementation of Mother Tongue Based Multilingual Education in

the country, educators can consult this study to aid the teaching of the mother tongue in the

classroom. Even though using Tagalog Laguna as a medium of instruction in the classroom setting

3
may not face the same challenges as using other Philippine languages as media of instruction, this

study could help on teaching this variety to the younger generation of Lagueños by pointing out

how it is different from Filipino/Manila Tagalog; hence, making the variety flourish to the present

generation of speakers. Lastly, this research can also serve as a model for future dialectology studies

in the Tagalog language or any language here in the Philippines.

1.4. Methodology

For this research, the researcher will go to the field himself to do informant work with the

native speakers of Tagalog Laguna. The researcher will adopt the principle of plaza complex to look

for possible informants. During the Spanish colonial period, the center of the colonial government

was at the plaza, where the elites, the government, the Church, and other sectors under the

influence of the colonial rule were located. Most towns in Laguna have this kind of structure and by

this principle, in a given town, the researcher will go to the plaza and look for locals that have been

settling there since they were born. This is out of convenience since most of the time, the people

surrounding the area have settled there for a long time and could be a representative inhabitant of

their town. Furthermore, it is much safer to go around the vicinity of the plazas since “civilization” is

located in this area. In case of emergency, it is easier to call a person of authority and in commuting

from one town or the other, it is very advisable not to go faraway from the plazas since the terminals

of public vehicles are near the plazas.

The ideal informant is defined as someone who was born and has been living in the area for at

least fourteen years, and if possible, has not settled in any other place. For each town, at least two

informants should be primary informants while at least one other informant would be asked for the

verification of the data. However, due to one or several constraints like time and budget, there may

be an instance that only one informant may be interviewed for one town and there would be no

other informants available for the verification of data. In this case, at least, the informant should

adhere to the qualifications stated above.

The researcher has devised a word list of 138 lexical items and this was made possible by

consulting earlier dialectology studies of Tagalog. This was made to purposely elicit the differences

4
among the towns without going through to a very tedious word list. Before going to the field, the

researcher tried to use the word list to test speakers from Laguna and from the other parts of the

Tagalog-speaking region and their suggestions were very considered in making this word list.

For this study, the researcher was able to do field work for three consecutive long weekends.

The total duration of the fieldwork was nine days. For a single day, at least one town was visited and

if it was possible, another town or two were visited. The elicitation of data happened either by

one-by-one (between the researcher and one informant) or by a focused group discussion (between

the researcher and more than one informant) and the interviews were only recorded using a mobile

phone. Despite this, the audio was still of quality and clean. The researcher primarily used Tagalog

when interviewing the informants since most of them were not very confident speaking other

languages. Several techniques were used in eliciting data from the informants. These include asking

direct questions (‘How do you say “ant”?’), indirect questions (‘ ‘What is this?’, pointing something),

naming questions (‘What do you say to a caller at the door if you want him to enter?’ Answer: come

in), talking questions (What can you make from milk? Answer: butter, cheese), and reverse

questions (What’s the barn for, and where is it? The informant will talk about ‘barn’ but only this

word will be recorded), and completing questions (You sweeten tea with…? Answer: sugar)

(Chambers & Trudgill, 2004).

After the data gathering, the audio recordings were transcribed and the similarity in phonology

and lexicon were computed using the software called Cog.

1.5. Scope and Limitations of the Study

It would have been very idealistic if all towns and boundaries of Laguna will be examined and

be part of this study. However, due to several constraints like time and budget, only ten of all the

municipalities and cities of Laguna will be considered in this research. These towns are San Pablo

(SP), Rizal (RI), Nagcarlan (NG), Liliw (LI), Majayjay (MJ), Magdalena (MG), Pagsanjan (PG), Paete

(PA), Siniloan (SI) and Famy (FA). These towns were chosen since these towns are the hardest ones to

get into which makes migration less possible compared to those who are near Metro Manila, are

considered by other speakers of Tagalog to have a strong “punto” (accent) when speaking, and its

5
location being locked by neighboring provinces Quezon and Rizal which are also known to have

very distinct varieties of Tagalog. The speech habits of these towns will only be compared with

Tagalog Manila and not with other Tagalog varieties like Tagalog Batangas, Tagalog Rizal, Tagalog

Quezon, etc. In comparing with Tagalog Manila, this research will only be focused on two aspects:

phonology and morphosyntax. In comparing all the ten varieties with each other, it will only be

limited with phonology and lexicon. Three domains will only be used in comparing the lexical

variation among the ten towns: kinship, body, and nature. These domains are less prone to

borrowing and exist in all of the towns. In addition, since only 75 lexical items are elaborately

discussed in Chapter 5, only these lexical items are computed for the phonetic similarity and lexical

similarity percentages.

Figure 3. Map of the 10 Towns in this Study

1.6. Theoretical Framework

Dialectology is the study of dialects. A language may be referred as a collection of mutually

intelligible dialects. According to (Chambers & Trudgill, 2004) , a variety of a language is a neutral

term that is applied to any particular kind of language considered as a single entity. For example,

Cockney English and middle-class New York City English are varieties of English. A dialect is

defined as a regional variety of a language or is the difference in the speech of one person based on

their place of origin (Cunanan, 2015) . Two speakers speak different dialects of the same language

when there is a difference in speech yet still understand each other. In linguistics, this is known as

6
the concept of mutual intelligibility. The differences could be in sound, stress, vocabulary,

morphology, and other components of grammar.

However, in reality, determining the boundary between a language or dialect and another

language or dialect is very hard especially in terms of a dialect continuum. This is a linguistic

situation when the mutual intelligibility between dialects exists in a continuum. As one progresses

from one dialect after the other, the farther it gets, the larger the differences are. This makes closer

dialects intelligible with each other but those farther ones less intelligible; the ones in the middle can

understand more or less the varieties at the both ends of the continuum.

One way of comparing dialects of the same language is by comparing them using lexical items.

In this study, the principle of lexicostatistics will be used to find the cognate percentage of the

varieties chosen. Two morphemes are cognates if they are similar in form and meaning (Crowley,

1997) . Therefore, [Ɂʌrʌg’jʌn] ‘way’ and [Ɂʌlʌg’jʌn] ‘way’ are cognates (Javier, 2012) . When the

cognate percentages are computed already, their value will tell us if the relationships of the attested

dialects. According to Swadesh, these are (as seen in Crowley, 1997):

Relationship Cognate Percentage

Language 81-100

Family 36-81

Stock 12-36

Microphylum 4-12

Mesophylum 1-4

Macrophylum <1

Table 1. Cognate Percentage and its Implications

Lastly, the isogloss is where the boundary of a certain linguistic feature can be found. When

these isoglosses are combined, it is called a bundle (Chambers & Trudgill, 2004).

7
 Chapter 2
Review of Related Literature

The Tagalog language may be considered as the most studied and documented language in the

Philippines. This is due to the fact that the national language is based on it and it is spoken in Metro

Manila, the political and economic center of the country. No wonder that much has been written

about its grammar, usage, history, and diversity. Below is a series of descriptions of some literature

on the Tagalog language and even on Philippine dialectology studies that have been useful in this

research.

2.1. Contemporary Linguistic Analyses of Tagalog

One of the earliest works in the Tagalog Language based on contemporary linguistics is

Bloomfield’s Tagalog Texts with Grammatical Analysis (1917). The book has two parts: Part I is a

collection of Tagalog texts in phonetic transcription with an English translation while Part II is an

analysis of the structure of the language. On p. 10, Bloomfield wrote,

“The second limitation could not be overcome. As there exists at present no adequate description of

the dialectal differentiation of Tagalog, nor even an adequate description of any form of the

language, I can make no definite statement as to the relation of Mr. Santiago’s speech to other forms

of Tagalog.”

Bloomfield’s informant, Mr. Alfredo Viola Santiago, was a student of architectural engineering

at the University of Illinois and was a native of San Miguel na Matames, Bulacan. Thus, the dialect

described by Bloomfield was clearly Tagalog Bulacan. He compared the speech of his informant

with a Tagalog translation of Noli Me Tangere and found out that there was no significant

difference between the two. He also made a distinction between educated and uneducated speech.

During that time, he could not find a speaker of another Tagalog dialect nor any uneducated

speaker of Tagalog for his research. As a whole, this proves that as early that time, there was a need

8
for dialectology research on the Tagalog language.

In 1972, Schachter and Otanes published another reference grammar of Tagalog and noted

there are at least six notable dialects of Tagalog. These are Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Manila,

Tanay-Paete, and Tayabas. According to them, even though Tagalog Bulacan is regarded by many as

the “purest” variety since it shows fewer signs of influence from other languages, it is Tagalog

Manila which is considered the standard variety because of its prestige being the variety of the

capital and its high number of speakers. Their reference grammar is based on Tagalog Manila

spoken by college graduates at that time.

2.2. Tagalog Dialectology

Before this research on Tagalog Laguna was made, there have been several researches done in

the past that describe the diversity of the Tagalog language. Among the varieties of Tagalog that

have been recorded in linguistic literature are Tagalog Marinduque, Tagalog Rizal, Tagalog Nueva

Ecija, Tagalog Bulacan, and Tagalog Batangas.

2.2.1. Tagalog Marinduque

One of the pioneering studies on Tagalog dialectology is by Lopez (1970), which focuses about

Tagalog Marinduque. Originally written decades before, the paper was only actually available in

print in 1970. The researcher did not go to Marinduque himself to conduct fieldwork, but instead,

interacted with a family from Boak, Marinduque that was staying in Manila. He asked his informant

to narrate a story in Tagalog Marinduque and then provided an English translation of the story. He

enumerated some lexical peculiarities in Tagalog Marinduque which either have a different shade

of meaning or usage compared to Tagalog Manila or are not found in Tagalog Manila. Some

peculiarities of Tagalog Marinduque include the use of the suffixes -an or -in for -a and -i

especially in the imperative, the presence of the Bisayan reflex u/o for words showing the pepet,

among others. Lastly, Lopez compared some Boak Marinduque expressions with other varieties of

Tagalog in Southern Luzon which are Tagalog Batangas (Lipa), Tagalog Cavite (Imus), Tagalog

Laguna (Lilio), and Tagalog Tayabas (Gumaka). This may be considered to be the first in integrating

9
several other varieties of Tagalog in one study. Because of its striking differences with other varieties

of Tagalog, Tagalog Marinduque caught the interest of linguists.

Other papers written about the dialect are Soberano (1977) and most recently, Tolentino

(2013). Soberano (1977) examines the phonological system, morphological processes, and syntactic

structures of Tagalog Marinduque and utilizes a 3oo-item word list. Compared to Lopez (1970), it

has a richer amount of data and analysis of this Tagalog variety. This research shows that there are

two major dialect areas in the island: Eastern Marinduque (EM) and Western Marinduque (WM).

The towns are separated geographically and this situation resulted in the development of two

varieties. Neighboring dialects and languages also affected the linguistic situation in the province.

Eastern Marinduque may have adopted the ‘ga’ interrogative marker from natives of Batangas who

settled there and some of its morphological processes from neighboring Visayan languages.

Meanwhile, Western Marinduque may have been affected by Bicol languages.

Unlike the two preceding types of research, Tolentino (2013) has compiled unique lexical items

found in Tagalog Marinduque under four semantic domains (i.e. farming, fishing, Nipa hut, and

religious practices during Lenten season) and using the lens of anthropological linguistics, describes

the culture of this particular group of Tagalog speakers. Ten speakers from Eastern Marinduque

were the informants for this study. What do these lexical words signify? According to Tolentino

(2013), language addresses the need of their speakers to communicate with each other that is

molded by their culture. The major industries and means of livelihood of the Marinduqueños, their

religion and traditions, and the environment they live in all affect their daily lives. As a result, they

have developed a system of naming things that is relevant in their culture and in their industries.

Even though these words still exist in the everyday life of the Tagalog Marinduque speakers, some

members of the younger generation are not very familiar on some of them and this indicates that

there is already a change in the lives of the Marinduqueños.

2.2.2. Tagalog Rizal

Paz (1999a), Paz (1999b) and Santiago (2015) are all descriptions of the Tagalog language

as it is spoken in the language of Rizal. Paz (1999a) talks about the different phonological

10
differences of the relic areas in Rizal while Paz (1999b) presents a preliminary dialectological study

of Tagalog Rizal. Paz (1999b) argues that Tagalog Rizal is a separate dialect of Tagalog in its own

right due to its own set of unique lexical items compared with other varieties of Tagalog, in this case,

the Tagalog of Greater Manila. Because of the differences of the varieties of each town in Rizal, the

existence of a relic area is proposed in this province. Relic areas are places that are not reached nor

affected by linguistic innovations. In Rizal, the first relic area (R1) consists of Teresa, Morong,

Cardona, and Baras while the second relic area (R2) is Taytay.

Paz (1999a), the other study, expands the discussion of Tagalog Rizal, now covering the

sound changes that this variety underwent. It points out the language loyalty of these relic areas, i.e.

when the speakers continue to use their own variety, which became the reason for the

distinctiveness of the varieties of these relic areas.

Santiago (2015) focuses on the variety of the Tagalog language in Morong, Rizal by

examining some lexical items. Even though this is only one town, Tagalog Morong showed variation

in terms of lexicon. However, as what the author said, the study is not representative since only one

informant per barangay was consulted.

2.2.3. Other Varieties of Tagalog

Besides Tagalog Marinduque and Tagalog Rizal, other varieties of Tagalog have also been

the focus of some linguistic studies. Abella (2012) is about Tagalog Nueva Ecija, Estraño (2013)

about Tagalog Bulacan, and Katigbak (2014) about Tagalog Batangas.

Focusing on Tagalog Nueva Ecija, Abella (2012) investigates how different it is from the

prestigious form of Tagalog that is spoken primarily in Manila. After analyzing the argument

structure of this variety, it was proven that the ergative case markers mark the absolutives, while

absolutive case markers mark the oblique case in Tagalog Nueva Ecija sentences. These

constructions are more accepted by speakers from the first and second districts of Nueva Ecija than

from the third and fourth districts. It was also concluded that among Kapampangan, Ilocano, and

Pangasinan languages, only Kapampangan affected the structure of Tagalog Nueva Ecija which is

apparent in its enclitic combination. Since the first and second districts of Nueva Ecija are near to

11
the Kapampangan-speaking Tarlac and Pampanga, it was no wonder that those constructions are

perceived as grammatically acceptable sentences there.

Meanwhile, Estraño (2013) presents lexical items that were found to be peculiar compared

with Tagalog Manila and words that originated from Bulacan. Furthermore, it also briefly describes

the phonology, morphology, syntax, and semantics of this Tagalog variety. Based on the gathered

data, the domain of food has the most number of entries. This may due to the fact that Bulacan is

near to Pampanga, where food plays a vital role in the culture.

Katigbak (2014) presents another perspective of studying Tagalog varieties by analyzing the

intonational structure of Batangas Tagalog. Seven different patterns were identified in Tagalog

Batangas. However, this does not neglect the fact that among the informants, variation was also

observed.

2.2.4. Internal Reconstruction of Tagalog

After enumerating some researches on specific varieties of Tagalog, it should be logical to

ask if there is any study that integrates all of these varieties. Peneyra’s Isang Rekonstraksyong

Internal ng Tagalog Batay Sa mga Piling Dayalek (2003) reconstructs the development of the

aspectual markers in Tagalog and some lexical items that have altering forms in different dialects.

This dissertation includes data from several varieties of Tagalog: Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Cavite,

Laguna, Marinduque, Oriental Mindoro, Occidental Mindoro, Quezon, and Rizal. As far as Tagalog

Laguna is concerned, the varieties of Cavinti, Lumbang, Majayjay, and Siniloan were the chosen

representative varieties. The proto-language constructed is called Pre-Tagalog and is subdivided by

Northern Tagalog (NT) and Southern Tagalog (ST). Tagalog Laguna, with Tagalog Quezon and

Tagalog Cavite, is classified under Southern Tagalog, placed under the subgroup of Tagalog

Batangas, Tagalog Occidental Mindoro, and Tagalog Oriental Mindoro. On the other hand,

Northern Tagalog is composed of Tagalog Bataan, Tagalog Bulacan, and Tagalog Rizal. This is due to

the distribution of the affixes -a-, maː -, naː -, and C1V1 in which Tagalog Laguna only retained

naː-

12
2.3. Dialectology of Other Philippine Languages

Putting Tagalog dialectology studies aside, there are other dialectology papers on other

Philippine languages. Some of the recent are Javier (2012) and Cunanan (2015). Javier (2012)

investigates the dialectal variation of Inonhan in the island of Isla de Carabao, Romblon by

comparing their lexicons and performing lexicostatistics to show cognate percentage. The results

show that all the varieties share approximately 80 percent of their cognates; they are dialects of the

Inonhan language. However, this is not conclusive because there are overlapping isoglosses.

In another study, Cunanan (2015) explores the different kinds of Bicol in the province of

Sorsogon. Using a word list, words from different towns of Sorsogon were compared. Using

lexicostatistics and mapping of isoglosses, it is found out that the town of Pilar is the most different

variety. In this dialect, it developed the sounds of [L] and [ə], lost the [h] sound, and altered the

position of [ʔ]. In addition, the groupings of the dialects are 1.) Bacon and Magallanes, 2.) Gubat,

Irosin, Sta. Magdalena, and Matnog, and 3.) Sorsogon, Castilla, and Juban.

Indeed, dialectology in the Philippines is a thriving field. Different approaches and

methodologies were adopted by language scholars to empirically show the similarities and

differences of the languages and dialects in the archipelago. Some opt to gather unique lexical items,

some opt to compare the varieties of nearby towns; some chose to use lexicostatistics and isoglosses

while some chose to reconstruct the proto-language; some adopted an ethnolinguistic approach,

some preferred acoustic phonetics. It can also be said that most of the Tagalog dialectology studies

included Tagalog Manila as a point of comparison. If all the research on Tagalog dialectology will be

listed, a keen eye will be able to see that there is clearly an under-representation of Tagalog Laguna

and is this is what this research paper aims to address.

13
 Chapter 3
Comparison of Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna

3. Features of Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna

After interviewing several informants from ten towns in Laguna, different speech patterns and

habits of these speakers have been found to be noticeable from speakers from other

Tagalog-speaking regions, especially from Metro Manila. In this chapter, Tagalog Laguna will be

compared with Tagalog Manila and their differences in some aspects of phonology and

morphosyntax will be discussed below.

3.1. Phonology

According to Peneyra (2003), unlike other languages, all the dialects of the Tagalog language

have the same number of vowels, consonants, and glides. The following are the phonemes of

Tagalog: /p, b, t, d, k, g, ʔ, h, s, m, n, ŋ, l, r, w, j, i, e, a, o, u/. Tagalog Laguna is not different from

this regard and does have the same set of phonemes. However, the phonology of Tagalog Laguna has

certain characteristics that cannot be found or are different compared to other varieties, for

example, Tagalog Manila. These include the position of the glottal stop and the placement of stress

in a lexical item.

3.1.1. The Glottal Stop /ʔ/

Even though Tagalog Laguna shares the same set of phonemes with other dialects of Tagalog,

some varieties of Tagalog Laguna allow the glottal stop /ʔ/ at the onset of the ultimate syllable in a

lexical root. For example, the lexical items gabi, bagang, ngayon, and katawan are not pronounced

with a glottal stop before the vowel in their ultimate syllables in Tagalog Manila but in some

Tagalog Laguna varieties, the glottal stop is present in this environment. Thus, these lexical items are

pronounced [gab.'ʔi], [bag.'ʔaŋ], [ŋaj.'ʔon], and [ka.taw.'ʔan] (See Table 2). From another point of

view, as Peneyra (2003) mentions, the glottal stop is the second segment of a word-medial

consonant cluster, and in the course of the development of language, it is dropped to reduce the

14
number of word-medial-consonant clusters. The distribution of the glottal stop in different towns in

Laguna is discussed in Section 4.1.

Lexical Item Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

gabi ‘night’ [ga.'bi] [gab. 'ʔi]

bagang ‘molars’ [ba.'gaŋ] [bag.'ʔaŋ]

ngayon ‘now’ [ŋa.'jon] [ŋaj.'ʔon]

katawan ‘body’ [ka.ta.'wan] [ka.taw.'ʔan]

Table 2. Lexical Roots without the Word-Medial Glottal Stop in Tagalog Manila but with in Tagalog
Laguna

3.1.2. Stress Placement

Stress is phonemic in Tagalog since a different position of the stress may change the meaning of

a word. According to Tantiangco et al. (2009), stress may be determined by three factors: intensity

(loudness), frequency (pitch), and length (duration). Among these three factors, length is proven to

be the most reliable criterion for stress placement. The phonemicity of stress in Tagalog can be seen

in Table 3 with a minimal pair from Tagalog Laguna.

Penultimate Stress Ultimate Stress

batok ['baː.tok] ‘nape’ [ba.'tok] ‘to bark’ (dogs)

Table 3. A Minimal Pair with a Different Stress Placement in Tagalog Laguna

There are lexical items in Tagalog Laguna which the stress occurs in a different position

compared to Tagalog Manila. Sometimes, when the stress of a lexical item in Tagalog Manila is in

the ultimate, the stress in Tagalog Laguna is in the penultimate. If spoken in Manila, the lexical items

imis, balibag, and buwan are pronounced with a stress in the last syllable but if in Laguna, the stress

of these roots is on the penultimate syllable, without a change in meaning. On the other hand, the

reverse also happens. Among the words elicited, there is one lexical item which is pipi, when

15
pronounced in Tagalog Manila, has penultimate stress but when pronounced in Tagalog Laguna,

has ultimate stress (See Table 5). The variation of stress placement in the different varieties of

Tagalog Laguna will be discussed in Section 4.2.

Lexical Item Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

(Ultimate Stress) (Penultimate Stress)

imis ‘arrange’ [ʔi.'mis] ['ʔiː.mis]

balibag ‘to throw something [ba.li.'bag] [ba.'liː.bag]

forcefully’

buwan ‘moon,month’ [bu.'wan] ['buː.wan]

Table 4 . Roots with Ultimate Stress in Tagalog Manila but Penultimate Stress in Tagalog Laguna

Lexical Item Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

(Penultimate Stress) (Ultimate Stress)

pipi ‘mute’ ['piː.pe] [pi.'pe]

Table 5. A Root with Penultimate Stress in Tagalog Manila but Ultimate Stress in Tagalog Laguna

3.2. Morphosyntax

Tagalog is an agglutinating language. In an agglutinating language, a word can contain several

morphemes but it can be easily divided into their component parts (normally its root and its affix/es)

that typically represent only a single grammatical category or meaning (Steinberg in O'Grady &

Archibald, 2008). For example, in an adjective like maganda, the affix is ma- which is an adjectival

affix and the root is ganda ‘beautiful’. Tagalog Laguna has also some unique features on its

morphology and syntax which are not present or different in Tagalog Manila. Some of these are the

use of the verbal affix naː-, the the question marker baga, the intensifer bale, and the interjection ay.

16
3.2.1. Verbal Affix

Aspect/Mood Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

Contemplative: C1V1+stem kakain C1V1+stem kakain

Imperfective <um>+C1V1+stem kumakain naː+stem naːkain

Perfective: <um>+stem kumain <um>+stem kumain

Imperative: stem+in kumain stem+in kumain

Recent Perfective ka+C1V1+stem kakakain ka+C1V1+stem kakakain

Table 6. kain ‘to eat’ in -um- Form

Between the morphosyntax of Tagalog Laguna and Tagalog Manila, the biggest and most

noticeable difference is on the verbal morphology. The actor-focus imperfective aspect affix

-um-+C1V1 of Tagalog Manila is expressed as naː- in Tagalog Laguna. Even though the form of

these two affixes are different, their function and meaning are the same. However, the usage of naː- is

only limited to the actor-focus imperfective aspect, it cannot be used in other aspect and mood. For

example, when the -um- verb is expressed in the imperative or in another aspect, the verb conjugated

with naː- will be ungrammatical. (* signifies an ungrammatical construction.)

English Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

Juan is drinking water. Umiinom si Juan ng tubig. Nainom si Juan ng tubig.

Drink water. Uminom ka ng tubig. Uminom ka ng tubig.

*Nainom ka ng tubig

Juan will drink water later. Iinom si Juan ng tubig mamaya. Iinom si Juan ng tubig mamaya.

*Nainom si Juan ng tubig

mamaya.

Table 7. Difference between -um- and naː-

17
3.2.2. Question Marker

Speakers of Tagalog Laguna use the form baga in an interrogative expression. This is equivalent

to the ba of Tagalog Bulacan and Tagalog Manila speakers and of ga of Tagalog Batangas and

Tagalog Quezon speakers. Panganiban (1972) believes that the original form of the question marker

is said to be *baga (* here signifies a proto-form), and an evidence of this is the phrase kung baga or

kumbaga ‘as; like’.

English Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

What do you call it? Ano nga ba ang tawag doon? Ano nga baga ang tawag doon?

Where did you come from? Saan ka ba galing? Saan ka baga galing?

Isn’t it called ‘tauban’? Hindi ba ang tawag ay ‘tauban’? Hindi baga ang tawag ay

‘tauban’?

Table 8. Question Marker in Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna

3.2.3. Intensifier

An intensifier is used to express the intensity, degree, or quality denoted by a stative (Schachter

& Otanes, 1972). Some intensifiers in Tagalog Manila are napaka-, sobra, ubod ng, and masyado.

English Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

It is so beautiful! Sobrang ganda! Baleng ganda!

It is so happy! Sobrang saya! Bale saya!

It is so noisy! Sobrang ingay! Bang ingay!

Table 9. Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna Intensifiers

In some towns in Laguna, besides the aforementioned intensifiers, an additional intensifier is

also used: bale. This intensifier is said to be heard until Lucban, Quezon, and it can be used as an

expression on its own. As an adjective, it carries the meaning of “nakakainis” or “to be annoyed ”, e.g.

18
bale naman ‘to o!. It can be connected with a stative using the linker na, e.g. baleng ganda (but the

linker may also be dropped, e.g. bale saya). In some other towns, this form is shortened to bang

which can also be heard in some parts of Rizal.

3.2.4. Interjection

Based from the data collected in this study, Tagalog Laguna speakers tend to use the ay-

sentence form more than Tagalog Manila speakers and this may give the impression that they speak

very formal or bookish. For example, in Manila, it is more normal to say Kumakain ako than ako ay

kumakain. The ako ay kumakain is much more used in Tagalog Laguna. However, what will be

described here is the other ay which is an interjection and this monosyllabic interjection is very

common to Tagalog Laguna speakers from SP and RI. In discourse, this interjection may also be used

when the predicate is dropped and functions as a filler in a sentence, as in “ito ay!” and “ang batang

iri ay!”. In fact, SP speakers also call their hometown “San Pabló’y”! Sometimes, when placed at the

end of the sentence, it tends to cliticize and attach itself to the preceding segment if it is a vowel and

particularly a pronoun. In Tagalog Manila, the meaning of this interjection is expressed by eh.

English Tagalog Manila Tagalog Laguna

You made us like Ginawa mo kaming Grade-1 Ginawa mo kaming Grade-one,

first-graders! eh! ay!

We will fall down because Mahuhulog kami sa iyo eh! Mahuhulog kami sa iyo’y!

of you!

Oh no, I just only know Naku, kaing lang ang alam ko Aa, kaing laang ang alam ko’y.

‘kaing’. eh.

Table 10. The Interjections eh in Tagalog Manila and ay in Tagalog Laguna

19
3.3. Summary

Examining some of the components of phonology and morphosyntax of Tagalog Manila and

Tagalog Laguna, it is proven that Tagalog Laguna is a separate variety from Tagalog Manila. It could

be seen that there exists a difference between these two varieties. First, even though these two

varieties have the same number of phonemes, the difference could appear in the distribution of

these sounds. One example of this is the distribution of the glottal stop. In some varieties of Laguna,

the glottal stop /ʔ/ can be found at the onset of the ultimate syllable in a lexical root but in Tagalog

Manila, the glottal stop will not be seen in this type of environment. In addition, the position of the

stress in a lexical root can vary between the two varieties. Sometimes, when the stress of a lexical

item in Tagalog Manila is in the ultimate, the stress in Tagalog Laguna is in the penultimate and the

reverse of this may also occur.

On the differences between the morphosyntax of Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna, they

could be seen in the forms used by these two varieties. When a Tagalog Manila speaker uses the

affix -um-+C1V1, the Tagalog Laguna speaker might use the affix naː-. When asking a question, the

Tagalog Laguna speaker may be more comfortable in using baga than using ba which is considered

the standard. Lastly, a Tagalog Laguna speaker, when expressing certain emotions, might like to use

the forms bale! or ay! which the Tagalog Manila speaker might find new to his/her ear.

20
 Chapter 4
Phonological Variation in Tagalog Laguna

4. Phonological Variation in Tagalog Laguna

In this chapter, a focused discussion of the phonological system of the different varieties of

Tagalog Laguna will be presented. Comparing the data gathered from ten towns in Laguna, namely,

San Pablo (SP), Rizal (RI), Nagcarlan (NG), Liliw (LI), Majayjay (MJ), Magdalena (MG), Pagsanjan

(PG), Paete (PA), Siniloan (SI), and Famy (FA), the similarities and differences of their phonological

systems will be identified by examining in these varieties the distribution of the glottal stop and the

placement of stress in a lexical root. The discussion will only be limited to these two phonological

phenomena since these are the only two distinctive features that significantly showed variation

among the data gathered from the ten towns in Laguna being investigated in this study. Lastly, The

phonetic similarity of the forms in this study will be analyzed numerically using a computer

software.

4.1. The Distribution of the Glottal Stop /ʔ/

In Section 3.1.1., it is attested that in Tagalog Laguna, the glottal stop can be present at the onset

of the ultimate syllable in a lexical root and can become the second segment of a word-medial

consonant cluster. In this section, the distribution of the glottal stop root-initially, root-finally, and

root-medially in Tagalog Laguna varieties will be further investigated. Among these three

distributions, the most number of examples will be given for roots with medial glottal stops since

they show the most number of variation among the surveyed area. Data from the town surveyed

will be presented correspondingly to find out if the distribution of the glottal stop is the same

throughout these varieties.

21
4.1.1. Root-Initial

First, the glottal stop can be found word-initially. Table 11 shows the form of each town for

Anggi ‘rain getting inside’

Town Form

SP [ʔam.'piː.jas]

RI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

NG [ʔam.'piː.jas]

LI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

MJ [ʔam.'piː.jas]

MG [ʔam.'pjas]

PG [ʔam.'pjas]

PA [ʔam.'piː.jas]

SI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

FA [ʔam.'piː.jas]

Table 11. The Glottal Stop in Anggi ‘rain getting inside’

Eight towns (SP, RI, NG, LI, MJ, PA, SI, and FA) use the term [ʔam.'piː.jas] while the two other

towns, MG and PG, use the term [ʔam.'pjas]. The /i/ phoneme was omitted and this resulted to a

consonant cluster. Nevertheless, what has not been changed is the position of the glottal stop; it is

both present at the beginning of the two forms.

22
4.1.2. Root-Final

The glottal stop can also be present at the end of a lexical root. An example of such distribution

is seen in Table 12.

Town Form

SP ['baː.baʔ]

RI ['baː.baʔ]

NG ['baː.baʔ]

LI ['baː.baʔ]

MJ ['baː.baʔ]

MG ['baː.baʔ]

PG ['baː.baʔ]

PA ['baː.baʔ]

SI ['baː.baʔ]

FA ['baː.baʔ]

Table 12. The Glottal Stop in Baba ‘chin’

As what can be seen from the table above, all of the towns unanimously use the term ['baː.baʔ]

for ‘chin’. In this lexical root, the glottal stop is present at the end.

Based from the two preceding subsections, the glottal stop is undeniably can be found at the

beginning and at the end of a lexical root in all of the surveyed varieties. Now, is this also true if the

distribution of the glottal stop root-medially will be considered?

23
4.1.3. Root-Medial

This subsection is going to concentrate on the distribution of the glottal stop root-medially,

forming the cluster C+ʔ in which C can be a consonant or a glide and the glottal stop serves as the

second segment. Five instances will be given below (Table 13 - Table 17.).

Town Form

SP [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

RI [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

NG [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

LI [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

MJ [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

MG [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

PG [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

PA [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

SI [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

FA [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

Table 13. The Glottal Stop in Dausdos ‘to slide’

Based from the table above, all of the towns use the term [da.'ʔus.ʔus] for dausdos ‘to slide’. This

lexical item shows the sequence of a consonant (in this case is /s/) and a glottal stop and in this case,

all of the ten towns manifest this special consonant cluster by the glottal stop. According to Peneyra

(2003, p. 80), the proto-form of [da.'ʔus.ʔus] is *dalusdos and this form used by Tagalog Laguna

speakers is a result of series of sound changes: the deletion of /l/ (*dalusdos → *dausdos), the

insertion of the glottal stop since the phonotactics of Tagalog does not allow two succeeding vowels

(*daʔusdos), and the distant assimilation of /d/ to the preceding glottal stop (*daʔusʔos).

24
Town Form

SP [ka.ta.'wan]

RI [ka.taw.'ʔan]

NG [ka.taw.'ʔan]

LI [ka.taw.'ʔan]

MJ [ka.ta.'wan]

MG [ka.ta.'wan]

PG [ka.ta.'wan]

PA [ka.ta.'wan]

SI [ka.ta.'wan]

FA [ka.ta.'wan]

Table 14. The Glottal Stop in Katawan ‘body’

As what can be seen from Table 14, there are two forms for the word katawan ‘body’. Majority

of the towns (SP, MJ, MG, PG, PA, SI, and FA) have the form [ka.ta.'wan], which is the same with

Tagalog Manila. However, the towns of RI, NG, and LI use the form [ka.taw.'ʔan] which contains a

glide and a glottal stop after.

Town Form

SP [bag.'ʔaŋ]

RI [ba.'gaŋ]

NG [bag.'ʔaŋ]

LI [bag.'ʔaŋ]

MJ [ba.'gaŋ]

MG [ba.'gaŋ]

PG [ba.'gaŋ]

PA [ba.'gaŋ]

25
SI [ba.'gaŋ]

FA [ba.'gaŋ]

Table 15. The Glottal Stop in Bagang ‘molars’

Just like katawan, there are also two forms of bagang ‘molars’ among Tagalog Laguna varieties.

In SP, NG, and LI, they use [bag.'ʔaŋ] which retains the glottal stop while the other towns, RI, MJ, MG,

PG, PA, SI, and FA, use [ba.'gaŋ], the same with Tagalog Manila.

Town Form

SP [bu.'to]

RI [but.'ʔo]

NG [bu.'to]

LI [but.'ʔo]

MJ [bu.'to]

MG [bu.'to]

PG [bu.'to]

PA [bu.'to]

SI [bu.'to]

FA [bu.'to]

Table 16. The Glottal Stop in Buto ‘seed’

Based from Table 16, only two towns retain the glottal stop in their form of buto ‘seed’. RI and

LI both use the term [but.'ʔo] which has the glottal stop while the rest of the ten towns use the form

[bu.'to] where the glottal stop is omitted.

26
Town Form

SP [baŋ.'ʔaw]

RI [baŋ.'ʔaw]

NG ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

LI ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

MJ ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

MG [ʔu.'lul]

PG ['ʔaː.suŋ ʔu.'lul]

PA ['ʔaː.suŋ ba.'liw]

SI ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw]

FA ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw]

Table 17. The Glottal Stop in Asung ulul 'mad dog'

Last among this set of words is the word for asung ulul 'mad dog'. As what is indicated on the

table above, there are four forms in Tagalog Laguna for this expression. The four adjectives are

[baŋ.'ʔaw], [ʔu.'lul], [ba.'liw] and ['baː.liw]. The first five towns (SP, RI, NG, LI and MJ) all use the

term [baŋ.'ʔaw], which has the glottal stop consonant cluster, while MG and PJ use [ʔu.'lul]. Between

[ba.'liw] and ['baː.liw], there is only a difference in stress. The former is only found in PA while the

latter is both spoken in SI and FA.

When the results are plotted in a map, as what can be seen in Figure 4, (In this case, the

number of circle refers to the instances of the word-medial glottal stop in a variety), it shows that

the concentration of the towns exhibiting this feature is at the SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ area. As one goes up

from MG to FA, this feature begins to decrease and do not occur as much.

27
 Figure 4. Distribution of the Word-Medial Glottal Stop

4.2. Variation on Stress Placement

In Section 3.1.2., it is shown that between Tagalog Manila and Tagalog Laguna, a difference

in the placement of stress exists. In this section, it will be examined whether the placement of stress

in some roots in Tagalog Laguna is consistent all throughout the ten varieties surveyed.

Town Form

SP ['ʔiː.mis]

RI ['ʔiː.mis]

NG ['ʔiː.mis]

LI ['ʔiː.mis]

MJ ['ʔiː.mis]

MG ['ʔiː.mis]

PG ['ʔiː.mis]

PA ['ʔiː.mis]

SI ['ʔiː.mis]

28
FA ['ʔiː.mis]

Table 18. The Position of Stress in Imis ‘to arrange’

According to Table 18, all of the varieties put the stress of the root imis on the penultimate

syllable: ['ʔiː.mis]. This is unlike the Tagalog Manila pronunciation of this root, which is the stress is

on the ultimate syllable: [ʔi.'mis].

Town Form

SP [bu.'wan]

RI ['buː.wan]

NG ['buː.wan]

LI ['buː.wan]

MJ ['buː.wan]

MG [bu.'wan]

PG [bu.'wan]

PA [bu.'wan]

SI ['buː.wan]

FA [bu.'wan]

Table 19. The Position of Stress in Buwan ‘moon, month’

Consulting Table 19, there are two varying forms for the root buwan ‘moon, month’. Half of the

towns (RI, NG, LI, MJ, and SI) use the term ['buː.wan] which the stress is manifested on the first

syllable. The other half (SP, MG, PG, PA, and FA) prefer the stress on the last syllable; hence,

[bu.'wan].

29
Town Form

SP [le.'ʔeg]

RI [li.'ʔeg]

NG ['liː.ʔeg]

LI ['liː.ʔeg]

MJ [le.'ʔeg]

MG [le.'ʔeg]

PG [li.'ʔeg]

PA [le.'ʔeg]

SI ['liː.ʔeg]

FA [le.'ʔeg]

Table 20. The Position of Stress in Leeg ‘neck’

Based on the forms on Table 20, there are three forms for the root leeg ‘neck’. These are [le.'ʔeg],

[li.'ʔeg], and ['liː.ʔeg]. The first two forms manifest a difference in vowel length but have the same

stress placement (on the ultimate syllable) while the last one places the stress on the penultimate

syllable. Out of the ten varieties, only three of the towns use the form with the penultimate stress

(NG, LI, and SI) and the rest prefer the form with the ultimate stress.

Town Form

SP [bi.'ʔik]

RI [bi.'ʔek]

NG ['biː.ʔik]

LI [bi.'ʔek]

MJ ['biː.ʔik]

MG ['biː.ʔik]

PG ['biː.ʔik]

30
PA [bi.'ʔik]

SI [bi.'ʔik]

FA -----

Table 21. The Position of Stress in Biik ‘piglet’

Unlike the preceding table, Table 21 presents a variation between two forms. One is ['biː.ʔik]

which is spoken in four towns (NG, MJ, MG, and PG) and the other one is [bi.'ʔik] is heard in the

rest of the towns. The former places the stress on the penultimate while the latter on the ultimate

syllable.

Town Form

SP [ʔi.'kab]

RI ['hiː.gab]

NG ['hiː.kab]

LI ['hiː.gab]

MJ ['hiː.kab]

MG [hi.'kab]

PG ['hiː.kab]

PA ['hiː.kab]

SI [hi.'kab]

FA ['hiː.kab]

Table 22. The Position of Stress in Hikab ‘yawn’

As what can be seen above, despite having four variations of the term hikab ‘yawn’: [ʔi.'kab],

['hiː.gab], ['hiː.kab], and [hi.'kab], they still can be grouped according to stress placement. Thus,

[ʔi.'kab] and [hi.'kab] may be grouped together for putting the stress on the ultimate syllable while

['hiː.gab] and ['hiː.kab] are similar on having the penultimate stress. Out of the ten towns, majority of

31
them uses the term which carries the penultimate stress (RI, NG, LI, MJ, PG, PA, and FA) while the

remaining three prefer the one with the ultimate stress (SP, MJ, and SI).

If the results are plotted in a map, as what can be seen in Figure 5, (In this case, the number of

circle refers to the instances of the penultimate stress in a variety), it shows that the concentration of

the towns exhibiting this feature is at the RI-NG-LI-MJ area. This feature begins to decrease and do

not occur as much in the towns nearby.

Figure 5. Distribution of the Penultimate Stress

32
4.3. Phonetic Similarity Percentage

The phonetic similarity of forms in this study was analyzed numerically and this was

performed through a software called Cog. The results are presented in a table below:

SP RI NG LI MJ MG PG PA SI FA

SP 95 91 90 95 94 97 91 88 92

RI 95 94 91 94 92 94 91 91 94

NG 91 94 95 93 91 90 87 85 87

LI 90 91 95 96 96 94 93 90 93

MJ 95 94 93 96 97 99 93 90 93

MG 94 92 91 96 97 98 90 90 90

PG 97 94 90 94 99 98 93 92 92

PA 91 91 87 93 93 90 93 92 94

SI 88 91 85 90 90 90 92 92 98

FA 92 94 87 93 93 90 92 94 98

Table 23. Phonetic Similarity Percentage

With percentages above 80%, it shows that all of these towns are still dialects of one language.

Phonetically speaking, there is a major division between the three northernmost towns which are FA,

SI, and PA and the other seven towns, which are SP, RI, NG, LI, MJ, MG, and PG. This may be due to

phonological features like the position of stress and the position of the glottal stop that vary per

town and gradually change as one travels upward from SP to FA. Among all of the towns, NG-SI has

the lowest percentage of phonetic similarity. With 99%, PG-MJ has the highest percentage of

phonetic similarity with each other.

A graph is also used to illustrate the relationship of the towns with each other (See Figure 6).

33
 Figure 6. Graph of the Relationship of Ten Towns in Laguna Based on Phonetic Similarity

4.4. Summary

In this chapter, the variation of the ten towns in Laguna on the phonological level is

investigated. This is examined through two phonological phenomena: the distribution of the glottal

stop and the placement of stress in a lexical root.

The glottal stop can be seen root-initially and root-finally in all of the ten towns. However,

there is a variation among the towns when the glottal stop is positioned root-medially. When the

results are placed in a map, it shows that the concentration of the towns exhibiting this feature is at

the SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ area. This feature begins to decrease from MG to FA.

Likewise, the placement of stress among the ten towns may sometimes be the same or not.

When taking into consideration the number of words that have penultimate stress but in other

towns these words have ultimate stress, the RI-NG-LI-MJ area has the most number of such

instances. This feature tends to not occur as much in the towns nearby.

Computing the phonetic similarity percentage of these towns, it is still safe to conclude that

these towns are dialects of one language. On this aspect, there is a major division between FA, SI,

and PA and SP, RI, NG, LI, MJ, MG, and PG. NG-SI has the lowest percentage of phonetic similarity

while PG-MJ has the highest percentage of phonetic similarity with each other.

34
 Chapter 5
Lexical Variation in Tagalog Laguna

5. Lexical Similarities and Differences

In this chapter, the differences and similarities in the lexicon used by the ten towns in Laguna

will be examined. The lexical items will be classified into three different categories: kinship, body,

and nature. These domains are less prone to borrowing and are well manifested in the collected data

for this study. Out of the 138 lexical items in the original word list, only 75 lexical items will be

discussed in this chapter: 8 for kinship, 35 for body, and 32 for nature. Dialect maps will also be

presented and the lexical similarity percentage will be computed to quantitatively show the lexical

similarities of the ten towns being studied in this research.

35
5.1. Kinship

In this section, eight different lexical items related to kinship will be presented with their

corresponding term in each town and map to show the distribution of the forms in each town.

5.1.1. Lolo ‘grandfather’

Town Form

SP
['loː.lo]
RI
[ʔan.'daʔ], ['maː.maj]
NG
['loː.lo]
LI
[ʔan.'daʔ]
MJ
['loː.lo], [ʔa.'maː.ma]
MG
['loː.lo]
PG
['loː.lo]
PA
['daː.daj]
SI
['taː.ta]
FA ['taː.ta] Figure 7. Map for Lolo ‘grandfather’

Table 24. Forms for Lolo ‘grandmother’

Six forms have been found to correspond to Lolo ‘grandfather’ among the surveyed towns in

Laguna. Most of the towns, namely, SP, NG, MJ, MG, and PG use the term ['loː.lo] while the two

northernmost towns (SI and FA) prefer to use ['taː.ta]. LI and and RI, on the other hand, prefer to use

[ʔan.'daʔ] which can also be used to address an older person regardless of gender. RI speakers also

tend to address their grandfather as ['maː.maj] while MJ speakers would prefer [ʔa.'maː.ma] or

['loː.lo]. As we can see, these last two forms are related in form. Lastly, Tagalog speakers from PA use

the form ['daː.daj], which could be from [ʔan.'daʔ] since both of these terms are applicable to address

an older person regardless of sex.

36
5.1.2. Lola ‘grandmother’

Town Form

SP
['loː.la]
RI
[ʔan.'daʔ], ['naː.naj]
NG
['loː.la]
LI
[ʔan.'daʔ]
MJ
['loː.la], [ʔi.'naː.na]
MG
['loː.la]
PG
['loː.la]
PA
['daː.daj]
SI
['naː.na]
FA ['naː.na]

Table 25. Forms for Lola ‘grandmother’ Figure 8. Map for Lola ‘grandmother’

Similar to the results for the Lolo ‘grandfather’, six forms for Lola ‘grandmother’ have been

recorded. These are: ['loː.la], [ʔan.'daʔ], ['naː.na], ['daː.daj], ['naː.naj], and [ʔi.'naː.na]. While most of

the towns use ['loː.la], SI and FA both prefer ['naː.na]. In RI, this becomes ['naː.naj] and in MJ,

[ʔi.'naː.na]. RI speakers may also use the term [ʔan.'daʔ] which can also be heard in LI. In PA, it

became ['daː.daj].

37
5.1.3. Ama ‘father’

Town Form

SP
['taː.taj]
RI
[ʔa.'ma], [ʔi.'taj], ['taː.taj]
NG
['taː.taj]
LI
[ʔa.'ma]
MJ
[ʔa.'ma]
MG
['taː.taj]
PG
---------
PA
['taː.taj]
SI
['taː.taj]
FA
['taː.taj]
Table 26. Forms for Ama ‘father’ Figure 9. Map for Ama ‘father’

Only four different forms of Ama ‘father’ have been found and most of the towns use the

term ['taː.taj]. Variation only showed up in three towns: in RI, LI, and MJ. LI and MJ both use [ʔa.'ma]

while RI used three terms: [ʔa.'ma], [ʔi.'taj], and ['taː.taj].

38
5.1.4. Ina ‘mother’

Town Form

SP
[ʔi.'naj]
RI
[ʔi.'na] ['naː.naj] [ʔi.'naj]
NG
['naː.naj]
LI
[ʔi.'na]
MJ
[ʔi.'na]
MG
['naː.naj]
PG
---------
PA
['naː.naj]
SI
['naː.naj]
FA
['naː.naj]
Table 27. Forms for Ina ‘mother’ Figure 10. Map for Ina ‘mother’

['naː.naj], [ʔi.'naj], and [ʔi.'na] are the forms for Ina ‘mother’ gathered from these ten Laguna

towns. RI showed all of the three terms while in LI and MJ, they use [ʔi.'na]. Rest of the towns prefer

['naː.naj].

39
5.1.5. Kuya ‘older brother’

Town Form

SP
['kuː.ja]
RI
['kuː.ja]
NG
['kuː.ja]
LI
['kuː.ja]
MJ
['kuː.ja]
MG
['kuː.ja]
PG
['kuː.ja]
PA
['kuː.ja]
SI
[ka.'kaʔ]
FA
['kuː.ja]
Table 28. Forms for Kuya ‘older brother’ Figure 11. Map for Kuya ‘older brother’

There are only two terms for older brother in Laguna. One is ['kuː.ja] which is present in

nine towns. The other one, [ka.'kaʔ], is only found in SI. Both of these forms are borrowed from

Chinese (Panganiban, 1972).

40
5.1.6. Ate ‘older sister’

Town Form

SP
['ʔaː.te]
RI
['ʔaː.te]
NG
['ʔaː.te]
LI
['ʔaː.te]
MJ
['ʔaː.te]
MG
['ʔaː.te]
PG
['ʔaː.te]
PA
['ʔaː.te]
SI
[ka.'kaʔ]
FA
['ʔaː.te]
Table 29. Forms for Ate ‘older sister’ Figure 12. Map for Ate ‘older sister’

['ʔaː.te] and [ka.'kaʔ] are the two only found terms for Ate ‘older sister’ among the ten towns.

SI is the only town that prefers to use [ka.'kaʔ], a gender-neutral word used to address an older sibling

older. All of the other towns, meanwhile, use ['ʔaː.te].

41
5.1.7. Tito ‘uncle’

Town Form

SP
['tiː.jo]
RI
['tiː.jo] [a.ma.'ʔiŋ]
NG
['tiː.jo]
LI
['tiː.jo], ['kuː.ja]
MJ
['tiː.jo]
MG
['tiː.jo] [tʃong]
PG
['tiː.jo]
PA
['tiː.to]
SI
[juː.jo]
FA
[juː.jo] [ka.'kaʔ]
Table 30. Forms for Tito ‘uncle’ Figure 13. Map for Tito ‘uncle’

Based from the data presented above, there are seven terms to denote Tito ‘uncle’. To

enumerate, these are ['tiː.jo], [juː.jo], [a.ma.'ʔiŋ], ['kuː.ja], [tʃong], [ka.'kaʔ], and ['tiː.to]. From SP up to

PG, ['tiː.jo] is being used but there are also other forms that could be heard in this area. For example,

in RI, they also use [a.ma.'ʔiŋ], in LI, [tʃong] which is also derived from ['tiː.jo], and in LI, ['kuː.ja] .

Beyond PG, other forms are being used to mean uncle. In PA, ['tiː.to] is spoken while in SI and FA,

[juː.jo] is the preferred term. In FA, [ka.'kaʔ], which means ‘older sibling’ in the nearby town SI, can

also be used to mean uncle. This is similar to the case of RI where ['kuː.ja], which originally means

‘older brother’ can be used to address one’s uncle. Lastly, some informants remarked that the younger

generation may now prefer ['tiː.to] which they think is very ‘modern’ and is an influence of Tagalog

Manila than the forms they have given.

42
5.1.8. Tita ‘aunt’

Town Form

SP
['tiː.ja]
RI
['tiː.ja] [tʃaŋ] [da.'gaː.hin]
NG
['tiː.ja]
LI
['tiː.ja]
MJ
['tiː.ja]
MG
['tiː.ja] [tʃang]
PG
['tiː.ja]
PA
['tiː.ta]
SI
[jaː.ja]
FA
[jaː.ja] [ka.'kaʔ]
Table 31. Forms for Tita ‘aunt’ Figure 14. Map for Tita ‘aunt’

Similar to section 6.1.7. Tito ‘uncle’, there is an equal number of terms for Tita ‘aunt’. Seven

of the ten towns use ['tiː.ja], while SI and FA prefer [jaː.ja], whose meaning is different in Manila, i.e.

househelper. [ka.'kaʔ] may also be used in FA while [tʃang] are both spoken in RI and MG. ['tiː.ta] is

used in PA while [da.'gaː.hin], the feminine counterpart of [a.ma.'ʔiŋ] is only heard in RI.

43
5.2. Body

In this section, 35 different lexical items related to the body, body parts, and actions and

phenomena related to the body will be presented below with their corresponding term in each town.

5.2.1. Katawan ‘body’

Town Form

SP [ka.ta.'wan]

RI [ka.taw.'ʔan]

NG [ka.taw.'ʔan]

LI [ka.taw.'ʔan]

MJ [ka.ta.'wan]

MG [ka.ta.'wan]

PG [ka.ta.'wan]

PA [ka.ta.'wan]

SI [ka.ta.'wan]

FA [ka.ta.'wan]

Table 32. Forms for Katawan ‘body’ Figure 15. Map for Katawan ‘body’

As what can be seen on 32, there are two forms for the word Katawan ‘body’. Majority of

the towns (SP, MJ, MG, PG, PA, SI, and FA) have the form [ka.ta.'wan]. However, the towns of RI, NG,

and LI use the form [ka.taw.'ʔan] which contains a glottal stop in a word-medial position.

44
5.2.2. Tenga ‘ear’

Town Form

SP
['teː.ŋa]
RI
['tej.ŋa]
NG
['tej.ŋa]
LI
['teː.ŋa]
MJ
['teː.ŋa]
MG
[ta.'ʔiː.ŋa]
PG
[ta.'ʔiː.ŋa]
PA
['teː.ŋa]
SI
[ta.'ʔiː.ŋa]
FA
['teː.ŋa]
Table 33. Forms for Tenga ‘ear’ Figure 16. Map for Tenga ‘ear’

Based from the data presented above, there are three variant forms for Tenga ‘ear’. These are

['teː.ŋa], [ta.'ʔiː.ŋa], and ['tej.ŋa]. The longest form among the three, [ta.'ʔiː.ŋa], which is probably the

older form of the word, is only retained in three towns: MG, PG, and SI. Then, its later form, ['tej.ŋa]

is only present in two neighboring towns: RI and NG. ['teː.ŋa], which probably could be the latest

form, has the widest distribution. It is present in SP, LI, MJ, PA, and FA.

45
5.2.3. Leeg ‘neck’

Town Form

SP
[le.'ʔeg]
RI
[li.'ʔeg]
NG
['liː.ʔeg]
LI
['liː.ʔeg]
MJ
[le.'ʔeg]
MG
[le.'ʔeg]
PG
[li.'ʔeg]
PA
[le.'ʔeg]
SI
['liː.ʔeg]
FA
[le.'ʔeg]
Table 34. Forms for Leeg ‘neck’ Figure 17. Map for Leeg ‘neck’

Half of the towns use the form [le.'ʔeg] and these are SP, MJ, MG, PA, and FA. In RI and PG,

[li.'ʔeg] is heard while its cognate in NG, LI, and SI carries the stress on the first syllable; hence,

['liː.ʔeg].

46
5.2.4.Panga ‘jaw’

Town Form

SP
[pa.'ŋa]
RI
[pa.'ŋa]
NG
[pa.'ŋa]
LI
[pa.'ŋa]
MJ
[pa.'ŋa]
MG
[pa.'ŋa]
PG
[pa.'ŋa]
PA
[pa.'ŋa]
SI
[pa.'ŋa]
FA
[pa.'ŋa]
Table 35. Forms for Panga ‘jaw’ Figure 18. Map for Panga ‘jaw’

In this case, all of the towns are unanimous. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[pa.'ŋa].

47
5.2.5. Bagang ‘molars’

Town Form

SP
[bag.'ʔaŋ]
RI
[ba.'gaŋ]
NG
[bag.'ʔaŋ]
LI
[bag.'ʔaŋ]
MJ
[ba.'gaŋ]
MG
[ba.'gaŋ]
PG
[ba.'gaŋ]
PA
[ba.'gaŋ]
SI
[ba.'gaŋ]
FA
[ba.'gaŋ]
Table 36. Forms for Bagang ‘molars’ Figure 19. Map for Bagang ‘molars’

Among the towns in Laguna, there are two forms of bagang ‘molars’. In SP, NG, and LI, they

use [bag.'ʔaŋ] while all the other towns: RI, MJ, MG, PG, PA, SI, and FA use [ba.'gaŋ]. This example

show the retention and innovation of the word-medial glottal stop in Tagalog Laguna.

48
5.2.6. Baba ‘chin’

Town Form

SP
['baː.baʔ]
RI
['baː.baʔ]
NG
['baː.baʔ]
LI
['baː.baʔ]
MJ
['baː.baʔ]
MG
['baː.baʔ]
PG
['baː.baʔ]
PA
['baː.baʔ]
SI
['baː.baʔ]
FA
['baː.baʔ]
Table 37. Forms for Baba ‘chin’ Figure 20. Map for Baba ‘chin’

In this case, all of the towns are unanimous. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['baː.baʔ].

49
5.2.7. Balakang ‘hip’

Town Form

SP
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
RI
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
NG
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
LI
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
MJ
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
MG
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
PG
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
PA
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
SI
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
FA
[ba.la.'kaŋ]
Table 38. Forms for Balakang ‘hip’ Figure 21. Map for Balakang ‘hip’

For Balakang ‘hip’, there is only one form found: [ba.la.'kaŋ]. This is found in all of the

towns.

50
5.2.8. Balakubak ‘dandruff’

Town Form

SP
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
RI
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
NG
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
LI
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
MJ
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
MG
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
PG
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
PA
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
SI
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
FA
[ba.la.'kuː.bak]
Table 39. Forms for Balakubak ‘dandruff’ Figure 22. Map for Balakubak ‘dandruff’

In this case, all of the towns are unanimous. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ba.la.'kuː.bak].

51
5.2.9. Biloy ‘dimple’

Town Form

SP
['biː.loj]
RI
['biː.loj]
NG
['biː.loj]
LI
['biː.loj]
MJ
[bi.'ʔoj]
MG
[bi.'ʔoj]
PG
['biː.loj]
PA
['biː.loj]
SI
['biː.loj]
FA
['biː.loj]
Table 40. Forms for Biloy ‘dimple’ Figure 23. Map for Biloy ‘dimple’

For Biloy ‘dimple’, we have two possible forms; these are ['biː.loj] and [bi.'ʔoj]. Majority of the

towns use the term ['biː.loj] while only two towns, MJ and MG, use the form [bi.'ʔoj], in which the

word-medial consonant turned to a glottal stop.

52
5.2.10. Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’

Town Form

SP
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
RI
[bu.'ʔol]
NG
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
LI
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
MJ
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
MG
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
PG
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
PA
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
SI
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
FA
['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
Table 41. Forms for Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’ Figure 24. Map for Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’

['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] and [bu.'ʔol] are the two terms for Bukung-bukong ‘ankle’. Only RI use the

term [bu.'ʔol] while all of the other towns prefer ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ].

53
5.2.11. Gilagid ‘gums’

Town Form

SP
[gi.'laː.gid]
RI
['ŋid.ŋid]
NG
[gi.'laː.gid]
LI
[gi.'laː.gid]
MJ
[gi.'laː.gid]
MG
[gi.'laː.gid]
PG
[gi.'laː.gid]
PA
[gi.'laː.gid]
SI
[gi.'laː.gid]
FA
[gi.'laː.gid]
Table 42. Forms for Gilagid ‘gums’ Figure 25. Map for Gilagid ‘gums’

For Gilagid ‘gums’, there are two possible forms; these are [gi.'laː.gid] and ['ŋid.ŋid]. Majority

of the towns use the term ['biː.loj] while only one town, MJ and MG, use the form ['ŋid.ŋid].

54
5.2.12. Lalamunan ‘throat’

Town Form

SP
[la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'ʔuː.gan]
RI
[la.la.'muː.nan]
NG
[la.la.'muː.nan]
LI
[la.la.'muː.nan]
MJ
[la.la.'ʔuː.gan]
MG
[la.la.'muː.nan]
PG
[la.la.'muː.nan]
PA
[la.la.'muː.nan]
SI
[la.la.'muː.nan]
FA
[la.la.'muː.nan]
Table 43. Forms for Lalamunan ‘throat’ Figure 26. Map for Lalamunan ‘throat’

Among the the ten towns, only two of the towns manifested the term [la.la.'ʔuː.gan]; these towns

are MJ and SP. Other towns, however, use the term [la.la.'muː.nan], which is also present in SP.

55
5.2.13. Sinat ‘mild fever’

Town Form

SP
['siː.nat]
RI
['sej.nat]
NG
['siː.nat]
LI
['siː.nat]
MJ
['siː.nat]
MG
['siː.nat]
PG
['siː.nat]
PA
['siː.nat]
SI
['saj.nat]
FA
['siː.nat]
Table 44. Forms for Sinat ‘mild fever’ Figure 27. Map for Sinat ‘mild fever’

For Sinat ‘mild fever’, ['siː.nat] has the widest distribution. It is found in SP, NG, LI, MJ, MG, PG,

PA, and FA. Meanwhile, RI uses ['sej.nat] and SI prefers ['saj.nat].

56
5.2.14. Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’

Town Form

SP
['biː.nat]
RI
['bej.nat]
NG
['baj.nat]
LI
['bej.nat]
MJ
['baj.nat]
MG
['biː.nat]
PG
['biː.nat]
PA
['baj.nat]
SI
['biː.nat]
FA
['baj.nat]
Table 45. Forms for Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’ Figure 28. Map for Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’

For Binat ‘relapse (of an ailment)’’, ['biː.nat] is heard in SP, MG, PG and SI. On the other hand,

['baj.nat] is spoken in NG, MJ, PA, and FA. Lastly, ['bej.nat] is only present in two towns. These are

RI and LI.

57
5.2.15. Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’

Town Form

SP
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
RI
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
NG
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
LI
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
MJ
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
MG
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
PG
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
PA
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
SI
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
FA
[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
Table 46. Forms for Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’ Figure 29. Map for Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’

In this case, all of the towns are unanimous. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj].

58
5.2.16. Banli ‘scald’

Town Form

SP
[na.ban.li.'ʔan]
RI
[na.ban.li.'ʔan]
NG
[ban.'liʔ]
LI
[ban.'jos]
MJ
[ban.'liʔ]
MG
[na.ban.li.'ʔan]
PG
[ban.'liʔ]
PA
[ban.'liʔ]
SI
[na.ban.li.'ʔan]
FA
[ban.'liʔ]
Table 47. Forms for Banli ‘scald’ Figure 30. Map for Banli ‘scald’

Based on Table 47, there are three forms for Banli ‘scald’: [na.ban.li.'ʔan], [ban.'liʔ], and

[ban.'jos]. Since [na.ban.li.'ʔan] is just a derivation of [ban.'liʔ], these two forms will only be

considered as one here. Thus, all of the towns except RI use the term [ban.'liʔ] since RI prefers to use

the form [ban.'jos].

59
5.2.17. Kiliti ‘tickle’

Town Form

SP
[ki.li.'tiʔ]
RI
[ki.li.'teʔ]
NG
[ki.li.'teʔ]
LI
[ki.li.'teʔ]
MJ
[ki.li.'teʔ]
MG
[ki.li.'teʔ]
PG
[ki.li.'teʔ]
PA
[ki.li.'teʔ]
SI
[ki.li.'teʔ]
FA
[ki.li.'teʔ]
Table 48. Forms for Kiliti ‘tickle’ Figure 31. Map for Kiliti ‘tickle’

For Kiliti ‘tickle’, there are two forms found: [ki.li.'teʔ] and [ki.li.'tiʔ]. [ki.li.'tiʔ] is only found in

SP while the rest of the towns use [ki.li.'teʔ]. These two forms only show a difference in one segment.

60
5.2.18. Hikab ‘yawn’

Town Form

SP [ʔi.'kab]

RI ['hiː.gab]

NG ['hiː.kab]

LI ['hiː.gab]

MJ ['hiː.kab]

MG [hi.'kab]

PG ['hiː.kab]

PA ['hiː.kab]

SI [hi.'kab]

FA ['hiː.kab]

Table 49. Forms for Hikab ‘yawn’ Figure 32. Map for Hikab ‘yawn’

For Hikab ‘yawn’, there are four different forms found among these ten towns in Laguna.

['hiː.kab] has the widest distribution. It is spoken in NG, MJ, PG, PA, and FA. In MG, the stress of this

word falls on the ultimate syllable, hence, the form ['hiː.kab]. In RI and LI, the medial consonant is

voiced (['hiː.gab]) while the voiced glottal fricative in [hi.'kab] turned to a glottal stop in SP.

61
5.2.19. Hilo ‘dizzy’

Town Form

SP
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
RI
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
NG
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo], [naː.'luː.lum.bat]
LI
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
MJ
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
MG
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
PG
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
PA
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
SI
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
FA
[naː.hi.'hiː.lo]
Table 50. Forms for Hilo ‘dizzy’ Figure 33. Map for Hilo ‘dizzy’

All of the towns use [naː.hi.'hiː.lo] for Hilo ‘dizzy’. However, in NG, another term could also be

used, which is [naː.'luː.lum.bat].

62
5.2.20. Nabulunan ‘to choke’

Town Form

SP
[na.bu.'luː.nan], [naː.hi.'riː.nan]
RI [na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan],
[na.hi.'riː.nan]
NG
[na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.hi.'riː.nan]
LI
[na.bu.'luː.nan]
MJ
[na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan]
MG
[na.bu.'luː.nan]
PG
[na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan]
PA
[naː.hi.'riː.nan]
SI
[na.bu.'luː.nan]
FA
[na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.'tul.ʔu.nan]
Table 51. Forms for Nabulunan ‘to choke’ Figure 34. Map for Nabulunan ‘to choke’

In this word, four forms have been found: [na.bu.'luː.nan], [naː.hi.'riː.nan], [na.tig.'ʔa.kan],

[na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan], and [na.'tul.ʔu.nan]. [na.bu.'luː.nan] is found in four towns, namely SP, LI, MG, and

SI. With equal number of towns, [na.hi.'riː.nan] is also found in SP, RI, NG, and PAE. [na.tig.'ʔa.kan] is

also spoken in four towns: RI, NG, MJ, and FA. Meanwhile, three towns use the term

[na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan]. These are RI, MJ, and PG. It is only FA that uses [na.'tul.ʔu.nan].

63
5.2.21. Nginig ‘to tremble’

Town Form

SP
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
RI
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
NG
[ki.naː.ka.'lig.kig]
LI
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig], [ki.naː.ka.'lig.kig]
MJ
[ki.naː.ka.'log.kog]
MG
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
PG
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
PA
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
SI
[na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
FA
[na.ŋi.'ŋiː.kiʔ], [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]
Table 52. Forms for Nginig ‘to tremble’ Figure 35. Map for Nginig ‘to tremble’

According to the data presented above, it is undeniably that [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig] is the most widely

spoken word for Nginig ‘to tremble’. Out of the ten towns, it is used in seven towns, namely, SP, RI,

LI, MG, PG, PA, and SI. Also, in NG, LI, and FA, [ki.naː.ka.'lig.kig] is preferred. In MJ, the vowel of this

term changes from [o] to [i], thus, [ki.naː.ka.'log.kog]. Lastly, [na.ŋi.'ŋiː.kiʔ] is spoken in FA.

64
5.2.22. Salampak 'to sit on the floor'

Town Form

SP
[sa.lag.'pak], [na.ka.lu.'paː.geʔ]
RI
[si.lag.'mak] [na.ka.lu.'paː.geʔ]
NG
[si.'lag.mak]
LI
[sa.'lag.mak]
MJ
[sa.'lag.mak]
MG
[sa.'lag.mak]
PG
[sa.'lam.pak]
PA
[na.ka.lu.'paː.giʔ]
SI
[na.ka.lu.'paː.giʔ]
FA
[sa.lam.'pak]
Table 53. Forms for Salampak 'to sit on the floor' Figure 36. Map for Salampak 'to sit on the floor'

With six forms, this word has one of the most number of forms in different towns. In PA and SI,

[na.ka.lu.'paː.giʔ] is their term for Salampak 'to sit on the floor' while with just a difference in a

vowel, [na.ka.lu.'paː.geʔ] is heard in SP and RI. These two pairs of towns are very close to each other.

Meanwhile, RI and MG use the term [si.'lag.mak] and LI, MJ, and MG alters the first vowel to [a],

[sa.'lag.mak]. In PG and FA, speakers prefer to use [sa.'lam.pak] and [sa.lag.'pak] is only heard in SP.

65
5.2.23. Tagyawat ‘pimple’

Town Form

SP
[ta.gi.'haː.wat]
RI
[tag.hi.'jaː.wat]
NG
[tag.'jaː.wat]
LI
[tag.'jaː.wat]
MJ
[tag.'jaː.wat]
MG
[tig.'jaː.wat]
PG
[tag.'jaː.wat]
PA
[ti.'gaː.wat]
SI
[ti.'gaː.wat]
FA
[tig.'haː.wat]
Table 54. Forms for Tagyawat ‘pimple’ Figure 37. Map for Tagyawat ‘pimple’

Just like the preceding section, this also yielded a lot of different forms. The form spoken by the

most number of towns is [tag.'jaː.wat]. These are NG, LI, MJ, and PG. PA and SI prefer the form

[ti.'gaː.wat]. All the remaining forms are spoken in one town only. [ta.gi.'haː.wat], [tag.hi.'jaː.wat],

[tig.'jaː.wat], [tig.'haː.wat] are spoken in SP, RI, MG, and FA respectively.

66
5.2.24. Pusod ‘belly button'

Town Form

SP
['puː.sod]
RI
['puː.sod]
NG
['puː.sod]
LI
['puː.sod]
MJ
['puː.sod]
MG
['puː.sod]
PG
['puː.sod]
PA
['puː.sod]
SI
['puː.sod]
FA
['puː.sod]
Table 55. Forms for Pusod ‘belly button' Figure 38. Map for Pusod ‘belly button'

In this case, all of the towns are unanimous. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['puː.sod].

67
5.2.25. Noo ‘forehead’

Town Form

SP
['nuː.ʔo]
RI
['nuː.ʔo]
NG
['nuː.ʔo]
LI
['nuː.ʔo]
MJ
['nuː.ʔo]
MG
['nuː.ʔo]
PG
['noː.ʔo]
PA
['nuː.ʔo]
SI
['nuː.ʔo]
FA
['nuː.ʔo]
Table 56. Forms for Noo ‘forehead’ Figure 39. Map for Noo ‘forehead’

For Noo ‘forehead’, there are two forms and their difference is only on the vowel: ['nuː.ʔo] and

['noː.ʔo]. The former is spoken in nine towns while the latter is only spoken in RI.

68
5.2.26. Batok ‘nape’

Town Form

SP
['baː.tok]
RI
['baː.tok]
NG
['baː.tok]
LI
['baː.tok]
MJ
['baː.tok]
MG
['baː.tok]
PG
['baː.tok]
PA
['baː.tok]
SI
['baː.tok]
FA
['baː.tok]
Table 57. Forms for Batok ‘nape’ Figure 40. Map for Batok ‘nape’

For Batok ‘nape’, there is only one form found: ['baː.tok]. This is found in all of the towns.

69
5.2.27. Tiyan ‘stomach’

Town Form

SP
[tʃan]
RI
[ti.'jan]
NG
['tiː.jan]
LI
[ti.'jan]
MJ
[ti.'jan]
MG
[tʃan]
PG
[tʃan]
PA
[ti.'jan]
SI
[ti.'jan]
FA
[tʃan]
Table 58. Forms for Tiyan ‘stomach’ Figure 41. Map for Tiyan ‘stomach’

For Tiyan ‘stomach’, there are three forms found among the ten towns. [ti.'jan] is found RI, LI,

MJ, PA, and SI. [tʃan] is also found in four towns, SP, MG, PG, and FA. The oldest form of this word,

['tiː.jan], is only found in NG.

70
5.2.28. Likod ‘back’

Town Form

SP
[li.'kud]
RI
[li.'kud]
NG
[li.'kod]
LI
[li.'kod]
MJ
[li.'kud]
MG
[li.'kud]
PG
[li.'kud]
PA
[li.'kud]
SI
[li.'kud]
FA
[li.'kud]
Table 59. Forms for Likod ‘back’ Figure 42. Map for Likod ‘back’

For Likod ‘back’, there are two forms and their difference is only on the vowel: [li.'kud] and

[li.'kod]. The former is spoken in eight towns while the latter is only spoken in NG and LI..

71
5.2.29. Tuhod ‘knee’

Town Form

SP
['tuː.hod]
RI
['tuː.hod]
NG
['tuː.hod]
LI
['tuː.hod]
MJ
['tuː.hod]
MG
['tuː.hod]
PG
['tuː.hod]
PA
['tuː.hod]
SI
['tuː.hod]
FA
['tuː.hod]
Table 60. Forms for Tuhod ‘knee’ Figure 43. Map for Tuhod ‘knee’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['tuː.hod].

72
5.2.30. Pipi ‘mute’

Town Form

SP
[pi.'pe]
RI
[pi.'pe], [ʔa.'paw]
NG
[pi.'pe]
LI
[pi.'pe]
MJ
[ʔa.'paw]
MG
['piː.pe]
PG
[pi.'pe]
PA
['piː.pe]
SI
['piː.pe]
FA
['piː.pe]
Table 61. Forms for Pipi ‘mute’ Figure 44. Map for Pipi ‘mute’

For Pipi ‘mute’, there are three forms. The first two forms only have a difference on stress:

[pi.'pe] and ['piː.pe] while the other one [ʔa.'paw] is a completely different from. [pi.'pe] is the most

widely distributed term among the three, spoken in SP, RI, NG, LI, and PG. The other form, ['piː.pe] is

spoken in MG, PA, SI and FA. [ʔa.'paw] may be derogatory since it could also mean ‘a dumb person’,

it is heard in RI and MJ.

73
5.2.31. Dighay ‘burp’

Town Form

SP
[dig.'hal]
RI
[tik.'hal]
NG
['dig.hal]
LI
[dig.'hal]
MJ
[dig.'haj]
MG
[dig.'hal]
PG
[dig.'haj]
PA
[tik.'hal]
SI
[dig.'haj]
FA
[dig.'haj]
Table 62. Forms for Dighay ‘burp’ Figure 45. Map for Dighay ‘burp’

[dig.'hal], which is used in SP, LI, and MG, and ['dig.hal] which is spoken in NG, show a

difference on stress. In RI and PA, the consonants of the first syllable of this word are not voiced,

hence, [tik.'hal]. MJ, PG, SI and FA, on the other hand, prefer to use [dig.'haj].

74
5.2.32. Titi ‘penis’

Town Form

SP
['ʔuː.ten]
RI
['ʔuː.ten]
NG
['tiː.teʔ]
LI
['tiː.teʔ]
MJ
['ʔuː.ten]
MG
['ʔuː.ten]
PG
['ʔuː.ten]
PA
['ʔuː.ten]
SI
['ʔuː.tin]
FA
['ʔuː.tin]
Table 63. Forms for Titi ‘penis’ Figure 46. Map for Titi ‘penis’

There are three forms for Titi ‘penis’. These are ['ʔuː.ten], ['ʔuː.tin], and ['tiː.teʔ]. Informants say

that ['ʔuː.ten] and ['ʔuː.tin] usually refer to the reproductive organ of an older person while ['tiː.teʔ]

is for a younger person. ['ʔuː.ten] is used in SP, RI, MJ, MG, PG, and PA while ['ʔuː.tin] is heard in the

two northernmost towns, SI and FA. ['tiː.teʔ] is used in NG and LI.

75
5.2.33. Pepe ‘vagina’

Town Form

SP
['puː.ke] ['peː.peʔ]
RI
['puː.ke] ['kiː.keʔ]
NG
['kiː.keʔ] ['peː.peʔ]
LI
['peː.peʔ]
MJ
['puː.ke] ['kiː.keʔ]
MG
['peː.peʔ] ['puː.ke]
PG
['puː.ke]
PA
['puː.ke] ['kiː.keʔ]
SI
['puː.ki] ['kiː.kiʔ]
FA
['puː.ki]
Table 64. Forms for Pepe ‘vagina’ Figure 47. Map for Pepe ‘vagina’

There are five forms for Pepe ‘vagina’, these are ['peː.peʔ], ['puː.ke] and ['puː.ki], and ['kiː.keʔ]

['kiː.kiʔ]. The two pairs only show a difference on vowel. ['puː.ke] has the widest distribution, being

spoken in SP, RI, NG, MJ, MG, PG, and PA. Coming after it is ['kiː.keʔ], used in RI, NG, MJ, and PA and

['peː.peʔ] heard in SP, NG, LI, and MG while ['kiː.kiʔ] is in SI.

76
5.2.34. Hatsing 'to sneeze'

Town Form

SP
[ba.'hen]
RI
[ba.'heŋ]
NG
['haː.ʧiŋ]
LI
[ba.'hen]
MJ
[ba.'hiŋ]
MG
[ba.'hen]
PG
[ba.'hin]
PA
[ba.'hin]
SI
[ba.'hin]
FA
['haː.ʧiŋ]
Table 65. Forms for Hatsing 'to sneeze' Figure 48. Map for Hatsing 'to sneeze'

For Hatsing 'to sneeze', there are five forms. These are [ba.'hen], [ba.'hin], ['haː.ʧiŋ], [ba.'heŋ],

and [ba.'hiŋ]. Based from the forms, there is a variation between the vowels [e] and [i] and the two

word-final nasals. [ba.'hen] is the most widely spoken form. It is heard in SP, LI, and NG. On the

other hand, [ba.'hin] is used in PG, PA, and SI. ['haː.ʧiŋ] is used in two towns: NG and FA. The forms

ending with the velar nasal are only found in two towns: RI ([ba.'heŋ]) and MJ ([ba.'hiŋ]).

77
5.2.35. Paa ‘foot’

Town Form

SP
['paː.ʔa]
RI
['paː.ʔa]
NG
['paː.ʔa]
LI
['paː.ʔa]
MJ
['paː.ʔa]
MG
[pa.'ʔa]
PG
[pa.'ʔa]
PA
[pa.'ʔa]
SI
[pa.'ʔa]
FA
[pa.'ʔa]
Table 66. Forms for Paa ‘foot’ Figure 49. Map for Paa ‘foot’

For Paa ‘foot’, there are two forms and their difference is only on the position of the stress:

['paː.ʔa] and [pa.'ʔa]. The former is spoken from SP to MJ while the latter is spoken from MG to FA.

78
5.3. Nature

In this section, 31 different lexical items related to nature, e.g. animals, natural phenomena,

fruits and vegetables, will be presented with their corresponding term in each town. At the same

time, a map will be plotted to show the distribution of these lexical items.

5.3.1. Alakdan ‘scorpion’

Town Form

SP
[ʔa.lak.'dan]
RI [ʔa.lak.'dan],
[ʔa.lu.'piː.han]
NG [ʔu.la.'hiː.pan],
[ʔa.lak.'dan],
[ʔul.'jaː.ben]
LI
[ʔa.lu.'hiː.pan]
MJ [ʔa.lak.'dan]
[ʔa.lu.'piː.han]
[ʔu.la.'hiː.pan]
MG
[ʔa.lak.'dan]
PG
[ʔa.lak.'dan]
PA [ʔa.lak.'dan]
[ʔa.lu.'piː.han]
SI [ʔa.lak.'dan]
[ʔa.lu.'piː.han]
FA [ʔa.lak.'dan]
[ʔa.la.'hiː.pan] Figure 50. Map for Alakdan ‘scorpion’
Table 67. Forms for Alakdan ‘scorpion’

In reality, the only word for Alakdan ‘scorpion’ is [ʔa.lak.'dan]. The other forms listed here,

[ʔa.lu.'piː.han], [ʔu.la.'hiː.pan], [ʔul.'jaː.ben], [ʔa.lu.'hiː.pan], and [ʔa.la.'hiː.pan] are names of other

animals associated with the Alakdan ‘scorpion’. All of these supplementary forms except [ʔul.'jaː.ben]

mean ‘centipede’. The meaning of [ʔul.'jaː.ben] is still uncertain, the informant did not provide a

79
good description of this animal. All of the towns except LI showed [ʔa.lak.'dan] and many of the

towns use the term [ʔa.lu.'piː.han], namely RI, MJ, PA, and SI. Two of the towns, NG and MJ, prefer to

use [ʔu.la.'hiː.pan] while only LI uses [ʔa.lu.'hiː.pan]. The two remaining forms only showed in one

town each: [ʔul.'jaː.ben] in LI and [ʔa.la.'hiː.pan] in FA.

5.3.2. Alamang ‘small shrimp’

Town Form

SP
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
RI
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
NG
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
LI
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
MJ
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
MG
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
PG
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
PA
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
SI
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
FA
[ʔa.la.'maŋ]
Table 68. Forms for Alamang ‘small shrimp’ Figure 51. Map for Alamang ‘small shrimp’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ʔa.la.'maŋ].

80
5.3.3. Talangka ‘swamp crab’

Town Form

SP
[ka.'taŋ]
RI
[ka.'taŋ]
NG
[ka.'taŋ]
LI
[ka.'taŋ]
MJ
[ka.'taŋ]
MG
[ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
PG
[ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
PA
[ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
SI
[ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
FA
[ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
Table 69. Forms for Talangka ‘swamp crab’ Figure 52. Map for Talangka ‘swamp crab’

For Talangka ‘swamp crab’, there are two forms: [ka.'taŋ] and [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]. The former is spoken

from SP to MJ while the latter is spoken from MG to FA.

81
5.3.4. Asung ulul ‘mad dog’

Town Form

SP [baŋ.'ʔaw]

RI [baŋ.'ʔaw]

NG ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

LI ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

MJ ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]

MG [ʔu.'lul]

PG ['ʔaː.suŋ ʔu.'lul]

PA ['ʔaː.suŋ ba.'liw]

SI ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw]

FA ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw]

Table 70. Forms for Asung ulul ‘mad dog’ Figure 53. Map for Asung ulul ‘mad dog’

From SP to MJ, they use [baŋ.'ʔaw] to describe a mad dog. If you would go to MG and PG, a

different term is used: [ʔu.'lul]. Going further north, PA prefers the term [ba.'liw] while the stress of

this term falls on the penultimate syllable in SI and FA.

82
5.3.5. Bahaghari ‘rainbow’

Town Form

SP
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
RI
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
NG
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
LI
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
MJ
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
MG
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
PG
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
PA
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
SI
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
FA
[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
Table 71. Forms for Bahaghari ‘rainbow’ Figure 54. Map for Bahaghari ‘rainbow’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ba.hag.'haː.riʔ].

83
5.3.6. Bangaw ‘fly’

Town Form

SP
[baŋ.'jaw]
RI
[baŋ.'jaw]
NG
[baŋ.'jaw]
LI
[baŋ.'jaw]
MJ
[baŋ.'jaw]
MG
[baŋ.'jaw]
PG
['baː.ŋaw]
PA
['baː.ŋaw]
SI
['baː.ŋaw]
FA
['baː.ŋaw]
Table 72. Forms for Bangaw ‘fly’ Figure 55. Map for Bangaw ‘fly’

For Bangaw ‘fly’, there are two forms: [baŋ.'jaw] and ['baː.ŋaw]. The former is spoken from SP to

MG while the latter is spoken from PG to FA.

84
5.3.7. Biik ‘piglet’

Town Form

SP
[bi.'ʔik]
RI
[bi.'ʔek] [bu.'law] [ku.'leg]
NG
['biː.ʔik] [ku.'leg]
LI
[bi.'ʔek] [ku.'leg]
MJ
['biː.ʔik] [ku.'lig]
MG
['biː.ʔik] [ku.'lig]
PG
['biː.ʔik] [ku.'leg]
PA
[bi.'ʔik] [ku.'lig]
SI
[bi.'ʔik] [ku.'lig]
FA
[ku.'lig]
Table 73. Forms for Biik ‘piglet’ Figure 56. Map for Biik ‘piglet’

With regards to the offspring of pig, it seems that there are various ways to call it. First, in SP,

PA and SI, it is called [bi.'ʔik] while this form is [bi.'ʔek] in RI and LI and ['biː.ʔik] in NG, MJ, MG,

and PG. Meanwhile, [ku.'leg] is used in RI, NG, LI, and PG and [ku.'lig] is heard MJ, MG, PA, SI and

FA. Most of the informants insist that there is no difference between biik and kulig while the

informant from FA said that kulig usually refers to the recently-born or a very young piglet. In RI,

another form is also used to call the offspring of a pig: [bu.'law].

85
5.3.8. Buko ‘coconut’

Town Form

SP
['muː.raʔ]
RI
['muː.raʔ]
NG
['muː.raʔ]
LI
['muː.raʔ]
MJ
['muː.raʔ]
MG
['muː.raʔ]
PG
['muː.raʔ]
PA
['muː.raʔ]
SI
['muː.raʔ]
FA
['muː.raʔ]
Table 74. Forms for Buko ‘coconut’ Figure 57. Map for Buko ‘coconut’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['muː.raʔ]. Some informants remarked that their native term for coconut is ['muː.raʔ] and not buko

which they say is from Tagalog Manila.

86
5.3.9. Kalamansi ‘calamansi’

Town Form

SP
[ka.la.man.'siʔ]
RI [ka.li.mun.'diŋ]
[sin.'tuː.nes]
NG
[sin.'tuː.nes]
LI
[sin.'tuː.nes]
MJ
[sin.'tuː.nes]
MG
[sen.'tuː.nes]
PG
[ka.la.man.'siʔ]
PA
[sin.'tuː.nes]
SI
[sin.'tuː.nes]
FA
[sin.'tuː.nes]
Table 75. Forms for Kalamansi ‘ calamansi’ Figure 58. Map for Kalamansi ‘ calamansi’

For Kalamansi ‘ calamansi’, there are four forms. First, [sin.'tuː.nes] is spoken in FA, SI, PA, MJ, LI,

NG, and RI. Second, [ka.la.man.'siʔ] is heard in SP and PG. Lastly, MG uses [sen.'tuː.nes] and RI

[ka.li.mun.'diŋ]. Most of the informants remarked that when they were younger, they called calamansi

as sintunes back then but now, because of the influence of Tagalog Manila, they are now getting used

to call it calamansi.

87
5.3.10. Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’

Town Form

SP
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
RI
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
NG
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
LI
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
MJ
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
MG
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
PG
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
PA
[ba.liŋ.'hoj]
SI
[ka.'moː.teŋ 'kaː.hoj]
FA
[ka.'moː.teŋ 'kaː.hoj]
Table 76. Forms for Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’ Figure 59. Map for Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’

For Kamoteng Kahoy ‘cassava’, there are two forms: [ba.liŋ.'hoj] and [ka.'moː.teŋ 'kaː.hoj]. The

former is spoken from SP to PA while the latter is used in SI and FA.

88
5.3.11. Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’

Town Form

SP
[ban.'law]
RI
[ban.'law]
NG
[ba.'hog], [ban.'law]
LI
[ba.'hog]
MJ
[li.'noʔ]
MG
[li.'noʔ]
PG
[li.'noʔ]
PA
[li.'noʔ]
SI
[li.'noʔ], [hi.'nuː.gas]
FA
[li.'noʔ]
Table 77. Forms for Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’ Figure 60. Map for Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’

For Kanimbabuy ‘feed for pigs’, which is a mixture made up of left-overs to be used as fed for

pigs, four forms have been found among the ten towns. These words are [li.'noʔ], [ban.'law],

[ba.'hog], and [hi.'nuː.gas]. From SP to NG, [ban.'law] is used while also from NG to neighboring

town LI, [ba.'hog] is also spoken. Meanwhile, MJ, NG, PG, PA, SI and FA use the form [li.'noʔ]. In

addition, SI speakers also use [hi.'nuː.gas].

89
5.3.12. Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’

Town Form

SP
[ka.lib.'kib]
RI
[ka.lib.'kib]
NG
[ka.lib.'kib]
LI
[ka.lib.'kib]
MJ
[ka.lib.'kib]
MG
[ka.lib.'kib]
PG
['kop.ras]
PA
['kop.ras]
SI
['kop.ras]
FA
['kop.ras]
Table 78. Forms forKopra ‘dried coconut meat’ Figure 61. Map for Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’

For Kopra ‘dried coconut meat’, there are two forms: [ka.lib.'kib] and ['kop.ras]. The former is

spoken from SP to MG while the latter is used in PG and FA.

90
5.3.13. Gagamba ‘spider’

Town Form

SP
[ga.gam.'ba]
RI
[ga.gam.'ba]
NG
[ga.gam.'ba]
LI
[ga.gam.'ba]
MJ
[ga.gam.'ba]
MG
[ga.gam.'ba]
PG
[ga.gam.'ba]
PA
[ga.gam.'ba]
SI
[ga.gam.'ba]
FA
[ga.gam.'ba]
Table 79. Forms for Gagamba ‘spider’ Figure 62. Map for Gagamba ‘spider’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ga.gam.'ba].

91
5.3.14. Hanip ‘chicken louse’

Town Form

SP
['haː.nip]
RI
['ʔaː.nep]
NG
['haː.nip]
LI
['haː.nep]
MJ
['haː.nip]
MG
['haː.nip]
PG
['haː.nip]
PA
['haː.nip]
SI
['haː.nip]
FA
['haː.nip]
Table 80. Forms for Hanip ‘chicken louse’ Figure 63. Map for Hanip ‘chicken louse’

Besides RI and LI, all of the towns use ['haː.nip] for Hanip ‘chicken louse’. Speakers from RI use

['ʔaː.nep] while in LI, they prefer ['haː.nep].

92
5.3.15. Ipis ‘cockroach

Town Form

SP
['ʔiː.pis] [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]
RI
[baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]
NG
[baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]
LI
[baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]
MJ
['ʔiː.pis] [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]
MG
['ʔiː.pis]
PG
['ʔiː.pis]
PA
['ʔiː.pis]
SI
['ʔiː.pis]
FA
['ʔiː.pis]
Table 81. Forms for Ipis ‘cockroach Figure 64. Map for Ipis ‘cockroach’

RI, NG, and LI, use the term [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ] for Ipis ‘cockroach while in MG, PG, PA, SI, and FA,

they use ['ʔiː.pis]. On the other hand, SP and MJ both use the two forms.

93
5.3.16. Langgam ‘ant’

Town Form

SP
['guː.jam], [ʔa.'paː.nas],['kwiː.tib]
RI
['kwiː.tib], [ʔu.'lan.des]
NG ['kwiː.tib] [ʔa.'paː.nas] [ʔu.'lan.des]
['guː.jam] [ʔa.mi.'niː.ŋas]
LI
['kwiː.tib]
MJ
['kwiː.tib]
MG ['kwiː.tib] [han.'tek]
['guː.jam],[ʔa.'paː.nas],
PG
[ʔa.'paː.nas], [han.'tek]
PA
['guː.jam]
SI
[han.'tik], ['kwiː.tib],[ʔa.'paː.nas]
FA
[ti.'gaː.saw] [han.'tik 'baː.ga]
Table 82. Forms for Langgam ‘ant’ Figure 65. Map for Langgam ‘ant’

Perhaps, in this research, Langgam ‘ant’ has the most number of forms among the ten towns. All

in all, there are nine forms: ['kwiː.tib], [ʔa.'paː.nas], ['guː.jam], [ʔu.'lan.des], [ʔa.mi.'niː.ŋas],

[han.'tek], [han.'tik], [ti.'gaː.saw], and [han.'tik 'baː.ga].

The ['kwiː.tib] are small ants. This is used in SP, RI, NG, LI, MJ, MG, and SI. The ant in lanzones is

called [ʔa.'paː.nas] and this is heard in SP, NG, MG, PG, and SI. ['guː.jam], meanwhile, is used in SP,

NG, MG, PA, and is a generic term for small ants. [ʔu.'lan.des] are red ants and this term is spoken in

RI, and NG. In NG, another species of ant is called [ʔa.mi.'niː.ŋas] and the NG informant claimed that

this is called [ʔa.mi.'nig.tas] in other towns but this word did not show up during the field work in

other towns. [han.'tek] which is spoken in MG and PG and [han.'tik] which is spoken in SI only have

a difference in one vowel. In FA, there are another species of ant called [ti.'gaː.saw] and [han.'tik

'baː.ga].

94
5.3.17. Munggo ‘mung beans’

Town Form

SP
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
RI
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
NG
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
LI
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
MJ
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
MG
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
PG
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
PA
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
SI
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
FA
[ba.'laː.toŋ]
Table 83. Forms for Munggo ‘mung beans’ Figure 66. Map for Munggo ‘mung beans’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ba.'laː.toŋ]. Informants say that munggo and [ba.'laː.toŋ] are not the same thing. For them, the mung

beans used for cooking is [ba.'laː.toŋ] while the mung beans added in halu-halo is munggo.

95
5.3.18. Paniki ‘bat’

Town Form

SP
[pa.'niː.kiʔ] [ba.'jaː.kan] [ka.'bag]
RI
[ka.'bag]
NG
[ka.'bag] [pa.'niː.keʔ]
LI
[pa.'niː.kiʔ] [ka.'bag]
MJ
[ka.'bag]
MG
[ka.'bag]
PG
[pa.'niː.kiʔ]
PA
[pa.'niː.kiʔ]
SI
[pa.'niː.kiʔ]
FA
[ka.'bag]
Table 84. Forms for Paniki ‘bat’ Figure 67. Map for Paniki ‘bat’

For Paniki ‘bat’, there are 4 forms. [pa.'niː.kiʔ], [pa.'niː.keʔ], [ka.'bag], and [ba.'jaː.kan]. [pa.'niː.kiʔ]

is spoken in SP, LI, PG, PA, and SI while [pa.'niː.keʔ] is only heard in NG. [ka.'bag] is a species of

fruit-bat and this is used in SP, RI, NG, LI, MJ, MG, and FA. SP speakers are also familiar with

[ba.'jaː.kan] which is called Ryukyu Flying Fox in English.

96
5.3.19. Saput ‘cobweb’

Town Form

SP
['saː.put]
RI
['saː.put]
NG
['saː.put]
LI
['saː.put]
MJ
['saː.put]
MG
['saː.put]
PG
['saː.put]
PA
['saː.put]
SI
['saː.put]
FA
['saː.put]
Table 85. Forms for Saput ‘cobweb’ Figure 68. Map for Saput ‘cobweb’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['saː.put].

97
5.3.20. Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’

Town Form

SP
[ka.la.'mis.mis]
RI
-----------------
NG
[ka.la.'mis.mis]
LI
-----------------
MJ
[si.ga.'ril.jas]
MG
[si.ga.'ril.jas]
PG
[si.ga.'ril.jas]
PA
[ka.'baj ka.'baj]
SI
[si.ga.'ril.jas]
FA
[si.gi.'dil.jas]
Table 86. Forms for Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’ Figure 69. Map for Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’

SP and RI use the term [ka.la.'mis.mis] to identify Sigarilyas ‘winged bean’ while PA use [ka.'baj

ka.'baj]. [si.ga.'ril.jas] is spoken in MJ, MG, PG, and SI while its variant form, [si.gi.'dil.jas] is used in

FA.

98
5.3.21. Sitaw ‘string beans’

Town Form

SP
['siː.taw]
RI
['siː.taw]
NG
['siː.taw] ['ʔaː.jap]
LI
['ʔaː.jap] [pa.'ʔaː.jap]
MJ
['ʔaː.jap]
MG
['ʔaː.jap]
PG
['ʔaː.jap]
PA
['ʔaː.jap]
SI
['ʔaː.jap]
FA
[per.'suː.lis]
Table 87. Forms for Sitaw ‘string beans’ Figure 70. Map for Sitaw ‘string beans’

For Sitaw ‘string beans’, there are also four terms. These are ['ʔaː.jap], [pa.'ʔaː.jap], ['siː.taw], and

[per.'suː.lis]. ['ʔaː.jap] is the most widely-spoken in all of the forms and it is used in NG, LI, MJ, MG,

PG, PA, and SI. Its variant form, [pa.'ʔaː.jap], is also used by speakers from LI. ['siː.taw] is spoken in

three towns: SP, RI, and NG. Lastly, only in FA they say [per.'suː.lis].

99
5.3.22. Tuta ‘puppy’

Town Form

SP
[bi.'lot]
RI
[bi.'lot]
NG
['tuː.taʔ]
LI
['tuː.taʔ]
MJ
['tuː.taʔ]
MG
['tuː.taʔ]
PG
['tuː.taʔ]
PA
['tuː.taʔ]
SI
['tuː.taʔ]
FA
['tuː.taʔ]
Table 88. Forms for Tuta ‘puppy’ Figure 71. Map for Tuta ‘puppy’

For Tuta ‘puppy’, there are two forms found: ['tuː.taʔ] and [bi.'lot]. ['tuː.taʔ] is used from FA

down to NG. [bi.'lot] is what you call a new-born puppy and this is spoken in SP and RI.

100
5.3.23. Ulap ‘cloud’

Town Form

SP
[ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
RI
[ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
NG
['ʔuː.lap] [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
LI
['ʔuː.lap]
MJ
['ʔuː.lap]
MG
[ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
PG
['ʔuː.lap]
PA
['ʔuː.lap]
SI
['ʔuː.lap]
FA
['ʔuː.lap]
Table 89. Forms for Ulap ‘cloud’ Figure 72. Map for Ulap ‘cloud’

['ʔuː.lap] and [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap] are both used in Laguna to refer to Ulap ‘cloud’. The former is

spoken in NG, LI, MJ, PG, PA, SI, and FA. The latter is heard at SP, SI, NG, and MG.

101
5.3.24. Ambon ‘drizzle’

Town Form

SP
['ʔam.bon]
RI
['ʔam.bon]
NG
['ʔam.bon]
LI
['ʔam.bon]
MJ
['ʔam.bon]
MG
['ʔam.bon]
PG
['ʔam.bon]
PA
['ʔam.bon]
SI
['ʔam.bon]
FA
['ʔam.bon]
Table 90. Forms for Ambon ‘drizzle’ Figure 73. Map for Ambon ‘drizzle’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

['ʔam.bon].

102
5.3.25. Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’

Town Form

SP [ʔam.'piː.jas]

RI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

NG [ʔam.'piː.jas]

LI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

MJ [ʔam.'piː.jas]

MG [ʔam.'pjas]

PG [ʔam.'pjas]

PA [ʔam.'piː.jas]

SI [ʔam.'piː.jas]

FA [ʔam.'piː.jas]

Table 91. Forms for Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’ Figure 74. Map for Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’

For Anggi ‘'rain getting inside’, there are also two forms. [ʔam.'piː.jas] is heard throughout the

ten towns except in MG and PG where the variant form, [ʔam.'pjas], is used.

103
5.3.26. Tahol ‘to bark’

Town Form

SP
[ba.'tok] [ka.'hol]
RI
[ba.'tok] [ka.'hol]
NG
[ba.'tok]
LI
[ba.'tok]
MJ
[ba.'tok] [ta.'hol]
MG
[ta.'hol] [ka.'hol]
PG
[ta.'hol] [ka.'hol]
PA
[ta.'hol]
SI
[ta.'hol]
FA
[ta.'hol]
Table 92. Forms for Tahol ‘to bark’ Figure 75. Map for Tahol ‘to bark’

Among the ten towns, the forms for Tahol ‘to bark’ are [ba.'tok], [ta.'hol], and [ka.'hol]. From SP

to MJ, [ba.'tok] is used while from MJ to FA, [ta.'hol]. The distribution of [ka.'hol] is very scattered. It

is spoken in SP, RI, MG, and PG.

104
5.3.27. Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’

Town Form

SP
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
RI
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
NG
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
LI
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
MJ
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
MG
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
PG
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
PA
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
SI
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
FA
[ma.li.'gam.gam]
Table 93. Forms for Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’ Figure 76. Map for Maligamgam ‘lukewarm’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[ma.li.'gam.gam].

105
5.3.28. Suha ‘grapefruit’

Town Form

SP
[luk.'ban]
RI
[luk.'ban]
NG
[luk.'ban]
LI
[luk.'ban]
MJ
[luk.'ban]
MG
[luk.'ban]
PG
[luk.'ban]
PA
[luk.'ban]
SI
[luk.'ban]
FA
[luk.'ban]
Table 94. Forms for Suha ‘grapefruit’ Figure 77. Map for Suha ‘grapefruit’

In this case, all of the towns are the same. From SP to FA, only one form is observed:

[luk.'ban].

106
5.3.29. Paru-paro ‘butterfly’

Town Form

SP
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
RI
[pa.'la pa.'la]
NG
[pa.'la pa.'la]
LI
[pa.'la pa.'la]
MJ
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
MG
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
PG
[pa.'ru pa.'ro] [ma.ri.'poː.sa]
PA
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
SI
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
FA
[pa.'ru pa.'ro]
Table 95. Forms for Paru-paro ‘butterfly’ Figure 78. Map for Paru-paro ‘butterfly’

[pa.'ru pa.'ro] is spoken in the most number of towns: SP, MJ, MG, PG, PA, SI and FA. Meanwhile,

RI, NG, and LI, which are very close to each other, use the term [pa.'la pa.'la]. They say that this is

what they call the big butterfly that according to belief signifies death. In PG, a big butterfly is also

called a [ma.ri.'poː.sa].

107
5.3.30. Hamog ‘fog’

Town Form

SP
[ha.'mog]
RI
['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo]
NG
['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo]
LI
[ha.'mog]
MJ
['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo]
MG
[ha.'mog]
PG
[ha.'mog]
PA
[ha.'mog]
SI
[ha.'mog]
FA
[ha.'mog]
Table 96. Forms for Hamog ‘fog’ Figure 79. Map for Hamog ‘fog’

Seven (SP, LI, MG, PG, PA, SI, FA) out of the ten towns use [ha.'mog] to name Hamog ‘fog’. On

the other hand, ['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo] is the preferred term for those who hail from RI, NG, and MJ.

108
5.3.31. Buto ‘bone, seed’

Town Form

SP [bu.'to]

RI [but.'ʔo]

NG [bu.'to]

LI [but.'ʔo]

MJ [bu.'to]

MG [bu.'to]

PG [bu.'to]

PA [bu.'to]

SI [bu.'to]

FA [bu.'to]

Table 97. Forms for Buto ‘bone, seed’ Figure 80. Map for Buto ‘bone, seed’

For Buto ‘bone, seed’, only RI and LI retain the glottal stop, as in [but.'ʔo]. The other towns,

however, use [bu.'to].

109
5.3.32. Buwan ‘moon, month’

Town Form

SP [bu.'wan]

RI ['buː.wan]

NG ['buː.wan]

LI ['buː.wan]

MJ ['buː.wan]

MG [bu.'wan]

PG [bu.'wan]

PA [bu.'wan]

SI ['buː.wan]

FA [bu.'wan]

Table 98. Forms for Buwan ‘moon, month’ Figure 81. Map for Buwan ‘moon, month’

For Buwan ‘moon, month’, there are two forms: [bu.'wan] and ['buː.wan]. The former is spoken

in SP, MG, PG, PA, and FA while latter is spoken in RI, NG, LI, MJ, and SI.

110
5.4. Sets of Isogloss

From the preceding section, it could be seen that variation really exists among these ten towns

in Laguna. Sometimes, all of them have the same form, while, sometimes, almost every town uses a

different term. However, there are some instances that different lexical items show the same flow of

distribution among the ten towns. Based on the data presented above, there are five sets of isogloss

that can be seen. Each of this set will be discussed below one by one.

5.4.1. Isogloss Set 1: One form for all

Figure 82. Isogloss Set 1: One form for all

As a whole, these ten towns share a lot of common terms with each other. From all of the data

presented above, this pattern is present in 15 lexical items. These are Panga ‘jaw’ (Section 5.2.4.),

Baba ‘chin’ (Section 5.2.6.), Balakang ‘hip’ (Section 5.2.7.), Balinguynguy ‘nosebleed’ (Section

5.2.15.), Pusod ‘belly button' (Section 5.2.24.), Batok ‘nape’ (Section 5.2.26.), Tuhod ‘knee’ (Section

5.2.29.), Bahaghari ‘rainbow’ (Section 5.3.5.), Buko ‘coconut’ (Section 5.3.8.), Gagamba ‘spider’

(Section 5.3.13.), Saput ‘cobweb’ (Section 5.3.19.), Ambon ‘drizzle’ (Section 5.3.24.), Maligamgam

‘lukewarm’ (Section 5.3.27.), and Suha ‘grapefruit’ (Section 5.3.28.)

111
5.4.2. Isogloss Set 2: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ and another form in MG-PG-PA-SI-FA

Figure 83. One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ and another form in MG-PG-PA-SI-FA

For Isogloss Set 2, it could be seen that the first two five towns (SP, RI, NG, LI, and MJ) are much

closer to each other and the other five (MG, PG, PA, SI, and FA) are similar with each other. This

distribution is seen in five lexical items. These lexical items are Paa ‘foot’ (Section 5.2.35.), Talangka

‘swamp crab’ (Section 5.3.3.), Asung ulul ‘mad dog’ (Section 5.3.4.), Ipis ‘cockroach (Section 5.3.15.),

and Tahol ‘to bark’ (Section 5.3.26.).

5.4.3. Isogloss Set 3: One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ-MG and another form in PG-PA-SI-FA

Figure 84. One form in SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ-MG and another form in PG-PA-SI-FA

112
 For this set of isogloss, there are only two lexical items that exhibit this pattern. The division

between SP-RI-NG-LI-MJ-MG and PG-PA-SI-FA is only in Bangaw ‘fly’ (Section 5.3.6.) and Kopra

‘dried coconut meat’ (Section 5.3.12.).

5.4.4. Isogloss Set 4: One form in SI and another form in all the other towns

There are two lexical items that show that SI have unique forms only used in their town. These

two lexical items are related to kinship. These are Kuya ‘older brother’ (Section 5.1.5.) and Ate ‘older

sister’ (Section 5.1.6.).

Figure 85. Isogloss Set 4: 1 form in SI and another form in all the other towns

113
5.4.5. Isogloss Set 5: One form in RI and another form in all the other towns

Figure 86. Isogloss Set 5: 1 form in RI and another form in all the other towns

There are also two instances that all except RI had the same form. These are Bukung-bukong

‘ankle’ (Section 5.2.10.) and Gilagid ‘gums’ (Section 5.2.11.)

5.4.6 Bundles of Isogloss

Below is a map of all the five sets of isogloss that divide the ten towns. In MG and PG exists two

sets of isogloss that are very close to each other while the other two sets, in SI and RI, are very far

from each other.

Figure 87. Bundles of Isogloss

114
5.5. Lexical Similarity Percentage

The forms presented in this chapter were also input in a software called Cog that can identify

cognates and compute for the lexical similarity of different varieties of a language. Another feature

of this software is it is able to generate a graph to illustrate the relationship of different varieties

based on cognate percentage. The results of the computation of cognate percentage based on lexicon

are presented in Table 99.

SP RI NG LI MJ MG PG PA SI FA

SP 95 85 82 92 88 96 88 86 92

RI 95 92 88 96 89 95 91 94 100

NG 85 92 93 89 85 85 79 80 81

LI 82 88 93 92 95 91 88 90 91

MJ 92 96 89 92 96 100 89 91 92

MG 88 89 85 95 96 96 85 87 88

PG 96 95 85 91 100 96 93 92 92

PA 88 91 79 88 89 85 93 85 86

SI 86 94 80 90 91 87 92 85 100

FA 92 100 81 91 92 88 92 86 100

Table 99. Lexical Similarity Percentage

Based from the table above, it proves that all of these varieties are still dialects of one language.

It is true that 80%-100% is the margin for telling whether a certain variety is still a dialect of a

language or not and on the table, a percentage lower than 80% can still be found, e.g. PA-NG which

is 79%. But this is statistically significant and speakers from these towns could still be able to

understand each other. Lexically speaking, of all the towns, NG shows the lowest percentage of

lexical similarity with other towns. From MJ to FA, all of the percentages of NG are lower than 90%

percent. Following NG is PA which has 79% to 93% lexical similarity with other towns. Meanwhile,

115
one of the most lexically-similar varieties are SI-RI-FA and PG-MJ which have 100% lexical

similarity with each other.

Figure 88. Graph of the Relationship of Ten Towns in Laguna Based on Lexical Similarity

5.6. Summary

The lexical similarities and differences of the ten towns in Laguna have been shown in this

chapter. 75 lexical items were categorized into three semantic domains: kinship, body, and nature.

The elicited forms in each lexical item per town were compared with each other and plotted in a

map to illustrate the distribution of these forms. From this, there are five sets of isogloss that could

be derived and these sets of isogloss were compiled into one bundle of isogloss. Using a computer

software, the lexical similarity percentage was computed and it showed that NG and PA have one of

the lowest percentage of lexical similarity with other towns while SI-RI-FA and PG-MJ are found to

be highly lexically similar with each other.

116
 Conclusion

This research aims to describe the Tagalog language as it is spoken in the province of Laguna.

Ten towns were chosen to be the focus of this study and the data were gathered first-hand through

field work and by using a word list especially created for this study. The data collected were first

compared with Tagalog Manila in the aspects of phonology and morphosyntax to prove that this

variety is indeed a legitimate variety on its own. After establishing this, the towns were compared

among themselves to find out in what aspects of phonology and lexicon do they differ or become

similar. The variation and similarity among the varieties became more apparent when the forms of

each town were plotted in a map, sets of isogloss were drawn and similarity percentages were

computed. Since the amount of data present in this study is fairly low in number, the researcher

advises the readers to be cautious of the results presented here since the implications made in this

study only apply to the data that were utilized in this study. Nevertheless, all of these ten varieties

can still be considered dialects of one language but each one of them has its own unique

characteristics that deserve the attention and interest of linguists and of the general scientific

community as well.

Since this is just a preliminary study of Tagalog Laguna, it certainly has its shortcomings but it

is hoped that it will still be useful for other linguists and speakers of Tagalog, especially of Tagalog

Laguna, to learn more about Tagalog Laguna and appreciate its distinctiveness from other Tagalog

varieties. Since some of the data presented here are also attested in other parts of Southern Luzon, a

bigger dialectology study of Southern Tagalog covering other parts of Laguna and of Southern

Luzon is encouraged to fully understand the linguistic situation in the area and to possibly trace the

history of the Tagalog language.

117
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Schachter, P. and Otanes, F. (1972). Tagalog reference grammar. Berkeley: University of California

Press.

Tantiangco, CMK, et al. 2009. Acoustic correlates of stress. Unpublished manuscript, Department of

Linguistics, University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines.

Tolentino, C. D. (2013). Lexical peculiarities of Marinduque Tagalog. (Unpublished undergraduate

thesis). University of the Philippines Diliman: Quezon City.

Wikipedia. (2012, June 25). File:Laguna Map.jpg. Retrieved from Wikipedia:

119
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Laguna_Map.jpg

120
Filipino/English Gloss
Katawan 'body'
Tenga 'ear'
Leeg 'neck'
Panga 'jaw'
Bagang 'molars'
Alakdan 'scorpion'
Alamang 'small shrimp'
Alkansya 'piggy bank'
Talangka 'swamp crab'
Asung ulul 'mad dog'
Baba 'chin'
Bahaghari 'rainbow'
Balakang 'hip'
Balakubak 'dandruff'
Bangaw 'large fly'
Biik 'piglet'
Biluy 'dimple'
Buko 'coconut'
Bukung-bukong 'ankle'
Kaing 'big basket'
Kalamansi 'calamansi'
Kamoteng Kahoy 'cassava root'
Kanimbabuy 'feed for pigs'
Kopra 'dried coconut meat'
Gagamba 'spider'
Gilagid 'gums'
Hanip 'chicken louse'
Ipis 'cockroach'
Lalamunan 'throat'
Langgam 'ant'
Munggo 'mung beans'
Paminggalan 'dish rack'
Paniki 'bat'
Saput 'cobweb'
Sigarilyas 'winged bean'
Sinat 'mild fever'
Binat 'relapse of (an ailment)
Sinungaling 'liar'
Sitaw 'string beans'
Tirador 'slingshot'
Tuta 'puppy'
Ulap 'cloud'
Ambon 'drizzle'
Anggi 'rain getting inside'
Balatan 'peel'
Balinguynguy 'nosebleed'
Banli 'scald'
Kiliti 'tickle'
Hikab 'yawn'
Hilo 'dizzy'
Hiwa 'to slice'
Igib 'to fetch water'
Nabulunan 'to choke food'
Nginig 'to tremble'
Salampak 'to sit on the floor'
Tahol 'to bark'
Bungi 'with missing tooth'
Lukot 'crimpled'
Maligamgam 'lukewarm'
Maalinsangan 'warm and humid'
Malata 'soft (as of rice)'
Manipis 'thin'
Mapanghi 'smell of urine'
Mapurol 'not sharp'
Madamot 'selfish'
Pangit 'ugly'
Unti-unti 'little by little'
Alikabok 'dust'
Tagyawat 'pimple'
Pusod 'belly button'
Kunyari 'for example'
Dausos
Kabit 'mistress'
Dito 'here'
Diyan 'there'
Doon 'over there'
Ganito 'like this'
Ganiyan 'like that'
Ganoon 'like that'
Ito 'this'
Lolo 'grandfather'
Lola 'grandmother'
Ama 'father'
Ina 'mother'
Kuya 'older brother'
Ate 'older sister'
Tito 'uncle'
Tita 'aunt'
Noo 'forehead'
Batok 'nape'
Tiyan 'stomach'
Likod 'back'
Tuhod 'knee'
Matakaw 'glutton'
Mayabang 'boastful'
Imis 'arrange'
Tig-iisa 'by ones'
Tigdadalawa 'by twos'
Tigtatatlo 'by threes'
Tigaapat 'by fours'

Ligpit 'to clean the table (as in after eating)'

Samsam 'to get the laundry'
Hikaw 'earrings'
Kalbo 'walang buhok'
Pango 'not pointed nose'
Mainit 'hot'
Suha 'grapefruit'
Gasera 'lamp'
Inin 'cooked (as of rice)'
Salo 'to catch'

Tilamsik 'splashing of mad on clothes'

Hain 'to serve food'
Sangkalan 'chopping board'
Sitsit 'psst'
Dutdot 'to poke'
Tingkayad 'to tiptoe'

Balibag 'to throw something forcefully'

Tinik 'to have fish bone block the throat while
eating'

Malasado 'not cooked well (as of egg)'

Pipi 'mute'
Natapilok 'to trip one's leg'
Madaldal 'talkative'
Butete 'Big-bellied'
Hilaw 'raw'
Duyan 'cradle'

Binatog 'steamed corn with coconut gratings

and salt'
Dighay 'burp'
Maruya 'deep friend bananas'
Buwan ‘moon/month’
Paru-paro 'butterfly'
Madumi 'dirty'
Hamog 'fog'
Makitid 'narrow'
Titi ‘penis’
Pepe ‘vagina’
Hatsing 'to sneeze'
Paa 'foot'
Buto 'seed'
Filipino/English Gloss San Pablo Rizal Nagcarlan
Katawan 'body' [ka.ta.'wan] [ka.taw.'ʔan] [ka.taw.'ʔan]
Tenga 'ear' ['teː.ŋa] ['tej.ŋa] ['tej.ŋa]
Leeg 'neck' [le.'ʔeg] [li.'ʔeg] ['liː.ʔeg]
Panga 'jaw' [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa]
Bagang 'molars' [bag.'ʔaŋ] [ba.'gaŋ] [bag.'ʔaŋ]

[ʔu.la.'hiː.pan], [ʔa.lak.'dan],
Alakdan 'scorpion' [ʔa.lak.'dan] [ʔa.lak.'dan], [ʔa.lu.'piː.han] [ʔul.'jaː.ben]
Alamang 'small shrimp' [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ]
Alkansya 'piggy bank' [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'sʃa]
Talangka 'swamp crab' [ka.'taŋ] [ka.'taŋ] [ka.'taŋ]
Asung ulul 'mad dog' [baŋ.'ʔaw] [baŋ.'ʔaw] ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw]
Baba 'chin' ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ]
Bahaghari 'rainbow' [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
Balakang 'hip' [ba.la.'kaŋ] [ba.la.'kaŋ] [ba.la.'kaŋ]
Balakubak 'dandruff' [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak]
Bangaw 'large fly' [baŋ.'jaw] [baŋ.'jaw] [baŋ.'jaw]

Biik 'piglet' [bi.'ʔik] [bi.'ʔek], [bu.'law], [ku.'leg] ['biː.ʔik], [ku.'leg]

Biluy 'dimple' ['biː.loj] ['biː.loj] ['biː.loj]
Buko 'coconut' ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ]
Bukung-bukong 'ankle' ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] [bu.'ʔol] ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
 [pan.'tuː.gan], ['baː.kol],
Kaing 'big basket' ['baː.ked] [ka.'ʔiŋ] [tik.'les]

Kalamansi 'calamansi' [ka.la.man.'siʔ] [ka.li.mun.'diŋ], [sin.'tuː.nes] [sin.'tuː.nes]

Kamoteng Kahoy 'cassava root' [ba.liŋ.'hoj] [ba.liŋ.'hoj] [ba.liŋ.'hoj]
Kanimbabuy 'feed for pigs' [ban.'law] [ban.'law] [ba.'hog], [ban.'law]
Kopra 'dried coconut meat' [ka.lib.'kib] [ka.lib.'kib] [ka.lib.'kib]
Gagamba 'spider' [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba]
Gilagid 'gums' [gi.'laː.gid] ['ŋid.ŋid] [gi.'laː.gid]
Hanip 'chicken louse' ['haː.nip] ['ʔaː.nep] ['haː.nip]

Ipis 'cockroach' ['ʔiː.pis], [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ] [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ] [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ]

[la.la.'ʔuː.gan],
Lalamunan 'throat' [la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'muː.nan]

['kwiː.tib], [ʔa.'paː.nas],
['guː.jam], [ʔu.'lan.des], ['guː.jam],
Langgam 'ant' [ʔa.'paː.nas],['kwiː.tib] ['kwiː.tib], [ʔu.'lan.des] [ʔa.mi.'niː.ŋas]
Munggo 'mung beans' [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ]

Paminggalan 'dish rack' [baŋ.ge.ra.'han] [taː.'ʔuː.ban], [baŋ.ge.ra.'han] [baŋ.ge.ra.'han]

[pa.'niː.kiʔ],
Paniki 'bat' [ba.'jaː.kan], [ka.'bag] [ka.'bag] [ka.'bag], [pa.'niː.keʔ]
Saput 'cobweb' ['saː.put] ['saː.put] ['saː.put]
Sigarilyas 'winged bean' [ka.la.'mis.mis] [ka.la.'mis.mis]
Sinat 'mild fever' ['siː.nat] ['sej.nat] ['siː.nat]
Binat 'relapse of (an ailment) ['biː.nat] ['bej.nat] ['baj.nat]

Sinungaling 'liar' [bu.'laː.ʔan] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ]

Sitaw 'string beans' ['siː.taw] ['siː.taw] ['siː.taw], ['aː.yap]
Tirador 'slingshot' [ti.ra.'dor] [ti.ra.'dor] [ti.ra.'dor]
Tuta 'puppy' [bi.'lot] [bi.'lot] ['tuː.taʔ]
Ulap 'cloud' [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap] [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap] ['ʔuː.lap], [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
Ambon 'drizzle' ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon]
Anggi 'rain getting inside' [ʔam.'piː.jas] [ʔam.'piː.jas] [ʔam.'piː.jas]
Balatan 'peel' [ta.'luː.pan] [ta.'luː.pan] [ta.'luː.pan] o [ba.la.'tan]
Balinguynguy 'nosebleed' [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
Banli 'scald' [na.ban.li.'ʔan] [na.ban.li.'ʔan] [ban.'liʔ]
Kiliti 'tickle' [ki.li.'tiʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ]
Hikab 'yawn' [ʔi.'kab] ['hiː.gab] ['hiː.kab]

Hilo 'dizzy' [naːhi.'hiː.lo] [naːhi.'hiː.lo] [naː.'luː.lum.bat], [naːhi.'hiː.lo]

Hiwa 'to slice' ['gaː.jat] ['gaː.jat], [ti.'lad] ['gaː.jat]
Igib 'to fetch water' [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib]
[na.tig.'ʔa.kan],
[na.bu.'luː.nan], [na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan],
Nabulunan 'to choke food' [na.hi.'riː.nan] [na.hi.'riː.nan] [na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.hi.'riː.nan]
Nginig 'to tremble' [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig] [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig] [ki.naː.ka.'lig.kig]
[sa.lag.'pak], [si.lag.'mak],
Salampak 'to sit on the floor' [na.ka.lu.'paː.geʔ] [na.ka.lu.'paː.geʔ] [si.'lag.mak]
Tahol 'to bark' [ba.'tok], [ka.'hol] [ba.'tok], [ka.'hol] [ba.'tuk]
Bungi 'with missing tooth' [bu.'ŋeʔ] [na.'buː.ŋeʔ] [bu.'ŋeʔ], [bu.'ŋal]
Lukot 'crimpled' [gu.'sot] [na.ba.'juː.ʔot] [gu.'sot]
Maligamgam 'lukewarm' [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam]
[ma.ʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan], [ma.ʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan],
Maalinsangan 'warm and humid' [ma.ba.'nas] [ʔa.li.ŋa.'hit], [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas]

Malata 'soft (as of rice)' [ma.la.'taʔ] [ʔa.li.'but.nan] [ma.la.'taʔ]

Manipis 'thin' [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis]
[ma.'paŋ.he],
Mapanghi 'smell of urine' [ma.'paː.lot] [ma.'paŋ.he], [ma.'paː.lot] [ma.'paŋ.he], [ma.'paː.lot]
Mapurol 'not sharp' [ma.pu.'rol] [ma.pu.'rol] [ma.pu.'rol]

Madamot 'selfish' [ma.'daː.mot] [ma.'daː.mot] [ma.'daː.mot]

Pangit 'ugly' ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit]
Unti-unti 'little by little' [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ] [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ] [ʔu.'teʔ ʔu.teʔ]

Alikabok 'dust' [ʔa.li.ka.'bok], [ga.'bok] [ga.'bok] [ga.'bok]

Tagyawat 'pimple' [ta.gi.'haː.wat] [tag.hi.'jaː.wat] [tag.'jaː.wat]
Pusod 'belly button' ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod]
 [ʔa.'lab ʔa.'lab],
Kunyari 'for example' [ba.'laː.ba.laʔ] [bi.ˌruː.bi.'roʔ]
Dausos 'to slide' [da.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

[ka.'bet], [na.'ŋaː.ŋa.lun.jaʔ],
[ka.la.'guː.joʔ], [ka.'bet], [ka.ʔa.ʔa.'guː.loʔ],
Kabit 'mistress' [na.'ŋaː.ŋa.lun.jaʔ] [ka.'bet], [ki.'riː.da] [ka.la.'guː.joʔ]
Dito 'here' ['diː.ne] ['diː.ne] ['diː.ne]
Diyan 'there' ['diː.jan]
Doon 'over there' [du.'ʔon] [du.'ʔon]
Ganito 'like this' [ga.ni.'re] [ga.na.'re] [ga.ni.'re]
Ganiyan 'like that' [gan.'jan] ['gan.jan]
Ganoon 'like that' [gan.'jon] [ga.nu.'ʔon]
Ito 'this' [ʔa.'re] [ʔa.'re]
Lolo 'grandfather' ['loː.lo] [ʔan.'daʔ], ['maː.maj] ['loː.lo]
Lola 'grandmother' ['loː.la] [ʔan.'daʔ], ['naː.naj] ['loː.la]
Ama 'father' ['taː.taj] [ʔa.'ma], [iʔ.'taj] ['taː.taj] ['taː.taj]
Ina 'mother' [ʔi.'naj] [ʔi.'na], ['naː.naj], [ʔi.'naj] ['naː.naj]
Kuya 'older brother' ['kuː.ja] ['kuː.ja] ['kuː.ja]
Ate 'older sister' ['ʔaː.te] ['ʔaː.te] ['ʔaː.te]
Tito 'uncle' ['tiː.jo] ['tiː.jo], [a.ma.'ʔiŋ] ['tiː.jo]
Tita 'aunt' ['tiː.ja] ['tiː.ja], [tʃaŋ], [da.'gaː.hin] ['tiː.ja]
Noo 'forehead' ['nuː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo]
Batok 'nape' ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok]
Tiyan 'stomach' [tʃan] [ti.'jan] ['tiː.jan]
Likod 'back' [li.'kud] [li.'kud] [li.'kod]
Tuhod 'knee' ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod]
[ma.'taː.kaw],
Matakaw 'glutton' [ma.'siː.baʔ] [ma.'taː.kaw] [ma.'taː.kaw], [ma.'siː.baʔ]

[ma.'jaː.baŋ], [pa.'laː.lo],
Mayabang 'boastful' [ham.'bog] [ma.'jaː.baŋ], [ham.'bog] [ma.'jaː.baŋ]
Imis 'arrange' ['ʔiː.mis] ['ʔiː.mis], [pi.'jal] ['ʔiː.mis]
Tig-iisa 'by ones' [ti.gi.ti.'giː.sa] [ti.gi.'giː.sa] [tig.ʔi.'ʔi.sa] [ti.gi.ti.'giː.sa]
[ti.'gal.wa], [ti.ga.ti.'gal.wa],
Tigdadalawa 'by twos' [ti.ga.ti.'gaː.la.wa] [ti.ga.'gal.wa] [tig.ga.'gal.wa]
Tigtatatlo 'by threes' [ti.ga.ti.'gat.lo] [ti.ga.'gat.lo]
Tigaapat 'by fours' [ti.ga.ti.'gaː.pat] [ti.ga.'gaː.pat]

Ligpit 'to clean the table (as in after eating)' ['ʔiː.mis] [sim.'pan], ['ʔiː.mis] [ʔi.'him.pil], [ʔi.'lig.pit]
Samsam 'to get the laundry' ['sam.sam], ['siː.loŋ] ['sam.sam] ['sam.sam], ['kuː.nin]
Hikaw 'earrings' ['hiː.kaw] ['hiː.kaw] ['hiː.kaw]

Kalbo 'walang buhok' [kal.'bo], [pa.'not] [kal.'bo], [pa.'not] ['ʔuː.paw], ['paː.not], [kal.'bo]
Pango 'not pointed nose' [pa.'ŋoʔ] [pa.'ŋoʔ], [sa.'rat] [pa.'ŋoʔ]
Mainit 'hot' [ma.'ʔiː.nit] [na.pa.ka.ba.'nas] [ma.'ʔiː.nit]
Suha 'grapefruit' [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban]
Gasera 'lamp' [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan]
Inin 'cooked (as of rice)' ['ʔin.ʔin] ['ʔin.ʔin] ['ʔin.ʔin]
Salo 'to catch' [sam.'bot] [sa.'lo] [sa.'lo]
Tilamsik 'splashing of mad on clothes' [ti.'lab.sik] [ti.'lab.sik] [ti.'lab.sik]
Hain 'to serve food' ['haː.jin] ['haː.jin] ['haː.jin]
Sangkalan 'chopping board' [saŋ.'kaː.lan] [saŋ.'kaː.lan] [saŋ.'kaː.lan]
Sitsit 'psst' ['sit.sit] ['sut.sot] ['sit.sit]
Dutdot 'to poke' ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot]
Tingkayad 'to tiptoe' [ti.ja.'kad] ['tik.de] ['tik.de]
Balibag 'to throw something forcefully' [pal.'tok] [ba.la.'bag] [ba.'liː.bag]

Tinik 'to have fish bone block the throat while eating' [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik]
Malasado 'not cooked well (as of egg)' [ma.la.'saː.do] [ma.la.'saː.do]
Pipi 'mute' [pi.'pe] [pi.'peʔ] [a.'paw] [pi.'pe]
Natapilok 'to trip one's leg' [ta.'laː.pid] [sug.'ʔok] [ta.pi.'lok]
Madaldal 'talkative' [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'dal.dal]
Butete 'Big-bellied' [bu.'teː.teʔ] ['buː.tu.sen] [bu.'teː.teʔ]
Hilaw 'raw' [hi.'law] [hi.'law] [hi.'law]
Duyan 'cradle' [ʔa.'luː.jan] ['duː.jan], [ʔa.'luː.jan] ['duː.jan]

Binatog 'steamed corn with coconut gratings and salt' [bi.na.'tog] [ki.na.'bog] [ki.na.'bog], [bi.na.'tog]
Dighay 'burp' [dig.'hal] [tik.'hal] ['dig.hal]
[si.na.'lud.sod], [si.na.'lab],
Maruya 'deep friend bananas' [ma.'ruː.ja] [ma.'ruː.ja] [tu.'riː.has], ['biː.kaŋ 'biː.kaŋ]
Buwan ‘moon/month’ [bu.'wan] ['buː.wan] ['buː.wan], [bwan]

Paru-paro 'butterfly' [pa.'ru pa.'ro] [pa.'la pa.'la] [pa.'la pa.'la]

Madumi 'dirty' [ma.'duː.mi] [ma.'duː.mi] o [sam.'laŋ] [ma.'duː.mi] o [ma.'ruː.mi]
Hamog 'fog' [ha.'mog] ['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo] ['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo]
[ma.'kiː.tid], [ma.'kiː.pot],
Makitid 'narrow' [ma.'kiː.tid] [ma.'kiː.pot] [ki.saː.ki.'pot], [ki.'pot]
Titi ‘penis’ ['ʔuː.ten] ['ʔuː.ten] ['tiː.teʔ]
Pepe ‘vagina’ ['puː.ke], ['peː.peʔ] ['puː.ke], ['kiː.keʔ] ['kiː.keʔ], ['peː.peʔ]
Hatsing 'to sneeze' [ba.'hen] [baː.'heŋ] ['haː.ʧiŋ]
Paa 'foot' ['paː.ʔa] ['paː.ʔa] ['paː.ʔa]
Buto 'seed' [bu.'to] [but.'ʔo] [bu.'to]
Filipino/English Gloss Liliw Majayjay Magdalena
Katawan 'body' [ka.taw.'ʔan] [ka.ta.'wan] [ka.ta.'wan]
Tenga 'ear' ['teː.ŋa] ['teː.ŋa] [ta.'ʔiː.ŋa]
Leeg 'neck' ['liː.ʔeg] [le.'ʔeg] [le.'ʔeg]
Panga 'jaw' [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa]
Bagang 'molars' [bag.'ʔaŋ] [ba.'gaŋ] [ba.'gaŋ]

[ʔa.lak.'dan], [ʔa.lu.'piː.han],
Alakdan 'scorpion' [ʔa.lu.'hiː.pan] [ʔu.la.'hiː.pan] [ʔa.lak.'dan]
Alamang 'small shrimp' [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ]
Alkansya 'piggy bank' [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'ʃa]
Talangka 'swamp crab' [ka.'taŋ] [ka.'taŋ] [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
Asung ulul 'mad dog' ['ʔaː.suŋ baŋ.'ʔaw] [baŋ.'ʔaw] [ʔu.'lul]
Baba 'chin' ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ]
Bahaghari 'rainbow' [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
Balakang 'hip' [ba.la.'kan] [ba.la.'kaŋ] [ba.la.'kaŋ]
Balakubak 'dandruff' [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak]
Bangaw 'large fly' [baŋ.'jaw] [baŋ.'jaw] [baŋ.'jaw]

Biik 'piglet' [bi.'ʔek], [ku.'leg] ['biː.ʔik], [ku.'lig] ['biː.ʔik], [ku.'lig]

Biluy 'dimple' ['biː.loj] [bi.'ʔoj] [bi.'ʔoj]
Buko 'coconut' ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ]
Bukung-bukong 'ankle' ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]
Kaing 'big basket' [ka.'ʔiŋ] [ka.'ʔiŋ] [ka.'ʔiŋ]

Kalamansi 'calamansi' [sin.'tuː.nes] [sin.'tuː.nes] [sen.'tuː.nes]

Kamoteng Kahoy 'cassava root' [ba.liŋ.'hoj] [ba.liŋ.'hoj] [ba.liŋ.'hoj]
Kanimbabuy 'feed for pigs' [ba.'hog] [li.'noʔ] [li.'noʔ]
Kopra 'dried coconut meat' [ka.lib.'kib] [ka.lib.'kib] [ka.lib.'kib]
Gagamba 'spider' [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba]
Gilagid 'gums' [gi.'laː.gid] [gi.'laː.gid] [gi.'laː.gid]
Hanip 'chicken louse' ['haː.nep] ['haː.nip] ['haː.nip]

Ipis 'cockroach' [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ] ['ʔiː.pis], [baŋ.'kuː.kaŋ] ['ʔiː.pis]

Lalamunan 'throat' [la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'ʔuː.gan] [la.la.'muː.nan]

['kwiː.tib], [han.'tek], ['guː.jam],

Langgam 'ant' ['kwiː.tib] ['kwiː.tib] [ʔa.'paː.nas],
Munggo 'mung beans' [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ]
[taː.'ʔuː.ban],
Paminggalan 'dish rack' [baŋ.ge.ra.'han] [taː.'ʔuː.ban] [baŋ.ge.ra.'han]

Paniki 'bat' [pa.'niː.kiʔ], [ka.'bag] [ka.'bag] [ka.'bag]

Saput 'cobweb' ['saː.put] ['saː.put] ['saː.put]
Sigarilyas 'winged bean' [si.ga.'ril.jas] [si.ga.'ril.jas]
Sinat 'mild fever' ['siː.nat] ['siː.nat] ['siː.nat]
Binat 'relapse of (an ailment) ['bej.nat] ['baj.nat] ['biː.nat]

Sinungaling 'liar' [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ]

Sitaw 'string beans' ['aː.jap], [pa.'ʔaː.yap] ['aː.jap] ['aː.jap]
Tirador 'slingshot' [ti.ra.'dor] [ti.ra.'dor] [ti.ra.'dor]
Tuta 'puppy' ['tuː.taʔ] ['tuː.taʔ] ['tuː.taʔ]
Ulap 'cloud' ['ʔuː.lap] ['ʔuː.lap] [ʔa.la.'paː.ʔap]
Ambon 'drizzle' ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon]
Anggi 'rain getting inside' [ʔam.'piː.jas] [ʔam.'piː.jas] [ʔam.'pjas]
Balatan 'peel' ['taː.lop] ['taː.lop] ['taː.lop]
Balinguynguy 'nosebleed' [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
Banli 'scald' [ban.'jos] [ban.'liʔ] [na.ban.li.'ʔan]
Kiliti 'tickle' [ki.li.'teʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ]
Hikab 'yawn' ['hiː.gab] ['hiː.kab] [hi.'kab]

Hilo 'dizzy' [naː.hi.'hiː.lo] [naː.hi.'hiː.lo] [naː.hi.'hiː.lo]

Hiwa 'to slice' ['baː.ʔak] ['gaː.jat]
Igib 'to fetch water' [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib]

[na.tig.'ʔa.kan],
Nabulunan 'to choke food' [na.bu.'luː.nan] [na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan] [na.bu.'luː.nan]
 [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig],
Nginig 'to tremble' [ki.naː.ka.'lig.kig] [ki.naː.ka.'log.kog] [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]

Salampak 'to sit on the floor' [sa.'lag.mak] [sa.'lag.mak] [sa.'lag.mak]

Tahol 'to bark' [ba.'tok] [ba.'tok], [ta.'hol] [ta.'hol], [ka.'hol]
Bungi 'with missing tooth' [bu.'ŋeʔ] [na.'buː.ŋeʔ] [na.'buː.ŋeʔ]
Lukot 'crimpled' [gu.'sot] [ga.'suː.mot] [ga.'suː.mot]
Maligamgam 'lukewarm' [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam]
[ma.ʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan],
Maalinsangan 'warm and humid' [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas]

Malata 'soft (as of rice)' [ma.lab.'sak] [ma.la.'taʔ] [ma.la.'taʔ]

Manipis 'thin' [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis]

Mapanghi 'smell of urine' [ma.'paː.lot] [ma.'paŋ.he], [ma.'paː.lot] [ma.'paŋ.he]

Mapurol 'not sharp' [ma.pu.'rol] [ma.pul.'pol] [ma.pu.'rol]

Madamot 'selfish' [ma.'daː.mot] [ma.'daː.mot] [ma.'daː.mot]

Pangit 'ugly' ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit]
Unti-unti 'little by little' [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ] [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ] [ʔu.'teʔ ʔu.teʔ]

Alikabok 'dust' [ʔa.li.ka.'bok] [ʔa.li.ka.'bok] [ʔa.li.ka.'bok], [ga.'bok]

Tagyawat 'pimple' [tag.'jaː.wat] [tag.'jaː.wat] [tig.'jaː.wat]
Pusod 'belly button' ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod]
Kunyari 'for example' [ba.'laː.ba.laʔ] [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ] [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ]
Dausos 'to slide' [da.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

Kabit 'mistress' [ka.'bet] [ka.'bet], [ka.la.'guː.joʔ] [ka.'bet]

Dito 'here' ['diː.ne] ['diː.ne] ['diː.ne]
Diyan 'there'
Doon 'over there'
Ganito 'like this' [ga.ni.'re] [ga.ni.'re], [ga.na.'re]
Ganiyan 'like that'
Ganoon 'like that' [ga.'non] [gaj.'ʔon]
Ito 'this' [ʔi.'re] [ʔa.'re]
Lolo 'grandfather' [ʔan.'daʔ] ['loː.lo], [ʔa.'maː.ma] ['loː.lo]
Lola 'grandmother' [ʔan.'daʔ] ['loː.la], [ʔi.'naː.na] ['loː.la]
Ama 'father' [ʔa.'ma] [ʔa.'ma] ['taː.taj]
Ina 'mother' [ʔi.'na] [ʔi.'na] ['naː.naj]
Kuya 'older brother' ['kuː.ja] ['kuː.ja] ['kuː.ja]
Ate 'older sister' ['ʔaː.te] ['ʔaː.te] ['ʔaː.te]
Tito 'uncle' ['tiː.jo], ['kuː.ja] ['tiː.jo] ['tiː.jo], [tʃong]
Tita 'aunt' ['tiː.ja] ['tiː.ja] ['tiː.ja], [tʃang]
Noo 'forehead' ['nuː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo]
Batok 'nape' ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok]
Tiyan 'stomach' [ti.'jan] [ti.'jan] [tʃan]
Likod 'back' [li.'kod] [li.'kud] [li.'kud]
Tuhod 'knee' ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod]

Matakaw 'glutton' [ma.'taː.kaw] [ma.'taː.kaw] [ma.'taː.kaw], [ma.'siː.baʔ]

Mayabang 'boastful' [ma.'jaː.baŋ] [ma.'jaː.baŋ] [ma.'jaː.baŋ]

Imis 'arrange' [sim.'pan], ['ʔiː.mis] ['ʔiː.mis] ['ʔiː.mis]
Tig-iisa 'by ones' [ti.gi.ti.'giː.sa] [ti.gi.'giː.sa] [tig.ʔi.'ʔiː.sa]

Tigdadalawa 'by twos' [ti.ga.la.'wa] [ti.ga.'gal.wa] [ti.'gal.wa]

Tigtatatlo 'by threes' [ti.ga.'gat.lo] [ti.'gat.lo]
Tigaapat 'by fours' [ti.ga.'gaː.pat] [ti.'gaː.pat]

Ligpit 'to clean the table (as in after eating)' [sim.'pan] ['iː.mis] [sim.'pan]
Samsam 'to get the laundry' ['sam.sam], ['kuː.nin] ['ʔiː.mis] ['sam.sam]
Hikaw 'earrings' ['hiː.kaw] ['hiː.kaw] ['hiː.kaw]

Kalbo 'walang buhok' [kal.'bo] [kal.'bo] [kal.'bo], [pa.'not]

Pango 'not pointed nose' [pa.'ŋoʔ] [pa.'ŋoʔ], [sa.'rat] [pa.'ŋoʔ], [sa.'rat]
Mainit 'hot' [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas]
Suha 'grapefruit' [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban]
Gasera 'lamp' [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan]
Inin 'cooked (as of rice)' ['ʔin.ʔin] ['ʔin.ʔin] ['ʔiː.nin]
Salo 'to catch' [sam.'bot] [sam.'pot] [sa.'lo]
Tilamsik 'splashing of mad on clothes' [ti.'bal.sik] [ti.'lab.sik] [ti.'lam.sik]
Hain 'to serve food' ['haː.jin] ['haː.ʔin] ['haː.ʔin]
Sangkalan 'chopping board' [saŋ.'kaː.lan] [saŋ.'kaː.lan] [saŋ.'kaː.lan]
Sitsit 'psst' ['sit.sit] ['sit.sit] ['sut.sot]
Dutdot 'to poke' ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot]
Tingkayad 'to tiptoe' ['tik.de] ['tik.de] ['tik.de]
Balibag 'to throw something forcefully' [ba.li.'bag] [ba.'liː.bag] [ba.li.'bag]

Tinik 'to have fish bone block the throat while eating' [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik]
Malasado 'not cooked well (as of egg)' [ma.la.'saː.do] [ma.la.'saː.do] [ma.la.'saː.do]
Pipi 'mute' [pi.'pe] [ʔa.'paw] ['piː.pe]
Natapilok 'to trip one's leg' [li.'ʔaj] [na.'tiː.sod] [ti.pa.'lok]
Madaldal 'talkative' [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'sat.sat]
Butete 'Big-bellied' [bun.'dat] [bun.'dat] [bun.'dat], [bu.'teː.teʔ]
Hilaw 'raw' [hi.'law] [hi.'law] [hi.'law]
Duyan 'cradle' ['duː.jan], [ʔa.'luː.jan] ['duː.jan], [ʔa.'luː.jan] ['duː.jan], [ʔa.'luː.jan]

Binatog 'steamed corn with coconut gratings and salt' [bi.na.'tog] [bi.na.'tog]
Dighay 'burp' [dig.'hal] [dig.'haj] [dig.'hal]
['biː.kaŋ 'biː.kaŋ],
Maruya 'deep friend bananas' [ma.'duː.jaʔ] [ma.'ruː.jaʔ] [tu.'riː.has]
Buwan ‘moon/month’ ['buː.wan] ['buː.wan] [bu.'wan]

Paru-paro 'butterfly' [pa.'la pa.'la] [pa.'ru pa.'ro] [pa.'ru pa.'ro]

Madumi 'dirty' [ma.'duː.mi] [ma.'duː.mi] [ma.'ruː.mi]
Hamog 'fog' [ha.'mog] ['ʔaː.bo 'ʔaː.bo] [ha.'mog]

Makitid 'narrow' [ma.'kiː.pot] [ma.'kiː.pot] [ma.'kiː.pot]

Titi ‘penis’ ['tiː.teʔ] ['ʔuː.ten] ['ʔuː.ten]
Pepe ‘vagina’ ['peː.peʔ] ['puː.ke], ['kiː.keʔ] ['peː.peʔ], ['puː.ke]
Hatsing 'to sneeze' [ba.'hen] [baː.'hiŋ] [ba.'hen]
Paa 'foot' ['paː.ʔa] ['paː.ʔa] [pa.'ʔa]
Buto 'seed' [but.'ʔo] [bu.'to] [bu.'to]
Filipino/English Gloss Pagsanjan Paete
Katawan 'body' [ka.ta.'wan] [ka.ta.'wan]
Tenga 'ear' [ta.'ʔiː.ŋa] ['teː.ŋa]
Leeg 'neck' [li.'ʔeg] [le.'ʔeg]
Panga 'jaw' [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa]
Bagang 'molars' [ba.'gaŋ] [ba.'gaŋ]

Alakdan 'scorpion' [ʔa.lak.'dan] [ʔa.lak.'dan], [ʔa.lu.'piː.han]

Alamang 'small shrimp' [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ]
Alkansya 'piggy bank' [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'ʃa]
Talangka 'swamp crab' [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ] [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
Asung ulul 'mad dog' ['ʔaː.suŋ ʔu.'lul] ['ʔaː.suŋ ba.'liw]
Baba 'chin' ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ]
Bahaghari 'rainbow' [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
Balakang 'hip' [ba.la.'kaŋ] [ba.la.'kaŋ]
Balakubak 'dandruff' [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak]
Bangaw 'large fly' ['baː.ŋaw] ['baː.ŋaw]

Biik 'piglet' ['biː.ʔik], [ku.'leg] [bi.'ʔik], [ku.'lig]

Biluy 'dimple' ['biː.loj] ['biː.loj]
Buko 'coconut' ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ]
Bukung-bukong 'ankle' ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]

Kaing 'big basket' [ka.'ʔiŋ] [ka.'ʔiŋ]

Kalamansi 'calamansi' [ka.la.man.'siʔ] [sin.'tuː.nes]

Kamoteng Kahoy 'cassava root' [ba.laŋ.'hoj] [ba.liŋ.'hoj]
Kanimbabuy 'feed for pigs' [li.'noʔ] [li.'noʔ]
Kopra 'dried coconut meat' ['kop.ras] ['kop.ras]
Gagamba 'spider' [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba]
Gilagid 'gums' [gi.'laː.gid] [gi.'laː.gid]
Hanip 'chicken louse' ['haː.nip] ['haː.nip]

Ipis 'cockroach' ['ʔiː.pis] ['ʔiː.pis]

Lalamunan 'throat' [la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'muː.nan]

Langgam 'ant' [ʔa.'paː.nas], [han.'tek] ['guː.jam]

Munggo 'mung beans' [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ]
Paminggalan 'dish rack' [baŋ.ge.ra.'han] [pa.miŋ.'gaː.lan]

Paniki 'bat' [pa.'niː.kiʔ] [pa.'niː.kiʔ]

Saput 'cobweb' ['saː.put] ['saː.put]
Sigarilyas 'winged bean' [si.ga.'ril.jas] [ka.'baj ka.'baj]
Sinat 'mild fever' ['siː.nat] ['siː.nat]
Binat 'relapse of (an ailment) ['biː.nat] ['baj.nat]

Sinungaling 'liar' [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ]

Sitaw 'string beans' ['aː.jap] ['aː.jap]
Tirador 'slingshot' [ti.ra.'dor] [sal.'tik]
Tuta 'puppy' ['tuː.taʔ] ['tuː.taʔ]
Ulap 'cloud' ['ʔuː.lap] ['ʔuː.lap]
Ambon 'drizzle' ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon]
Anggi 'rain getting inside' [ʔam.'pjas] [ʔam.'piː.jas]
Balatan 'peel' [ba.la.'tan] ['taː.lop]
Balinguynguy 'nosebleed' [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
Banli 'scald' [ban.'liʔ] [ban.'liʔ]
Kiliti 'tickle' [ki.li.'teʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ]
Hikab 'yawn' ['hiː.kab] ['hiː.kab]

Hilo 'dizzy' [naː.hi.'hiː.lo] [naː.hi.'hiː.lo]

Hiwa 'to slice' [ti.'lad] [ti.'lad]
Igib 'to fetch water' [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib]

Nabulunan 'to choke food' [na.bi.la.'ʔuː.kan] [naː.hi.'riː.nan]

Nginig 'to tremble' [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig] [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]

Salampak 'to sit on the floor' [sa.'lam.pak] [na.ka.lu.'paː.giʔ]

Tahol 'to bark' [ta.'hol], [ka.'hol] [ta.'hol]
Bungi 'with missing tooth' [na.'buː.ŋeʔ] [bu.'ŋeʔ]
Lukot 'crimpled' [ku.'juː.mos] [ku.'juː.mos]
Maligamgam 'lukewarm' [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam]

Maalinsangan 'warm and humid' [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas]

Malata 'soft (as of rice)' [ma.la.'taʔ], [ma.li.ga.'taʔ] [ma.lab.'sak]

Manipis 'thin' [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis]
Mapanghi 'smell of urine' [ma.'paŋ.he], [ma.'paː.lot] [ma.'paŋ.he]
Mapurol 'not sharp' [ma.pu.'rol] [ma.pu.'rol]

Madamot 'selfish' [ma.'daː.mot] ['kaː.nid] [ma.'daː.mot]

Pangit 'ugly' ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit]
Unti-unti 'little by little' [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ] [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ]

Alikabok 'dust' [ʔa.li.ka.'bok], [ga.'bok] [ʔa.li.ka.'bok], [ga.'bok]

Tagyawat 'pimple' [tag.'jaː.wat] [ti.'gaː.wat]
Pusod 'belly button' ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod]

Kunyari 'for example' [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ] [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ]

Dausos 'to slide' [du.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

Kabit 'mistress' [ka.'bet] [ka.la.'guː.joʔ]

Dito 'here' ['riː.ne] ['diː.to]
Diyan 'there' ['diː.jan]
Doon 'over there'
Ganito 'like this' [ga.ni.'re]
Ganiyan 'like that'
Ganoon 'like that' [ga.'non]
Ito 'this'
Lolo 'grandfather' ['loː.lo] ['daː.daj]
Lola 'grandmother' ['loː.la] ['daː.daj]
Ama 'father' ['taː.taj]
Ina 'mother' ['naː.naj]
Kuya 'older brother' ['kuː.ja] ['kuː.ja]
Ate 'older sister' ['ʔaː.te] ['ʔaː.te]
Tito 'uncle' ['tiː.jo] ['tiː.to]
Tita 'aunt' ['tiː.ja] ['tiː.ta]
Noo 'forehead' ['noː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo]
Batok 'nape' ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok]
Tiyan 'stomach' [tʃan] [ti.'jan]
Likod 'back' [li.'kud] [li.'kud]
Tuhod 'knee' ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod]

Matakaw 'glutton' [ma.'taː.kaw], [ma.'siː.baʔ] [ma.'taː.kaw], [ma.'siː.baʔ]

Mayabang 'boastful' [ma.'jaː.baŋ] [ma.'jaː.baŋ]

Imis 'arrange' ['ʔiː.mis] [sim.'pan], ['ʔiː.mis]
Tig-iisa 'by ones' [tig.ʔi.'ʔiː.sa] [ti.gi.ti.'giː.sa]

Tigdadalawa 'by twos' [tig.da.'dal.wa] [ti.ga.ti.'gaː.la.wa]

Tigtatatlo 'by threes' [tig.ta.'tat.lo] [tig.ta.'tat.lo]
Tigaapat 'by fours' [tig.ʔa.'ʔa.pat] [tig.ʔa.'ʔa.pat]

[sim.'pan],
Ligpit 'to clean the table (as in after eating)' [sim.'pan] [ʔi.'him.pil]
Samsam 'to get the laundry' ['sam.sam], ['ʔiː.mis] ['sam.sam]
Hikaw 'earrings' ['hiː.kaw] [ʔa.'riː.tus]

Kalbo 'walang buhok' [kal.'bo], [pa.'not] [kal.'bo], [pa.'not]

Pango 'not pointed nose' [pis.'ŋot] [pa.'ŋoʔ]
Mainit 'hot' [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ba.'nas]
Suha 'grapefruit' [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban]
Gasera 'lamp' [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan]
Inin 'cooked (as of rice)' ['ʔiː.nin] ['ʔin.ʔin]
Salo 'to catch' [sa.'lo] [sa.'lo]
Tilamsik 'splashing of mad on clothes' [ti.'lam.sik] [ti.'lam.sik]
Hain 'to serve food' ['haː.jin] ['haː.jin]
Sangkalan 'chopping board' [saŋ.'kaː.lan] [tad.'taː.ran]
Sitsit 'psst' [pas.'wit] ['sit.sit]
Dutdot 'to poke' ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot]
Tingkayad 'to tiptoe' ['tik.de] [ti.'ʔaj]
Balibag 'to throw something forcefully' [ba.li.'bag] [ba.li.'bag]

Tinik 'to have fish bone block the throat while eating' [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik]
Malasado 'not cooked well (as of egg)' [ma.la.'saː.do] [ma.la.'saː.do]
Pipi 'mute' [pi.'pe] ['piː.pe]
Natapilok 'to trip one's leg' [ta.'liː.sod]
Madaldal 'talkative' [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'dal.dal]
Butete 'Big-bellied' [bul.'ʔuː.nin] [bun.'dat]
Hilaw 'raw' [hi.'law] [hi.'law]
Duyan 'cradle' ['duː.jan] ['duː.jan], [ʔa.'luː.jan]

Binatog 'steamed corn with coconut gratings and salt' [bi.na.'tog] [bi.na.'tog]
Dighay 'burp' [dig.'haj] [tik.'hal]

Maruya 'deep friend bananas' [ma.'ruː.ja] [ma.'ruː.ja]

Buwan ‘moon/month’ [bu.'wan] [bu.'wan]

Paru-paro 'butterfly' [pa.'ru pa.'ro], [ma.ri.'poː.sa] [pa.'ru pa.'ro]

Madumi 'dirty' [ma.'duː.mi] [ma.'duː.mi]
Hamog 'fog' [ha.'mog] [ha.'mog]

Makitid 'narrow' [ma.'kiː.tid]

Titi ‘penis’ ['ʔuː.ten] ['ʔuː.ten]
Pepe ‘vagina’ ['puː.ke] ['puː.ke], ['kiː.keʔ]
Hatsing 'to sneeze' [ba.'hin] [ba.'hin]
Paa 'foot' [pa.'ʔa] [pa.'ʔa]
Buto 'seed' [bu.'to] [bu.'to]
Filipino/English Gloss Siniloan Famy
Katawan 'body' [ka.ta.'wan] [ka.ta.'wan]
Tenga 'ear' [ta.'ʔiː.ŋa] ['teː.ŋa]
Leeg 'neck' ['liː.ʔeg] [le.'ʔeg]
Panga 'jaw' [pa.'ŋa] [pa.'ŋa]
Bagang 'molars' [ba.'gaŋ] [ba.'gaŋ]

Alakdan 'scorpion' [ʔa.lak.'dan], [ʔa.lu.'piː.han] [ʔa.lak.'dan], [ʔa.la.'hiː.pan]

Alamang 'small shrimp' [ʔa.la.'maŋ] [ʔa.la.'maŋ]
Alkansya 'piggy bank' [ʔal.kan.'ʃa] [ʔal.kan.'ʃa]
Talangka 'swamp crab' [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ] [ta.laŋ.'kaʔ]
Asung ulul 'mad dog' ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw] ['ʔaː.suŋ 'baː.liw]
Baba 'chin' ['baː.baʔ] ['baː.baʔ]
Bahaghari 'rainbow' [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ] [ba.hag.'haː.riʔ]
Balakang 'hip' [ba.la.'kaŋ] [ba.la.'kaŋ]
Balakubak 'dandruff' [ba.la.'kuː.bak] [ba.la.'kuː.bak]
Bangaw 'large fly' ['baː.ŋaw] ['baː.ŋaw]

Biik 'piglet' [bi.'ʔik], [ku.'lig] [ku.'lig]

Biluy 'dimple' ['biː.loj] ['biː.loj]
Buko 'coconut' ['muː.raʔ] ['muː.raʔ]
Bukung-bukong 'ankle' ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ] ['buː.kuŋ 'buː.kuŋ]

Kaing 'big basket' [ka.'ʔiŋ] [ki.'ʔiŋ]

Kalamansi 'calamansi' [sin.'tuː.nes] [sin.'tuː.nes]

Kamoteng Kahoy 'cassava root' [ka.'moː.teŋ 'kaː.hoy] [ka.'moː.teŋ 'kaː.hoy]
Kanimbabuy 'feed for pigs' [li.'noʔ], [hi.'nuː.gas] [li.'noʔ]
Kopra 'dried coconut meat' ['kop.ras] [kop.'ras]
Gagamba 'spider' [ga.gam.'ba] [ga.gam.'ba]
Gilagid 'gums' [gi.'laː.gid] [gi.'laː.gid]
Hanip 'chicken louse' ['haː.nip] ['haː.nip]

Ipis 'cockroach' ['ʔiː.pis] ['ʔiː.pis]

Lalamunan 'throat' [la.la.'muː.nan] [la.la.'muː.nan]

Langgam 'ant' [han.'tik], ['kwiː.tib], [ʔa.'paː.nas] [ti.'gaː.saw], [han.'tik 'baː.ga]

Munggo 'mung beans' [ba.'laː.toŋ] [ba.'laː.toŋ]
Paminggalan 'dish rack' [baŋ.ge.ra.'han] [laː.'gaː.jan naŋ piŋ.'gan]

Paniki 'bat' [pa.'niː.kiʔ] [ka.'bag]

Saput 'cobweb' ['saː.put] ['saː.put]
Sigarilyas 'winged bean' [si.ga.'ril.jas] [si.gi.'dil.jas]
Sinat 'mild fever' ['saj.nat] ['siː.nat]
Binat 'relapse of (an ailment) ['biː.nat] ['baj.nat]

Sinungaling 'liar' [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ], [bu.'laː.ʔan] [si.nu.'ŋaː.liŋ]

Sitaw 'string beans' ['aː.jap] [per.'suː.lis]
Tirador 'slingshot' [ti.ra.'dor] [ti.ra.'dor]
Tuta 'puppy' ['tuː.taʔ] ['tuː.taʔ]
Ulap 'cloud' ['ʔuː.lap] ['ʔuː.lap]
Ambon 'drizzle' ['ʔam.bon] ['ʔam.bon]
Anggi 'rain getting inside' [ʔam.'piː.jas] [ʔam.'piː.jas]
Balatan 'peel' ['taː.lop] ['taː.lop]
Balinguynguy 'nosebleed' [ba.lu.'ŋuj.ŋuj] [ba.li.'ŋuj.ŋuj]
Banli 'scald' [na.ban.li.'ʔan] [ban.'liʔ]
Kiliti 'tickle' [ki.li.'teʔ] [ki.li.'teʔ]
Hikab 'yawn' [hi.'kab] ['hiː.kab]

Hilo 'dizzy' [naː.hi.'hiː.lo] [naː.hi.'hiː.lo]

Hiwa 'to slice' ['baː.ʔak]
Igib 'to fetch water' [ʔi.'gib] [ʔi.'gib]

Nabulunan 'to choke food' [na.bu.'luː.nan] [na.tig.'ʔa.kan], [na.'tul.ʔu.nan]

Nginig 'to tremble' [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig] [na.ŋi.'ŋiː.kiʔ], [na.'ŋiː.ŋi.nig]

Salampak 'to sit on the floor' [na.ka.lu.'paː.giʔ] [sa.lam.'pak]

Tahol 'to bark' [ta.'hol] [ta.'hol]
Bungi 'with missing tooth' [na.'buː.ŋeʔ] [bu.'ŋeʔ]
Lukot 'crimpled' [gu.'sot] [ni.la.la.'muː.kos]
Maligamgam 'lukewarm' [ma.li.'gam.gam] [ma.li.'gam.gam]

Maalinsangan 'warm and humid' [ma.ʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan], [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan], [ma.ba.'nas]

Malata 'soft (as of rice)' [ma.la.'taʔ] [ma.lam.'bot]

Manipis 'thin' [ma.ni.'pis] [ma.ni.'pis]
Mapanghi 'smell of urine' [ma.'paŋ.he] [ma.paŋ.'hiʔ]
Mapurol 'not sharp' [ma.pu.'rol] [ma.pu.'rol]

Madamot 'selfish' [ma.'daː.mot] [ma.'daː.mot]

Pangit 'ugly' ['paː.ŋit] ['paː.ŋit]
Unti-unti 'little by little' [ga.ga.ram.'pot] [ʔun.'teʔ ʔun.teʔ]

Alikabok 'dust' [ʔa.li.ka.'bok] [ʔa.li.ka.'bok]

Tagyawat 'pimple' [ti.'gaː.wat] [tig.'haː.wat]
Pusod 'belly button' ['puː.sod] ['puː.sod]

Kunyari 'for example' [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ] [ha.lim.'baː.waʔ]

Dausos 'to slide' [da.'ʔus.ʔus] [da.'ʔus.ʔus]

Kabit 'mistress' [ka.'bet] [ka.'bet]

Dito 'here' ['diː.to] ['riː.ne]
Diyan 'there'
Doon 'over there'
Ganito 'like this' [ga.ni.'re] [ga.ni.'re]
Ganiyan 'like that'
Ganoon 'like that' [ga.ni.'ʔon]
Ito 'this'
Lolo 'grandfather' ['taː.ta] ['taː.ta]
Lola 'grandmother' ['naː.na] ['naː.na]
Ama 'father' ['taː.taj] ['taː.taj]
Ina 'mother' ['naː.naj] ['naː.naj]
Kuya 'older brother' [ka.'kaʔ] ['kuː.ja]
Ate 'older sister' [ka.'kaʔ] ['ʔaː.te]
Tito 'uncle' [juː.jo] [juː.jo], [ka.'kaʔ]
Tita 'aunt' ['jaː.ja] ['jaː.ja], [ka.'kaʔ]
Noo 'forehead' ['nuː.ʔo] ['nuː.ʔo]
Batok 'nape' ['baː.tok] ['baː.tok]
Tiyan 'stomach' [ti.'jan] [tʃan]
Likod 'back' [li.'kud] [li.'kud]
Tuhod 'knee' ['tuː.hod] ['tuː.hod]

Matakaw 'glutton' [ma.'taː.kaw] [ma.'taː.kaw]

Mayabang 'boastful' [ma.'jaː.baŋ] [ma.'jaː.baŋ]

Imis 'arrange' ['jaː.mo], ['ʔiː.mis] ['ʔiː.mis]
Tig-iisa 'by ones' [tig.'ʔiː.sa] [tig.ʔi.'ʔiː.sa]

Tigdadalawa 'by twos' [ti.'gaː.la.wa] [tig.da.da.'laː.wa]

Tigtatatlo 'by threes' [ti.'gat.lo] [tig.ta.'tat.lo]
Tigaapat 'by fours' [ti.'gaː.pat] [ti.ga.'gaː.pat]

Ligpit 'to clean the table (as in after eating)' [ʔim.'pis] ['mis.mis]
Samsam 'to get the laundry' ['sam.sam] ['sam.sam]
Hikaw 'earrings' [ʔa.'riː.tus] [ʔa.'riː.tos]

Kalbo 'walang buhok' [kal.'bo], [pa.'not]

Pango 'not pointed nose' [pa.'ŋoʔ] [pa.'ŋoʔ]
Mainit 'hot' [ma.ba.'nas] [ma.ˌʔaː.lin.'saː.ŋan]
Suha 'grapefruit' [luk.'ban] [luk.'ban]
Gasera 'lamp' [ʔi.la.'wan] [ʔi.la.'wan]
Inin 'cooked (as of rice)' ['ʔin.ʔin] ['ʔin.ʔin]
Salo 'to catch' [sam.'bot] [sam.'bot]
Tilamsik 'splashing of mad on clothes' [ti.'lam.sik] [ti.'lap.sik]
Hain 'to serve food' ['haː.ʔin] ['haː.ʔin]
Sangkalan 'chopping board' [paː.taŋ.'naː.nan] [paː.taŋ.'naː.nan]
Sitsit 'psst' ['sit.sit] ['sut.sot]
Dutdot 'to poke' ['dut.dot] ['dut.dot]
Tingkayad 'to tiptoe' [ti.'ʔaj] [ting.ka.jad]
Balibag 'to throw something forcefully' [wa.'ras] [ba.li.'bag]

Tinik 'to have fish bone block the throat while eating' [ti.'nik] [ti.'nik]
Malasado 'not cooked well (as of egg)' [ma.la.'saː.do] [ma.la.'saː.do]
Pipi 'mute' ['piː.pe] ['piː.pe]
Natapilok 'to trip one's leg' ['liː.ʔaj] [li.'jad]
Madaldal 'talkative' [ma.'dal.dal] [ma.'dal.dal]
Butete 'Big-bellied' [bun.'dat] [bun.'dat]
Hilaw 'raw' [hi.'law] [hi.'law]
Duyan 'cradle' [ʔa.'luː.jan] [ʔa.'luː.jan]

Binatog 'steamed corn with coconut gratings and salt' [ki.na.'bog] [ki.na.'bog]
Dighay 'burp' [dig.'haj] [dig.'haj]

Maruya 'deep friend bananas' [ma.'ruː.ja] [mar.'huː.ja]

Buwan ‘moon/month’ ['buː.wan] [bu.'wan]

Paru-paro 'butterfly' [pa.'ru pa.'ro] [pa.'ru pa.'ro]

Madumi 'dirty' [ma.'suː.kal] [ma.'duː.mi]
Hamog 'fog' [ha.'mog] [ha.'mog]

Makitid 'narrow' [ma.'kiː.pot] [ma.'kiː.tid]

Titi ‘penis’ ['ʔuː.tin] ['ʔuː.tin]
Pepe ‘vagina’ ['puː.ki], ['kiː.kiʔ] ['puː.ki]
Hatsing 'to sneeze' [ba.'hin] ['haː.ʧiŋ]
Paa 'foot' [pa.'ʔa] [pa.'ʔa]
Buto 'seed' [bu.'to] [bu.'to]