The Drug Epidemic in the United States and the Impact it has on Urban Minority Communities

The Drug Epidemic in the United States and the Impact it has on Urban Minority Communities:
An Examination of a Single Story Regarding Negative Opinions Based on Racial Bias
Andi Leineberg
Loras College
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When looking to examine the drug epidemic in the United States, oftentimes bias leads

individuals down a dangerous path of placing the blame on the most vulnerable groups in the

United States. This blame can feel easy or obvious to some, the creeping fear of minority groups

and their dangers on society hold tight grips on those who hold privilege and can only view the

story through this racially charged single lens. The single story of urban minority groups being at

blame for the drug crisis is simply inaccurate. In addition, there are so many other pieces of the

puzzle that are not taken into account. The society in which we live creates a continuous cycle of

putting those who are most vulnerable in vulnerable situations, therefore they become easy

targets for law enforcement to use a heavy hand on sentencing for these individuals. For

example, we see that police patrolling is far heavier in inner cities, explaining the high level of

people of color within our prisons.The system can be extremely frustrating and can seem like an

unchanging one, where those on the top remain at the top and those on the bottom remain there.

It’s important to share the full story of minority groups who find themselves placed within harsh

stereotypes and dangerous situations. Therefore, I will look to address this inequality in the

system and further look to share how the system can work in a more functional way, treating

individuals at an equal standard. This is an epidemic that includes drug use, the prison system,

unfair sentencing and social stigmas.

The story of the drug epidemic in the United States begins with an understanding of the

notion that “persons living in working-class and low-income communities would be high risk for

retreating into illegal drug use because they lacked access to legitimate and/or illegitimate

opportunities to achieve the American Dream” (Covington 1997). This system is flawed, but was

created over time. Factors that have emerged over time include the incorporation of sociological,

public health and basic science principles that created an integrated approach to substance abuse
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over time (U.S. The National Library of Medicine 2018). “The variable of race as an independent

risk factor for substance use and abuse has long been intertwined in the history of addiction in

the United States and continues to pose a problem to the responses to addiction. This is

particularly true for the individual and broad responses to the opioid epidemic” (U.S. The

National Library of Medicine 2018). Throughout history, this story has been created to target

minority groups and place the blame for a major epidemic on their shoulders.

Firstly, the social construction of the minority drug problem can be examined through

framing. An anomie model can be used as an explanatory model to this system. This model seeks

to understand and explain that drug subcultures in minority communities were created as an

adaptation to the limited opportunities that are offered in order to achieve conventional goals

(Covington 1997). Because anomie explains that these groups are not offered opportunities that

are equivalent to the normal standards, anomie came to be equated with a collective,

neighborhood-based despair (Covington 1997). Through anomie, social problems such as crime

and drug abuse are seen as interrelated. The anomie model is best understood in urban ghettos

predominantly home to black people, as many of the working class white individuals have left

the inner city and moved to a more suburban area (Covington 1997).

Paired with the anomie model is the ecological approach to understanding these

communities. Some qualities that are explained by the ecological approach and look to define

and recognize neighborhoods or ghettos are widespread defeat, despair and a greater risk for

drug dependence (Covington 1997). Other defining characteristics that are easily visible include

the percentage of black people in the neighborhood, levels of neighborhood poverty,

unemployment, female-headed households and highschool dropout rate (Covington 1997).

Traditional anomie models have enabled drug researchers and journalists to take a few statistics
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based on some of the qualities at hand and in turn use this information to decide risk levels of

these given neighborhoods. “Empirical support for the notion that structural conditions

associated with traditional urban ghettos or the underclass cause a higher risk for drug use would

seem to depend on aggregate associations between these structural traits and evidence of high

neighborhood levels of drug use” (Covington 1997). The level of poverty in a neighborhood can

directly relate to the level of drug use in that neighborhood.

Further, I am looking to better understand why drug related problems hit urban

communities much harder than rural communities. Fuller and Ompad, authors of The Urban

Environment, Drug Use and Health write that “In 2000, most (80.3%) U.S. residents lived in

metropolitan areas (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000) and most studies of drug abuse have been

conducted in urban areas. Thus, our current understanding of drug abuse reflects primarily an

urban perspective and historically, drug use has been conceptualized as an urban problem”

(Fuller, Ompad). Research from Covington can help create a better understanding of this urban

problem. Mentioned earlier, certain factors can put a community at risk. Drug researchers look to

define the disease of drug addiction and list certain risk factors. Risk factors include living in an

urban ghetto with high rates of unemployment, poverty, substandard housing and social isolation

(Covington 1997). “This type of thinking leads to the notion that evidence of the spread of a new

and "dangerous" drug can be understood as an outgrowth of increases in the size of the

susceptible population. For example, the growth in the size of the at-risk underclass sub society

in the 1980s has been used to explain the recent "crack epidemic" (Covington 1997). These

notions lead to the public opinion that drug use is a problem only for minority communities in

urban cities.
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Drugs can be seen as goods when looking at and talking about the economical impacts

that follow drug use. When drugs are treated like consumer goods, researchers can look at illegal

markets and the subgroups who are most willing to ignore social norms and comply to drug

addiction (Covington 1997). These subgroups are most commonly full of individuals who

participate in criminal behavior. “The spread of drug use beyond these adopters has often been

based on their success in creating a positive image of these drugs that ties them to insight,

productivity, enhanced sexual performance, an innovative new high, or a rebellious identity”

(Covington 1997). For adolescents, drug use can be compared to other fads such as popular

hairstyles. The idea of different drugs being connected to popular fads iterates the idea that there

have been multiple drug epidemics. Similar to other fads, drugs rise and fall in pattern, except

there is no regard for structural changes in “at risk” populations.

It’s a common idea to think of race/ethnicity as the determining factor for drug use. This

is the single story that I am addressing, the connection to drug use only through someone’s

appearance. The entire system that exists which allows these thoughts is flawed. Researchers

have found that individuals residing in urban areas are shown to have a higher risk of being

involved with drugs compared to those who don’t live in urban areas (Clifford 1988). “Increased

risk associated with drug use and abuse, particularly abuse, among individuals classified within

the lower socio-economic group as well as among urban residents is especially disconcerting

given a disproportionate percentage of minority people falling within these categories” (Clifford

1988). Because much of the minority population in the United States falls in urban areas,

minority people are at an increased risk of having drug-related problems. Also, because there are

disproportionate amounts of poverty, unemployment, under-education, discrimination and poorer

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health quality among minority groups, the overall negative of impact of drug use among these

communities is greatly intensified (Clifford 1988).

When looking at the bigger picture of why some communities are impacted at greater

depths than others, it’s impossible to overlook the healthcare system and the problems attached.

Non-white minorities are more likely to be undertreated and receive inadequate treatement for

painful conditions (U.S. The National Library of Medicine 2018). An interesting idea comes

from researching white medical students who hold beliefs that the black body is biologically

different and “stronger,” these beliefs carrying on potentially from the days of slavery (U.S. The

National Library of Medicine 2018). “On an individual level, these biases may be difficult to

consciously identify; however, the continued application of these beliefs can be detrimental to

the current and future clinical and therapeutic interventions of the medical practitioner” (U.S.

The National Library of Medicine 2018). Misinformed belief systems have an obvious effect on

the quality of care that is offered to the patient, especially if these biases determine how pain is

treated for a particular patient. This same research provides solutions to better handle these

interactions. Solutions include being medical providers being aware of situations where

stereotyping is more prevalent, when cognitive resources are limited, and be sure to receive the

proper skills and support to avoid making inappropriate decisions that could negatively impact a

patient’s well-being (U.S The National Library of Medicine 2018). If minority groups feel

supported from their doctors, they wouldn’t have to seek other sources of pain-relief which

would include drugs from the street or any other form of illegal substance. Further, because

minority groups are often at the lowest socioeconomic group, their resources are limited. This is

part of the larger issue at hand where those who cannot afford proper healthcare do not receive it,

and do dangerous and illegal things in order to feel better.

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Now mentioning the buying and selling of drugs on the streets, the violence found in

regard to drugs is especially notable in minority communities in inner cities. The majority of

young men who have been killed in street violence in recent years are African Americans and

Latinos (Kornblum 1991). Overall, the homicide rate among black males is six times higher than

white males. (National Center for Health Statistics 1988). Of course, the conversation about

violence and homicide wouldn’t be complete without addressing the greater incarceration rates

among different racial groups in the U.S. This topic connects many of the issues at hand,

including bias connected to racial identity, lack of resources and unfair treatment of minority

groups. People of color make up 60% of the incarcerated population (American Journal of Public

Health 2008). Nationwide, the rate of persons sentenced to prison on drug charges for black men

is 13 times that for white men (American Journal of Public Health 2008). People of color are not

more likely to do drugs but are more likely to be arrested and prosecuted for their use. Many of

the issues discussed in this paper connect, the impact on the criminal justice system is more

evident in the minority communities that suffer from undeserved state and government assistance

in education, health and employment (American Journal of Public Health 2008). The services

that could work with communities to prevent drug use are underfunded. “Challenges that plague

inner cities—from poverty and hopelessness to substance use and increased morbidity and

mortality—are exacerbated by high incarceration rates; suburban communities are not “harmed”

when nonviolent drug offenders are given treatment and second chances (American Journal of

Public Health 2008).

An article titled From Nixon 's War on Drugs to Obama 's Drug Policies notes and

explains the different approaches to the war on drugs in the United States throughout history.

What’s important about this article is the emphasis on racial disparities throughout these
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different periods of time. The consensus is that during this 40+ year time period, the war on

drugs is far from over and the investment put into this work has not been successful. Racial

injustices and disparities have resulted in the harsh aftermath of the attempted to stop the war on

drugs. Law enforcement has made it their goal to crack down on minorities and immigrants

(Sirin 2011). This has lead to a staggering number of imprisoned minorities, broken families and

inexorable socioeconomic qualities (Sirin 2011). “The war on drugs has contributed to a vicious

cycle of poverty and crime, which has partly muted the achievements of the civil rights

movement and largely undermined the essence of egalitarian democracy” (Sirin 2011). A large

portion of the research is in regard to racial profiling. While there have been some reforms in

these regards, racial profiling is a pervasive practice in law enforcement largely due to the

habitual and subconscious use of widely-perpetuated negative stereotypes against minority group

(Sirin 2011). In addition to racial profiling, the attempt at controlling the war on drugs has lead

to an increase in survelance among urban cities, which in turn leads to the prison population

existing of more people pulled from these communities.

An example of change at the federal level that “transformed the stereotypical myths and

fears about “minority dominated crime” is the Anti-Drug Abuse Acts of 1986 and 1988 that were

initiated during the Reagan administration. These acts led to the 100 to 1 provision, which

mandated the same five year sentence for five grams of crack cocaine as for 500 grams of

powder cocaine. These laws troubling racial disparities in the prison population due to the fact

that drug offenders sentenced under the crack cocaine provisions were mainly poor black people.

During the first five years of the 1986 Anti-Drug Abuse act, the black population in state prisons

rose from 7 to 25 percent (Sirin 2011).

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Further, many studies have looked to examine whether race/ethnicity have an impact on

sentence and outcomes. This connects to all ideas presented in this paper, that racial bias and

stereotyping leads to the unfair treatment of urban minority groups when it comes to drug

offenses. Sociological research on law and crime concludes that minority crime is often met with

harsher punishment for several reasons. These include the ideas that minority groups often lack

the resources to resist negative labels and stereotypes, more powerful groups often find these

people to be a threat, and the depiction of criminals as racially or culturally dissimilar escalates

fear among powerful groups (Sirin 2011). Race and ethnicity are often predictive factors in terms

of sentencing outcomes.

The Sirin research notes the importance of a progressive presidency. The problems that

flood our country with bias, racial discrimination and hatred fail to be recognized under

leadership that doesn’t choose to prioratize it. The example in the text, president Obama, who

held strong views in regard to combating racial inequality, passed the Fair Sentencing Act of

2010 into law (Sirin 2011). Other things that he agreed to focus on included seeking to

strengthen federal hate crime legislation, ensure that federal agencies do not resort to racial

profiling, as well as support funding for drug courts (Sirin 2011). President Obama looked to

address drug abuse and drug-related crimes as a public health issue opposed to crime related

ones. Though some changes have been made, the fight for change is never over. The research

emphasizes that future presidents must take special against when looking at the issues of poverty,

education, health, civil rights and justice (Sirin 2011).

What this research boils down to is the greater idea that the systems we live in and

revolve our lives around were created to negatively impact vulnerable communities. Those who

live in urban areas are watched closely by the police force, while those in rural areas can do the
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same illegal actions but receive no punishment due to a less close watch. Additionally, racial bias

in our healthcare system and judicial system lead to the continual disadvantage for those who

live in urban areas. The relationship between living in an urban city and being in a minority

group is cause for the prison system to be crowded of people in these communities. The single

story addressed throughout this text is proving wrong the idea that minority groups are the cause

of the drug epidemic, and that vulnerable minority groups are a menace to society. Many factors

lead to those in urban areas to be impacted by the harsh effects of the drug epidemic, and what

can make a change is positive policy and checking bias especially when it comes to the courts

and the healthcare system.

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Works Cited

The American Journal of Public Health (AJPH) from the American Public Health Association
(APHA) publications. (2011). Retrieved from
https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.98.Supplement_1.S176

CLIFFORD, PATRICK R. “DRUG ABUSERS AND ACCESS TO TREATMENT ISSUES

AMONG INNER CITY MINORITY POPULATIONS.” Journal of Health and Human
Resources Administration, vol. 10, no. 3, 1988, pp. 278–287. JSTOR,
www.jstor.org/stable/25780324.

Covington, Jeanette. “The Social Construction Of the Minority Drug Problem.” Social Justice,
vol. 24, no. 4 (70), 1997, pp. 117–147. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/29767045

Kornblum, William. “Drug Legalization and the Minority Poor.” The Milbank Quarterly, vol. 69,
no. 3, 1991, pp. 415–435. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/3350103

Ompad, D., & Fuller, C. (n.d.). The Urban Environment, Drug Use, and Health

Racial Bias in the US Opioid Epidemic: A Review of the History of Systemic Bias and
Implications for Care. (2018, December). Retrieved June 11, 2019, from
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6384031/

Sirin, Cigdem V. “From Nixon's War on Drugs to Obama's Drug Policies Today: Presidential
Progress in Addressing Racial Injustices and Disparities.” Race, Gender & Class, vol. 18,
no. 3/4, 2011, pp. 82–99. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/43496834