Eli F. Heckscher's Mercantilism from the early 1930s was presented as a
synthesis of historicist and economic approaches, of those of Gustav Schmoller and William Cunningham on one hand, and of Adam Smith on the other. Heckscher wanted to judge of the performance of mercantilism in view of its end or purpose. Mercantilism was then conceived of as a phase in the history of economic policy. Its aim was to overcome feudal disintegration and medieval particularism and to strengthen the power of the state on the basis of wealth. For this Heckscher referred to Schmoller and Cunningham, who had expounded mercantilism as a system of unifi- cation and of power, respectively. He found, however, that under their influence, the economic sides of mercantilism, its nature of a protectionist and monetary system, had been neglected. The sympathy with mercan- tilism that generally dominated the members of the historical school had, therefore, to be balanced by the criticism developed by Adam Smith. In Heckscher's opinion, Smith's main advantage of all later writers on mercantilism was his insight into economic theory. 1
Thus Heckscher came to judge of mercantilism in view of tasks con-
ferred upon it by the historical school and by criteria derived from classical economic theory. He assigned to mercantilism some intellectual advance from traditional to more rational conceptions of world and society. But he concluded that economic liberalism became not only its conqueror in the fields of economics and of humanitarian values but also its executor in realizing unity, an efficient though more limited state power, and a thoroughly rational understanding of society as well. 2 Quite a few critical comments have been raised on Heckscher's syn- thesis in the course of time. Some of them related to the legacy from Schmoller and Cunningham. The very idea of a homogenous phase, or system, of economic policy was questioned. Heckscher's insistence on the power of the state as being an end in itself with mercantilists especially met with valid objections. On the other hand, the derivation of the mercantilists' "monetary system" from a perverted "fear of goods," bred by the very existence of a monetary economy, seemed unreal, turning mercantilism into a state of mind. Furthermore, it was noted that the discontinuity between mercantilism and laissez faire as presented by Heckscher was strongly due to his sparing use of works from the 18th century. 3 Some concessions were, however, made by Heckscher himself in the last part of his work, "Mercantilism as a conception of society.,,4 Here he noted a certain amount of consensus between mercantilism and liberalism in some respects. Mercantilists expressed a rather unanimous though not unreserved praise of freedom of trade, and more generally of economic freedom. Moreover, they broke with the religious and ethical attitude of the Middle Ages and developed a pronounced amoralism with regard to ends and means. This was suited to their strong belief in an inevitable social causation conformable to inexorable laws. Why, then, such a great contrast between liberalism and mercantilism in the practical results arrived at from a point of departure that was largely common to both? Heckscher's account left some room for hypocrisy and logical inconsistency on the part of mercantilists. But mainly he referred to the belief of liberalism in a predetermined harmony inherent in the nature of economic phenomena themselves, as revealed by Adam Smith's statement of the invisible hand. 5 Social causation, as conceived of by mercantilists, lacked this automatic mechanism. Therefore, it allowed statesmen to exert an influence on it in the direction of any objective, however amoral. And here the very amoralism of mercantilism was conducive to the ruthlessness of its practical conclusions, thus sharpening the contrast to laissez faire. Accordingly, the transition from mercantilism to laissez faire was in
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