'Caste' in Africa The Evidence From South-Western Ethiopia Reconsidered by Alula Pankhurst PDF

International African Institute
'Caste' in Africa: The Evidence from South-Western Ethiopia Reconsidered

Author(s): Alula Pankhurst
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 69, No. 4 (1999), pp. 485-
509
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Africa69 (4), 1999
'CASTE' IN AFRICA:
THE EVIDENCE FROM SOUTH-WESTERN ETHIOPIA
RECONSIDERED
Alula Pankhurst
In an article entitled 'Caste in Africa', published two decades ago in Africa,

Todd (1977: 410) suggested that further ethnography in southern Ethiopia
would 'produce a body of comparative data to support my assertion that we
can indeed speak of caste'. This article challenges that assumption in the
light of further ethnographic evidence and the recent findings of a
preliminary comparative research project on marginalised minorities1 in
south-western2 Ethiopia.
After situating the debate in the African context, I review the different
arguments against the use of the 'caste' concept under three broad headings:
ideological, genetic and structural.I conclude that the notion of caste raises
so many problems that it is of little analytical value in understanding the
status of marginalised minorities in south-western Ethiopia, and may best be
restricted to the Asian realm.
A better understanding of marginalised groups can be gained from
comparative studies of their differential status over time and space, starting
with local conceptions of marginalisation and how endogamy makes for
differentiation. Further research would need to take into account the
traditions of the marginalised, their manifold economic, social and ritual
roles, and processes of migration, specialisation and subordinationwithin an
historical context of inter-ethnic relations.
THE 'CASTE' DEBATE IN AFRICA
Despite the views of authorities on Indian caste systems, such as Leach

(1960) and Dumont (1960), that 'caste' is appropriateonly to the 'Pan-Indian
civilisation',3 the concept has been widely used for marginalised minorities
This designation avoids the terms 'caste' and 'class', the loaded expressions 'submerged'
or 'depressed' and the automatic association with occupation. The formulation also
accommodates both craft and hunter groups that share certain similarities, and highlights the
only diacritical characteristics shared by the different groups: their marginalised and minority
statuses.
2 The south-west was selected as a somewhat homogeneous area of mainly small but related
ethnic groups, most of whom belong to the Omotic language family and cultivate enset (Ensete
ventriocosum) as a staple crop. Apart from discussion of migrant Gurage craft workers in the
Oromo area of Woliso, reference to artisans among the Oromo has been omitted, since that
would have involved consideration of other parts of Ethiopia and northern Kenya.
3 Leach wrote, 'Caste denotes a particular species of structural
organisation indissolubly
linked with what Dumont rightly insists is a Pan-Indian Civilization. . . . Consequently I
believe that those who apply the term to contexts wholly remote from the Indian world
invariably go astray' (1960: 5).
?
486 'CASTE' IN SOUTH-WESTERNETHIOPIA?
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FIG.1 The southernregion of Ethiopia,showingthe ethnic groupsand localities

mentioned
in Africa (Tuden and Plotnicov, 1970: 15-18; Maquet, 1970; Todd, 1977).
Moreover, the term continues to be applied to such groups (Richter, 1980;
Coy, 1982: 5-14; Boyer, 1983; Amborn, 1990: 340-74). This may be, as H.
Lewis (1970: 182-3) pointed out, because six of the seven criteria commonly
used to define caste-namely endogamy, restrictions on commensality,
hierarchical grading, pollution, traditional occupation, and ascribed status
(Leach, 1960: 2-3)-seem to apply to African craft specialists. Only aspects
associated with Hinduism are lacking.
The term 'caste', sometimes qualified as 'low-caste' or 'out-caste', has
been used by many writers describing marginalised minorities in Africa from
the early part of this century (Cerulli, 1922: 200; Hambly, 1930: 17;
Seligman, 1930: 79; Huntingford, 1931; Murdock, 1959: 59-61). However,
the clearest explicit comparison with the Asian caste system and argument in
favour of using the concept in the African context was presented by Nadel
'CASTE' IN SOUTH-WESTERNETHIOPIA? 487
(1954).4 The most importantcollaborativeendorsementwas by Tudenand

Plotnicov(1970: 16-8).5
Regardingthe Hornof Africa,H. Lewis (1962: 508-11, 1970: 182-5) has
arguedin favourof the 'caste' concept.In the Ethiopiancontextthe concept
has been widely used (Cerulli, 1922: 200-14, 1930: 233-8; Conti Rossini,
1937; Straube,1963:5). Levine (1974: 56) even described'caste' groupsas
a 'pan-Ethiopiansocial phenomenon'.ConcerningsouthernEthiopia,Todd
(1977), Haberland(1962, 1978, 1984, 1993) and Shack (1964) were the
majorproponentsof the 'caste' concept for specific societies, though the
termcontinuesto be used in recentworkson artisansin Ethiopia(Silverman,
1999).
Ratherthantreatingisolatedcases of particularethnicgroupsassumedto
be boundedanddiscreteentities,the relevanceof the 'caste' conceptcan be
addressed more interestingly by considering different categories of
objectionsto the conceptin relationto the ethnographicevidence within a
geographicalregion, such as south-westernEthiopia, where histories of
migration,conquestandinter-ethnicrelationshaveinfluencedconceptionsof
inequalityand marginalisation.
IDEOLOGICALOBJECTIONS
The ideological rejectionof 'caste' is a matternot simply of its cultural
associationswith Hinduismbut ratherof the apparentlack of a religiously
sanctionedhierarchyof occupationalgroupings.6In fact the ideological
rationale for the marginalisedstatus of occupationalcraft and foraging
groups is never explicitly stated in the Ethiopiancontext in terms of a
coherent hierarchicalreligious philosophy,let alone one which includes
notions of reincarnation.Nonetheless, two prevalentideological factors
requirefurtherconsideration:myths and notionsof pollution.
Mythical considerations
The representation of the marginalisedgroupsin mythology,in cases where
it exists, variesfrom situationswherethey are portrayedas sharingkinship
4 Unlike earlier writers

concerned primarily with the origins and status of hunter groups,
Nadel was concerned with artisans, in particular with smiths in both East and West Africa. His
endorsement was, however, cautious in that he recognised that the importance of 'caste' varied
cross-culturally and that in some cases 'class' was as important (if not more so) for
understanding occupational groups. He argued against the trend of explaining African social
systems in terms of conquest and suggested that 'caste' systems arose out of differentiation of
social tasks carried out by interdependent segments, where the division of labour was
sanctioned by religion and pre-ordained, and where there were elements of fear, awe or
spiritual degradation (1954: 21).
5 Notably in the introduction and the articles by Maquet, Vaughan and Lewis.
6 According to Tsehai Berhane-Selassie (1991: 19), the lack of a clear 'religious sanction' in
the Ethiopian context is a missing 'determining element' for the applicability of the 'caste'
concept. Nadel (1954: 22), who first promoted the comparison with India, recognised that the
Indian caste system was more spiritual and African ones more pragmatic and materialist.
7 For a discussion of this
point see Ambor (1990: 406).
with the rest of society to instances where they are seen more as associated
with nature and the wild, and even, in extreme cases, as being descended
from unions with animals. Where kinship is posited, the marginalised group
is often described as a sibling with a lower status. Thus in Wolayta the
despised status of the potters is explained in terms of the loss of
primogeniture of an elder to a younger brother (Tsehai, 1994: 342-3). In
Sidama jealousy between brothers led to the descendants of the Hadicho
potters losing their land rights (Hamer, 1987: 57-8).
Association with natureand the wild is more common for hunting groups.8
Descent from animals represents an obvious form of distancing and an
'ideological legitimation of oppression' (Lange, 1982: 266). A Kafa myth
relates the Manja hunters' origins to descent from offspring of a dog (Lange,
1982: 265). A Sidama myth attributes the Hadicho potters' descent to a
union with a donkey (Hamer, 1987: 57). Ambor argues that the link with
animals also underlines the antiquity of such groups, and their closeness to
nature and the supernatural(1997: 152).
In terms of whether the marginalised are seen as the original inhabitantsor
as migrants, myths tend to portrayhunting groups as autochthonous and craft
groups as migrants. According to a Kafa myth the Manjo were the first to
come out of the earth, carrying a net (Cerulli, 1930: 235; Lange, 1982: 181).
However, even the Manjo hunters are portrayed as migrants in other areas,
such as Shekacho (Mengistu, 1995: 21) and Dawro (Behailu, 1997: 35).
Anteriority of the Haudo craftsmen is suggested in a Dulay myth in which
they are portrayed as the first to come out of a termite hill (Amborn, 1997:
148). Myths of the artisans migrating with conquerors from the north are
common to many centralised kingdoms such as Wolayta (Tsehai, 1994:
347-9), Yem (Getachew, 1995: 112-14) and Kafa (Lange, 1982: 261-3).9
A common mythical theme is the idea that the marginalised groups were
formerly more important and had either 'fallen from a higher state' (H.
Lewis, 1962: 510) or were 'put in their place' by sources of authority,
including fathers, councils of elders, kings or even God, often the
mechanism mentioned being a curse. Thus a Gurage myth relates that a
father cursed his son from whom the Fuga craftsmen were descended for
having suggested that his father's body smelt (Nahu, 1997: 32). An Amaro
myth relates that a hungry king cursed the descendants of a Mana tanner who
had nothing to offer him but bad meat from skins (Straube, 1963: 122). A
Kambata myth suggests that the Fuga potters' ancestor was cursed by God,
who came as a traveller and died in a village where the Fuga's ancestor had
become governor and refused land to bury him (Wolde-Sellassie, 1997: 10).
Another myth in Kambata also relates to burial in biblical times. A person
who sold land for the grave of Jesus at an exorbitant price is cursed and his
8 Somali myths relate Sab origins to descent from a younger son discovered in the bush, a
lost son reared by hyenas, or a son of uncertain parentage who went to live in the bush (I.
Lewis, 1955: 53-5).
9 However, in Kafa, whereas bards and weavers had traditions of immigration, the tanner-
potters did not (Lange, 1982: 263-4).
ancestors become the Fuga (Braukamper, 1983: 37-8).10 The idea of a fall
from a higher status is aptly illustrated in a myth told by migrant Gurage
smiths, according to which God had initially made them superiorbut they cut
the ladder which He used to climb down to earth, incurring his wrath
(Mesfin, 1997: 12).
In many cases myths blame the victims. In Sidama the loss of land by the
ancestors of the Awacho tanners is justified on the grounds that, upon
division of the territory,they asked for merely enough land 'to stretch a skin'
(Haileyesus, 1997: 18). In a Kambatamyth the son of a rich man chose as his
inheritance clay rather than land or cattle and became the ancestor of the
Fuga (Braukamper, 1983: 38). According to a Wolayta myth, God offered
the ancestor of the Fuga two cups, and the potters' ancestor selected the one
full of ashes rather than the one full of grain; from then on his clan was
condemned to sit on the ground and work with clay (Chiatti, 1984: 235).
It is striking that the most recurrent justification for marginalisation is
related to food transgressions as 'validating myths' (H. Lewis, 1962: 510).
Thus in the above-mentioned Wolayta myth the elder sibling lost his
primogeniture by eating 'unclean meat' (Tsehai, 1994: 342-3). Similarly a
Shakacho myth tells how seven migrating brothers went hungry and,
whereas six abstained, the seventh (thereafter the Manjo) ate 'bad things'
(Mengistu, 1995: 21). Likewise, a Sidama myth relates that the Hadicho
potters' ancestor was cursed by his brothers for eating the impure meat of
antelopes (Braukamper, 1978: 126). Interestingly, a similar Oyda myth
represents the viewpoint of the marginalised, who are blamed by the
dominant group in a myth where the only person on a hunt who refuses to
hunt antelopes is condemned by the others, who eat the meat and
subsequently curse him (Dereje, 1997a: 12).
However, what is most notable is the general lack of any explicit elaborate
mythical justification in many societies of southern Ethiopia. Not only is
justification lacking on the part of the dominant society, but the marginalised
themselves often seem unable to provide mythical explanations.11Moreover,
even when such myths exist they seldom justify the differential status of the
various marginalised groups within a ranked hierarchy. Thus Hamer objects
to 'caste' partly on the grounds that in the Sidama case there are no 'divinely
ordained status' differences (1987: 56-9).12 Where occupation is mentioned,
often it is only in relation to a single undifferentiatedgroup. In a Konso myth
the hauda came out of a gourd with tools (Lakew, 1997: 24),13 while in a
Kambata myth the Fuga ancestor was born with clay in his hand (Wolde-
10 In another version the

Fugas' ancestor accepted silver from Judas to buy land
(Braukamper, 1983: 38).
11 A Maale
potter, asked by Jensen to tell stories, stated, 'I know only one story: Go fetch
water, work in the field, make pots' (1959: 283). Likewise, Braukampernoted that the Fuga in
Kambata had a poor knowledge of history and legends (1983: 38 n. 4).
12
However, some ordinary Sidama ascribe a higher status to the Hadacho (potters) than to
the Awacho (tanners), on the grounds of a myth relating to their lust for meat, in which the
latter ate the afterbirth of the former (Haileyesus, 1997: 32).
13
Interestingly, a Dawro myth also relates origins to a gourd, although in that case it is the
potters who came out of it, along with a particular Dawro clan (Behailu, 1997: 10).
Selassie, 1997: 10). Even in rare cases where differential occupation is

mentioned, the occupational groups are not ranked. Thus in a Wolayta myth
occupational status is related to the distribution of food at a feast in which
the tanners receive the head and skin, the smiths the ribs, and the minstrels
the intestines and tails (Chiatti, 1984: 234-5).
Notions of pollution
Although sophisticated mythical charters are generally lacking in the
Ethiopian context, the notion of pollution is prevalent. Tuden and Plotnicov
(1970: 16) suggest that the concept of pollution is the only mandatory
ideological factor required for defining caste systems in Africa.'4 However,
some authors claim that, in the south-western Ethiopian context, notions of
pollution and impurity are weak and are not clearly contraposed to notions of
purity and sacredness. Thus Todd (1977) contrasts Dime, which he considers
to be a 'caste society', with Gurage and Konso, which lack notions of
purity.15 Although both counter-examples happen to be among the least
stratified southernEthiopian societies, they do in fact have ritual leaders who
can be considered pure. For the Konso the poqallas, whom Hallpike (1972:
248) refers to as 'regional priests', are perceived as 'quintessentially
sacred'.16 Among the Gurage, in addition to the clan 'chiefs' whose
installation is surroundedby 'sacred rites' (Shack, 1966: 153-4), the leaders
of the three major cults are endowed with ritual purity.17
In fact notions of purity and pollution are common in south-western
Ethiopia even though their relative salience varies. Rather than a lack of
concepts of purity and pollution, their special character in the south-western
Ethiopian context needs to be appreciated.
First, whereas we tend to find impure groups at the bottom of the social
formation, and pure individuals or groups at the top, notions of purity are not
applied as defining characteristics of the farming majority. Unlike caste
systems, a contiguous contrasting purity-impurity dyad is not a central
organising principle.
Second, the concept of impurity is more salient and stressed than that of
purity. This is particularly the case among Omotic peoples, where
transgressions of taboos causing misfortune render ordinary farmers
14
They used three features as defining criteria: 'the associations between occupational
specialization of endogamous groups in which membership is by ascription and between which
social distance is regulated by the concept of pollution' (1970: 16).
15
Whereas Dime has three categories-pure (chiefs and priests), non-pure (commoners)
and impure (artisans, hunters and ritual servants)-Gurage and Konso, he suggests, lack pure
groups and have only two categories: non-pure (commoners) and impure (artisans).
16
Their purity is marked through restrictions, taboos, sacred symbols and insignia, family
names, obligatory marriages and their roles in sacrifice, blessings as mediators and controllers
of fertility (Hallpike, 1972: 250-5; Tadesse, 1992: 13-14; Shako, 1994: 82-3; Watson, 1997:
654-6).
]7 They have hereditary titles, and live in special shrines. They are subject to many rules and
dietary restrictions, wear special insignia and clothes, enter trances and preside over annual
ritual ceremonies. Their death and succession are subject to taboos and special rituals (Worku,
1990: 111-14, 1994: 363-6; Prunet and Chamora, 1995: 59-60, 1997: 561-3).
temporarilyimpure.Thus,whereasfarmersmaybecometemporarilyimpure,
artisans are permanentlyimpure. Interestingly,the artisans' essential
impurityis sometimesconceptuallyrelated to the temporaryimpurityof
womenduringmenstruationandchildbirth.In Oydathe pottersmediateand
reconcilewomen's impurityin childbirthrituals(Dereje, 1997a:20).
Third,and most important,impurityis not generallyjustifiedby explicit
cosmological or mythologicalrationales,but is related primarilyto food
taboosin a regionwheredietaryproscriptionsare crucialstatusandidentity
markers(H. Lewis, 1970: 184, Braukamper,1984:437-8). Moreover,as we
have seen, even wherethey exist, mythsoften invoke transgressionof food
avoidances, which are the basic cross-culturallycommon denominator
justifying marginalisation.Rather than their being incorporatedinto a
religiouslysanctionedhierarchicalsystem,in the southernEthiopiansetting
alleged lack of dietaryconformismbecomes a rationalefor excludingthe
marginalised.18
TudenandPlotnicov(1970: 17) arguethatthe ideologicalunderpinning in
terms of notions of ritual pollutionappearsweakest in Africa, where the
'caste' percentageis small. In the south-westernEthiopiancontext the
percentageof the marginalisedgroups is generally very small, with the
possible exception of the Dime (Todd, 1977), Dizi (Haberland,1984),
SidamoHadichopotters(Hamer,1987:59) andespeciallythe Manjahunters
west of the Omo, who representsizeable minorities.Interestingly,where
hunters exist (e.g. Kafa, Shekacho, Dawro) they are clearly the most
despised,and are differentiatedfrom othermarginalisedcraftgroups;they
may even be consideredalmostsub-human(Lange, 1982: 264).
Ambivalent, variable and changing statuses
The ideologicalunderpinningof marginalisationis renderedmore complex
since the statusof such groupsis not purelyor exclusively negativein all
contexts. As authorssuch as Haberland(1978: 129-32) and Braukamper
(1983: 179) have suggested,their status may be describedas ambiguous,
ambivalentor even dualin thatthey may be despised,ostracisedandfeared
yet they often simultaneouslyplay importantsocial and ritualroles in life-
cycle events, at birth, circumcision,initiation,marriagesand funerals,as
circumcisers,initiators,musicians,etc. They may also be consultedfor their
presumedoccult powers or medical knowledge, as surgeons,dentists or
veterinary experts. Furthermore,in many of the centralised southern
kingdoms they had a special link with royalty (Haberland,1962: 152,
1978: 132) as entertainers(musicians,bards,storytellersandjesters) and in
defence roles (as bodyguards,executionersand messengers).
Anotherfactorthatthrowsdoubton a unifiedideologicalmouldis thatthe
sametype of craftspecialisation-for instance,smiths-may be respectedin
some societies(the moregeneralpattern)anddespisedin others(in the Gofa
area).Moreover,within the same society the statusof a given groupmay
change dramatically.For instance the Chinasha group, now exclusively
18
Kambata Fuga told Braukamper, 'We have no religion because we eat everything' (1983:
180).
492 'CASTE' IN SOUTH-WESTERNETHIOPIA'?
potters, had a higher status under the Wolayta kingdom, probably owing to
the better status of their entertainer husbands (Chiatti, 1984: 248). To see
such groups as constituting merely despised and ostracised 'castes' would be
to ignore their respected social and ritual roles, which may be as important
as, and inextricably linked with, their despised economic roles.
GENETICOBJECTIONS
Apart from obvious cultural differences between the Asian setting in which
the notion of 'caste' was developed and the south-western Ethiopian context,
in the latter case the histories of differentiation are so complex and varied
that no simple unitary explanation of the origins and persistence of
marginalised groups is tenable. Four origin models can be classified into
three types, depending on whether the marginalised occupational groups are
seen as original inhabitants, as migrants or as groups from within the society
that specialised in non-farming occupations.1
Remnants model
This model, based on the accounts of late nineteenth-century missionaries
and travellers such as Massaja (1885: VI, 56), was first developed by Biasutti
(1905), who suggested that hunter groups in particular were autochthonous
'remnants' of earlier groups who were subsequently dominated or
'submerged' by more powerful immigrants. Pockets of 'remnants' were
assumed to have survived in various parts of East Africa, and conquerors
were thought to have brought their own 'pariahs' who joined and mixed with
the 'original' dominated people. The argument was elaborated by Cerulli
(1922, 1930), who expressed some scepticism about their alleged common
origins; he argued that the hunters did not form a single pre-Cushitic group,
since there was a mixing of earlier groups with 'pariahsof the Cushites', and
that marginalisation was a result of successive waves of migration. Jensen
(1959: 63-6) assumed that the marginalised groups were not originally
hunters but were rather autochthonous populations cultivating tuber crops
who became 'depressed' and were forced to adopt hunting by more powerful
immigrants with superior agriculturaltechnology. Straube (1963: 5) differed
from Jensen, suggesting that not all craft workers were of the same origins,
but that they had different cultural backgrounds and were joined by refugees.
The 'remnants' model has been criticised and rejected by numerous
scholars.20 They point to the lack of evidence of differences in physical
appearance or language,21and criticise the simplistic and rigid evolutionary
and sometimes racist assumptions. Although genetic, archaeological,
linguistic and mythological evidence may yet provide some conclusive
19
Braukamper (1983: 175) also mentions three processes: of domination, diffusion and
internal development.
20
These include: H. Lewis (1962, 1970), Corlett (1974: 15-22, 152-8); Todd (1977, 1978),
Skelton-Smith (1979: 7-15 and Ambom (1990: 376-9).
21
Where the artisans use different terms they are often borrowings from neighbouring
groups which can be explained by their high mobility (Braukamper, 1983: 181).
evidence, the remnants theory alone seems untenable, and applies to hunter
groups rather than to part-time craft specialists, whose relationship with the
rest of the population is part and parcel of their identity.
Migration models22
Mutualistic specialisation. This model, as described by Levine (1974),
suggests that small groups first specialised in crafts in conducive 'ecological
niches' and then migrated into areas where their services were required,
becoming 'guests' among 'host' populations. This view has been criticised
by many scholars, notably Todd (1978: 148-5), who suggests that
specialisation in ecological niches is likely to have occurred only among
foragers and not among craftsmen.23 Although this model may not
adequately explain the initial formation of specialised groups, processes of
diffusion in recent centuries have been clearly documented.
Migration with invaders. This model, as described by Haberland (1965)
and Lange (1982), suggests that the artisans migrated to the south with
dominant groups from the north, who came with their ideas of state and
hierarchy and brought their artisans with them. This view has some support
in the mythology of certain kingdoms such as Kafa (Lange, 1982: 265),
Wolayta (Tsehai, 1994: 347), Yem (Getachew, 1995: 112), Dawro (Behailu,
1997: 34), and Dizi (Haberland, 1984). However, the model applies
primarily to stratified societies with migrant conquering elites. Moreover, it
does not apply to all marginalised groups, or even to all craft workers in
given cases.
Internal specialisation
The importance of division of labour was already noted by Nadel (1954).
Authors such as H. Lewis (1962, 1970), Todd (1978) and Ambor (1990)
suggest that craft work developed through internal differentiation and
specialisation within given populations. The case for internal specialisation
has gained much credibility and is currently the favoured explanation.
Brandt et al. (1997: 49-50) argued that hide workers are part of the ethnic
groups among whom they live and do not form a distinct ethnic group or
culture. Though such explanations make sense of some ethnographic
material, notably, as Ambor (1990) argues, in societies where agricultural
intensification led to the need for complementary relations between craft
workers and farmers, it cannot account for all or even the majority of cases in
south-western Ethiopia.
Mixed genesis and migration

Although it is not possible to go into detail on the question of origins the
following points may be made. First, no single overall explanation accounts
22
The notion of migration in caste formation is described by Bailey (1960) in his tribe-caste
continuum.
23
Todd wrote, 'the "ecological niches" theory of specialisation only makes sense for
specialisations which directly produce food' (1978: 150).
24
E.g. Braukamper (1983: 175-8) for the Kambata, Hadiya, Gurage and Yem areas.
for all cases.25 Second, the different explanations are not necessarily
mutually exclusive, and may combine in different ways. For instance, the
remnants idea was diluted by the idea of waves of migration put forward by
authors such as Cerulli and Straube. Third, within an area, the origins of
different specialisations such as hunting, smithing, tanning, pottery or
woodworking often differ. Thus Braukamper(1983: 176-9) suggests that the
Fuga were the original 'caste' of hand workers in Kambata, Gurage and
Yem, and that the smiths were more recent 'non-caste' migrants. For
Sidamo, Br0gger suggests that the Hadicho (potters) belonged to a more
ancient 'negro' population, whereas the Tonticho (smiths) and Hawacho
(tanners) migrated later with invading groups (1986: 34-6).26 Fourth, the
'remnants' and 'mutualistic specialisation' models seem to apply primarily
to the hunter category.
Finally, and most important, a number of factors would have been
conducive to the migration of craft specialists. First, craft workers are not
tied to the land. Second, their small numbers and enforced endogamy and the
limited demand for their products are important factors which would make
for their migration across ethnic boundaries in what Donham refers to as
their 'interational character' (1985: 109-10). Indeed, Tsehai (1999) rightly
argues that the idea of immigration is more importantthan that of 'caste' in
defining the status of craft workers. Moreover, the migration of marginalised
groups is an on-going process of which there is the evidence of recent
examples.27 Thus relations between the marginal and immigrant statuses of
non-farming occupational groups, notably in terms of access to resources,
deserve further consideration.
Many aspects of the origin problem remain unknown, though clues may be
found in linguistic, genetic and archaeological studies as well as in
comparisons of mythologies and oral histories. For the 'caste' issue the
implications are clear: the lack of a single standardexplanation throws doubt
on the value of 'caste' in explaining phenomena which show considerable
variations in origins and differences in the processes involved. Moreover, the
complex and on-going histories of migration, a condition intimately
associated with craft specialisation, suggest the need for a comparative
study of inter-ethnic relations and migration ratherthan fixed conceptualisa-
tions of status rankings in rigid 'caste' terms within bounded groups.
STRUCTURALOBJECTIONS
Several authors, notably Ambor (1990: 398-406), have argued that the
situation of marginalised occupational minorities is structurally different
25
As Todd pointed out, 'It seems highly unlikely that any evolutionary theory of Ethiopia
which proposes a uniform sequence will explain all ethnographic instances' (1978: 156).
26
However, other traditions consider the Hadicho as part of the Sidama (Braukamper, 1978:
128).
2
For instance, H. Lewis mentions migrations of Fuga from Jangero and Gurage to Jimma
'in recent years' (1962: 511) and of Watta from Kafa to Jimma within the past hundred years
(1970: 185). Similarly, migration of Gurage craft workers into Oromo areas near Wolisso a
century ago is documented by Ambaye (1997b).
from that of the typical Asian prototypes.The debate centres on three

interrelatedarguments:(1) the concept of 'caste' is not applied system-
aticallyto the entiresociety, but is used only for a numericallyinsignificant
minority; (2) the relations between the dominant majority and the
marginalisedminority do not categoricallyinvolve exploitationof one
groupby the other,but are based on individualpatron-clientrelations;(3)
the marginalisedgroupsare not differentiated,rankedand stratifiedinto a
clear hierarchy,but ratherform a single undifferentiated bloc.
Systematic use of 'caste' 28

The argumentthat 'caste' is not applied to the majorityled Tuden and
Plotnicov to suggest a basic distinctionbetween two types of 'caste' in
Africa,i.e. 'caste societies' versussocieties 'with castes', dependingon the
numericalimportanceof those to whomthe termappliesandthe importance
of the concept in structuringsociety.29 In south-westernEthiopia the
percentageof the populationin the marginalisedcategoryis generallysmall.
Even the most ardentproponentsof 'caste' admitthat 'caste systems'in the
first sense are exceptions.Haberlandrecognisedthat,with the exceptionof
Dizi, therewas no distinctdivision into strata,and that the 'specialcastes'
were numericallyinsignificant.30Likewise Todd (1978) providesonly the
Dime example of a 'caste society', which he contrastswith two counter-
examples.Even the apparentlyexceptionalcases of Dizi andDime are open
to question,as Ambor (1990: 392-7) and Deguchi (1996)31have pointed
out. Thus the 'caste' concept cannotbe used in the strongsense of 'caste
systems' suggestedby Tudenand Plotnicov,and the use of the conceptto
describe societies in which this issue is marginalto the overall social
organisationmay be questioned.
Relations of marginalisation
The second, related argumentconcernsthe type of relationsbetween the
dominantandmarginalisedgroups.Hamer(1987: 50) suggeststhat'caste'is
an inappropriateconceptbecausethe marginalisedgroupsin Sidamaarenot
exploited as a class. He argues that farmersdo not control the means of
28
Ambor (1990) raises a similar 'classificatory' objection to the concept of 'caste',
pointing out that it is not an organising principle for the entire society, since the majority of
farmers are not treated according to 'caste' ideology.
29
Tuden and Plotnicov (1970: 11) wrote, 'In some societies the term caste applies to only a
small percentage of the population; in others it encompasses the entire society as a major
system of organisation. It might be possible in describing societies to suggest that in some
cases we have a caste system structuring the society while in others castes are merely present
within the society.'
30 Haberland
(1984: 448) wrote, 'Even though there existed "despised", "special" or
"occupational" castes among all the peoples of Ethiopia, one cannot speak of a real "caste-
system". Quantitatively the principal "caste" was of little relevance. Among the majority of
Ethiopian peoples, free men or commoners made up more than 90 per cent.'
31 Deguchi (1996: 127-32) argues against the use of 'caste' in Dizi on the grounds that
ranking is flexible, and may vary geographically and historically; that cross-cutting ties of
bond friendship erode stratification; that exceptions to endogamy rules exist; that notions of
pollution are weak, and that the cosmology, as represented in ritual and myth, is shared.
production and do not prevent artisans as a class from owning land (1987:
56-8). However, the Sidama case seems exceptional in that the Hadicho are
numerous, have clan land, and most are not engaged in pottery. Moreover,
the other marginalised Sidamo group, the Awacho, do not have land (Hamer,
1987: 59; Haileyesus, 1997: 26).
Where the marginalised did have access to land, three patterns seem to
have existed: (1) the marginalised groups were allocated or restricted to land
as a group, (2) only leaders of the marginalised were allocated land on an
individual basis, and (3) individuals were allowed to settle only on their
patron's land.
In the first category we find certain Manja former hunting groups, and
some exceptional cases of marginalised groups such as the Hadicho of
Sidama. The second pattern seems to have existed in some of the powerful
kingdoms, such as Wolayta (Chiatti, 1984: 246) and Kafa (Lange, 1982:
264), where kings allocated land to leaders. The third type, of dyadic
patron-client relations between individuals rather than between two strata,
seems to have been most common, and is found in a number of less
hierarchical societies.32
Combinations of these types were also common. In Wolayta marginalised
groups gained access to land as groups, and kings could allocate land to
leaders for use during their lifetime.33 In Gurage Fuga could obtain land as a
group on the edge of settlements or as individuals from patrons (Shack,
1964: 50). Finally, within an area some occupational groups might have
access to land while others did not. This could vary cross-culturally. In the
Sidamo case the Hadicho (potters) clans had land while the Awacho (tanner-
smiths) did not (Haileyesus, 1997: 35), while in Shekacho some smith clans
did, whereas the tanner-pottersdid not (Lange, 1982: 160).
Despite the above types of access to land the ideology of exclusion from
land ownership was strong everywhere, and in practice severe restrictions
were common (Pankhurst, 1997: 8). According to Karsten's economic study
(1972: 53) of crafts in several southern Ethiopian societies, restrictions were
strongest in Gamo and Konso, where craft work was more full-time and craft
workers earned more. Generally, if marginalised groups were allowed to
cultivate land, it was only a small homestead plot provided by patrons,
usually on poor or unwanted land. Even then they could be forced to move
according to a patron's whim and they therefore tended to move frequently
(Chiatti, 1984: 246; Braukamper, 1983: 182).
In this respect differences between types of minorities are noteworthy,
since social marginalisation is often mapped on the landscape and can
indicate degrees of ostracism. Smiths tend to live interspersed among the
farmers. Similarly tanners often live among the rest of the population,
32
Among the Yem the client in this relationship was apparently called bera (Getachew,
1997: 43). The extent to which the dominant group have to compete for the services of the
minority craft groups, which Leach (1960: 6) sees as a basic distinction between 'caste' and
'class', is open to debate.
33
Land was given 'to the outcasts as a group and never to an individual, except when the
king wanted to reward a person for his special skill, and in this case the land was returned to
the king after the death of the man' (Chiatti, 1984: 250-1).
although, where they are highly despised, as in Kafa, they may settle on the
edge of villages. The settlement pattern of smiths and some tanners is also
related to limited demand for their products. Potters tend to live in groups,
often near a river or where good clay is available. They may also live far
from the rest of the population because they are often suspected of
witchcraft. The hunters (and Gurage Fuga) often live on the fringe of
settlements, on poor land, in ravines, on hillsides, or close to forests, where
they provide a 'buffer zone' between the forest and cultivated areas prone to
attack from wild animals. In symbolic terms they mediate between nature
and culture (Pankhurst, 1997: 5).
In some areas of southern Ethiopia craft workers gained access to land
after the 1974 revolution. In most cases, however artisans did not receive an
equal share of land when it was redistributed,on the grounds that they had
other sources of income, or because they lacked representation in the
Peasants' Associations. In some cases, as in Gamo, under social pressure
some craft workers returned the land they had been given (Freeman, 1997:
14-15). When they did succeed in obtaining land it was often of poor quality
or in unfavourable locations. Thus, even though craft workers have gained
access to some land, their holdings are generally smaller and of inferior
quality.
Whatever the access to land, clear political, social and economic
segregation of the marginalised categories is undeniable. In political terms
the marginalised were excluded from membership of political institutions,
such as gada systems of generational seniorities among Cushitic groups;
they did not have political or judicial rights, and were said to be under the
protection and control of the elected assembly leaders (H. Lewis, 1962: 510,
1970: 184). In Sidama they could not be present at the circumcision rites
preceding promotion to elderhood (Hamer, 1987: 58-9). In Gamo they could
not participate in assemblies or become sacrificers (Bureau, 1981: 87).
Among the Gurage they could not take part in the yejoka councils (Nahu,
1997: 13), and were forbidden from carrying spears or going to war (Shack,
1966: 9). In the Jimma kingdom they were not allowed to speak in courts or
serve as witnesses (H. Lewis, 1970: 184), although they had leaders
appointed by the king (H. Lewis, 1965: 98).
Social ostracism was also very strong, with strict endogamy rules,
restrictions on commensality and other forms of social intercourse, notably
prohibition on entering farmers' houses, separate seating at weddings and
funerals, restrictions on joining associations, and separate burial places. In
most areas, as we have seen, there was also economic ostracism, with
restrictions on, if not complete exclusion from, land and sometimes also the
ownership of livestock. Though the degree of marginalisation varied over
space and time, and by type of marginalised group, it was a basic
characteristicof the relationship between dominant farmers and marginalised
craft workers.
Currently, relations between the dominant group and the marginalised
ones are based on dyadic patron-client relations between individuals, and are
increasingly mediated through the market. Nonetheless, there was and
remains clear marginalisation of the non-farming occupational groups in
political, economic and social terms.
Differentiation and ranking between the marginalised

The third structural objection is the claim that artisans form an
undifferentiated bloc in contradistinction to the farming majority rather
than clearly differentiated ranked status groupings characteristic of 'caste'
societies (Todd, 1978; Hamer, 1987: 56-60). Todd rejects 'caste' status for
Gurage and Konso artisans, on the assumption that they form a single
undifferentiatedbloc. However, a careful reading of the evidence, and more
recent accounts, suggest a different interpretation.For the Gurage Shack uses
the term Fuga to refer to artisans in general (1964: 50, 1966: 11). However,
he acknowledges that the 'Gurage specifically distinguish artisans according
to their craft activity; woodworkers are known as Fuga, blacksmiths as
Nafwvraand tanners as Gezha' (1964: 50). Though Shack suggests that
'status ranking' among craft working Fuga 'seems not to obtain', he also
suggests that when it comes to Fuga ritual experts 'status ranking is clearly
defined' (1964: 51). In fact, however, further evidence indicates that the
three groups are endogamous, and that there are clear status differences
between them which are recognised by both farmers and artisansthemselves.
Several authors suggest that blacksmiths have the highest status, tanners an
intermediary one, while Fuga woodworkers are considered lowest
(Gabreyesus, 1991: 65-6; Ambaye, 1997b: 88-90; Nahu, 1998; Pankhurst
and Worku, 1999). Likewise, for the Konso, Hallpike discusses the overall
category of craftsmen Hauda which includes smiths, tanners, potters and
weavers, and states that 'among Hauda themselves I could not discover any
hierarchy of crafts' (1968: 260, 1972: 140). However, he notes that 'tanners
are the most despised' (1968: 258), that smiths have a higher status than
potters and tanners, and that there is less prejudice against weavers (1968:
267, 1972: 140). Amborn (1990: 296) notes that the various artisan groups
are internally differentiated and that rules of endogamy or at least
preferences exist. Moreover, Lakew (1998) suggests that the weavers are
the least despised, followed by the smiths, and then by the tanners, who have
a status superior to the potters, at the bottom of the hierarchy. We can
therefore conclude that in both the Gurage and the Konso cases, as elsewhere
in the southwest of Ethiopia, there are distinctions in status and ranking
between different artisans and that they do not form a single homogeneous,
undifferentiated bloc.
A comparative consideration of twelve societies in south-western Ethiopia
(Pankhurst, 1997) suggests that, even though there may not be a rigid
hierarchy, there is differentiation and ranking among the marginalised
groups, and that the artisans are generally not considered as a single bloc.
Rather than a lack of ranking, what requires explanation is the variation and
differences in time, in space and by type of marginalised group.
LOCALTERMSAND CONCEPTIONS
A first step in gaining a better understanding of marginalisation involves
looking at the local terms cross-culturally. Most societies in south-western
Ethiopia do not have a single overarching term to refer to the marginalised.
The major exception are the Konso, among whom the term Hauda is used of
all artisans (Hallpike, 1968: 260). In areas around Gofa (Oyda, Malo) the
termManais qualifiedwith a secondtermto distinguishsmithsfrompotters

(Dereje,1997b;Fujimoto,1997). In the pastin the Kafakingdomthe artisan
groups were consideredall togetheras 'clans of the bad people' (Lange,
1982: 261). However,each occupationallyseparategroupwas endogamous,
and the hunterswere consideredto be much inferiorand even sub-human
(Lange, 1982: 264).34
Although overall terms are generally lacking, certain marginalised
occupationalgroupstend be to seen as conceptuallyprototypical.One can
distinguishfour cross-culturalcategories:Fuga, Manja,Mana and Degela.
The termFuga is used differentlyin variousethnographiccontexts.Among
the Guragethe Fuga woodworkersare the majorcategory.In Kambataand
Yem the termFuga refersto tannersandtheirpotterwives.35In Shashemene
townthe termFuga now refersto the pottersonly (Mesfin,1997).Thehunter
groupreferredto as Manjais the most importantmarginalisedcategoryin
areas west of the northernriver Omo, among groups such as the Kafa
(Gezahegn, 1997), Dawro (Data, 1997), Shekacho(Mengistu, 1997) and
Bench (Girmaye, 1993). The term mana is common in much of south-
westernEthiopia;however,it is used variouslyas a termfor the pottersonly
(in Dawro,Wolaytaand Gamo), as a term for the tannersand their potter
wives (in Kafaand Shekacho)or as a termfor both smithandpottergroups
(in Oyda,Malo and Maale) with an additionaltermto distinguishbetween
the two. The termDegela is used as a majorconceptualcategoryfor tanners
in severalOmoticsocieties (Gamo,Wolayta,Dawro).In some cases Degela
also includesthe smithsin one endogamousgroup,6 and the separateterm
Wogacheseems to be a more recentdesignationfor the craftspecialisation
ratherthana statusgroup.We can see from the above thatthe relationship
betweentermsand occupationsis by no mean straightforward or uniform.
It is remarkablethat there are no separateethnonymsacceptedby the
marginalisedgroups.Recentlythe Fuga in Guragehave statedthatthey wish
to be termedAmerikan,presumablysince the Americansare seen to be
successful(Prunetand Chamora,1997; Nahu, 1998; Pankhurstand Worku,
1999). Smiths and tannersin Woliso seem to preferclan names, idig and
qallu respectively(Ambaye,1997a),and craftspeoplein manyplaces prefer
more neutralterms meaninghand workers,such as Hillanchain Wolayta
(Berhanu,1997).
ENDOGAMY,CRAFT AND STATUS RANKING

A majorindicatorof internaldivisionswithinthe occupationalminoritiesis
endogamy rules. These strictly prohibitmarriagenot only between the
34 'The
unity of the hunter-potter-tanner triad existed only in the minds of the elite
members of southern Ethiopian societies of the feudal era and not in the minds of the serfs and
castes themselves. The hunters were clearly removed from the other castes' (Lange, 1982: 77
n. 17).
35
Braukamper(1983: 176) suggests that this was the original handworkergroup spread over
Kambata, Yem and Gurage, which had more varied occupations working with leather, wood
and clay, and as hunters, musicians and ritual experts.
36
The same is true of the Sidamo Awacho (Haileyesus, 1997).
marginalised minorities and the farmersbut, more importantto the argument,

also between different categories of the marginalised. Endogamy rules often
apply to smiths, tanners, potters and hunters.37 However, weavers in
southern Ethiopia do not generally form an endogamous group distinct from
farmers.38
Although the association between occupation and status is neither
automatic nor necessary, endogamy and status ranking are often closely
related. The Manja hunters and Gurage Fuga cannot intermarry with any
other groups, and prohibitions against sexual intercourse with them are
strongest and breaches most polluting. Often smiths can marry only within
their own group, except among the Gamo and Sidamo, where the smiths and
tanners form a single conceptual category. Nowadays, in areas where smiths
are the most respected artisan group, intermarriage with farmers is
occasionally observed, but only wealthy, young or educated male smiths
marrying farmer women. Tanners normally marry only within their own
group; in many societies their wives are potters. Exceptions are the Gamo
and Sidamo mentioned above and a few successful tanners in the Woliso
area who have married farmers' daughters. Pottery is the only despised
female occupation. In some cases potters constitute a separate group (called
Mana in Dawro, Wolayta and Gamo, Hadicho in Sidama and Fuga in
Shashemene). More generally they can be the wives of tanners, forming a
unified tanner-pottergroup (called Mana in Shekecho and Fuga in Kambata
and Yem), or the wives of any group of artisans (e.g. in Kafa of smiths,
tanners or Manja). Unusually Gurage farmers' wives may also engage in
pottery, presumably since it has become a source of extra income.
A consideration of the current ranking of marginalised minorities among
twelve groups in south-western Ethiopia (Pankhurst, 1997) suggests the
following. Perceptions of ranking shared by farmers and the marginalised
groups themselves exist in all the twelve groups. Weavers, where they exist,
rank highest, and are not endogamous. The Manja (and the Fuga of Gurage)
rank lowest. In most areas smiths rank highest (after weavers). Next come
the tanners (where they form a separate group from the smiths). Where
separatepotter groups exist they rank lower than smiths or tanners,but above
the hunter groups. Otherwise potters tend to take on the rank of their
husbands.
However, a significant exception requires explaining. In the Gofa areas
such as Oyda and Malo potters are ranked higher than smiths. This may once
have been a more prevalent pattern, and the status of potters may have
changed. In the past potters ranked higher than smiths in Wolayta (Chiatti,
1984: 247) and possibly Sidama (Hamer, 1987: 57-8). How is the change to
be explained? In the case of the Wolayta, it may be related to the status of the
potters' husbands in former times, when they played important roles at the
courts of the kingdoms as entertainersand guards. With the conquest of the
south at the end of the nineteenth century, and the collapse of the kingdoms,
37 As well as the
Gurage Fuga, who were former hunters, and have become wood and
bamboo workers.
38
Although this seems more common in northern Ethiopia.
it would seem that the status of these groups fell to that of their womenfolk,
whose work was accorded less prestige than that of men. In Sidamo the
ranking of the marginalised groups is disputed.39However, the view of the
Hadicho potters as ranking higher than the Awacho tanners may be related to
the perception of the former as part of the Sidamo and the latter as migrants.
Understanding the changing status of specialised occupational groups
requires a deeper knowledge of the interactions of various groups over time
and an appreciation of different factors, including the origins, migration and
histories of marginalised categories and groups, their association with
societal leaders, the development of the technology of production, the
changing economic importance of their products, the social and cultural
value of the objects they produce, and the various social and ritual roles they
perform.
MARGINALISATIONAND SOCIALCHANGE
To returnto the initial discussion, if one considers the six individual criteria
commonly used to define caste-i.e. endogamy, restricted commensality,
hierarchical status, notions of pollution, occupational specialisation, ascribed
status-though they seemed to fit the south-western Ethiopian context of
marginalised minorities, certain changes have taken place.
Endogamy rules have been central and are still very strong throughout
south-western Ethiopia.40 Nowadays some exceptional cases of intermar-
riage between smiths and even tanners and farmers' daughters are reported,
though the husbands are usually wealthy, young and educated or migrants.
Intermarriage with Manja hunters and Gurage Fuga is still unthinkable,
despite social changes related to the land reform, religious conversion,
education, etc. Restrictions on commensality are much less strong than they
used to be, and are disappearing, except in remote areas, as a result of
religious conversion, joint work parties, etc. Hierarchical status classification
is still important,though, as we have seen, the ranking varies geographically
and can change over time, and the marginalised have an ambiguous status
which has positive as well as negative 'poles'.41 Notions of pollution are still
prevalent, though they are mainly associated with food taboos and the evil
eye in the Ethiopian context. Occupational specialisation is important,
though it is not the only, necessary or defining factor accounting for the
marginal status. Moreover, changes in occupational status, with groups
increasing or reducing the range of their occupations, have been common,
and formerly despised occupations such as pottery may be taken up by
farmers' wives, as in the Gurage case. The social position of the
39 The Sidamo case is complex, since the Hadicho potters are generally considered lower
nowadays, especially among the high-status groups, but among the ordinary farmers they are
considered higher than the Awacho tanners (Haileyesus, 1997).
40 However, certain artisan groups, notably migrants such as the smiths in Kambata, were
not forced into endogamy (Braukamper, 1983: 178).
41
Braukamper(1983: 175) suggests that the positive 'pole' has been gradually pushed back
in favour of the negative one.
marginalised groups is still largely ascribed by birth, although this is slowly

changing as a result of a combination of factors including migration,
urbanisation, involvement in trade, exposure to education and the influence
of socialist ideology, subsequent to the 1974 revolution, and religious
conversion, first to Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity and Islam, and more
recently to evangelical Churches (Pankhurst, 1997).
CONCLUSION
In the south-western Ethiopian context, of the six criteria commonly
associated with 'caste', endogamy remains the strongest factor, whereas
restrictions on commensality, hierarchical ranking and ascription of social
position by birth are becoming weaker, and purity and pollution are defined
in local terms. One can conclude that all these criteria have been, and most
remain, important in understanding the marginalisation of occupational
minorities, though to differing degrees, and not in uniform ways over space
and time.
However, despite the presence of most criteria for defining Indian 'castes'
among African marginalised minorities, the controversy surroundingthe use
of the 'caste' concept cannot be resolved by recourse to a simple list of traits,
for that does not take into account history, culture or society. The
ideological, genetic and structuralobjections to the 'caste' concept discussed
in this article strongly militate against its use, at least in respect of south-
western Ethiopian societies, for whom the label 'caste' is misleading.
In ideological terms differentiation and ostracism are never clearly
legitimised according to a religious doctrine or philosophy of ranked
hierarchy. In some cases myths seek to justify the despised status of
marginalised groups. However, mythical explanations are often completely
absent, seldom elaborate and do not present an explicit legitimisation of
differential occupational rankings between various marginalised groups.
Myths are often anchored in food taboo transgressions, the dominant idiom
in the discourse on marginalisation in Ethiopia. Notions of pollution, though
prevalent, are not generally organising societal principles and the farming
majority are not considered 'pure'. The ideological justification for
marginalisation is rendered more problematic since the minority groups
are not conceptualised simply in negative terms; rather their status is
ambiguous, for their position is also imbued with a positive 'pole' relating to
their crucial social and ritual roles. Finally, the ideological basis of
marginalisation does not seem consistent, since status hierarchies vary over
space and have changed in the course of time.
In terms of the origins of the marginalised, no model on its own fully
accounts for the ethnographic complexities of south-western Ethiopian
histories. Whereas the 'remnants' model is largely discredited, and the
'internal differentiation' model is currently favoured, the importance of
migration, which is intimately linked with non-farming occupations, as well
as minority and marginalised statuses, has not received due attention. The
lack of a single coherent cross-cultural model, the likelihood of combina-
tions of factors, different explanations for various marginalised groups
within the same area, and the crucial importance of immigration as a
defining and on-going characteristicof occupationalmarginalisation,all

militateagainstan interpretation of the historicalformationof south-western
Ethiopiansocieties in 'caste' terms.
Finally,in structuraltermsa firstobjectionto the 'caste' conceptis thatit
is not used of the entire society, but only for a numericallyinsignificant
minority. Second, relations between the marginalisedminoritiesand the
dominantmajoritiesare generallybased on dyadic patron-clientrelations
ratherthanon relationsbetweengroups.Nonetheless,I have arguedthatthe
overall context of relationsbetween the occupationalminoritiesand the
dominant groups is structuredby clear political, economic and social
marginalisation.Third, the marginalised are said to form a single
undifferentiated bloc. Althoughstricthierarchieswithinthe marginalgroups
may be rare, endogamymakes for differentiation.Ratherthan a lack of
ranking,differencesin spatialpatternsand changesover time suggest that
one cannotspeak of a coherentstructuralorganisingprinciplesuch as one
would expect to find in 'caste' societies.
To conclude,the lack of a uniformideologicalculturalunderpinning, the
complex and variedorigins and histories,and the fact that social relations
between the dominant groups and the marginalised,and among the
marginalisedthemselves, are not structuredin uniform 'caste'-like ways
suggestthatthis conceptis of minimalanalyticalvalue andis thereforebest
left to the Indiancontext.
A morefruitfulapproachto understanding marginalisation wouldneed to
start by analysing the range of different local conceptions, and how
endogamy structuresdifferentiation,and is related, though not in a
determinateway, to occupation. A clearer analysis of marginalisation
processeswould requiretracingmigrations,competitionfor resources,and
changingtechnological,economic,social andculturalrelationsbetweencraft
producersand dominantgroupsand interactionsacrossethnicboundaries.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Drafts of this article were presented at the Center for African Area Studies, Kyoto University,
Japan, in December 1997, at the Department of Sociology and Social Administration, Addis
Ababa University, in March 1998 and at the interdisciplinary seminar organised by the Institute
of Ethiopian Studies at Narareth in June 1998. I wish to thank participants in the seminars and
Dena Freeman and Elizabeth Watson for their useful comments. The research project was
carried out among twelve groups in south-western Ethiopia by graduates and students of the
M.A. programme in social anthropology of the Department of Sociology, Addis Ababa
University. Each researcher spent one month's fieldwork in July and August 1996 in areas in
which they had already carried out fieldwork or with which they were familiar. The researchers
and areas were: Ambaye Degefa in Woliso, Behailu Abebe in Dawro, Berhanu Bibisso in
Wolayta, Dereje Feyissa in Oyda, Getachew Fulle in Yem, Gezahegn Petros in Kafa,
Haileyesus Seba in Sidamo, Lakew Regassa in Konso, Mesfin Getahun in Shashemene,
Mengistu Seyoum in Shekacho, Nahu Senay in Gurage, Wolde Sellassie Abbute in Kambata.
At a workshop held in April 1997 the team was joined by Dr Getachew Kassa, who has written
on Afar and Garri craft groups, Dena Freeman, studying Gamo for her Ph.D. at London School
of Economics, University of London, Takeshi Fujimoto, Ph.D. candidate working on Malo at
the University of Kyoto, Ahmed Zekaria, Director of the Museum of the Institute of Ethiopian
Studies, Addis Ababa University, and Dr Idris Salim, Visiting Professor at the Department of
Sociology, Addis Ababa University. The workshop report (Pankhurst, 1997) is to be followed
by the publication of a book, edited by the author of this article and Dena Freeman. I wish to
thank the team and all the participantsin the workshop,notablythe Ministryof Culture
representativesfrom the Southern Peoples' Regional Government.Finally, I wish to
acknowledgethe generoussupportof Oxfam(UK) and NOVIB(Holland),who financedthe
project.
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ABSTRACT
This article questions the prevalent use of the 'caste' concept to describe
marginalised occupational minorities in the south-western Ethiopian context.
Three types of objection are discussed: ideological, genetic and structural,relating
to cultural, historical and social factors respectively. In ideological terms,
marginalisation is generally not justified through a coherent religious philosophy;
myths are often absent, are seldom elaborate and do not explain a differential ranking
of occupational groups. Notions of pollution are prevalent and usually presented in
the dominant idiom of food transgressions; but the farming majority is not
considered pure. In genetic terms, none of the existing models explains the origins of
all marginalised groups. Whereas the 'remnants' model is largely discredited, and the
'internal differentiation' model currently favoured, this article emphasises the
importance of migration, which is intimately linked with non-farming occupations as
well as with marginalised and minority statuses. The lack of a single cross-culturally
valid model, combinations of explanations, and differences among various types of
occupational groups within and between groups, all militate against a 'caste'
interpretation of the origins of marginalised groups in south-western Ethiopia. In
structural terms 'caste' is not used for the farming majority but only for minority
craftsmen and hunters. However, the argument that relations between the
marginalised and the dominant groups are based on dyadic patron-client relations
does not invalidate the clear structural political, economic and social
marginalisation. As for the argument that the marginalised form a single
undifferentiated bloc, it is suggested that, though strict hierarchies are rare,
endogamy makes for differentiation. Rather than a lack of ranking, spatial variations
and changes over time deserve explanation; this suggests that one cannot speak of a
coherent organisational principle such as one would expect to find in 'caste'
societies. It is concluded that the lack of a uniform ideological cultural underpinning,
the complex and varied origins and processes of marginalisation, and the specific
structuralrelations between the majority and the dominated groups, all suggest that
the 'caste' concept is of minimal analytical value and is therefore best left to the
Indian context. A better understanding of marginalisation can start by analysing
different local conceptions, and how endogamy structures differentiation and is
related to occupation. A clearer analysis of marginalisation processes would mean
tracing migrations, competition for resources and changing technological, economic,
social and cultural relations between craft producers and dominant groups and
interactions across ethnic boundaries.
RESUMI
Cet article conteste l'usage repandu du concept de "caste" pour decrire des
professions minoritaires marginalisees dans le Sud-Ouest de l'Ethiopie. I1 aborde
trois types d'objections: ideologique, genetique et structurel,se rapportantrespective-
ment aux facteurs culturels, historiques et sociaux. En termes ideologiques,
la marginalisation est generalement non justifiee a travers une philosophie
religieuse coherente ; les mythes sont souvent absents et rarement elabores, et
n'expliquent pas une hierarchie differentielle des groupes de professions. Des notions
de pollution sont largement repandues et generalement presentees dans l'idiome
dominant des transgressions alimentaires; mais la majorite rurale n'est pas
considere pure. En termes genetiques, aucun des modeles existants n'explique
les origines de tous les groupes marginalises. Tandis que le modele "vestiges" est
largement discredite et le modele "diff6renciation interne" actuellement privilegie,
cet article souligne l'importance de la migration qui est intimement liee aux
professions non-rurales ainsi qu'a des statuts marginalises et minoritaires. Une
absence de modele interculturellement valide unique, des explications multiples et
des differences parmi divers types de groupes de professions (intragroupes et
intergroupes) compromettent l'usage du concept de "caste" pour interpreter les
origines des groupes marginalis6s dans le Sud-Ouest de l'Ethiopie. En termes
structurels, l'usage du terme "caste" ne s'applique pas a la majorite rurale mais
uniquement a la minorite des artisans et des chasseurs. Toutefois, l'argument selon
lequel les rapports entre les marginalises et les groupes dominants reposent sur des
rapports patron-client dyadiques n'infirme pas la nette marginalisation structurelle
politique, economique et sociale. Quant a l'argument selon lequel les marginalises
forment un bloc unique indiff6rencie, il est sugg6re que l'endogamie porte a la
diff6renciation en depit de la rarete de hierarchies strictes. Plutot qu'un manque de
hi6rarchie, les variations et les changements spatiaux survenus au fil du temps
meritent une explication; ceci suggere qu'on ne peut pas parler de principe
organisationnel coh6rent comparable a celui que l'on peut s'attendre a trouver dans
les societes de "castes". L'article en conclut que le manque de fondement culturel
ideologique uniforme, les origines et processus de marginalisation complexes et
varies, ainsi que les rapports structurels sp6cifiques entre la majorite et les groupes
domin6s suggerent que le concept de "caste" n'a qu'une valeur analytique
minimale et qu'il est donc pr6efrable de le limiter au contexte indien. Une meilleure
compr6hension de la marginalisation peut passer initialement par l'analyse des
diff6rentes conceptions locales et de la faccon dont l'endogamie structure la
diff6renciation et est li6e a la profession. Une analyse plus claire des processus de
marginalisation impliquerait une etude suivie des migrations, de la concurrence a
l'egard des ressources et de l'6volution des rapports technologiques, economiques,
sociaux et culturels entre les artisans et les groupes dominants ainsi que des
interactions interethniques.

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International African Institute

'Caste' in Africa: The Evidence from South-Western Ethiopia Reconsidered

In an article entitled 'Caste in Africa', published two decades ago in Africa,

THE 'CASTE' DEBATE IN AFRICA

Despite the views of authorities on Indian caste systems, such as Leach

486 'CASTE' IN SOUTH-WESTERNETHIOPIA?

1I DIZI DIME MAALE AMARO :;.

FIG.1 The southernregion of Ethiopia,showingthe ethnic groupsand localities

(1954).4 The most importantcollaborativeendorsementwas by Tudenand

4 Unlike earlier writers

10 In another version the

Selassie, 1997: 10). Even in rare cases where differential occupation is

Mixed genesis and migration

from that of the typical Asian prototypes.The debate centres on three

Systematic use of 'caste' 28

Differentiation and ranking between the marginalised

termManais qualifiedwith a secondtermto distinguishsmithsfrompotters

ENDOGAMY,CRAFT AND STATUS RANKING

marginalised minorities and the farmersbut, more importantto the argument,

marginalised groups is still largely ascribed by birth, although this is slowly

defining and on-going characteristicof occupationalmarginalisation,all

Ambaye Degefa. 1997a. 'A Study of Minority Occupational Groups in Kile,

Corlett, J. 1974. 'Despised Occupational Groups in Ethiopia'. B.Litt. thesis, Oxford

Nadel, S. 1954. 'Caste and government in primitive society', Journal of the

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