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It was not the first time he had made this observation. Writing in July
2008, Brennan suggested it was possible to increase Hizbullah's
"stake in Lebanon's struggling democratic process." While
acknowledging Iran's material support for Hizbullah, he clearly played
down the Iranian role in the operational decisions made by the
organization's leaders. For Brennan, Hizbullah was an authentically
Lebanese organization whose assimilation into Lebanon's political
system should be encouraged by Washington. 1 Moreover he
observed that as Hizbullah became a "vested player in the Lebanese
political system," there had been "a marked reduction in terrorist
attacks carried out by the organization." The key factor in any
presentation of Hizbullah as a potentially more moderate organization
seeking to integrate itself as another Lebanese political party was to
downgrade Iran's role in Hizbullah decision-making.
Brennan was not alone in not fully grasping Iran's pivotal role for
Hizbullah. A major 2009 study by the Rand Corporation on Iran
suggested that Hizbullah was "taking great pains to distance itself
from Iranian patronage."2
Lebanon was the first target selected, given its unsettled political
condition and its large Shiite population which had maintained links
with Iran for many years. During the 1970s Lebanon had become the
crucible for the senior Iranian revolutionary leadership. There its
leaders took refuge and trained with weapons. Khomeini's tape-
recorded messages were also produced in Lebanon and then
disseminated throughout Iran to spread the imam's doctrine.5
The Iranian drive to take over the Amal movement, the dominant
Shiite movement in Lebanon prior to 1982, was unsuccessful. Amal
refused to accept the principle of Vali-e Faqih , a fundamental
principle of the Islamic Republic that mandated religious and political
fealty to the Iranian leader. Amal refused because it viewed itself
first and foremost as a Lebanese movement loyal to the Lebanese
Read More state. The Iranians sought a new Shiite movement that would be
loyal to Iran.
Top Issue
Briefs After Iran failed in its attempt to take over Amal, Tehran made a
Lebanon’s decision to establish a Shiite movement that would constitute an
Ayatollah alternative to Amal and would faithfully represent Iranian aspirations
Fadlallah in Lebanon. The task of setting up the new movement was entrusted
and the to the Iranian ambassador in Damascus, Ali Akbar Mohtashemi, prior
Mercaz Ha- to the First Lebanon War in summer 1982.6 Mohtashemi formed the
Rav Yeshiva "Lebanon Council" which included representatives of pro-Iranian Subscribe
Attack in Shiite movements. He headed that body until the consolidation of all
Jerusalem the Lebanese Shiite movements that opposed and/or had split off Your email here
Israel’s War from Amal, and then founded Hizbullah.7
to Halt Daily Alert
Palestinian Iran exploited the governmental vacuum that was created following Jerusalem Issue Brief
Rocket the Lebanon War in 1982, and sent to Lebanon a task force of some Post Holocaust Anti-
Attacks 1,500 Revolutionary Guard instructors and fighters. Their job was to Semitism
International train and advise those who were the first to join Hizbullah and assist Changing Jewish
Law Israeli in the formation of the new movement's institutions, whose nucleus Communities
Security had been established in Baalbek. Hizbullah's second leader, Abbas
Jerusalem ME Moussawi, took part in the first Revolutionary Guard course in GO
This loyalty is not purely religious, and it is totally different from the
authority exercised by the pope in the Vatican. This involves political
subordination in every shape and form. Indeed, in March 2007,
Nasrallah's deputy, Sheikh Naim Qassem, admitted to the Iranian
Arabic-language television station al-Qawathar that Hizbullah requires
permission from Iran's supreme leadership for its operations.10
For this reason, one should view Hizbullah's military force - which
extends far beyond the military force of any other political movement
in the world, as well as beyond the force of many sovereign states -
as the long arm of Iran, in the words of U.S. Defense Secretary
William Gates. Since 2006, and the strengthening of the strategic pact
between Iran and Syria that intensified the military empowerment of
Hizbullah, it appears that the Syrian president as well regards
Hizbullah as his long arm. The growth of this Iranian and Syrian
proxy on the soil of a failed Lebanese state that has forfeited its
sovereignty makes Hizbullah the real ruler of Lebanon. It is just a
matter of time for the process to mature into a Hizbullah decision to
translate its demographic power into political currency and establish
the Islamic Republic of Lebanon.
Today, saying that Hizbullah has moderate elements that have moved
away from terrorism can lead the political echelons in the West to
ignore how Hizbullah is serving its Iranian sponsors by directly
threatening Israel's civilian population. On May 20, 2010, Hizbullah
military sources boasted to the Kuwaiti daily al-Rai that Israel will be
bombarded with 15 tons of explosives a day if a future war breaks
out.13 Hizbullah clearly does not care about the implications of its
military build-up for the people of Lebanon, because it only seeks to
serve the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
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Notes
10. http://www.terrorism-
info.org.il/malam_multimedia/English/eng_n/pdf/hezbollah_e0407.pdf.
11. Tony Badran, "Hezbollah is Not the IRA," Now Lebanon , February
2, 2010.
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