dependence: The Case of Tajikistan Rob Kevlihan and Amri Sherzamonov Presented at BCB Research Seminar, KIMEP, Almaty April 2009 Color Revolutions Reviewed Term used to describe a series of political protests in Eastern Europe / former CIS, including Slovakia (1998), Serbia (2000), Belarus (2001), Georgia (2003), Ukraine (2004) and Kyrgyzstan (2005) with less successful efforts in Uzbekistan, Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan (2005) and again Belarus (2006). But what is a color revolution? Skocpol (1980) defined a social revolution as “a rapid transformation of a society‟s state and class structures”, including a simultaneous social and political transformation and the presence of popular uprising rather than elite bargaining Color „revolutions‟ do not meet this standard and so are not revolutions similar to the Chinese or Russian revolutions Defining color revolutions Commonalities in symbolism (color) and process („revolution‟) (McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly, 2001) Diffusion of campaign methods and repertoires (Tilly 2004) through demonstration effects and deliberate program efforts focusing on elite learning (Bessinger 2007) International social capital of color motif - The Marketing of Rebellion (Bob 2005) In a Central Asian context such contentious episodes do not necessarily lead to more democratic outcomes (Collin 1999, 2006) So why Tajikistan? Explaining a counter-factual – the absence of a contentious episode in Tajikistan compared to Kyrgyzstan in 2005 Interesting natural experiment for the purposes of small „N‟ qualitative analysis: Independent Variable: Recent history of civil war Dependent Variable: Presence or absence of contentious episode within a defined period Variation in Independent Variable Tajikistan suffered from a civil war from mid 1992 to 1997 after gaining independence in 1991; one of most intense wars in CIS zone; At least 60,000 killed; despite peace agreement, de facto victory of current regime Kyrgyzstan, despite some small scale violent in the Ferghana Valley has successfully avoided large scale civil conflict since independence in 1991 Variation in Outcomes Kyrgyzstan: Elections on 27th Feb and 13th March: by 24th March Akiev had been ousted and fled the country as a result of color revolution type mobilization (Cummings, 2008) Tajikistan: Elections in the same sequence at same time, but resulted in no contentious episode, to the extent that there were no calls for any contentious mobilization from opposition leaders despite their welcome of events in neighboring Kyrgyzstan Control Variables Control variables defined by theory: Presence of contestable elections: Mobilizing public response to elections an important component of contentious episodes (Tucker 2007) (x1) Wave pattern of similar contentious episodes likely to have similar impact on states in the region (x2) Government efforts to surpress opposition (x3) Control Variables
Similar socio-economic conditions when
compared to other Central Asian states – lack of oil / gas revenues (neither rentier states) (x4) Similar HDI indicators – Tajikistan ranked 122 of 177 in 2006, Kyrgyzstan ranked 110 (x5) – both medium developed states at the bottom end of the scale Mills Method of Similarities
IV Control Variables DP
Kyrgyzstan Absence of X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 Contentious
recent civil Episode war Tajikistan Presence of X1 X2 X3 X4 X5 No recent civil contention war Confounding factors Potential problems with control variables X3 may be a bit of a stretch as a control – freer civil society in Kyrgyzstan than Tajikistan, and more efforts on part of Tajik government to limit democracy promotion activities Highlights general limitations of small N natural experiments: Limits to similarity between cases: no two countries identical Theoretical relevance of control versions Role of contingency, agency and chance So what? Highlights the importance of path dependence in understanding the potential impact of waves of contentious politics Tajikistan has experienced contentious politics before - between 1990 and 1992, Tajikistan witnessed a series of leadership changes as a result of (mainly peaceful) political mobilization However, the outcome was not stability, but civil war – beginning in the summer of 1992, leading to approx. 60,000 deaths from 1992-1997 So what explains the difference Consequence is a continued reluctance to publicly challenge the current government (who were the winners of the civil war) in Tajikistan Concern is not without foundation – Large N studies (Collier, Hoeffler et al 2005) have found that risks of new civil wars higher in the wake of civil wars Delays in democratization may contribute to stability (Paris 2004), if time is used to build institutions (Paris 2006) What lies ahead for Tajikistan? Limits of path dependence – legacy of war in Georgia placed a break on contention there until the Rose Revolution (Ó Beacháin, D. and A. Polese 2008) Youth bulge and risk of conflict (Urdal 2006) Migrant labor as a safety valve Failures of governance The myth of Islamic radicalism and risk of external intervention Recent indications of civil protest