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Select Issues in the Cultural History of India
Colonialism and Photography
Dias Mario Antony, St. Stephen's College
Colonialists never shied away from using advances in technology for the articulation of
sovereignity. Photography too inevitably became one such technology which would be
used for controlling the people and geography of the colonies. The production of a
photograph as a mechanical and automated process may initially gives us the
impression of a process devoid of any colonial intentions. However as Christopher
Pinny convincingly points out, there are always aesthetic and ethical values
constantly being engaged with in the process of photographing. Even if there are
theoretically an infinite number of objects which are photographable, there is always a
choice made as to what is to be photographed. Keeping this in mind, I will in this
essay attempt to look at how Colonialism used photographs to create a colonial
discourse of power, with special reference to the Indian context.
These attempts at capturing reality with the 'colonial eye' really picked pace after the
great convulsions of 1857, which instilled in the colonial mind an increased, almost
urgent need to understand the people who were actors in this event. India was still an
unknown land. Its geography and people both alien to the Europeans. Many had
already written about the land and its people. There was however a sense that
photographs compared to writing was a more truthful representation of reality, as the
pen always had the tendency to deviate from the truth based on the whims and fancies
of the author and his informer. What was written depended on the credibility of the
author, whereas photographs carried a feeling of exactitude.
The larger project was one of categorization and production of colonial knowledge,
identification, and conveying a message of superiority. People were categorized on the
basis of their occupation, caste and religion. They were photographed with the
material artefacts related to their occupation and documented for reference. People of
different religions were categorized by the dress they wore. The People of India was
one such large project which aimed at classifying the Indian population. The project
was not concerned with individuals but with categories. The work was aimed at
classifying groups by their political allegiance. There was no scope for individuality.
The emphasis was on collective behaviour and how they may be signifiers of collective
behaviour. When the people were photographed with what was perceived to be their
'original' material artefacts and draped in their 'traditional' dresses, it created a
distinct stereotype for that group. What was also lost in the process was sense of
history and created the sense of time forzen in perpetuity.
It is at this point that Christopher Pinny notes that we can detect the emergence of
two different photographic idioms in India. One was the 'salvage' paradigm which was
used in case of the fragile tribal communities and the second one was that of the
'detective' paradigm which commonly manifested when engaging with a more vital
caste society. In case of the former it was an attempt to capture the essense of a
culture before its extinction. In case of the latter it was to serve as a identificatory
guide and help in understanding the behavioural nature of a group.
The classification also got intertwined with other disciplines such a phrenology and
anthropometry. Photographs often got combined with a grid which measured the
native body. The size of the anatomical measurements especially the cranium came to
be a measure of an individuals intelligence, personality and character.
The anthropologists of the 18th and 19th century functioned within a binary constantly
producing the 'other' as an inferior subject. Photography aided this colonial project
which aimed at establishing a spiritual, economic, technological and political
hierarchy. Acccording to Shilpa Vijaylakshmi it functioned within the framework of
racial and cultural superiority.
Along with classification another urgent need for the colonial state was the need for
identification. Radhika Singha observes that when the colonisers came to India, they
were perplexed by the constant movement of various communities across geographical,
political and community boundaries. Native pragmatism would often lead to many
people indentifying themselves as from a different community to get into various
services. The distinction which the colonial state was trying to create through
categorization would not be possible unless there was a method to ensure that these
distinctions could not be blurred or erased. One thing which was a pre requisite for
this was a settled demography. In addition these groups on being settled had the
potential of becoming productive revenue generating subjects. A sense of urgency in
settling, identifying and controlling these population also came from the increased
mobility which came as a result of colonial technology such as that of the railways.
However this came with a limitation. People aged and changed over time with which
the indexicality of the photograph diminished. Thus photographs were often used for
verification rather than detection. Indentured labourers and transported prisoners
were all photographed and registered with descriptions of their habits and convictions
to make verification easier.
Finally photographs also became a testament to the control which the colonies
managed to achieve over the native population. James Ryan points to this parallel
between hunting and the photographing of the colonial population. Susan Sontag
describes the camera as a 'sublimation of the gun' and Ryan reminds us that the
vocabulary of picure taking – 'loading', 'aiming', 'shooting' – has been largely derived
from hunting. Photographs became trophies of this control over the beasts as well as
the natives of the colonies.
James Ryan also explores the place of photography in big game hunting as a part of
larger study of what Edward Said called the 'imaginative geography' of the British
empire. Photography helped in surveying the land, enumerating and classifying the
nature, waging military campaigns and helped in opening the colonies to British
explorers, travellers and traders who had no prior knowledge. Cartography and
photography combined together to provide a knowledge of the landscape, which would
aid the numerous military ventures of the colonial state. Millitarily it also served the
purpose of sending out a message of triumph. For instance after 1857, the triumph of
British was made known immediately through photographs. Photographs of attack on
Delhi or the punishment inflicted on rebels were designed to impress upon the native
the might of the British forces and their apetite for revenge.
Parallel to the story of subjugation of the colonial population which the colonial
photographs told, was another narrative in which the camera became an instrument
which illuminated the dark places of Asia and Africa. It domesticated unknown
landscapes and traslated unknown spaces into familiar scenes. The camera captured
the spread of European civlization and in words of James Ryan acted 'as beacons of
light in an otherwise dark moral landscape'. This discourse become more clear when
we look at the ways in which these photographs were transmitted and disseminated.
Photographic journals and albums along newspapers and textbooks became carriers of
these photographs. It told the story of colonial success in subjugating a geography and
population which was wild, backward and much more inferior. These photographs at
the same time also transmitted a series of stereotypes about the colonised population.
Colonial exhibitions became places where these ideas of the colonial state would be
further reinforced.
Postcards another medium of transmission of these photographs told a similar story
but in a sligtly different manner. The postcards generally depicted the traditional
occupational groups within a contemporary setting. The Dhobhi for instance became a
part of the Sahib's bungalow. Similarly all the other traditional roles also came to be
represented in the service of the Raj. It was a narrative which clearly depicted an
arrogant superiority in which the native population was transformed into a state of
servitude.
Conclusion
What emerges from our analysis of the relation between Colonialism and photography
is that it became a tool in the hands of the Colonial state in its process of
categorization, identification and articulation of imperial sovereignity. Through it's
process of categorization, the external faces of Indian bodies were objectified and made
representation, which took the form of exoticised fantacies or imagination of the
natives as 'barbarians' in the colonial photographs.
Secondly the process of identification gave the impression that everyone was
under the colonial gaze. It became a means of controlling the colonial
population, their movements and their actions. The colonial gaze denied the
right to any privacy of the colonized. It impressed on the minds of the colonised
a sense of constant vigilance on part of the colonial state. Along with controlling
the population it was also a control of the geography of the colonies which the
photographs enabled as we have seen.
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Bibliography
1. Lal, Vinay, The Burden and Freedom of Photography: A Review Essay.
4. Ryan, James, Picturing Empire: Photography and the Visualization of the British
Empire (Chicago: University of Chicago press, 1997).
5. Singha, Radhika, Settle, Mobilize, Verify: Identification Practices in Colonial India,
Studies in History 16 (2000).
6. Vijaykrishnan, Shilpa, Looking Back: A Colonial Ethnographic Portriat of South
India, Tasveer Journal, 2014.