Duarte - Person and Psychologization in BR PDF

person and psychologization
in brazil:
a study in moral regulation
This article looks at the changing relationship between anthropology and

psychoanalysis in two different moments in the history of the "moral sci-
ences" in Brazil. It addresses the institutionalization of these two disciplines
within each mo-
abstract ment that oc-
This is a study about moral regulation of the person in curred as scien-
Brazil in this century. It involves an ethnographic or 'in- tific and academ-
ternal" analysis of the characteristics of the intense ic specializations
academic relationship between anthropology and were being con-
psychoanalysis in two different moments in the history solidated in the
of human sciences in Brazil: the "heroic period, from Brazilian nation.
the 1920s to the end of 1940s (the 'interwar period")
and the "critical" period beginning in the 1970s. In the The analytical
first, the general problem of "nation building" implies framework pre-
the hegemony of the themes of "race" and "civiliza- sented here gener-
tion," and the main concern is with "education." In the ates knowledge
second, the effects of "modernization" are at stake: about the princi-
the subject of concern is essentially personal "respon- ples, organization,
sibility" and self-awareness. This model is used as a key and process of the
to understand the development of the "moral sci- "social construc-
ences" in Brazil, against the background of the great tion" or "moral
political changes and challenges of the whole period. regulation of the
Person" in differ-
ent historical contexts. These contexts are marked by specific forms of
journal of latin amencan anthropology 4(2)-5(1):142-171. copyright© 2000, american anthropological association.
142 journal of latin american anthropology

luis fernando dias duarte
national museum,
rio de Janeiro
interaction between the "cultural models of the person," the "organization of

the scientific field," and the requirements of "public policy" in the modem
"nation-state."
This article offers different and combined planes of analytical interest. It
deals with the
ways in which as-
resumen
sociations devel- Este es un estudio sobre la regulacion moral de la per-
op or atrophy be- sona en Brasil en el siglo viente. Implica un analisis et-
tween the state nografico o "interno' de las caracteristicas de la re-
and diverse seg- lacion academica intensa entre la antropologia y el
ments of the com- psicoanalisis en dos momentos distintos en la historia
de las ciencias humanas en Brasil: el periodo
munity that pro- "heroico," desde los viente hasta fines de los cuar-
duces "science." enta (el periodo entre los guerras mundiales) y el
The changing in- periodo "critico" comenzando en los setenta.
fluence of history Durante el primero, el problema general de la
and the changing construccion de la nacion implica la hege-
monia de los temas de "raza" y "civilizacion,' y la
foci on different
preocupacion principal escon la "educacion." Du-
matters have their rante el segundo, los efectos de la modernizacion
effect. It also estan en juego, la preocupacion es esencialmente
deals with the sobre la "responsabilidad" personal y el conocimiento
process of pro- de si mismo. Este modelo se emplea para entender el
ducing the "Per desarrollo de las "ciencias morales" en Brasil, frente a
los grandes cambios y los retos politicos de todo el
son" in Western periodo.
culture ("individ-
ualization," "interiorization," "rationalization," disciplinarization," and "psy-
chologization") and how these processes are expressed through the formulas
for diagnosis and the intervention of "moral regulations.
person and psychologization in brazil 143

moral rules and regulations
I use "moral rule of the Person" to refer to the processes of the construc-
tion of the person and emphasize that these are subject to programmatic and
repressive interventions originating in the institutional mechanisms of the na-
tion-state. These are linked with ideals that are characteristic of nation-states
in modern Western culture. I use "moral regulation" to refer to the broader, ac-
tive processes (that include "rules") in this cultural and historical context. In
modern Western culture they depend on the internal dynamic of the "scientific
field" and its general relationships with the society that supports it. In both
cases, the adjective moral serves to delimit a specific zone of action, dedicated
precisely to the construction and functioning of human "subjects," that is, of
one or more varieties of "persons" that behave in a way that is considered to be
appropriate to the profile of the large political collectivities of which they are a
part (including that of citizens).
One of the most remarkable characteristics of these "nation-states" for
"moral regulation" is their belief that they operate within a framework of the
rigorous rationalization of the relationship between means and ends (which is
coherent with the values from which they originated). This requires that spe-
cial attention be given to the organization of scientific knowledge and to its
capacity for "sustaining" public interventions—that is, a particular imbrica-
tion between "regulations" in general and the "rules" that are eventually
adopted by the mechanisms of the state. Following the belief in the new ra-
tionality of the management of the res publica, many of the concrete transfor-
mations of the political models of the West were seen as a consequence of ad-
vances (or occasionally of a regrettable "retrogression") in the "scientific"
knowledge of the human experience.
On a more operative plane, the organization of the policies of the state, as
articulated with "scientific" knowledge, became systematic starting in the
19th century, primarily in areas linked to health and reproduction (in what
Foucault called "population policies"), with immediate consequences for the
conditions of the economic and political reproduction of nations. The history
of the "Brazilian nation" repeats this general process, modified only by the
material and moral characteristics of its late, subordinated, and nonorganic
constitution (in comparison with metropolitan models). The consolidation of
a strong and efficient centralized state, on the one hand, and of an autono-
mized and legitimate scientific field, on the other, is directly reflected in the
process of "regulations'V'rules," a veritable field of tests and battles for the
success of the involved agents.
In addition, the subordinated position at the international level imposed
rhythms and characteristics specific to the national process. This is especially

true in the scientific field, which is always dependent on the advances and
initiatives of the metropolitan vanguard field, as well as in the direct field of
action of state, by all kinds of external economic and political influences.
"Moral regulations" constitute one of the most structuring "political"
mechanisms in the construction of social and cultural "borders." Because they
are implicated with social "classifications," they continually secrete and ma-
nipulate the boundaries of the "legal," "legitimate," and "normal." And, in at-
tempting to apply to society as a whole, they seek to achieve a generalized
"disciplinarization" that is characteristic of the advanced states of the "civiliz-
ing process," used here in Eliasian terms.
the relationship between social and

psychological knowledges
An important characteristic of the cosmology of modern Western cul-
ture is the way it conceptualizes "human sciences," particularly "social sci-
ences," as separate from psychological knowledge in general. And it then
divides or distributes this knowledge between "psychology," "psychiatry,"
and "psychoanalysis." This separation has implications for the repre-
sentation of the relationship between both sets of knowledges and the
knowledge of the wider dynamic of modern society. The most abstract
analytical proposals in this article are characterized by mixing up that op-
position, allowing for an articulated analysis of political and social macro-
processes with the microprocesses associated with the production of sub-
jectivities. This focuses primarily on the hypotheses of Norbert Elias's
"civilizing process," Michel Foucault's "disciplinary regime," and Louis
Dumont's "ideology of individualism" in the West.
Contemporary anthropology has a large, open field of research at the in-
tersection of concerns about the constitution of "political actors" in the "pub-
lic" sphere of social life and those about the constitution of "personal identi-
ties" in what is considered the "private" sphere. The work of overcoming this
old dichotomy has repeatedly and empirically demonstrated its dynamic char-
acter, whereby the above mentioned analytic proposals are directed toward
understanding the intimate articulation—the inseparability—of the produc-
tion mechanism of a person's social positions (her or his classification, invest-
ment, and qualifications) and the apparently "intimate" processes of their con-
struction. These proposals gain even greater heuristic interest by adding to the
process of production of new analytical perspectives the understanding of

those cultural mechanisms that produce the need of this very dichotomy (and
the history of its constitution).
This analysis points to the recognition of the ideological effects of the
preeminence of the representation of the "individual" as a value (in opposition
or antagonistic to "society") in modern Western culture. The progressive cul-
tural hegemony of this symbolic system provoked the rejection, disqualifica-
tion, or marginalization of all those alternative models implicated with a rela-
tional representation of the person (constituted "inside" of the social
framework) and imposed a host of instituted dualisms on the incipient 'human
sciences."
Perhaps the most comprehensive one is the dualism between "objective
reality" and "subjective reality" (represented primarily by the Cartesian
model). Although constantly challenged by the monistic ambition of the uni-
versalism of the Newtonian-inspired sciences which resulted in enormous
modifications in the representation of human reality (for example, the objec-
tivization of the human "body" with the rise of physiology, in mechanist
molds, is well illustrated in Le Breton 1988), the dualism maintained its foun-
dations in successive attempts at constituting a specifically "human" knowl-
edge (in opposition to the dimension that was considered "animal").
When it is noted that one of the main topics of 18th-century "social phi-
losophers" is the relationship between the "individual" and the "collective,"
one often overlooks the fact that what justifies so much unrest is precisely the
rapid preeminence of the very dichotomy itself. As a result, it required new
theories about the relationship, for example, between passions and personal
interests and the recently conceived commonwealth within the emergent "na-
tions." On this topic, see the classic study by Hirschman (1977) and the recent
analysis by Boltanski (1993) (especially with regard to Adam Smith). The
brilliant and little known article by Lawrence (1979) on the joint emergence of
the physiology and political theory of the Edinburgh School in the 18th cen-
tury—as two dimensions of the same theory of "civilization"—needs to be
mentioned here. The first "social sciences" and the first "psychological sci-
ences" (still sometimes called "moral") arose at the same time from this field
of renewed research: on one hand, theories of the "economic" and the "politi-
cal" and, on the other, theories of the functioning of "understanding" and
"passions."
The emergence of alternative proposals to the "empirical" and "sensual-
ist" models did not fundamentally change the framework of opposition. The
"romantic sciences" proposed the reconstitution of a totality that was lost with
"mechanist" conceptions, though not at a truly ontological level. On the con-
trary, the most radically dualistic formula for sustaining the "human sciences"

of the 19th century is the typically "romantic" opposition between the Natur-
wissenschaften (natural sciences) and the Geisteswissenschaften (moral sci-
ences or, literally, "of the spirit") explicitly posited in the middle of that cen-
tury (cf. Duarte 1997; Gusdorf 1974).
The dualism was gradually strengthened with the consolidation of
knowledge considered specifically "psychological," that is, involved with the
knowledge of "internal" mechanisms or process of the person and her or his
"mind," "spirit," "thought," "emotions," and "psyche." "Psychologies" and
"psychiatries" transformed the most diverse segments of so-called inner or
moral experience into objects of reflection, classification, and intervention,
creating new and ever more complex and debated systems of representation of
its reality and functioning. The topic of the modern psychological interiority
was well illustrated by Gauchet and Swain (1980). It has been examined from
different angles (cf. Duarte 1983; Duarte and Giumbelli 1994; Duarte and Ve-
nancio 1995). The emergence of Freudian psychoanalysis at the end of the
19th century deepened the autonomization of this tendency, thereby separat-
ing even more radically the conception of the "psychological" from a relation-
ship with the "natural," "physiological substrate" that was a key object of
study at the time. A recent article by Russo (1997) proposes an interesting tri-
partite model for this development.
These erudite or academic developments (linked to the movement of
autonomization and the institutionalization of "scientific" knowledge) con-
stantly interacted with wider movements in what today is called the "history
of mentalities." The same force of individualization of the representations of
the Person operated at the level of major ideological movements (philosophy
tout court, social philosophy, political projects) and at the level of common
sense (in interaction with erudite knowledge), causing an emphatic valoriza-
tion, expression, and uneasiness with "feelings" and "emotions" housed in in-
dividual singularity.
A canonical sequence of the major questions was finally constituted and
consolidated—crossing the levels of scientific, philosophic, political, and
popular representation. The canon represented a certain uneasiness with the
forms considered to be "imbalanced," "dysfunctional," or representing the pa-
thology of the relationship between the "individual" and "society." The "in-
sane," the "criminal," the "sexual pervert," the "artist/genius," the "religious
ecstatic," and the "political fanatic" are recurrent separated or combined
imaginaries that are more or less "isolated" (the "crowd" enacted them as a
collective being and the "dual madness" as a dyadic being, for example). All
of them correspond to a sliding away from the model of the "rational" person,
blessed with "judgment" and "self-control," that gradually became the basis
of a desired citizenship.

Major systems sought to organize these representations into combined
ways for scientific understanding, therapeutic or moral reform, and sociopoli-
tical intervention. The major configuration of "degeneracy" (founded on the
even more basic model of the "nervous") (cf. Davis 1989; Duarte 1986) cer-
tainly offered the broadest and most complex form of articulation between
these instances of understanding and intervention and between the "individ-
ual" and the "social" (cf. Carrara 1996; Serpa 1997). This, in turn, was linked
to the vast social movement of "hygienics" that mediated the old "moral re-
forms" and the new "governmentality" of the West. The combined presence
of "degeneracy" and "hygienics" directly affected moral regulations in the
area of Western cultural influence until World War II, including the more
radical rules linked to "eugenics."
Thus, it can be observed that, notwithstanding the permeation of the
above mentioned dualisms (object versus subject, individual versus collec-
tive, emotion versus reason), an intensive dynamic was constantly articulating
its terms, based in a plethora of discursive or institutional forms. When we
look at Durkheim analyzing "suicide" (a supposedly "individual" phenome-
non analyzed from a collective perspective), Freud analyzing the crowd (a
"collective" phenomenon analyzed from a supposedly psychological perspec-
tive), or James analyzing the "religious experience" (converting what had al-
ways been considered a "moral" fact into something "psychological"), we ob-
serve only the most abstract or "academic" point of a giant web of complex
apparatuses of regulation that involved "criminology," "forensic medicine,"
"physical anthropology," "public health," "psychiatry," "sexology," "control
of customs," "civil rights," the regulation of work, population policies, the
clerical strategies of churches, the imaginary of mass publications—in short,
almost all that constituted contemporary societies and remains an important
part of their dynamic.
This entire process can be observed from the perspective of the histori-
cal-ethnographic elucidation of the social processes that are acting in Brazil-
ian society with regard to the spread of the ideology of "individualism" (in
Dumont's meaning) by means of the "internalization" provided by the propa-
gation, consumption, and reproduction of "psychologized"representationsof
the Person. The degree of "psychologization" has been persistently proposed
and discussed as one of the criteria for recognizing the "modernity," "ra-
tionalization," "civilization," or "disciplinarization" of the Western societies.
A great deal of information confirms the tight correlation between these pro-
cesses in Brazilian society starting from the beginning of the 20th century. To-
day, this allows a comparison between this specific form of "psychologiza-
tion" with its own forms of political history and the history of the scientific

and academic field in the country. Once again, the comparison of the differen-
tial movements of psychiatry, psychology, psychoanalysis, sexology, hy-
giene, forensic medicine, education, social medicine, anthropology, sociol-
ogy, and economy provides for the composition of a complex framework for
the intimate relationship between the topics of civilization, the construction of
the nation, and the formation of the Person in the modern West in general and
Brazilian society in particular.
This universe of interrelationships, which is crucial to the functioning of
societies and to the progress of reflections on humanity, has been an object of
research in each and all of the human sciences. Today, however, only anthro-
pology seems capable of coordinating the multiplicity of threads found there
by having developed a constant weaving of the ambition of analytical totaliza-
tion and the humility of comparative ethnographic attention. The majority of
the works produced about the nodes of these processes were realized by an-
thropologists or historians, sociologists, or "psyche" professionals inspired by
the strategy of gaining anthropological knowledge.
A delicate exercise will thus be conducted here: to "anthropologically"
understand how this very anthropology (as knowledge and institutionalized
discipline) intervened and continues to intervene as an agent of the complex
process of moral regulations of the Person in Brazilian society, particularly
through its relationship with "psychologization" (in which psychoanalysis is
the most dynamic force).
the two regimes

This article operates at two levels. The first is more ethnographic or "in-
ternal." It seeks to explain the characteristics that marked the intense academic
relationship between anthropology and psychoanalysis in two different mo-
ments in the history of human sciences in Brazil: the "heroic" period that
lasted—in general terms—from the 1920s to the end of 1940s (the "interwar
period") and the "critical" period beginning in the 1970s.
The first period is characterized by the production of two authors—Ar-
thur Ramos and Roger Bastide—both considered to be anthropologists yet
equally influenced by the literature on psychoanalysis. The contrast between
these two authors will serve to focus this analysis on the "regime" within
which the articulation between these two knowledges is processed.
The second period is characterized by the production of two other
authors—Gilberto Velho and Servulo Figueira—during the 1970s and 1980s
in Rio de Janeiro. In this case, there was an immediate, productive interaction

between the two authors, providing for the articulation of a more specialized
network than during the "heroic" period because of a series of differential
characteristics of the academic field in these two moments. The first author is
known as an anthropologist and the second as a psychoanalyst, even though
the latter produced works that were considered (even by the author himself) to
be anthropological. Psychoanalysis appears as a privileged topic in the works
of both authors, though in a very different way from the treatment in the other
"regime."
It is important to emphasize the notable silence in the relationship be-
tween these two knowledges during the 1950s and 1960s, for reasons that
need to be delineated (so as to incorporate them into a broader model). Also,
there is a second level of analysis. It is more historical (or sociohistorical); it
intends to produce an ambitious model that takes into account the relationship
that each of the above mentioned "regimes" maintained with the general state
of the field of human sciences in Brazil in its respective period.
In the first regime, which is characterized by the incorporation of the re-
sources of psychoanalytical interpretation in the analysis of "cultural" phe-
nomena, there is a prolonged reference to "black culture" or the "culture of
blacks" in Brazil and, particularly, to the religious phenomena linked to "race"
or to the "African heritage." The question of the "trance" in religious cults is
crucial to the scholarly production of this "regime," revealing its broad scope:
it tries to understand how the "thought" of the Brazilian subaltern class is cul-
turally organized, based in a characteristic that was typically seen as "archaic"
or "primitive" (even though the "evolutionist" implications of that charac-
terization were, up to a certain point, relativized).
This concern was related to the question of the "civilization" of the Bra-
zilian "nation," whose weakness or backwardness was attributed, in one way
or another, to the weight of that "race" or "heritage." Against the "pessimistic"
interpretations that emanated from the metropolitan knowledges, alternative
interpretations were produced that emphasized the capacity for cultural "re-
demption" through the process of generalized "education"—which necessar-
ily involved, in that period, great expectations for the establishment of rules
and intervention by the state. This will be the analytical key to the way psy-
choanalytical ideas entered into the Brazilian intellectual field (and their ap-
propriation by anthropology). Mariza Peirano analyzes this emphasis on edu-
cation as key to the understanding and transformation of the nation,
considering it a characteristic of Brazilian social thought in the decade of the
1930s (1981:28,39).
Mariza Correa's interpretation of Brazilian anthropology of the interwar
period, using a Foucauldian theory of disciplines, is extremely pertinent here.
150 journal of latin amerlcan anthropology

This "educative" horizon shared by anthropology and psychoanalysis corre-
sponds directly to what she calls "control" or "soft repression," recalling ex-
pressions of Arthur Ramos and Gilberto Freyre (cf. Correa 1982:219,260), in
opposition to the defenders of a type of "police" repression in that period (cf.
Correa 1982:242).
In the second regime, the image of psychoanalysis as an instrument of
"civilization" and "education" is transformed into that of a symptom of civili-
zation that, in one way or another, had already been achieved (under the label
modernization). The privileged topic of anthropological concern is no longer
"race" or "cultural heritage" in general but, rather, "urban life," with its phe-
nomena considered in terms of "deviation" or cultural "disorientation." The
interest in ethnographic questions such as "madness," "drugs," or "deviant
sexuality" placed these anthropologists within the realm of the psychological
knowledges (now organized in an institutionally complex field) and trans-
formed them into frequent interlocutors, even on questions of moral regula-
tions (the understanding of the social consumption of psychoanalytical ther-
apy, for example) or concerning important public rules (such as "psychiatric
reform" or the "decriminalization" of illicit drugs), in the name of the values
of "freedom" and "tolerance." The key for the understanding of this regime
will be the "coherence" and "reflexivity" of these subjects (and "citizens")
rather than the level of education.
The expectations in relation to the state in this latter period are mainly
negative or critical but also frequently indifferent because of the strong auton-
omy obtained by the academic university field (where one finds anthropolo-
gists and some psychoanalysts) and by the psychotherapeutic profession. I
will not to be able to develop here—though neither will I ignore—the rela-
tionship between the two "regimes" under study and the "political regimes"
within which they developed. The first regime is marked by the revolution of
1930, which was seen by a good portion of Brazilian intellectuals as an oppor-
tunity for furthering the expectations of a guided "civilization" which had ac-
cumulated since the end of the Brazilian Empire (in 1889) but had been frus-
trated by the conservative consolidation of the Old Republic.
The arrival of Ramos to the national capital, Rio de Janeiro, soon after
the revolution and his rapid incorporation into the apparatus of the state as a
public educator is illustrative of the conditions of that first phase. The installa-
tion of the Estado Novo (a fascistlike regime) in 1937 corresponds to the dis-
enchantment of a good portion of the holders of those expectations and also
corresponds—though not necessarily in a linear fashion—to the moment that
those first two authors entered into the recently autonomized university sys-
tem. The following period is marked by the concerns of World War II, in a po-
litically ambivalent national context that ends with the deposition,return,and
person and psychologlzation in brazil 151

death of Getulio Vargas at the end of the 1940s and beginning of the 1950s.
Ramos became known during the war as the author of several public and col-
lective manifestos against racism which probably secured him a prominent
place in the postwar period (including a job in UNESCO, where he worked
until his death in Paris).
The second regime arose in the midst of the military dictatorship in-
stalled in 1964 (after the democratic and developmentalist interregnum of the
1950s). Its emphasis on values associated with the ideas of freedom and its
specific indisposition to directly participate as the apparatus of state can also
be correlated—once again not necessarily in a linear fashion—with the wide-
spread intellectual movement of resistance to the authoritarian government
(that only came to an end during the first half of the 1980s).
the first regime

Arthur Ramos (1903-49) was a physician trained at the Faculty of Bahia
(1926), a practicing psychiatrist, and one of the most important people in that
field in Brazil, which, at the turn of the century, moved between psychiatry,
forensic medicine, criminology, and anthropology (physical and cultural). His
intellectual trajectory, influenced by his move from Salvador to Rio de Janeiro
after 1930, was strongly marked by the evocation of the work of R. NinaRo-
drigues, to whose intellectual revival he contributed strategically (along with
Afranio Peixoto). His early interest in Freud's work immediately placed him
in a dialogue with the other psychiatrists who were pioneers in the interest and
propagation of psychoanalysis in Brazil (cf. Perestrello 1988). His arrival in
Rio de Janeiro allowed his interest in questions concerning early childhood to
be transformed into work in education when he assumed the posi-
tion—through the appointment of Anisio Teixeira—of head of the Technical
Department of Orthofrenia and Mental Health of the Education Department
of the then Federal District (1934), where he carried out intense work. Shortly
after (1935) he assisted Teixeira in the establishment of the University of the
Federal District, where he became the chair of social psychology (while Gil-
berto Freyre was the chair of social and cultural anthropology). At the Na-
tional Faculty of Philosophy, Ramos would occupy the chair of physical and
cultural anthropology (1939) until his nomination for the recently created Di-
rectorship of Social Sciences of UNESCO (1949). He was one of Brazil's
most distinguished intellectuals during the 1940s, during which time he pro-
duced a great volume of work in the areas of psychiatry, physical and cultural

anthropology, education, hygiene, and psychoanalysis. In addition to the
university positions just cited, he maintained important functions as an editor
(as director of the Editora Civilizac.ao Brasileira collection starting in 1934).
And he was the founder and director of the Brazilian Society of Anthropology
and Ethnology (from 1941 until his death in 1949). It was from this last posi-
tion that he organized the so-called "Manifesto against Racism," disseminated
in 1942. He was also one of the representatives of the Brazilian state in the
project of the creation of UNESCO at the end of World War II.
Roger Bastide (1898-1974) was trained in philosophy in France (provin-
cial career; agrege in 1924) in a program marked by a great ambivalence to
the Durkheimian school (he was a disciple of Gaston Richard) (cf. Braga
1996; Pereira-de-Queiroz 1983). In 1938 he accepted an invitation to be a pro-
fessor at therecentlyestablished University of Sao Paulo (USP), along with a
host of other French professors in the humans sciences. His intellectual inter-
ests led him to Brazilian literature about "black" culture and—in a certain
way—to study the issue of differences of "thought." He also employed psy-
choanalytical interpretations, making him an inevitable interlocutor of Ra-
mos.1 Bastide filled a more "modern" role as an academic intellectual special-
ized in the Brazilian field. He went back to France between 1951 and 1954,
although he continued to write about "black culture" and "Afro-Brazilian re-
ligions" until his death (cf. Pereira-de-Queiroz 1983).
Both authors highlight Levy-Bruhl's concerns with "prelogical thought"
along with, but more than, Freud's influence. Ramos added to the combina-
tion of these two authors many significant others, such as Jung, Pfister, Adler,
Stekel, Ferenczi, and Piaget (as well as Anna Freud and Melanie Klein). Al-
though in both scholars the Levy-Bruhlian mark faded during their careers,
theyremainedengaged with the larger horizon of concerns about the statute of
"civilization" that had been so characteristic of Western thought from the be-
ginning of the 18th century. This general concern was joined with a specific
one regarding the statute of the black populations of the American conti-
nent—which served to vitally embody a difference that resisted the expansion
of official Western rationality.2 Ramos expressed this injunction particularly
well, expunging from it the "racializing" organicism of the early theorists and
gradually turning it into an "educational" question that was evident through-
out his work. Bastide, for his part, already tended to portray black "resistance"
to civilization in the romantic tones of singularity, without escaping from the
differential mentalism of his Brazilian contemporary.
In the Brazilian case, in which the ideal of civil equality only found
strong legal support at the end of the 19th century, near the advent of the re-
public, the challenge of difference emerged in an accelerated and dramatic
form around the "black question" at the turn of the century.3 The intellectual

creators of this "question," such as Silvio Romero, R. Nina Rodrigues, and
Joao Batista de Lacerda, had to directly confront the current hegemonic state
of knowledge about the human being in the metropolitan world. These knowl-
edges, whether they came from physical anthropology, psychiatry, forensic
medicine, or penal law, were profoundly influenced by the question of "de-
generacy." This theory represented the acme of the several attempts for the
ideologicalrestorationof difference that had emerged in Europe ever since the
ideas of liberty and equality became institutionalized in regular political struc-
tures and procedures. It was as if the social determinism expelled from demo-
craticrepresentationof the political world would find shelter in many forms of
physical determinism (more precisely "physical-moral"), protected by the
growing prestige of the "sciences" and "scientism."
In Brazil, the thesis of the "progressive whitening" of the Brazilian
population—despite its apparent refutation of eugenic determinism—was in
fact an adaptation of the international model to the peculiarities of the national
situation and to the national ethos (cf. Seyferth 1989). The hypothesis was
thereby established, with subsequent support from Gilberto Freyre and Ro-
quette-Pinto, of the nondiscriminatory character of interethnic relations in
Brazil, a hypothesis that would only be contested during the 1950s with the re-
newed interest in the ideas of equality as a result of the defeat of Nazism/fas-
cism in World War II.
In reality, the invention of "Afro-Brazilianness" was constituted at the
confluence of the recognition of the unavoidability of the large presence of
black people in the Brazilian population and the keen awareness of the differ-
ence that had to be faced in order to produce civilization in the nation.4 Thus,
the keyword of the movements of national intellectuals in the first four de-
cades of the century was education, that is to say, the generalresourcesused to
transform the different into "civilized" which had been formalized in the West
as a specific area of speculation and experimentation at least since Rousseau.
Seyferth reminds us that
even authors such as Bomfim, who saw a renovating dimension in the mixture
of races, did not escape from the ideal of progress with its evolutionist mean-
ing. Even without using racial arguments, the inferiority of blacks and Indians,
and even to a certain point the mixed-bloods [mestizos], is implicit in the
notion of civilization. Hence, the major emphasis on the necessity of educa-
tion—as it appears, for example, in Roquette-Pinto. To educate means to
eliminate backwardness—to civilize. [1989:20]
On this point see also Ramos-da-Silva (1997).
154 journal of latin amerlcan anthropology

Whether itreferredto "primary," "technical," or "civic" education or to
the "sanitary" education guided by the omnipresent (physical and mental)
hygiene and by the sanitary movement, almost all the concerns tended to
converge on the mechanisms for the transformation of subjects and popula-
tions that could participate in the civilizing efforts in the construction of the
"modern" nation—which seemed to all so far away. In the history of national
institutions, not only did initiatives dedicated explicitly to childhood increase
in the 1920s and 1930s, but it is also difficult to distinguish the borders be-
tween education, hygiene, psychiatry, and psychoanalysis. The Brazilian As-
sociation of Education, founded in 1924, maintained a close relationship
with the influential Brazilian League of Mental Hygiene, established the pre-
vious year by the psychiatrist Gustavo Riedel (cf. Freire-Costa 1981). In the
latter organization, Porto Carrero created a Psychoanalytic Clinic in 1926
and gave the first classes on psychoanalysis as applied to education in 1928.
The Institute of Hygiene of Sao Paulo was founded in 1926, and the follow-
ing year—also in Sao Paulo—the first and unsuccessful Brazilian Society of
Psychoanalysis was founded (the Section of Rio would be created in 1928).
In 1927 the Service for the Aid of the Mentally 111 of the Federal District was
established in what would later be transformed into the national service with
its incorporation by the Ministry of Education and Health, instituted in 1930.
In 1928 there was the first reform of public education of the Federal District
conducted by Fernando de Azevedo. In 1929, also in Rio de Janeiro, the first
Cabinet of Psychoanalysis of the National Hospital of Psychopathology was
organized. Finally, in 1932, the famous "Manifesto of the Pioneers of New
Education" was published, attempting to conciliate the tendencies headed by
Fernando de Azevedo and Anisio Teixeira that had faced off at the Fourth
National Conference of Education, held in Niteroi the previous year (cf.
Cunha 1980).
This process was not disconnected to international movements promot-
ing "civilization"—particularly of the "directed" or "authoritarian" type,
which increasingly characterized the action of the state and social thought in
the interwar period. The establishment of Children's Day in Brazil in 1924
stemmed from a proposal of the League of Nations, although one can also see
influences of the First Brazilian Congress for Childhood Protection held in
1922. The promulgation of the Legal Code for Minors in 1927 occurred just
when the first legislation prohibiting drug consumption (such as marijuana
and cocaine) was being passed, under the dual pressure on the Brazilian state
by U.S. diplomacy and the National Academy of Medicine—which was wor-
ried about the supposed antieugenic effects of drug consumption (cf. Brito
1996). In 1929, the First Brazilian Congress on Eugenics was held, followed
in 1931 by the creation of the Brazilian Central Commission of Eugenics by

Renato Kehl. Sergio Carrara (1996) studied in great detail this period (from
the end of the 19th century up to World War II) from the point of view of the
moral regulations regarding sexuality, prostitution, and syphilis, clearly
showing their articulation within the broader international dynamic as well as
the specific forms they assumed in Brazil.
The psychoanalysis read by Ramos (and by all of his psychiatrist col-
leagues)5 was basically a theory of "civilization" or personal "education."6 As
other commentators of Ramos have already pointed out (Carvalho 1995; Cor-
rea 1982; Mokrejs 1993), Freudian theory was primarily appropriated through
the opposition between a more "primitive" (with all the ambiguity of this
word), "unconscious" level and a "consciousness" capable of "education" and
control (and eventually self-control) by way of new psychotherapeutic re-
sources at the disposition of the civilizing process. A quote might be useful
here:
But the most perfect sublimation must be work for the benefit of the commu-
nity. The task of educator is to identify early on the sublimations that emanate
from the instinctive forces of each child. Social work must be conducted not as
a difficult or unpleasant task, but with joy, with the participation of the entire
personality, since it has instinctive roots and elementary tendencies that have
been transformed by sublimation. This is a whole new chapter of professional
orientation. [Ramos 1934:157]
Hence the importance of, for example, both Pfister's works (which con-
cern Freudian psychoanalysis but with a clear "moralistic" or "didactic"
slant) and Piaget's works (whose mentalism is different from that of
psychoanalysis and is fundamentally engaged with personal "education")
for Ramos.
Thus, the first "regime" of my model is a regime subordinated to the tri-
nomial civilization/nation/education, which expresses the general conditions
of what the Brazilian intellectual field constituted during the interwar period.
The relationship with the nation operated not only at the level of ideas but
also at the more pragmatic level of the relationship with the apparatus of
state.7 In the absence of a reasonably autonomous structure of institutional
mediation necessary for the support of intellectual projects (see the vicissi-
tudes of the University of the Federal District, for example, during the 1930s)
and because of the difficulty of maintaining alternative civil institutions,8 the
occupation of positions within the machinery of the state became unavoid-
able.
For this reason, all the analyses of the history of the intellectuals in
this country reveal an enormous dependence on the position of the "public

bureaucrat"—in the strict sense of the term (cf. Correa 1982:3-4). The
medical-sanitary network implemented from the beginning of the century
was one of the main instruments of this "incorporation."9 It was there that Ra-
mos began his public career in Bahia, following in the steps of Nina Ro-
drigues, as a doctor at the Sao Joao de Deus Hospital and as a forensic doctor
in the Forensic Medicine Service of the State of Bahia. However, as Mariza
Correa also notes, this job was not merely a passive bureaucratic job within a
well-defined state. It was part of the process of creation or transformation of
the institutions of the state, which served to generate a more complex network
ofrelationswith civil society. This was the role performed by Ramos when he
presented a plan for the construction of the State Mental Institution of Bahia in
1928 and, in 1934, when he assumed a position in the recently created Depart-
ment of Orthofrenia and Mental Health of the Federal District.
Bastide escaped from this dimension of Brazilian intellectual life be-
cause of the singularity of his presence among us: as a foreigner and as an in-
vited guest, almost at the end of this period (1938), forming part of the staff of
thefirstsuccessful university in the country.10 Ramos also occupied academic
positions in Rio de Janeiro starting from 1939.
the long interregnum

The period of the 1950s and 1960s could be characterized as "latent"
(from the point of view of the active relationship between anthropology and
psychoanalysis). It was characterized by an acrimonious critique of "cultural-
ism," which had been predominant up until then, and by the accelerated he-
gemony of sociology.11 Studies of "black culture" suffered as a result of a sys-
tematic critique by "sociologists" who had been professionally trained in the
academic institutions established during the 1930s (particularly Costa Pinto
and Guerreiro Ramos; cf. Cunha 1994:15). In 1950, intellectuals and black
militants convened the First Brazilian Black Congress (cf. Seyferth 1989:26)
in order to debate the issue of the supposed "racial democracy" in Brazil.
Bastide tried to distance himself from the former regime, joining the move-
ment for re-evaluation, and wrote, for example, together with Florestan Fer-
nandes, Relagdes raciais entre negros e brancos em Sao Paulo (Race Rela-
tions between Blacks and Whites in Sao Paulo) (Fernandes and Bastide
1955).12 Fernandes, who participated with evident reticence in one of the sev-
eral volumes of homage to Arthur Ramos on the occasion of his death (Fer-
nandes et al. 1950), published in Revista de Antropologia, in 1954 and 1956
respectively, an article about Levy-Bruhl and another about the relationship

between psychoanalysis and sociology, which may be considered a system-
atic deconstruction of the foundations of the anthropology represented by Ra-
mos. I must emphasize that the psychoanalysis invoked there was basically a
"science" with "methodological" contributions that were considered impor-
tant to sociology. All of its programmatic or ontological content (regarding
human "thought," for example) disappeared, leaving only a strategy of re-
search that might be useful for the new, emerging professional rationality (the
same procedure also characterizes the article about Levy-Bruhl). Thus, these
texts seem to constitute a sort of epitaph for the "regime" of the interwar pe-
riod, for they do not lead to an internal rearticulation of the problem.13 In fact,
another rearticulation was made at a broader level that was more interested in
social "macrorelations." The "economic" question entered the academic field
of the period, either in the form of a Marxian influence that privileges "class"
relationships in sociology,14 in the academic and professional consolidation of
economics,15 or in the constitution of an academic-political complex consti-
tuted by the so-called dependency theory and by the economic "structuralist"
school (named as such in opposition to the "monetarists").
It was in this same period of intense generalized "institutionalization"16
that the first stable associations of psychoanalysis and anthropology were or-
ganized in the country. The Brazilian Society of Psychoanalysis from Sao
Paulo was granted provisory admission to the IPA in 1951; the Society of Psy-
choanalysis of Rio de Janeiro was admitted in 1955; and the Brazilian Society
of Psychoanalysis of Rio de Janeiro in 1957 (cf. Carvalho 1995; Figueiredo
1984). The Brazilian Association of Anthropology (ABA) was founded in
1955, on the occasion of the Second Brazilian Meeting of Anthropology (the
first one was held in 1953) (cf. Correa 1988).
This period also corresponded to that of the institutionalization process
of psychology.17 Between the creation of the Institute of Selection and Profes-
sional Orientation, within the Getulio Vargas Foundation, in 1947, and the
regulation of professional careers (licensing of clinical attention through the
definition of competence in the "solution of adjustment problems") obtained
in 1962 after heated resistance from segments of the medicine and education
communities, there was a period of university expansion (first in the Catholic
Pontifical University of Rio de Janeiro [PUC/RJ] in 1953) and the expansion
of professional spheres linked initially to education and then—increas-
ingly—to the psychotherapeutic consultancies (thanks to the generalized in-
fluence of psychoanalysis and the proliferation of societies open to nondoc-
tors during the 1970s).

the second regime
What I call the "second regime" of the relationship between anthropol-
ogy and psychoanalysis in Brazil was institutionally launched in 1973, with
the opening of dialogue between the young anthropologist Gilberto Velho
(born in 1945) and the Institute of Psychiatry of the Federal University of Rio
de Janeiro (UFRJ) and some psychoanalytic circles, such as the Brazilian So-
ciety of Psychoanalysis of Rio de Janeiro.19
Velho was part of the first generation of anthropologists trained in the re-
cently created Program of Postgraduate Studies in Social Anthropology of the
National Museum in Rio de Janeiro (1968).20 He had just returned to Brazil in
1971 after a period of study in the United States with training that empowered
him to develop a research program that would come to be known as "urban
anthropology" (which I consider to be an heir to the Chicago School tradition
and to North American "symbolic interactionism"). This training included a
strong emphasis on so-called deviant behavior and situations of "stigma,"
while touching on such topics as "mental disease," "drugs," and "sexual devi-
ance"—all topics that had become crucial to the dynamic of modern Western
culture with the transformation of the romantic "counterculture" into a ques-
tion of mass communication at the end of the 1960s (cf. Campbell 1987).
Velho belonged to a generation and to a social segment for whom psychother-
apy had become a fairly regular strategy of symbolic consumption.21 Around
1978 he began a period of academic contacts with his former pupil, Servulo
Figueira (born in 1951), a psychologist trained at PUC/RJ (1975) who was re-
ceiving psychoanalytical training at that time.22 The field of psychotherapy
was profoundly transformed during the 1970s, shaping what was later called
the "boom of psychoanalysis."23 First, there was pressure to enter the therapy
market by psychologists who had graduated from courses created in the
1950s. The two psychoanalytical societies of Rio de Janeiro affiliated with the
IPA (both created in the 1950s) only accepted physicians with psychoanalyti-
cal training. Approximately ten institutions with open membership were es-
tablished during the decade, with a wide variety of theoretical backgrounds
and institutional proposals, up to the opening of access in 1980 to the official
societies (cf. Carvalho 1995; Figueiredo 1984).
Along with the increases in the absolute number of psychotherapists,
there was a number of social and professional processes that led to the expan-
sion of investments in publishing and a slow, yet notable increase in the visi-
bility of the discipline in mass media. Some psychoanalysts occupied the po-
sition of interpreters of "cultural" phenomena in important newspapers,
frequently alongside anthropologists as well.

The development of a type of "social" demand from the diverse seg-
ments of the psychological field is also notable. This demand manifested itself
within the profession, through either the spread of "group therapy" (which
was extremely common during the 1970s), discussions, and tangible initia-
tives for the invention of "popular psychotherapy consultancies"24 or the at-
tempt at the reconstruction of collective or social relations in the context of the
asylum (whether in the specific direction of the "therapeutic communities" or
in the generalized direction of "psychiatric reform").
On the side of the social sciences, two main movements captured the at-
tention of psychoanalysis at the beginning of the 1970s: the first one was
French structuralist Marxism, with its hopes for the constitution of a totalized
science geared toward a radical transformation of humanity. This movement
had the magazine Revista Vozes as its main channel, and it foundered without
leaving—apparently—any lasting heritage.
The second movement resulted in what has been called here the "second
regime." It was a mixture of academic influences that may be best charac-
terized by the "constructivist" emphasis, that is, one that seeks not the under-
lying reality of examined phenomena but, rather, an understanding of the
social, cultural, or epistemological conditions of its emergence and manifesta-
tion. Foucault is a notable presence here, and, along with Levi-Strauss, he oc-
cupies the only point of union of this movement with the one just cited. Other
influences were successively added dealing with the contextualization of the
emergence of human knowledges, such as the contributions of the pheno-
menological anthropology of Schulz and Berger, the romantic sociology of
Simmel and Elias, the social history of Castel, and the history of individualism
of Dumont (along with many other influences).
Literature about the process by which this second regime was consti-
tuted—concerning its institutional development (including courses, semi-
nars, congresses, publishing houses, etc.) and its constitution into a reason-
ably well defined academic area—is quite vast and has received only
limited review in the corpus of this article.25 What I am interested in em-
phasizing about the second regime is that its thematic horizon is totally dif-
ferent from that of the first regime, to the point of not having—on the part
of the protagonists of the second one—any sense of historical and aca-
demic continuity in relation with the other. Psychoanalysis is not under-
stood as a resource for the interpretation of cultural facts but,rather,as an
object of anthropological interpretation—as one phenomenon among oth-
ers of the belief system of "middle" and "upper" segments of the "modern
urban world." Nor is it constituted as an appropriate resource for the ad-
vent of an anticipated process of civilization; on the contrary, its presence

in society is understood as a privileged "symptom" of an already arrived at
"modernity" (in regard to the "individualization" and "interiorization" im-
plied in the adherence to its therapeutic style or to its Weltanschauung, as
Figueira would frequently put it [see 1990, for example]).
Thus, we find in the second regime—in an inverse symmetry of the tri-
nomial "civilization/nation/education" (with "race" as its empirical focus)—
an attempt to diagnose the degree and quality of the "modernization" of Bra-
zilian society (in comparison with other national societies, especially the
United States).26 It is no coincidence that the "city" (and the lifestyles that are
associated with it in the West) was frequently debated.27
"Modernization" appeared as a key element of these discussions. This is
clear in the challenges to the recomposition of personal identities in the urban
environment—where this process is paradigmatically expressed.28 In gen-
eral—and passing over the differences in the personal versions of these ques-
tions and the changes in emphasis that occurred during this period—a set of
themes can be recognized that refer to the observation and analysis of situ-
ations of "nonconformity" or "tension" in relation to conventional values or
roles of the dominant society. The theoretical questions of "deviant behavior,"
"stigma," "accusations," and "disorientation" abound. They highlight—in the
negative—the empirical questions of "lifestyles," "orientations," and "proj-
ects," which can be examined from the point of view of their coherence or
their potential for "alternatives" or "metamorphosis." Social subjects are seen
as fundamentally complex, endowed with a movable and mutable interiority
(within certain limits and conditions) that enables them to cope with general-
ized social "change" (with varying degrees of efficiency). The discussion of
the statute of the modern "individual" takes clear preeminence, either in the
direction of the analyses of Simmel (more compatible with the "interaction-
ist" training of Velho, for example) or in the direction of the hypotheses of
Dumont (more compatible with the influence of Foucault or Levi-Strauss). At
any rate, the interest in dialogue between anthropology and psychoanalysis
seems to surface regularly in this regime through the common emphasis on
the opposition between visible/invisible or conscious/nonconscious (if not
necessarily "unconscious").
The authors of the second regime marked their presence in the intellec-
tual field—just like those of the first period—by publishing their work and
through university teaching.29 The resources that universities had then seem to
be, however, quite different from those that characterized the time of Ramos's
and Bastide's teaching. This implies that the activities of the authors from the
first regime remained more isolated (or at least they seem to have when seen a
posteriori). The second regime is composed of an important group of intellec-
tual producers, some of whom were colleagues of, with the main part being

students of and advised by, the two key authors. The publications of this pe-
riod that were sponsored by the two provide evidence of the collective charac-
ter of the enterprise, which produced "disciples," even though many moved
on to issues different than those of their mentors.30 An important resource of
the new regime was the participation in a system of intensive production of
postgraduate theses (as advisers or examiners), in accord with the system that
was installed at the end of the 1960s in Brazil.
The authors of the second period can be further distinguished by their ac-
cess to a strong network of professional and scientific societies. Velho occu-
pied influential positions in the organization of the field, and, eventually, he
entered into dialogue with the state (mainly from his positions in the ABA, the
National Association of Graduate Programs and Research in the Social Sci-
ences, and the Brazilian Society for the Advancement of Science). Figueira
restricted himself to participation in his psychoanalytical society (the Brazil-
ian Society of Psychoanalysis of Rio de Janeiro), thus following the charac-
teristic isolation of psychoanalytical institutions within the national intellec-
tual field.
In further work, I hope to explore how an important segment of "psyche"
professionals became interested in and dedicated to the social and cultural
contextualization of their practice (and vision of the world). The importance
of the "social demand," referred to above, needs to be emphasized, along with
its dissemination through different mechanisms of this recently institutional-
ized professional level which are related to more general questions concerning
modern Western culture (such as the counterculture already cited), to ques-
tions of the political life of the Brazilian nation during the 1970s and 1980s
(particularly the military dictatorship and its effects on the society in general
and on intellectuals in particular), and to internal questions concerning the
constitution of the psychological field.31
It will be particularly important to analyze the imbrication of this sec-
ond regime with the initiation of the Brazilian "psychiatric reform" process
(some authors of the field consider 1978 the year that this process was un-
leashed), which resulted from the complex intersection of "social" topics
with traditional "technical" or "professional" topics of psychiatry (cf. Bez-
erra 1994; Lougon 1993; Venancio 1990). The experience of psychiatric re-
form can be particularly revealing of the very processes of the second regime
and its broader social context, in that it includes a delicate mediation with the
structure of the state, from which the intellectual protagonists in this new for-
mation tried, in general, to maintain a certain distance because of the new
possibilities of professional autonomy gained through the consolidation of

the constitutive institutions of the intellectual field (universities, professional
societies, etc.).
This analysis will also need to take into account the historical implemen-
tation of "therapeutic communities" in Brazil, which preceded the dissemina-
tion of the "reform." Teixeira (1993) identifies the launching of the National
Campaign of Mental Health by the Ministry of Health in 1967 and the holding
of the First International Congress of Therapeutic Communities carried out in
Sao Paulo in 1970 as important signs of this process of recognition of the nec-
essary social dimension of the therapeutic experience.
The same situation can be detected in the "social medicine" that was de-
veloped in the same period in Brazil (according to Costa [1992]): dialogue
with the "social sciences," the problems of marking boundaries with the tra-
ditional medical field, the tense relationship with the state as employer. The
two situations suggest a more systematic engagement concerning the contra-
dictions that are specific to those public services of a medical or therapeutic
character (including psychiatry and other psychotherapies). Tense crises tend
to develop over the aspirations for autonomy of the agents (licensed by a sci-
entific or academic statute) and the direct administration of these services,
which are different from those of teaching and research in academic institu-
tions (and even consultancies as in the case of the Institute of Psychiatry of
theUFRJ).
The coverage of the topics and situations, which the second regime pro-
fessionals entered into the sphere of public opinion (articles in the press, direc-
tion of professional and scientific associations, participation in councils and
commissions of mediation between the state and civil society, etc.), can serve
as an important resource in the comparison with the interventions opened up
by the participants of the first regime. It would be particularly elucidating to
analyze the public institutional "crises" in which topics crucial to the field
(and particularly the relationship with the state) were dramatized. I am think-
ing of situations such as the famous "DINSAM crisis" in 1978, whereby the
horrible conditions of public asylums were revealed to the public, coinciding
with the creation of the Movement of Mental Health Workers (that in itself is
an instigating "social drama"). The long crisis suffered by the psychoanalyti-
cal field regarding the accusation of collusion, against some of its profession-
als, with political torture during the military dictatorship would be another
source for understanding the mechanisms of the organization of the field, the
participation of all kinds of "social" alliances, and the modes of public visibil-
ity of institutionalized professional life in a discipline that carefully cultivates
its autonomy from the state.
It can be said, in general terms, that the social influence of the authors of
the second regime came from positions that were external to the apparatus of

the state. The only public position occupied by Velho in this period, for exam-
ple, was university professor—a position that, with academic autonomy, is
considered equivalent to "civil" service. Even in this case, his eventual partici-
pation in councils (such as the National Trust Council and the Federal Council
of Culture) and commissions within the governmental structure was due to the
force of his professional and academic civil authority—obtained primarily
through his intense participation in prestigious scientific societies. The inter-
vention of social scientists in questions regarding moral regulation in the
second regime did not occur immediately. Nonetheless, it was just as strong as
that of the intellectuals of the first regime; in fact, it was probably even
greater. The intervention occurred, however, almost exclusively by means of
institutional mediations that were made possible by the long process of "insti-
tution building."
conclusion
This analysis of the relationship between anthropology and psycho-
analysis (within the framework of the institutionalization of psychological
knowledges in Rio de Janeiro) can elucidate the diversity of information
available today about the history of the human knowledges in Brazilian so-
ciety in particular (and in modern Western culture in general). The main
axis of interpretation is to reveal just how deeply the conditions for reflec-
tion and action about the "subject" (in our society) were transformed dur-
ing the past century. In this process—in general terms—a regime in which
metropolitan individualizing ideologies were seen as the instrument of a
global project for the construction of the civilized nation (which brought to
the fore the questions of "race" and "education") gave way to another proj-
ect in which ideologies reflected the experience of "individualization,"
considered already operative in the new economic and social context of
"modernity." This provoked new concerns about the "reflexivity," "con-
sistency," "stability," or "coherence" of these new forms of subjectivity
(which corresponded in this period to the preeminence of questions of
"citizenship" and "freedom").
It can also be seen how, in modern societies, quite different styles of
"moral regulations" can be implemented through the intervention of academic
and scientific knowledges, primarily as a result of the conditions of national
"institutionality." These conditions are not only "quantitative" but also "quali-
tative," especially with respect to therepresentationsof the Person. This last

dimension can be fully developed only through a comparative international
study—which has yet to be conducted.
Translatedfrom the Portuguese by Claudia Quiroga Cortez
notes
1. See Bastide's evocation of the relationship between the two in the collective obituary published
by the Ministry of Education (Vanos Autores 1952).
2. Correa is particularly revealing concerning the articulation between the problem of "civiliza-
tion" and the "racial question" in that period (1982:26,34).
3. In 1954, Dante Moreira Leite made this historical association, which was later revised.
4. Correa evokes the meaningful expression of Afranio Peixoto referring to this question: "the
black eclipse" (1982:349).
5. See Ropa 1982, especially in regard to Porto Carrero and Antonio Austrege'silo—who were
considered the most important pioneers of psychoanalysis in Rio de Janeiro. We find therein the follow-
ing transcription of Austrege'silo, from his Viagem Interior of 1934:
Every day we penetrate ever more deeply into ourselves and we recognize our faults and exalt
our duties, we make daily trips to the intimacy of our personality.... We must know how to
be victorious over ourselves, how to educate ourselves, how to elevate ourselves, because
only with our individual improvements will the world also automatically improve. [Ropa
1982.28]
6. Ramos himself tells us,
In Brazil, the pedagogical aspects of Psychoanalysis have not gone unnoticed. Since 1926,
under the initiative of that tireless worker Professor Emani Lopes, the Brazilian League of
Mental Hygiene was installed and directed by him in the service of psychoanalysis. Porto
Carrero, our great scholar on these matters, started to publicize these services in interviews
with the press, and presented a lecture on "Psychoanalysis and Education," followed by other
essays on the same topic, which are today collected in his books on psychoanalysis. [1934:24]
7. See Peirano 1981, concerning the commandment to "explain Brazil" among Brazilian social
scientists.
8. The first psychoanalytic societies established in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro at the end of the
1920s, as well as the first anthropological associations (the Ethnography and Folklore Society, founded in
Sao Paulo in 1937, and the Brazilian Society of Anthropology and Ethnology, founded by Ramos at the
beginning of 1940s) not only had short lives but also were not symbolically reclaimed by their more
successful successors of the 1950s.
9. Medicine was one of the first disciplines (along with law) to be institutionalized in Brazil. The
first two faculties (in Bahia and Rio de Janeiro) were created in 1830, replacing the older medical-surgery
colleges. The National Academy of Medicine (originally called the Medicinal Society of Rio de Janeiro)
was established in 1829. The Gazeta Midica da Bahia was founded in 1866, and Brazil-Medico in 1887
(cf. Brito 1996). Psychiatry became a part of this process starting from the creation of the Pedro II
Hospice in 1841, which began functioning in 1852 and obtained an administration completely formed by
doctors with Teixeira Brandao in 1886 (cf. Teixeira 1997). The first course of psychiatry was instituted in
1881, and the Arquivos Brasileiros de Psiquiatria, Neurologia e Medicina Legal e Ciencias Afins began
circulation in 1907. For a review of the commitment to moral regulations of medicine in Brazil in the
19th century, see Freire-Costa 1979, 1981; and Machado et al. 1978. In the period of my analysis here,
there was an intense transformation of the professional sphere of medicine, with a notable increase in the
regulatory functions of the state.
10. The contact between Ramos and Bastide in this "first regime" serves to highlight a continuity
that is not usually seen and was not seen at that time either. Although both of these two authors cited each
other and shared—as regards the issues described here—a reverence for Nina Rodrigues as the "founder
of Brazilian anthropology" (according to Bastide), the differences of their academic positions tended to
person and psychologlzation In brazil 165

separate them from each other. It is significant that Bastide never formally joined the "Nina Rodrigucs
School" (cf. Cornea 1982) or sociologists from Sao Paulo during the 1950s—later allied with him—when
they attempted the academic burial of Ramos shortly after his death.
11. Mariza Peirano's analysis is very clear on this point, even alluding to a passage from an
interview with Florestan Fernandes in which he explicitly declares to have passed over anthropology in
favor of sociology at that time (1981:94, ff.).
12. This work was one of the many results of a major research undertaking sponsored by
UNESCO about race relations in Brazil (compared with two other countries) and had been originally
conceived by Arthur Ramos in his short stint as the director of social sciences in 1949 (see specifically
Correa 1982:224; Peirano 1981:99).
13. The most notable exception to the mutual indifference between the two disciplines in that
period seems to be the work of Dante Moreira Leite, O Cardter National Brasileiro (1954), which
contains a review of the positions of the North American school of culture and personality, particularly of
the authors of its later, more "psychoanalytic" phase. At any rate, it is a work that remained quite isolated
from its genre and epoch.
14. See, for example, the important work of Florestan Fernandes, published initially in 1964, A
Integrafdo do Negro na Sociedade de Classes (1965).
15. The National Faculty of Economic Sciences, of the then University of Brazil, and the Faculty
of Economic Sciences and Administration of the USP had recently been established in 1946, and the
Brazilian Institute of Economy was created within the Getulio Vargas Foundation in 1951, seven years
after the creation of that foundation (concerning the institutionalization of economics in Brazil in general,
see Loureiro 1992).
16. The National Council of Research, for example, was created in 1951; the National Bank of
Economic Development—whose FUNTEC would become the Finance Agency for Studies and Projects
and was linked to the Science and Technology Ministry in 1976—was created in 1952.
17. There is a notable delay in the institutionalization of Brazilian psychology in relation to the
metropolitan countries, as can be seen in analysis of the national cases of France and the United States by
Paicheler (1992). For the Brazilian case, see Jac6-Vilela et al. 1997, Lourengo Filho 1955, and Mancebo
1997.
18. The Institute of Psychiatry of the UFRJ (still known today as IPUB) was created in 1938 as a
result of the transfer of the Institute of Psychopathology of the Service for the Aid of Psychopaths of the
Federal District to the then University of Brazil. The institution—possibly because of the greater auton-
omy that its academic statute conferred to it—was always characterized as "an agglutinating center of
diverse contributions to the psychiatric field" (Venancio 1990:149), at least in contrast with the other
asylums of the country.
19. The institute had a long history of psychoanalytical influence (cf. Venancio 1990),
and—though Director Jose Leme Lopes (who invited Velho) was not particularly close to psychoanaly-
sis—the psychoanalyst Eustiquio Portela would soon assume the directorship of the institute.
20. Peirano observes that the specialized courses organized by the anthropologist Roberto Cardoso
de Oliveira in Rio de Janeiro starting in 1960 (he had been trained in Sao Paulo)—which led to the
creation of the program of the National Museum—were "social" and not "cultural" anthropology
courses. She speculates that it was necessary—at that moment—to leave the Sao Paulo milieu (haut lieu
of sociology of the 1950s-60s) in order to rejuvenate the disciplinary field of anthropology (1981:149).
21. In order to better understand this symbolic characteristic, one could explore certain elements of
Velho's family trajectory—particularly the role of his father, an intellectual general in the Army—in the
network of the institutionalization of psychology and his roles as a professor of "military psychology" in
the course for officers and a translator (into Portuguese) of many authors linked to psychoanalysis, such
as E. Fromm and Melarue Klein.
22. This was an era of national reaffirmation of the discipline of anthropology, which is reflected in
the egalitarian statute that it obtained (along with sociology and political science) in the new National
Association of Graduate Programs and Research in the Social Sciences, created in 1977, which soon
became a model for other societies in this area. A crisis of succession in the directorship of the ABA at
the meeting of 1978 can perhaps be understood as a symptom of this process.
23. See, as "symptoms" of the perception of this phenomenon at that time, the article by psycho-
analyst Eduardo Mascarenhas (1978), in which this expression appears, and the famous article criticizing
the "alienation" of "psychoanalytical fashions" by sociologist Luciano Martins, published in 1979 with
the title "A Geracao AI-5."

24. This movement received my critical intervention at the beginning of the 1980s in a text written
jointly with psychoanalyst Daniela Ropa and discussed with a group of psychologists involved with
"applied psychology" in the Acari shantytown on the periphery of Rio de Janeiro (see Ropa et al. 1983).
25. Because this is a relatively recent movement—in which I personally participated by being
academically advised by Velho and being involved in some activities that could be associated with
him—I have information that is both very extensive and very subjective. This demands a double effort of
objectification, including formal interviews with "colleagues." It is even necessary to take into account
the effect of "self-promotion" that could be emerging from this construction of a "genealogy" of my own
work within the Brazilian field (paraphrasing, among others, the relationship of Ramos with Nina
Rakigues; cf. Correa 1982:229).
26. In addition to the massive presence of images from the United States as the counterpoint of
Brazilian national identity starting from the beginning of the 20th century, it must be noticed that the two
key authors of the second regime lived in that country for short periods of their childhoods, and Velho
went back again in 1971 for graduate studies, as I mentioned earlier. The category of modernization
appears in the title of Figueira 1985 (published originally in 1980), for example; and the dichotomy
"modem/archaic" is in the title of Figueira 1986. In Velho, we find mainly "change" and "modernity."
27. It is interesting to point out that the two authors of the second regime came from urban families
of Rio de Janeiro and were exposed to major transformations during the 1960s-70s. Gilberto Velho is
explicit in his work about the effects of his family's move from the traditional neighborhood of Grajau to
the "modern" district of Copacabana, which served as inspiration for his A Utopia Urbana (1972). The
authors of the regime of the interwar period came from a rural context at the turn of the century: Ramos
was the son of a doctor in the little city of Pilar (now Manguaba) in the interior of the State of Alagoas;
Basti'de was born in Ntmes but was brought up in Anduze, in the Cevennes—"the entryway to the
famous Desert," as biographer Maria Isaura Pereira-de-Queiroz writes (1983:8), significantly evoking
Basa'de's Protestant family background.
28. See the provocative title of the volume organized by Velho in 1980—O Desafio da Ci-
dade—which evokes that of his first book—A Utopia Urbana (Velho 1972).
29. Velho was the first and only director of the important Anthropology Series of Zahar Editors
(afterwards Jorge Zahar Editor) starting in 1974 and became a member of the editorial board of the UFRJ
Press in 1990. Figueira occupied the position of director of the Series of Psychoanalysis and Psychology
at the Campus and Francisco Alves Presses between 1975 and 1984. Between the two of them, they
organized ten collected volumes of different authors during that period (between 1978 and 1990), which
kept their dialogue open (grosso modo), with one being jointly edited (Velho and Figueira 1981).
30. Figueira affirmed that during the past decade he has been dedicated to the "theory of psycho-
analytical technique, to the development of a therapeutic practice that is both concrete and practical, and
the comparative study of psychoanalytic paradigms" (personal communication). Velho, on the other
hand, claims that he no longer entered into dialogue with psychoanalysis starting around 1985.
31. Jane Russo (1993), who did a keen analysis of the relationship between social and "academic"
identifications in the psychotherapeutic field of Rio de Janeiro of the 1970s, suggests that the recourse to
the "social" and the "cultural" could have constituted a strategy of alternative symbolic accumulation for
nonmedical psychoanalysts, who were at the height of their struggle for legitimization and jobs in the
market (personal communication).
references cited
Bezerra, Benilton
1994 De me'dico, de louco e de todo mundo um pouco. O campo psiqui&rico no Brasil
dos anos oitenta. In Saude e Sociedade nos anos 80. R. Guimaraes and R. Tavares, eds.
Rio de Janeiro: Relume Dumar.
Boltanski, L.
1993 La Souffrance a Distance. Morale humanitaire, madias et politique. Paris: Editions
Me"tailie.

Braga, Maria-Lucia de S.
1996 Roger Bastide: Paisagista. In Ra?a, Ciencia e Sociedade. Marcos C. Maio and Ri-
cardo V. Santos, eds. Rio de Janeiro: FIOCRUZ/CCBB.
Brito, Guilherme
1996 Drogas: Neg6cios de Estado, Avisos a Pra?a e Defesa da Rac,a. Uma histdria da
constituifao do controle e vigilancia oficiais sobre substancias piscoativas no Brasil:
1900 a 1938. M.A. thesis, ENSP/FIOCRUZ.
Campbell, Collin
1987 The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism. Oxford: Blackwell.
Carrara, Sergio
1996 O tributo a Venus: A luta contra a sifilis no Brasil da passagem do se"culo aos anos
40. Rio de Janeiro: Editora FIOCRUZ.
Carvalho, Cintia A. de
1995 Os Psiconautas do Atlantico Sul. Uma etnografia da Psicanalise. Ph.D. disserta-
tion, Departamento de Ciencias Sociais da UNICAMP.
Correa, Mariza
1982 As ilusoes da liberdade—A escola de Nina Rodrigues e a antropologia no Brasil.
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sao Paulo.
1988 Traficantes do Excentrico. Os antrop61ogos no Brasil dos anos 30 aos anos 60. Re-
vista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais 6(3).
Costa, Nilson do R.
1992 Ciencias Sociais e Saiide: Consideraôes sobre o nascimento do campo da saiide
coletiva no Brasil. Saiide em Debate 36(out.).
Cunha, Luiz A.
1980 A Universidade Tempora. O ensino superior da Colonia a Era Vargas. Rio de Ja-
neiro: Editora Civilizaâo Brasileira.
Cunha, Olivia M. G. da
1994 Cartas ao Mestre. Notas sobre a correspondencia de Arthur Ramos e a invencao
dos Estudos Afro-Brasileiros. Unpublished MS, Museu Nacional, Federal University
ofRiode Janeiro.
Davis, D. L.
1989 George Beard and Lydia Pinkham: Gender, Class, and Nerves in Late 19th Cen-
tury America. In Gender, Health and Illness: The Case of Nerves. D. L. Davis and S. M.
Low, eds. Pp. 93-114. New York: Hemisphere Publishing Corporation.
Duarte, Luiz F. D.
1983 O Culto do Eu no Templo da Razao. Boletim do Museu Nacional (N.S.) 41:1-69.
1986 Da Vida Nervosa (nas classes trabalhadoras urbanas). Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar
Editor/National Council of Research.
1997 Introdu?ao: A andlise da pessoa moderna pela hist6ria e etnografia dos saberes
psicol6gicos. In Cadernos do IPUB. No?ao de Pessoa e Institucionalizac.ao dos Saberes
Psicol6gicos no Brasil, 8.
Duarte, Luiz F. D., and Emerson A. Giumbelli
1994 As concep?oes de pessoa crista e moderna: Paradoxos de uma continuidade.
Anudrio Antropologico 93.
Duarte, Luiz F. D., and Ana T. A. Venancio
1995 O espirito e a pulsao (o dilema fisico-moral nas teorias da Pessoa e da Cultura de
W. Wundt). Mana: Estudos de Antropologia Social 1(1).
Fernandes, Florestan
1954 Le"vy-Bruhl e o espirito cientifico. Revista de Antropologia 2(2).
1956 Psicandlise e Sociologia. Revista de Antropologia 4(2).
1965[1964] A Integrac,ao do Negro na Sociedade de Classes. Sao Paulo: Domi-
nus/EDUSP.

Fcrnandes, Florestan, and Roger Bastide
1955 Relac,5es raciais entre brancos e negros em S3o Paulo: Ensaio sociol6gico sobre as
origens, as manifesta^Ses e os efeitos do preconceito de cor no municfpio de Sao Paulo.
Sao Paulo: UNESCO/Anhembi.
Fernandes, Florestan, O. Costa-Eduardo, and H. Baldus
1950 Arthur Ramos, 1903-1949. Revista do Museu Paulista (N.S.) 5(4).
Figueira, Se"rvulo
1985 Modernizaâo da Famflia e Desorientaâo: Uma das raizes do psicologismo no
Brasil. In Cultura da Psicandlise. Servulo Figueira, ed. Sao Paulo: Brasiliense.
1986 O "moderno" e o "arcaico" na nova famflia brasileira: Notas sobre a dimensao in-
visfvel da mudanca social. In Uma nova famflia? O moderno e o arcaico na famflia de
classe me"dia brasileira. Se"rvulo Figueira, ed. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor.
1990 Common Underground in Psychoanalysis: The Question of a Weltanschauung
Revisited. International Journal of Psyco-Analysis 71.
Figueiredo, Ana-Cristina C.
1984 Estrate"gias de difusao do movimento psicanalftico no Rio de Janeiro. M. A. thesis,
Catholic Pontifical University of Rio de Janeiro.
Freire-Costa, Jurandir
1979 Ordem medica e norma familiar. Rio de Janeiro: Graal.
1981 Hist6ria da psiquiatria no Brasil (um corte ideologico). Rio de Janeiro: Campus.
Gauchet, M., and G. Swain
1980 La pratique de l'esprit humain (l'institution asilaire et la revolution democra-
tique). Paris: Gallimard.
Gusdorf.G.
1974 Introduction aux Sciences Humaines. Essai critique sur leurs origines et leur
de"veloppement. Paris: Ophrys.
Hirschman, A.
1977 The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Tri-
umph. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Jac6-Vilela, Ana M., Ana-Paula B. S. Gon?alves, and Leila A. Oliveira
1997 A profissao de psicologo: Constitui?ao do campo. In Cadernos do IPUB, Noc,ao
de Pessoa e Institucionalizaâo dos Saberes Psicologicos no Brasil, 8.
Lawrence, C. J.
1979 The Nervous System and Society in the Scottish Enlightenment. In Natural Order.
B. Barnes and S. Shapin, eds. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Le Breton, D.
1988 Dualisme et Renaissance. Aux sources d'une representation moderne du corps.
Diogene 142( April-March).
Lougon, Mauncio
1993 Os caminhos da mudanca: A desinstitucionalizaâo da assistencia psiquidtrica
publica. Physis: Revista de Saude Coletiva 3(2).
Loureiro, Maria Rita
1992 Economistas e elites dirigentes no Brasil. Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais
20(7).
Lourenco Filho, M. B.
1955 A Psicologia no Brasil. In As Ciencias no Brasil. Fernando de Azevedo, ed. Sao
Paulo: Melhoramentos.
Machado, Roberto, et al.
1978 Danac,ao da norma: A medicina social e a constitui?ao da psiquiatria no Brasil. Rio
de Janeiro: Graal.

Mancebo, Deise
1997 Da psicologia aplicada a institucionalizaâo universita>ia: A regulamentaâo da
psicologia enquanto profissao. In Cadernos do IPUB, Noc,iio de Pessoa e Institucionali-
zaâo dos Saberes Psicol6gicos no Brasil, 8.
Martins, Luciano
1979 A gera?ao AI-5. Ensaios de Opiniao 11.
Mascarenhas, Eduardo
1978 O Boom da Psicanalise e a Consciencia Nacional. Jornal do Brasil, Cadernos
"Ideias," February 12.
Mokrejs, Elisabeth
1993 A Psicanalise no Brasil. As origens do pensamento psicanalftico. Petr6polis:
Vozes.
Moreira Leite, Dante
1954 O Car&ter Nacional Brasileiro. Ph.D. dissertation, the Department of Philosophy
and Human Sciences, University of Sao Paulo.
Paicheler, G.
1992 L'Invention de la Psychologie Moderne. Paris: L'Harmattan.
Peirano, Mariza
1981 The Anthropology of Anthropology: The Brazilian Case. Ph.D. dissertation, Har-
vard University.
Pereira-de-Queiroz, Maria Isaura
1983 Nostalgia do outro e do alhures: A obra sociologica de Roger Bastide. In Roger
Bastide: Sociologia. Maria Isaura Pereira-de-Queiroz, ed. Sao Paulo: Atica.
Perestrello, Marialzira
1988 Primeiros encontros com a Psicanalise: Os precursores no Brasil (1899-1937). In
Efeito PSI. A Influencia da Psicanalise. Servulo Figueira, ed. Rio de Janeiro: Campus.
Ramos, Arthur
1934 Educa?ao e Psicanalise. Sao Paulo: Editora Nacional.
Ramos-da-Silva, Alexandre S.
1997 A "creanâ brazileira," futuro da naâo: Infancia, educa?ao e higiene mental na
Primeira Repiiblica. In Cadernos do IPUB, Noc,ao de Pessoa e Institucionaliza?ao dos
Saberes Psicologicos no Brasil, 8.
Ropa, Daniela
1982 Analise dos discursos psiquiatricos: O discurso psicologico. M.A. thesis, IMS/
UERJ.
Ropa, Daniela, Luiz F. D. Duarte, et al.
1983 Consideraôes teoricas sobre a questao do atendimento psicol6gico as classes tra-
balhadoras. Cadernos de Psicanalise 4(4).
Russo, Jane
1993 O Corpo contra a Palavra—As terapias corporais no campo psicologico dos anos
80. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.
1997 Existe um sujeito da psiquiatria? In Cadernos do IPUB, Noc,ao de Pessoa e Insti-
tucionaliza?ao dos Saberes Psicol6gicos no Brasil, 8.
Serpa, Octavio D . Jr.
1997 Degenerescencia: Queda, progresso e evolucionismo. In Cadernos do IPUB,
Noâo de Pessoa e Institucionalizaâo dos Saberes Psicol6gicos no Brasil, 8.
Seyferth, Giralda
1989 As ciencias sociais no Brasil e a questao racial. In Cativeiros e liberdade. Jaime
Silva, et al., eds. Pp. 11-31. Rio de Janeiro: UERJ.
Teixeira, Manoel O. L.
1993 O cristal de vdrias faces. A Psicanalise. o campo de saber psiqui&trico e o modelo
assistencial das comunidades terape*uticas. M.A. thesis, Psiquiatria do Inst. de Psiquia-
tria, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro.

1997 Nascimento da Psiquiatria no Brasil. In Cadernos do IPUB, Noc.ao de Pessoa e In-
stitucionaliza?ao dos Saberes Psicol6gicos no Brasil, 8.
V£rios autores
1952 Arthur Ramos. Rio de Janeiro: Ministe'rio da Educa?ao e Saude—Serviô de
Documenta?ao.
Velho, Gilberto
1972 A Utopia urbana. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar.
Velho. Gilberto, ed.
1980 O Desafio da Cidade. Rio de Janeiro: Campus.
Velho, Gilberto, and Se"rvulo Figueira, eds.
1981 Famflia, Psicologia e Sociedade. Rio de Janeiro: Campus.
Venancio, Ana T.
1990 Sobre a "Nova Psiquiatria" no Brasil: Urn estudo de caso do Hospital-Dia do Insti-
tutode Psiquiatria. M.A. thesis, PPGAS, Museu Nacional, Federal University of Rio de
Janeiro.

Duarte - Person and Psychologization in BR PDF

Caricato da

Informazioni sul documento

Titolo originale

Copyright

Formati disponibili

Condividi questo documento

Condividi o incorpora il documento

Opzioni di condivisione

Hai trovato utile questo documento?

Questo contenuto è inappropriato?

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

Duarte - Person and Psychologization in BR PDF

Caricato da

Copyright:

Formati disponibili

person and psychologization

This article looks at the changing relationship between anthropology and

142 journal of latin american anthropology

interaction between the "cultural models of the person," the "organization of

person and psychologization in brazil 143

144 journal of latin american anthropology

the relationship between social and

person and psychologization in brazil 145

146 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 147

148 journal of latin american anthropology

the two regimes

person and psychologization in brazil 149

150 journal of latin amerlcan anthropology

person and psychologlzation in brazil 151

the first regime

152 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 153

On this point see also Ramos-da-Silva (1997).

154 journal of latin amerlcan anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 155

156 journal of latin american anthropology

the long interregnum

person and psychologization in brazil 157

158 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 159

160 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 161

162 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 163

164 journal of latin american anthropology

Translatedfrom the Portuguese by Claudia Quiroga Cortez

person and psychologlzation In brazil 165

166 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 167

168 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 169

170 journal of latin american anthropology

person and psychologization in brazil 171

Potrebbero piacerti anche