Indonesia Circle. School of Oriental & African Studies.

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Kraton, taman, mesjid: A brief survey and

bibliographic review of Islamic antiquities in Java

Timothy E Behrend

To cite this article: Timothy E Behrend (1984) Kraton, taman, mesjid: A brief survey and
bibliographic review of Islamic antiquities in Java, Indonesia Circle. School of Oriental & African
Studies. Newsletter, 12:35, 29-55, DOI: 10.1080/03062848408729594

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03062848408729594

Published online: 01 Aug 2007.

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 29

IC No. 35, Nov. 81+

KRATON, TAMAN, MESJID: A BRIEF SURVEY AND BIBLIOGRAPHIC

REVIEW OF ISLAMIC ANTIQUITIES IN JAVA
TIMOTHY E BEHREND

I. INTRODUCTION

Addressing an assembly of Indology students nearly seventy years ago,

Professor C. Snouck Hurgronje critically observed that up to that time no
study liad been undertaken to compare the Islamic architecture in various
parts of the archipelago with that of Gujarat, the area in western India
from which he speculated Islam in South-East Asia had received its first
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great impetus (Stutterheim, 1927:114). But this lament seemed to fall

on deaf ears. Neither the Oudheidkundige Dienst in Nederlandsch-Indie
(the Archaeological Service of the Dutch East Indies), nor the Dutch
scholarly community in general, ever developed the passionate interest for
Islamic antiquities that it had for the art and architecture of Old Java.
Many thousands of pages of classical Dutch scholarship have described,
interpreted and analysed the physical relics of the pre-Islamic period,
applying them not only to a study of Old Javanese architecture per se3
but to the elucidation of religious, cultural, literary, political, and
economic questions as well. The archaeology of the Islamic period,
however, has been largely overlooked. Indeed, general accounts of the
artistic and architectural history of "Indonesia", such as Hold (1967:92)
and Wagner (1962:154), leave the impression that monumental building, or
significant building of any sort, ended in Java with the fifteenth
century temples Suku and Cetha on Gunung Lawu.

In recent years, this long-standing neglect has begun to give way

with the publication of several excellent studies by talented Indonesian
archaeologists, especially Drs Uka Tjandrasasmita and Hasan Muarif
Ambary. The Islamic Antiquities Section of the Indonesian Archaeologi-
cal Service (Bidang Arkeolgi Islam, Pusat Penelitian Kepurbakalaan dan
Peninggalan Nasional), under the direction of Tjandrasasmita, has also
carried out excavation and survey work at important sites in East, West,
and Central Java, and has sponsored the publication of several archaeo-
logical reports.^ The French journal Arohvpel has also printed several
articles relevant to a study of the Islamic, architecture of Java,3 and
once again Tjandrasasmita and^Ambary appear to^be a major force, together
with Dr Denys Lombard of the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
Even so, the great potential of investigations such as these for the
understanding of Javanese historical and cultural development of the past
four centuries is yet to be generally recognized. Even the most advanced
students of Indonesia in the Islamic period ?re often much more familiar
with the intricacies of Borobudur than with the layout of the mosque and
grave complex at Sendhang Dhuwur, and much more likely to have visited
Candhi Plaosan than Gua Sunya Ragi. It is riot my intention here to
speculate on the network of historical and cultural factors that have
contributed to this somewhat curious state of affairs, but the paradox'
does serve to highlight how little scholarly effort has been invested in
researches oh Islamic antiquities in Java.^
Although there is evidence of a growing liuslimcpresence in Java, per-
haps as eaiirly as the' eleventh,centiiry,^. and certainly, from the^ fourteenth
century, "Islamization" first becomes an important historical and
 30

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

cultural pattern in the sixteenth century. Islamic port towns appeared

along the north coast to participate in the spice and rice trade of the
archipelago even as the hegemony of Majapahit was steadily contracting
after its mid-fourteenth-century apogee. From the very beginning Islam
in Java showed itself to be particularly amenable to the process of
"localization" or adaptation. Customs and cultural forms of the pre-
Hindu and Hindu periods continued to show themselves at all levels of
society and in most practices and products of Islamo-Javanese culture.
This is particularly true in literature, but also in architecture, where
pre-Huslim forms, themes, and motifs were adapted to the needs of the
population vis-a—ois the changed and changing religious life of the times.

My purpose in the present paper is not to attempt to apply the evi-

dence of architecture and archaeology to actual socio-historical argument
or speculation. Instead, I will try to present what up till now has been
totally unavailable in English: a general survey of the foresmost sites
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of Javanese antiquities dating from the first stage of Java's Islamiza-

tion, roughly the fourteenth-eighteenth centuries. This survey is based
almost exclusively on a review of readily available secondary literature
in Dutch and Indonesian. While I have tried to be as thorough as
possible in my search of this literature, some important materials have
certainly escaped my attention. As for the most valuable resources of
all - the writings of early European visitors to Java; primary literary
and other works in Javanese;" collections of maps, photographs, drawings,
and paintings in both Indonesia and the Netherlands;= knowledgeable in-
formants who are heirs to oral traditions passed down through the families
that remain attached to these sites as guardians; and the sites them-
selves, together with the largely unpublished investigational work
carried out in recent years by the Indonesian Archaeological Service -
these remain untapped.

In addition, this survey will restrict itself to only three types of

structures: palaces (kfaton), "pleasure gardens" (taman), and mosques
(mesji-d). In each category a general description of the type will be
given, or one representative example will be used as a model and de-
scribed in some detail. Other significant remains or sites for which I
have been able to gather information will also be mentioned and a brief
description of salient or unique features provided. Relevant material
containing further information will be cited in the running body of notes.
Whenever possible I will indicate what elements of design, use, or
decoration appear to be derived from, or closely related to, pre-Islamic
sources.

While this article will only deal with palaces, gardens, and mosques,
these are not, of course, the only architectural or archaeological re-
mains available for study. Graves and grave-sites, for example, which
together form the most numerous group of Islamo-Javanese antiquities,
have been entirely excluded. Because of their number and diversity, the
relative lack of descriptions in the secondary literature, and the complex
social and religious role they continue to play in contemporary Javanese
life, these deserve a separate and detailed treatment elsewhere. Water-
works, the historical geography of villages and capitals, ceramic and
utensil finds, and other archaeological material will likewise not be
considered here, though their value in reconstructing the history of Java
certainly equals, and may surpass, that of the monuments forming the con-
tent of this essay.
 31

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

II. KRATON
II.1 General

A kraton is a walled and moated collection of buildings at the centre

of the Javanese kingdom where the king, his family, and intimate entourage
reside. The name ka-ratu-an derives from the root ratu3 meaning king, and
so means simply "the residence of the king". Sometimes the word kad"haton}
from the root d"hatu3 which likewise means king, is substituted for kraton.
The two are often used as synonyms, though kadhaton may assume the more
specialized meaning of "royal quarters", which make up only part of the
entire kraton complex.

Though kraton are known and referred to, albeit obliquely, from the
earliest inscriptions of the Old Javanese period (van der Meulen, 1979:23),
little is known of their form and use before the fourteenth century, when .._
Prapanca provided a fairly detailed description of the palace of Majapahit.
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This "kadhaton"3 located near present-day Trawulan, has left no significant

traces, but the description makes it obvious that the Javanese kraton of
the Islamic period, though related, is quite different from that of earlier
eras (Cf. Pont, 1923:123-25). De Graaf postulates that the Mataramese
kings drew on a pasisir tradition of palace construction developed especially
in Cirebon and Demak transmitted through Pajang, though he does not provide
any reasoned proof for this assertion (de Graaf, 1958:107-10).

Though the question of how kraton architecture developed is an im-

portant one, it will not be treated here. We can assume, however, based
on a comparative survey of plans of the Javanese palaces of the Islamic era
for which information is available, that a compelling tradition governed
the general layout of all palaces, though change in the direction of ex-
pansion and elaboration may be discovered in every new foundation - even in.-
the two kratons separated by only a decade and built by the same architect.
The most important kratons of Java include the Kraton Surasowan of Banten;
the Kasepuhan and Kanoman of Cirebon; the old capitals of Mataram at Kutha
Gedhe, Kerta, and Plered; and, pre-eminently, the Kraton Kasultanan of
Yogyakarta and Kraton Kasunanan of Surakarta. Other kratons were built,
such as the rebel palaces at Kediri (Trunajaya) and Pasuruhan (Surapati),
and the numerous pasisir courts of Demak, Giri, and elsewhere, but I am
aware of neither remains nor descriptions of any of these. The several
extant Madurese kratons must also be closely related, but I have been
unable to find out much about them.

The six palaces of the Mataram dynasty -
Kartasura, Surakarta, Yogyakarta - represent a
are related to each other genealogically. In
sidered the putra, son, of its predecessor, ^
on the plan of its parent kraton,
Kuthe Gedhe, Kerta, Plered,
continuous tradition and
fact, a new palace was con"-
and was consciously built

"Since [the construction of the new kratonU

was done in a hurry,
the walls of the palace yard
were only made of bamboo;
tens of thousands of commoners did the work;
now the design of the city
followed Kartasura"
(Poedjosoedarma and Ricklefs, 1967:1001.
Because of the similarity between the various palaces in both form
and use, the description below of the Kraton Kasunanan of Surakarta may
 32
IC No. 35, Nov. 8U
adequately fit all Central Javanese kratons. The palaces of Cirebon and
Banten are also closely related to the Kasunanan, though they do differ in
some respects because of their greater antiquity, and because of natural
regional variation.

In addition to their architectural similarity, Javanese kratons

share a complex and highly developed symbolism. In simplest terms, "the
kratons of the Javanese kings were considered by their inhabitants to be
the middle point of the earth, regardless of where they were located".^
Within the kraton itself Javanese concepts of the macrocosm were repeated
in architectural form and the entire ritual and social activity of palace
life was made to reflect the cosmological character of the kraton (Behrend,
unpublished:passim).

II.2 The Kraton Kasunanan Surakarta

Sometime early in 1746 Sunan Pakubuwana II closed the tumultous
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history of Mataram's fourth capital, Kartasura, with the simple pronounce-

ment:
"Major van Hogendorp, Adipati Pringgoloyo, and all my subjects.
Today I change the name of my capital city Kartasura into the
village Wanakarta. May all of you witness this and spread it
far and wide" (Soewito Santoso, 1973:10).
Thus the hulk of the Kartasura kraton, ruined by two sackings in the so-
called Chinese and Madura wars, was abandoned to the profane landscape and
its cosmic identity transferred to a procession, an ambulatory kraton as
it were, for transit to the new palace, whose temporary walls had just been
raised "a long hour further eastwards" in the village of Sala. Upon his
arrival the King sanctified the site as the new capital, giving it the
name Surakarta Hadiningrat and ordering the planting of the sacred wringin
trees in the northern and southern alun^-alvn. Figure 1 gives an idea of
how the forecourt and entrance to the new palace might have looked; the
site actually picturedis Yogyakarta around 1775.

The new palace, like its predecessors, was constructed as a replica

of Maliyarata, the kraton of Hyang Bathara Hendra in his heavenly kingdom
of Junggring Salaka or Kahendran.^ The temporary buildings hastily
raised for the move were replaced with more permanent and monumental
structures over the next forty years until the palace appeared in 1790
much as it does today, at least with respect to the use of space.
Pakubuwana X renovated and modernized many of the buildings in the kraton
at the beginning of this century, making dramatic changes in the appearance
of individual structures while generally remaining true to the spirit of
the original layout.

The Kraton Kasunanan is a great rectangle enclosed by a six metre ....

high brick wall, or beteng3 measuring approximately 1,000 x 1,800 metres.
This wall is known as the balvwarti,, from a Portuguese word (baluarte)
meaning "bulwark". The baluwarti is like a large town wall
enclosing both the kraton proper, itself walled, and a collection of resi-
dential kampungs. Most of the residents in these compounds were praj'urit
and other royal servants, segregated according to position and status, as
can still be seen in present-day neighbourhood names within the kalxccahan
Baluwarti: Wirengan, Carangan, Tamtaman, Gambuhan, and others.

The walled kraton proper, which splits the beteng compound into two
distinct halves, is roughly rectangular in shape. At its northern and
 33
IC No. 35, Nov. 8U
southern gates the kraton walls connect with the higher ramparts of the
baluwarti3 and beyond these gates lie two large enclosed courtyards CSee
Fig. 2 ) . The palace contains 200 separate buildings or more, and may be
divided into seven functional parts, marked by the letters a-f in the dia-
gram. These parts are:
(a) the northern and southern courtyards (alun-alun) ,'
(b) the "ceremonial axis";
(c) the inner palace (Dalem Prabasuyasa);
(d) the kaputren3 or female residence;
(e) the kadipaten3 or residence of the adipatij
(f) the non-specialized remainder of the kraton enclosure.

The Alun-alim Lor, or northern forecourt, of the kraton was actually

the central square of the town. Not only court cities, but all towns of
any size would have an alun-alun at their centre. To its north was tradi-
tionally located the market centre of the area, the pasar gedhe; to its
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west would stand the central mosque, or mesjid agung of the city. The
local potentate or aristocrat built his dwelling south of the square. In
later times the home and office of the resident Dutch official were located
north of the alun-alun near the market.

The Alun-alun Lor of Surakarta was about 300 metres on each side and
was encircled by a tall wall. Entrance was gained through a monumental
gate at the north of the square, guarded by two statues of monstrous
guards, raseksa, reclaimed from the ruins of a near-by old Javanese temple.
The most outstanding feature of the square was the pair of sacred wrvngvn3
or banyan, trees at its centre. As a gathering place the alun-alun was
often the site of royal pageantry. Tilts, martial dances and exercises,
tiger fights, religious fairs, and other activities that attracted large
numbers of spectators all took place here.

The southern square, Alun-alun K%dul3 was a smaller version of the

northern, but was different in character. It appears to have been a
sort of palace orchard that formed, in effect, the back yard of the kraton.
No public events were held in it.

Between the northern and southern alun-alun was the palace proper.
Along the north-south axis connecting the two squares lay a string of
courtyards, connected by monumental gates or gate buildings, in which the
greater part of the ceremonial life of the kingdom was carried out. There
were seven courts in all. These comprised a large central area, called
Pelataran3 where the main throne of the king and the principal reception
halls were located and six smaller, symmetrically arranged courts, three
to its north and three to its south. The string of courts thus consisted
of:
(.1) the Sitinggil Lor3 an outer audience hall where the king sat on days
of state (Monday, Thursday, Saturday) and from which he conducted
much of the business of state;
(2) the Kernandhungan Lor3 an outer entrance court;
(3) the Srimanganti Lor3 a waiting area for those seeking an audience
with the king;
(4) the Pelataran3 as above;
(5) the Magangan3 a courtyard where, among other things, youthful
apprentices would he trained in the martial arts;
 34

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

(6) the Kemandhungan Kidul3 southern counterpart of (2), as the name
signifies, but this identification is mainly for the sake of
symmetry - the southern courts of the kraton were much less
important than the northern courts, and had less clearly de-
fined functions in the ceremonial life of the court;
(7) the Sitinggil Kiduls as (1) above with the provisions of (6).

The single most important building in the kraton complex lay just
to the west of the ceremonial axis at the centre of the Pelataran. This
was the Dalem Prabasuyasa3 the ritual heart of the palace. Rather than
the residence proper of the king, as was thought by some, the Prabasuyasa
was actually a building used principally for the storage of the royal
palladia, the sacred heirlooms that the ruler must control for his kingdom
to prosper and be at peace. Within the several rooms of this large build-
ing were kept, among other things, an ornamental bed; a set of statues, the
loro blonyOj representing Dewi Sri and Dewa Sadana; the eternal flame of
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Ki Agung Sela;l° the sekar wijaya kusuma3 or sacred flower that would
blossom as long as the king possessed the wahyu3 or right to rule;19 the-,
state regalia, or amp-lien dalem-, and the symbols of state, or upaaara.
If the kraton is seen as a microcosm, an architectural representation of
the Javanese universe, then the Dalem Prabasuyasa is the very peak of the
Meru, the world-mountain in Old Javanese mythology and the Wayang plays.
The character of the Prabasuyasa is shown in its geomantic quality of
physical centrality and in its use as the proper environment to control
the sacred and powerful heirlooms that might otherwise cause harm and
destruction as well as in many other ways (Behrend, unpublished:110-25).

The east-west axis of the kraton was dominated by residence areas.

The most well-defined of these were the Kaputren to the west of the cere-
monial axis, and the Kadipaten to the east. The former was the residence
of the wives, children, and female relatives to the king; the latter was
the quarters of the crown prince and his entourage. Scattered throughout
both the eastern and western residential areas of the kraton were also
found a number of specialized places of industry, the auxiliary service
institutions of the palace, and several gardens and mosques.

The Kraton Kasunanan today is greatly diminished. Much of the area

of the former palace complex has been turned over to secular purposes.
The Alun-alun Lor3 for example, is no longer the sacred space where once
commoners' could only tread unshod, and where none but the king could pass
between the sacred wring-in trees at its centre. Today it is a bustling
arena filled with traffic and the fumes of the Daihatsu mini-buses that
use it as a depot. The Sitinggil Lor3 until recently, housed both a
university and an academy of the performing arts. A palace museum has
taken over the area of the former Kadipaten and an elementary school is
now housed in the Kemandhungan Kidul. Even so, the royal palace of
Surakarta remains a fascinating place to visit. More important, the
Kraton Kasunanan retains, as do the other kraton of Java, its inestimable
value as a historical artifact that has yet to come under the close
scrutiny of scholars interested in the cultural history of Java.

II.3 Yogyakarta
The Kraton Kasultanan was founded about ten years after the Kraton
Kasunan (A.D. 1755), and is virtually identical with it. _» One interest-
difference is the "reversed polarity" of the Yogya kraton. After the
splitting of the kingdom, the palace organization of Yogyakarta was re-
 35

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

a.

1
-
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A
c

1 f
k
V
Q

a.

Figure 1: Simplified plan of the Kraton Kasunanan. (.Not to scale.)

 36

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

arranged in such a way that an office that was classified as "left-handed"
in Surakarta (such as the svnganagaran executioners), and was consequently
housed west of the central axis of a ceremonial court, became reclassified
as "right-handed" in the Yogyakarta administration. It followed that the
corresponding building was necessarily relocated east of the central axis,
though remaining in the same courtyard as its Surakarta counterpart.
Another difference is the expanded and more highly developed form of the
southern courtyards of the Kraton Kasultanan, especially the Kemandhungan
Kidul and the Sitinggil Kidul.

1I.4 Mataram
Remains of Mataram1 s seventeenth century capitals at Kutha Gedhe,
Kerta, and Plered have all but disappeared.24 in the few places where
brickwork is preserved, it is constantly threatened by scavengers who, as
at Plered, have made an enterprise of either recycling the bricks whole,
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or of pulverizing them to make red cement (Laporan survai, 1978:9). At

Kartasura, on the other hand, the entire inner kraton wall survives in
relatively good condition, as does a small section of western outer wall
(beteng). Archaeological excavations at these sites would undoubtedly
produce valuable material finds. Such research, however, is greatly
hampered by the budget limitations of the Islamic Antiquities Section of
the Indonesia Archaeological Service, and by the presence of squatters who
live in the precincts of several of these ruinous capitals.

11.5 Pajang
As with Kutha Gedhe, the mid-sixteenth century kraton of Pajang has
left very few remains. A recent "archaeological survey (17 July-6 August
1980) was carried out at this site, and several noteworthy artifacts were
unearthed, despite the very limited scope of the exacations. Among these
finds was the head a small terracotta statue that bears a striking re-
semblance to terracotta and stone statuary of the Trawulan/Majapahit style
(Ambary, 1983).

1I.6 Cirebon
There are four kratons in Cirebon, two major and two minor. The
most important of these, the Kraton Kasepuhan, or Palace of the Senior
Sultan, is also the oldest. Its foundation dates to 1529. The second
major palace is the Kanoman, or Palace of the Junior Sultan, established in
1622. The two minor palaces are the Kraton Kacirebonan and Kraton
Kaprabon. Whether these are actually kraton or not is unclear to me.
They may be simply t-stana, or palaces lacking in the full cosmological
symbolism of the kraton proper. In this case they would be comparable to
the Istana Mangkunagaran in Surakarta, which is built on the plan of a
kabupaten residence. 5

The ancient gateways, walls, S%tinggil3 pillar bases, and over-all

arrangement of the Kraton Kasepuhan are among, its most interesting
features, as they show a clear and direct link with the architectural pro-
ducts of late Majapahit times in East Java. A report in 0V3 1918:53-56,
suggests that the Kraton Kasepuhan, together with other roughly contempor-
aneous antiquities in and near Cirebon, represents a key link between
Balinese and late Old Javanese architectural traditions. Tjandrasasmita.
(1975CaH) provides a more detailed comparison of decorative motifs found
in the Cirebon palaces and at nearby sites with related devices at well-
known remains from the Majapahit era. Chinese influences also appear to
 o
U)

o
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00

00
Fig.2. 4

Figure 2. Sitinggil of the Kraton Kasepuhan, Cirebon

(from Oudeidkundige Verslag in Nedevlandsch-
Indie, 1928:plate 8a).
Figure 3. Carved medallion Mantingan (from Oudheid-
kundige Verslag in Nederlandsoh-Indie, 1930:
plate 17b).
Figure h. Winged gateway, Sendhang Dhuwur (from A. J.
Bernet Kempers (l959:plate 3^6). Copyright
Van der Peet, Amsterdam).

Fig.3.
 38

IC No. 35, Nov. 8k

be more pronounced in the Kasepuhan, and in other Cirebon antiquities
generally, than at any other Javanese sites (07, 1940:8).

Another striking feature of the Kraton Kasepuhan is the several

gardens within its walls with, their artificial hills and "grotto" decora-
tions. It is also remarkable that the beteng of the Kasephuahn is
circular, not square or rectangular as is the case with most palace walls.
The remains of the original palace of Cirebon's first ruler, Sunan Gunung
Jati, are also located within the precincts of the Kraton Kasepuhan.

The younger Kraton Kanoman is very like the Kasepuhan in architect-

ural style and layout. Both the Kanoman and Kasepuhan were recently re-
stored (1975-77).

1I.7 Banten
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The present condition of the Kraton Surasowan, the former palace of

Banten, is similar to that of the earlier Mataram capitals.26 Some
sections of the beteng wall remain, together with the foundations of a few
buildings, a bathing fountain (pemandian), and a garden with bale kambang.
The entrance gate opening into the alun-alun survives fairly well intact.
The ruins of the beteng indicate that strong bastions were built at the
fourt corners of the 'kraton walls. According to the Sejarah Banten, the
Surasowan (also called Kadhaton Pakuwuan) was built during the reign of
Maulana Hasanuddin (r. 1552-70).

A second ruined kvaton} called Kraton Kaibon, stands near the

Surasowan. I am unclear as to the relationship of this kraton to the
main palace of Surasowan, and as to the date of its establishment.

11.8 Other sites

There are many other sites in particular along the eastern pas-is-ir3
where the ruins of sixteenth and seventeenth century kratons lie at or just
below the surface. These are nowhere explored in the literature, however,
and must await increases in the budget of the Indonesian Archaeoligical
Service before becoming more generally known. Indeed, no satisfyingly
comprehensive history of the pasisir can be produced until the necessary
archaeological data of this sort are made available and interpreted by
experts. ,

III. TAMAN 2 7

III,1 General
Among the originally, numerous, but now mostly lost, architectural
products of the Islamic courts of Java were the diverse taman3 or pleasure
gardens. As in other garden traditions of the archipelago, notably at
Aceh (Lombard:-967:127-39), Malacca, Sunda, Bali, and Lombok (Lombard,
1969:135-41), the royal gardens of Java exhibited certain unusual features
that distinguised them from common parks in the modern sense. Besides the
expected complement of flowering and fruit-bearing plants, the royal
gardens also usually had some sort of waterworks and an artificial hill, a
tower or some other type of mountain symbol. Frequently the mountain was
represented as a building at the centre of a pool, and as such was called
a bale karribang3 or floating pavilion. In fact, an important common
feature of the architecturally divergent Javanese taman is their regular
 39

IC No. 35, Nov. 8k

emphasis on a dualistic symbolism of mountain and sea. The artificial
hills or other mountain motifs are contrasted with pools, ponds, and
canals. At Sunya Ragi the pond behind the central "cave hermitage" was
called segara, or sea, and the old garden Tasik Ardi "Sea-and-Mountain" at
Banten was named in a conscious application of this theme.

This dualistic symbolism is also reflected in the compound uses of

the garden. On the one hand, the royal toman were designed as beautiful
parks, lush and extravagant settings filled not only with the aesthetic
pleasures of art and nature, but with rich sensual amusements as well. For
the king, these "jardins of d'amour" became a celestial retreat, an earthly
paradise, "ou le roi vient vivre sa vie de dieu" (Lombard, 1969:171).
These same taman3 though, could also serve as patapan, or retreats, the
very antithesis of the pleasure park. To the patapan the king would re-
tire to meditate and practise asceticism, to concentrate his mental and
spiritual powers in solitude, and to prepare himself for divine direction.
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Meditation in a royal taman would have been considered particularly effi-

cacious in part at least because their moated, mountainous plan made them,
like the kvaton itself, into simulacra of the world-mountain, and thereby
sacred microcosms in their own right.

References in the habad literature indicate that numerous pleasure

gardens were built by successive kings, both in Old Javanese times and in
the Islamic era (Lombard, 1969:138). Of these only a few have left
substantial remains. These include Tasik Ardi; the kraton gardens of
Cirebon and Sunya Ragi; Baleretna; and Taman Sari. Each is briefly
described below.

11I.2 Tasik Ardi

Tasik Ardi, 6 km. south-west of the Kraton Surasawan, is among the
oldest of the surviving Javanese gardens, but the least well preserved.28
Its construction is attributed to Sultan Agung of Banten (r. 1651-82). All
that remains today is the brickwork of a large basin, roughly 200 metres
square. At its centre is an artificial islet with the debris of a pier
and a two-storey stone building.

111.3 Cirebon palace gardens

There are gardens within both the Kraton Kasepuhan and the Kraton
Kanoman at Cirebon.29 They appear to date from some time in the seven-
teenth century. Both gardens have several artificial hills, the surfaces
of which are covered with rocks, as well as small buildings finished with
rough rocks set in cement. An artificial cave, guarded by two fanged
lions, is found at the rear of the Kasepuhan garden. The sultan is said
to have retired to its darkness to meditate. No sea symbols appear to
have survived to match the many mountain symbols in these gardens, or at
least no moats or basins are mentioned in the two descriptions that appear
in the literature.

111.4 Sunya Ragi

The Gua Sunya Ragi, on the outskirts of Cirebon, dates from the
early eighteenth century (c. 1703).30 it is a complex of structures of
several sorts, the most important being gua3 or caves, built within arti-
ficial hills, some of which are finished in the rocky style mentioned
above, and rectangular brick pavilions. The caves, hills, and buildings
are joined together by a labyrinthine system of courtyards and passageways.
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The entire complex faces east (like many oandhis most mosques, and the
Prdbasuyasa), while behind it, spreading out to the west, was originally
an artificial lake^ called segava3 or "sea". In the lake was an island,
formed by a low natural hill, upon which stood a small brick building.
Within this complex are still to be found several basins, statues of a
gavuda and an elephant, numerous large pots of stone, and a monumental
candhi bentar gate similar to that giving entrance to the Sitinggil of the
Kraton Kasepuhan. The caves and particularly the large central "mountain"
of Sunya Ragi remain fairly well preserved. Lombard ends his description
with the conclusion that Sunya Ragi was designed above all as a "jardin de
meditation de type tres particulier", and sees in it "la representation
materielle d'un de ces itineraires mystiques, dont on trouve si souvent
mention dans la philosophe javanaise", though the specific relationship of
the architecture of Sunya Rafi to one of these "itineraries" remains
obscure.
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111.5 Baleretna
A single source gives a bare description of a garden, similar to
those at Cirebon, lying within the walls of the Kraton Kasunanan
(Zimmerman, 1919:320). The Baleretna, meaning Jewel Pavilion, flanks the
east side of the Dalem Vvabasuyasa, mentioned above as the central and
most sacred structure of the palace. It is difficult to decipher
Zimmerman's diagram, and no further enlightenment is available elsewhere,
but the Baleretna's northern half seems to consist of some sort of square
enclosure (walled field? watery basin?) with an octagonal structure at
its centre. South of this section of the park is the man-made hill
Ngavgapuraj meaning "Mountain of the Capital", with a small pavilion at its
crest. Around the hill are situated several outbuildings for entertain-
ment and sleeping and for storage of the food and refreshment served to
visitors. One of the sleeping chambers is called Ngendraya^ meaning
"Indra's Heaven", the mythological realm of Indra located atop Mt. Meru.
Thus in nomenclature and layout the mountain theme is clearly evident at
Baleretna, while the sea theme is at best unclear, as was the case with
the kraton gardens at Cirebon. The Kraton Kasultanan has no comparable
garden within its walls.

111.6 Taman Sari

In -contrast to the other gardens of Java, which are relatively un-
known, and of which one finds few descriptions, the Taman Sari is both
well-known and abundantly described. Few Westerners who visit Yogyakarta,
whether as professional scholar or distracted tourist, leave the city
without having visited the monumental ruins of Taman Sari, usually in the
company of a local tour guide or enterprising urchin. Fleeting impressions
of the major structures of the garden may be sharpened from any number of
sources, including numerous tour guides and other popular publications.
Most valuable, though, are several scholarly descriptions (Dumarcay, 1978;
Groneman, 1885; Lombard, 1969; Ricklefs. 1974:84-86), which, together
with the first-hand account made by Major Carl Friedrich Reimer after his
visit to Taman Sari in 1791 (Bosboom, 1902), give a very complete picture
of how the park must have looked at its height. In the present survey,
therefore, I will give only a very brief description of the highlights of
the site.

Built between 1758 and 1765, Taman Sari lies just west of the
Kraton Kasultanan. It originally comprised some fifty buildings in a
dozen or more- contiguous walled gardens. The most striking structures
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in the complex were the Pula Kenanga, a very large building of three
storeys set in the centre of a huge, flooded basin, and accessible only by
raft or by subaquatic passages, lit along their length by sky lights pro-
truding above the surface of the pond; and the Sumur Gumuling, a circular
tower of two storeys, identified as a mosque, of which the lower storey
was below the water level, the upper above, and to which access could be
had by subaquatic passage only. The centre of the Sumur Gumuling was an
open space, filling both storeys, through which four flying stairways led
from the bottom level to a suspended platform; from there a single flying
stairway continued up to the top floor. Directly under the suspended
platform was a large round well. The king is said to have come here to
meditate, sitting on the platform and thus suspended half-way between
heaven and earth. Also remarkable was the monumental winged screen wall
at the main entrance to the garden (the west), which was highly ornamented
and displayed a continuity of theme with the well-known winged gates of
Sendhang Dhuwur.
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Most of the remains of Taman Sari are readily accessible to visitors,

and in a fair state of preservation, but the dense population of squatters
in the area threatens their survival. Lombard's hope (1969:139, n.l)
that a Borobudur-style renovation project, with the support of B. Ph.
Groslier and the Portuguese Embassy in Jakarta, could be carried out,
seems all but impossible today.

IV MESJID

VI.1 General
More scholarship has been devoted to a study of the Javanese mosque
than to any of the other sorts of Islamic antiquities on the island, but
here, as with the kraton3 this has often taken the form of description
rather than interpretation.

The earliest mosques built in Java would have been constructed in

the first years of the success of Islam on the north coast, and so would
have been built in the mid-fifteenth century at the latest. The Kidung
Sunda even contains reference to a "Masigit Agung" in the capital of
Majapahit, which must have been the Friday gathering place for the Muslims
now buried at Tralaya and Trawulan (Robson, 1981:278). But no remains of
these early structures, which were presumably constructed largely of wood,
are known. The oldest surviving mosques or ruins date to the early
sixteenth century, and these have almost all undergone major rebuilding and
remodelling in the course of time.

The Javanese mosque was a distinctive structure with few readily

apparent architectural ties to the mosques of India, Persia, or the Middle
East. Generally speaking, the Javanese mosque was a square building con-
structed on a raised, square fundament.34 This offers a contrast to the
neighbourhood prayer and study house (langgar) of Java which, like those
common in the rest of the archipelago, stood on poles.

The building usually faced east and was surrounded by a wall at some
distance, creating a spacious yard around the mesj-id. This wall was
usually penetrated by a single, inass'ive gate in the east, which often took
the form of a candhi bentar3 or "split-temple gate". The mesjid, like
both the kraton and the taman3 was thus set apart as a sacred place in the
same way as an Old Javanese or Balinese temple. The walls were usually
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low and were often decorated with designs in relief, with inset plates or
carved medallions, or with decorative, candhi-like ornaments at the corners
and elsewhere.

The mosque itself was usually built in a traditional house form

called limasan that is characterized by a central group of four pillars
(saka guru), which carry the brunt of the structural weight, and series of
smaller pillars arranged in regular rows around these.35 The roof of the
mesj'id was pyramidal (called taj'uk style) and was built in stepped tiers.
The higher the number of roof tiers, the greater the prestige of the
mosque. Thus, village models would typically display two roof-storeys,
while the grand mosques of the court cities exhibited four or even five.
A jewel-like finial, called mustaka3 was set on the pyramidal peak of most
mosque roofs.

In some cases the tiered roof reflected a structural division of the

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mosque into several storeys, generally with each storey receding and set
off by a skirting roof. Japara, Surabaya, and Banten were three mosques
in which this structural layering was particularly important. When the
mesjid was divided thus into several different storeys, each floor was used
for a different purpose:36 e.g. the ground floor for the regular Friday
khotbdh; the second floor for those who wished to fulfil their religious
duties in seclusion for a period of months; and the highest floor for the
call to prayer.

In mosques without a tower-like plan, the muezzin called the faith-

ful to prayer from the veranda, or surambi3 another distinctive feature of
the Javanese mesjid. Before the end of the last century virtually no
mosques built by the Javanese had ia minaret.37 The surambi, like the
pendhapa3 or reception pavilion, of a traditional house, was the place in
the mosque complex where the social aspect of the structure was focused.
It was used on such occasions as religious meals, marriage ceremonies, and
various meetings, and fasting men and boys would often gather there of an
afternoon during Ramadan to sleep, study, or laze about until sunset.
None of these activities was proper to the mosque's interior.

As mentioned above, the muezzin took his station on the surambi in

most mosques. The signal drum (bedhug) - which was sounded before the
prayer call, at the moment when the fast was to be broken and in emergencies
to warn or gather the people - also hung in this precinct. The veranda
is a late addition to the Javanese mosque, an innovation of Mataram period
that first appeared in the seventeenth century (de Graaf, 1947:296-99).
The introduction of this veranda may have come as the. result of an effort
to adapt a ritually oriented structure to a more domestic use by appending
a pavilion, intended for less formal socializing and borrowed from domestic
architecture, at a time when Islam was becoming more Javanized and more
significant at the social level. The clear bifurcation of the two
functions is evident in that the suvarribi is structurally detached from the
mosque: it supports its own roof, is often open, and is separated from
the interior of the mosque by massive doors, sometimes even a monumental
port.

Mosques face east, so the surambi is on the east side of the building;
one or two sets of doors lead from it to the mosque's interior. There,
on the west wall, is a niche (mihrab) - sometimes two - indicating the
direction of Mecca, called kiblat.38 The mimbar (a high podium or "sermon
seat") was located in this niche or in the second niche directly adjacent
to the first. It was constructed of wood or brick and was often lavishly
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IC No. 35, Nov. 8U
carved and decorated in styles carried over from pre-Islamic times.

One final element of the Javanese mosque that is of particular inter-

est is the moat surrounding the mesjid proper that appeared in many of the
early mosque complexes. At times the moat was of such a width that the
mosque was effectively built on an island - a bale kambang. Almost all of
the important seventeenth- and eighteenth-century mosques had this feature,'
including Japara; the Grand Mosques of both Surakarta and Yogyakarta; the
Mesjid Bandengan at Surakarta; Mesjid Watu at Yogya; Demak; Kajoran; and
others (de Graaf, 1947:299-301). As mentioned above, moats also formed
a distinctive feature in other types of buildings of this period, in
particular the kraton and royal gardens.

Several theories have been proposed to explain the origin of the

unique architectural style of the Javanese mosque. Rouffaer thought that
it was adapted from a Buddhist structure known from the fourteenth century
(de Graaf, 1947:290). Sutterheim asserted that the building was related
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to a Balinese hall in which cock-fights were held (ibid.). Hidding

(1933) argued more convincingly that the mosque's moated tiered-roof form
was related to other buildings and designs commonly thought to represent
the world mountain, Meru. In the two works cited above, de Graaf
suggested, though without insisting, that the mesjid in its tower form may
have an Indian precedent, perhaps in Malabar or Kashmir. The most plaus-
ible theory, however, is that of Pijper (194.7), who, without elaborating
on his hypothesis, credited the Javanese tradition with adapting pre-
existing building types to the ritual needs of the new Javanese religion.
There is room in such a theory to accommodate elements of all the approaches,
if not all the details, mentioned above.

The most important surviving mosques of the sixteenth to eighteenth

centuries are listed and described below, in alphabetical order of loca-
tion. The reader should note that the descriptions are limited mainly to
the mosques proper, and not to the entire mosque complex, which almost
always consists of the mosque and accompanying graveyard-cum-shrine. Un-
fortunately for the cultural historian, most of the ancient Javanese
mosques have been in constant use since they were built and have all under-
gone periodic remodelling and renovation. None is therefore the same now
as when first built, and many have been rebuilt in this century in such a
way that the original conception of the building is almost completely lost.
Even at such sites, however, some portions of the older structure -
whether gateways, walls, or pillars - remain unobliterated.

IV.2 Mesjid Agung, Banten

The sixteenth-century Mesjid Agung at Banten was a royal mosque with
a five-tiered roof. ^ The lower three of these tiers; conformed to storeys
within the mosque while the top two were merely decorative. Like grand
mosques in other Javanese capitals it was built just to the west of the
Alun-r-alun Lor. Today it is in a far better state of preservation than the
Kraton Surasowan with which it is contemporaneous.

South of the Mesjid Agung is a two-storey, rectangular building in a

seventeenth-century Dutch style, called the Gedung Tiyamah. It is said
to have been built by the Dutchman Lucas Cardeel, and was originally used
for meetings of mystical brotherhoods, congregational feasts, and other
social purposes - precisely the functions of the snrambit which the Mesjid
Agung lacks. A second structure, a Dutch-style, round tower, looking
very much like a lighthouse, served as the minaret of the mosque. A mid-
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IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

sixteenth-century date has been given to this tower.

Not far from the Mesjid Agung are the few remains of another sixteenth-
century mosque, somewhat older than the Mesjid Agung itself, called Mesjid
Pacinan. Tinggi. The foundations of this mosque are of both brick and stone.
Beside it are the foundations of a rectangular stone tower. The minarets
at these two unique mosques are somewhat anomalous in the history of
Javanese mosque architecture and have never been satisfactorily explained.
Similar structures, though, are found in the KratonKasultanan (now des-
troyed) and Kraton Kasunanan (Panggung Sanggabuwana) as well as at other
locations.

Several other mosques of some antiquity are also located around the
vicinity of Banten, but no descriptions are available.

IV.3 Mesjid Agung, Cirebon

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The Mesjid Agung of the Kraton Kasepuhan in Cirebon is also some-

times referred to as Mesjid Cipta Rasa and Mesjid Pakung Wati.^O It is
said to have been built under the direction of Sunan Gunung Jati, Sunan
Kalijaga, and others of the Wdl'i Sanga. Nine gates, representative of
the "Nine Saints", give entry to the mosque compound: one in the eastern
wall and four each in the northern and southern. These gates and the
outer wall are probably of a later date than- the early sixteenth-century
foundation of the mosque itself.

The original plan of the mosque was square. The surambi extensions
are later additions. The two-tiered roof is supported by four huge
pillars, the saka gvtru. One of the smaller pillars is a "saka tatal", a
bundle of wooden sections held together by an iron band. The floor of the
mosque is tiled in red terracotta. Both the walls of the mosque and the
mihrab axe. decorated with carved floral patterns similar to those at
Mantingan.

IV.4 Mesjid Panjunan, Cirebon

The Mesjid Panjunan, a small mosque in the Arab quarter of Cirebon,
was recently described in Brakel and Massarik (1982). An earlier report
in 0V3 1940, contains several excellent photographs taken after a faithful
restoration project. Among the most striking features of this mosque are
the several winged gates; the stone "lotus" bases on which the ancient
pillars of the oldest part of the mosque stand; the seventeenth-century
china plates set in the walls; and the pawestren^ or women's sanctuary.
The siwavnbi seems to be an addition to the original plan, supporting
de Graaf's view that the surambi originated in Mataram and spread out from
there during the course of the seventeenth century. The entire mosque is
built in a particularly simple and austere style, though apparently later
additions seem rather less restrained than the oldest portions.

IV.5 Mesjid Agung, Demak

The Babad tanah Jawi relates how the Wali Sanga gathered at Demak to
build a mosque. Sunan Kalijaga arrived late, after most of the prepara-
tions had been made. His contribution to the work was quickly to bind
together loose scraps of wood with iron bands to form the last saka - a
saka tatal as at Cirebon.

The Mesjid Agung has been repaired and rebuilt several times since
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IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

its founding in the mid-sixteenth century. The present suramhi3 for

example, was added to the originally square structure in 1845 (de Graaf,
1963:2). A Dutch restoration project was carried out in 1926. Major
changes have been introduced in recent years, particularly in the renova-
tions of 1974-75.

One interesting feature of the Mesjid Agung Demak was that its
pawestrerij or women's sanctuary, originally formed a distinct building,
separated from the main sanctuary of the mosque by a narrow corridor
(Brakel and Massarik, 1982:30). The mosque roof was triple-tiered. In-
side, on the rnihrab wall, was a mural of a tortoise, which some have inter-
preted as a chronogram depicting the year A.D. 1478, though this is pro-
bably too early, for the construction of the mosque. Tjandrasasmita
(1976:7) has observed that some features of the Mesjid Agung Demak,
particularly the decorative carving on some gravestones in the mosque
courtyard, are very similar to Cirebon styles.
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IV.6 Mesjid Angke, Jakarta

Several mosques in Jakarta date to the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, but of these only one is described in any detail - the Mesjid
Bali, or "la mosquee des Balinais".^ This mosque was built by the resi-
dents of the Balinese quarter of Batavia in 1761 in the neighbourhood
north of the present-day Pancoran in Kota (Kampung Angke), and has
apparently changed little since its construction. It is a rather small
building of brick with a two-tiered roof. Crowning the roof is a mustaka
in the shape of a stone vase. One interesting feature of the interior is
the masonry mivtoav built directly into the wall beside the mihvab. The
minibav in most mosques is of wood and is freestanding. One gravestone in
the mosque cemetery (now removed to the museum) was inscribed with Chinese
characters. De Haan asserts that the architect of the building must him-
self have been Chinese because of the strongly Chinese lines of the roof.
At the same time, the stoop, door, and lintel are all reminiscent of styles
found in the fine old houses along the former Kalibesar West.

Batavia, of course, is architecturally anomalous because of the

mingling there of numerous international influences, and the Mesjid Angke
may not be appropriately considered a true Javanese mosque. Yet it would
still be valuable in a study of Javanese mosque architecture to trace the
interplay of traditions - Dutch, Javanese, Chinese, Sundanese, Balinese -
in both this mosque and on other old Jakarta mosques at Cilincing, Kebun
Jeruk, and elsewhere.

IV.7 Mesjid Agung, Japara

The old Mesjid Agung of Japara long ago disappeared leaving little
or no trace. I include it here nevertheless because of the study made by
de Graaf (1936) of several seventeenth-century accounts of this "Moren
tempel binnen de stadt lapare". The well-known travelogues of Nicolaus
de Graeff, Abraham Bogaert, and Wouter Schouten all make reference to the
mosque and give brief but useful descriptions. In addition, Schouten's
wprk contains two prints, one of the mosque itself, another of Japara
(including the Mesjid Agung) as seen from the harbour.

The Mesjid Agung Japara stood in a large enclosure surrounded by a

stone wall. Within this enclosure were several small pavilions and
numerous trees. A broad moat encircled the mesji.d3 spanned by a stone
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IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

bridge guarded by a pair of carved lions- The mosque building was a
square, suvanibi-less tower with a tiered roof. The illustration in
Schouten, some details of which have been called into doubt, shows a five-
storey tower with skirting roofs at each floor. As depicted, this tower
shows remarkable similarities to the Panggung Sanggabuwana (built 1782), a
tower of five stories in the Kraton Kasunanan.

While this mosque is no longer available for first-hand inspection,

any complete study of Javanese architecture of the Islamic period will have
to consider early descriptions such as those referred to above.

IV.8 Menara Kudus

While the mesg'id proper at Kudus has been greatly altered, its well-
known tower is preserved intact, together with much of the original wall
encircling the mosque grounds.^ The architectural similarities of the
Menara Kudus (built in the early sixteenth century) to late East Javanese
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art are many and striking, including the gateways, both "split-temple" and
covered (cf. de Haan, 1923), brick size and the technique of bricklaying.
The entire tower looks very much like the lower stages of an East Javanese
aandhi3 or, as has been so frequently noted, a Balinese kulkut tower. At
several points in its walls pottery dishes are inlaid, reminiscent of the
practice in Balinese pura architecture. Inlaid dishes are found in many
early Islamo-Javanese structures, including both mosques and palaces in
Cirebon, and the practice probably derives from the ornamental medallion
work of East Javanese temples.

IV.9 Mantingan
The mosque at Mantingan (south of Japara) was reputedly built around
1555 by Ratu Kalibyamat, widow of the rulei4 of Japara. It is now largely
altered, though one of,its most marellous features has been preserved in
the present structure. Dozens of relief panels in the shape of round or
oblong medallions were saved and set in the walls and pillars of the
restored Mantingan mosque. These reliefs have received a good deal of
attention, and excellent photos of many carved medallions have been pub-
lished. These panels are rich in floral and faunal life and exude the
same vibrant, lively atmosphere as the panel reliefs at Panataran and else-
where in East Java. The Mantingan reliefs are in fact successors to the
East Javanese style. One significant development, due directly to the
effect of Islam, is that no human figures are depicted in any of the
salvaged medallions. Strongly geometric patterns also make their appear-
ance .

IV.10 Sendhang Dhuwur

The original mosque at Sendhang Dhuwur (mid-sixteenth century) is no
longer standing, but the remains of some pillars, pillar bases, and other
objects are stored in a special pendhapa near the new mosque. Other anti-
quities in the mosque compound, though, especially those associated with
the graveyard, are still partly intact and represent a rich display of
sixteenth-century Islamo-Javanese architecture.45

The winged gates of Sendhang Dhuwur are the most striking examples of
that form preserved in the whole of Java, and they offer strong evidence
that the world mountain motif, so prominent in the architecture of both
kvaton and taman3 is also reflected in the Javanese mosque (see
Tjandrasasmita, 1964). The multi-tiered roof of many early mosques partakes
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IC No. 35, Nov. Qk

of the same symbolism.

An ancient teak nrCmbar is preserved at the site of Sendhang Dhuwur,

though it is now no longer used, but kept in a storeroom. The decorative
carving on the legs and pillars of the mirribar3 which is in the shape of a
large chair, incorporates motifs closely related to some known from Old
Javanese art, including floral patterns and stylized kala-makaras.
Tjandrasasmita concludes that "the form and decoration of the ancient
mirnbav in Indonesia were not created by foreign Moslems, but by Indonesians
who already knew the artistic tradition of the Hindu-Indonesian religious
concepts" (Tjandrasasmita, 1975CbD:41).

Relief sculpture is more developed at Sendhang Dhuwur than at any

other Javanses mosque, excepting Mantingan. Kala heads, hala-mevga3
garuda heads, peacocks, spouts (with a human figure depicted), and many
other shapes and forms are abundant on the gates of the grave complex. The
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sculptural style of many of these motifs in fact to be closely related

to that of Mantingan, and Tjandrasasmita speculates that there was some sort
of close artistic or trade connection between the two.

IV.11 Mesjid Agung, Surakarta-Yogyakarta

The plans of the eighteenth-century grand mosques of Surakarta and
Yogyakarta are very similar. Both are most'remarkable for their broad
moats, their tall, tiered roofs, and their ornately decorated teakwood
mirribar. I have not found detailed descriptions of either.

There are other early mesjid in Central Java. Several of these, in-
cluding the Sumar Gumuling in Taman Sari, the Mesjid Bandengan in the
Kraton Kasunanan, and the Mesjid Watu east of the Alun-alun Lor of the
Kasultanan, have already been mentioned elsewhere in this paper. Other
important mosques, such as those at Tembayat and Kajoran, are sometimes
mentioned in the literature, but I have not been able to find even short
descriptions of them. The Islamic antiquities on inland Central Java
generally seem to have escaped even the desultory attention paid to some
of the pasis-Cr remains. Perhaps the superabundance of Old Javanese temples
in the same area is responsible in part for this omission.

IV.12 Other sites

Sites of old mosques not mentioned above, and for which little
descriptive matter is available, include those at Juwana, Tuban, Giri,
Gresik, Surabaya, and elsewhere.

V. CONCLUSION

As mentioned at the outset, the aim of this article has not been to
provided detailed descriptions of individual structures dating from the
Islamic period of Javanese history, but to introduce the general reader to
the number and variety of such buildings. My hope is that such an intro-
duction may help to stir an interest in Javanese architecture and to hint
at the promise that a more serious study might hold for the further elabora-
tion of our knowledge of the cultural, social, and even political history
of Java in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The interest in such
an approach shown by Indonesian scholars, particularly Tjandrasasmita and
Ambary, deserves to become general among Western scholars as well. The
continuing threat to the survival of many artifacts makes their serious
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IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

study all the more urgent.
Asian History Centre,
Faculty of Asian Studies,
Australian National University, PO Box 4, Canberra, ACT 2601

NOTES
1. Nor could the Islamic Antiquities section of the OD compete effective-
ly for budget allocations, given "the original aim [of that body]:
namely the restoration and maintenance of Hindu antiquities".
(Oudheidkundige Verslag in Nederlandsch-Indië, 1928:102. Empasis
added.)
2. For examples of these useful publications see the bibliographical
references under Ambary, Inventavisasi, Laporan, and Tjandrasasmita.
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3. e.g. Ambary, 1983; Brakel and Massarik, 1982; Lombard, 1972;

Tjandrasasmita, 1975[a]. Two other important French publications have
appeared in journals other than Archipel: Dumarcay, 1978; and Lombard
1969.
4. Despite relative poverty of scholarship on Islamic antiquities in
Java, it is still a rich lode when compared to the far greater dearth
of studies on Islamic art and archaeology outside of Java.
5. The gravestone at Leran has been given several dates in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. See Moquette, 1921; Ravisse, 1925.
6. The literature on the introduction and spread of Islam in the Malay
world is extensive. Perhaps the best overview of the problem is
given in Johns, 1980. See also Drewes 1968; Ricklefs, 1979.
7. This is the first period of the tripartite division proposed in
Ricklefs, 1979. The second period covers the nineteenth, the third
the twentieth century. In the first period Java was "converted",
though in a slow, subtle, and cosmetic process that emphasized
cultural and religious continuity with the past. The nineteenth
century, particularly in its later decades, was marked by "revivalism"
and denunciation, in some quarters, of the subtlety of the first con-
version. In the twentieth century, "fundamentally important develop-
ments in the direction of a modernist Islam with genuine roots in
popular understanding have occurred". These have been accompanied
by reactionary and self-conscious denials of the validity of Islam
for the Javanese, as well as for other Indonesians.
8. The most valuable of these describe and explicate the various kraton.
See, e.g. LOr 7466, 8652f, 10.938-10.939, NBS 102, KITLV H 699, and
many others.
9. Especially at Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde,
Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, and Pusat Penelitian Purbakala
dan Penelitian Nasional.
10. See Pigeaud, 1960-63: IV, 3-28; Stutterheim, 1948; and Supomo, 1977:I,
49-57.
11. Mangkubumi, who later became Sultan Hamengkubuwana I, was the
"architect" of both the Surakartan and Yogjanese palaces (Adam,
1940[a]:186)
12. Keller van Hoorn, 1889, is a rare description of a Madurese antiquity
from the Islamic period. It contains a report on a monumental gateway
 49

IC No. 35, Nov. 8k

in Tanjung Anyar. Some brief observations on kraton and other
structures at Bangkalan, Pamakasan, and Sumenep may also be found in
Domis, 1835:97-110.
13. According to R. T. Harjanagara, with whom I held several interviews
in the summer of 1980.
14. This statement comes from Stutterheim, 1937:221, n.1, and refers to
the Old Javanese kraton, but is just as accurately applied to the
kraton of the Islamic period. See Behrend, unpublished, especially
pp. 156-243.
15. The traditional date of 17 Sura, Je, 1670 (20 February 1745) conflicts
with Dutch reports. See Brandes, 1894:434; Poedjosoedarmo and
Ricklefs, 1967:89.
16. Buddingh, 1859-61: I, 230; Prodjosujitno, 1956:2. But Maliyarata,
as described in the Minta raga, differs in important ways from modern
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kratons: e.g. it was oriented toward the west and had entrances on
all four sides (Gericke, 1844:62). The kraton at Lengka, as
described in the Arjunawijaya, likewise had four portals (Supomo,
1977:50-51).
17. The description below is based primarily on the following sources:
Behrend, unpublished; Blumberger, 1917; Penjelasan, 1979; Pigeaud,
1930; Prodjosujitno, 1956; Soewito Santoso, 1973; Zimmerman, 1919.
18. On this flame, see de Graaf, 1954:10 and Schrieke, 1924.
19. On the sekar wijaya kusuma, see Tiknopranoto, n.d.[a].
20. The ampilen dalam were a collection of heirlooms, including certain
weapons, ornamental sirih-sets, standards, and other items regularly
carried behind the king whenever he appeared in state. See van den
Berg, 1901:78.
21. At Surakarta the upacara consisted of eight figures cast in precious
metals and embellished with rare stones and gems. They were always
carried before the king when he appeared in state. The figures
included a cock, a crowned naga, a goose, a roe deer, a garuda, two
elephants, and a bull. See van den Berg, 1901:78; Deeleman, 1859,
especially the plates; and Rouffaer, 1932:528 ff.
22. Descriptions of the Kraton Kasultanan are contained in Adam, 1940[a,b];
Behrend, unpublished; Brongtodiningrat, 1978; Hadiatmadja, n.d.;
Pigeaud, 1940; Soerjadiningrat, 1925; Struktur, 1979-80.
23. See Behrend, unpublished:65, n.153, for a more specific delineation
of the various sorts of "mirror imaging" in the reconstruction of the
Javanese state under the hegemony of Yogyakarta.
24. For descriptions of these kraton see Adrisijanti, unpublished[c];
Laporan survai, 1978.
25. On the palaces of Cirebon, see Ambary, 1982; Inventarisasi, 1972;OV
1918:53-56; 1928:103; 1930:50-58; Perquin, 1928; Tjandrasasmita,
1975[a]; 1976:8-10; 1982:136-39.
26. Descriptions of the Kraton Surasowan and other palace ruins in Banten
are found in van der Chijs, 1881; Laporan penelitian, 1978; Muhammad,
1977; Tjandrasasmita, 1982:124-27; van de Wall, n.d.
27. Lombard, 1969, is a wide ranging and thorough essay on Javanese
"pleasure gardens", and the following discussion borrows heavily from
it.
 50

IC No. 35, Nov. 8U

28. Descriptions of Tasik Ardi are found in Lombard, 1969:136-37, and van
de Wall, n.d:10.
29. See Ambary, 1982:80-82, and Lombard, 1969:137 for short d e s c r i p t i o n s .
30. Tjandrasasmita, 1982:132. Lombard, 1969:137 gives a slightly later
date based on the Sejarah Banten.
31. Compare these to the statues numbered among the ampilen dalem of Sura-
karta, as described above.
32. Lombard, 1969:145. Lombard may be referring to something similar to
the allegorical significance attached to the layout of buildings and
courtyards in the Kraton Kasunanan and Kraton Kasultanan, which were
not discussed above. For examples of these see Brongtodiningrat,
1978, and Prodjosujitno, 1956. See also Behrend, unpublished:217-24.
33. Lombard, 1969:140, n.1, interprets the diagram to indicate the
Baleretna is "sans fontaines ni bassins".
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34. Several, though, such as the very early mosque at Banten and 'the
eighteenth-century Sumur Gumuling at Yogyakarta, were round towers
without an architecturally distinctive basement. Both of these
mosques were actually towers of a European sort adapted to Javanese
religious needs.
35. On Javanese domestic architecture, see Amidjaja, 1924; Arsitektur,
1977; Rouffaer, 1932.
36. See de Graaf, 1947:289-307. De Graaf also observes that such tower-
mosques are found not only in Java, but in such widely separated
regions as North Sumatera and Ternate. In the latter case, it is
likely that Java was the inspiration for the building style. Java in
turn may have borrowed the form from Sumatera.
3 7 . See Pijper, 1947:278. Today, of course, a more universal style pre-
dominates and the minaret is common. In fact, some modernist congre-
gations, increasingly conscious of the originality of the Javanese and
other Indonesian styles of religious architecture, are hurrying to
bring their local structures into conformity with the international,
modern style. Too many renovations of old mosques accomplish nothing
but the destruction of irreplaceable cultural monuments. See Tempo,
23 September 1978 and 10 February 1982, for articles on this issue.
38. Modern mosques are turned about 30 degrees to the north-west, the
true kiblat, and are no longer aligned east-west (Adrisijanti, un-
published[a]:2). The Mesjid Agung Cirebon is the one old mosque in
which the orientation of the mihrab is to the north-west.
39. Sources on the mosques of Banten are Laporan penelitian, 1978;
Tjandrasasmita, 1982: II, 122-23; van de Wall, n.d:11.
40. More complete descriptions are found in Ambary, 1982:82-85;
Inventarisasi, 1972:138; Tjandrasasmita, 1976:9.
41. It is likely that the date given in the Babad tanah Jawi, A.D. 1506,
accurately records when the mosque was founded.
42. See the complementary descriptions of de Haan, 1922-23:11, 67, and
Lombard, 1972. See also plates A28 and A29 in vol. III (Platen album)
of de Haan.
43. Descriptions and photos of the Menara Kudus are in Bernet Kempers,
1959:104-05, and Tjandrasasmita, 1976:7; 1982:II, 100-01.
44. Sources on Majitingan include Bernet Kempers, 1959:106; 07, 1930:53-58;
 51
IC No. 35, Nov. dh
Steinmann, 1934; Tjandrasasmita, 1982;102-05.
45. Sendhang Dhuwur is the most fully described Javanese mosque and the
only Islamic antiquity treated in monograph length (Tjandrasasmita,
1975[b]. See also Bernet Kempers, 1959:105-06 and Tjandrasasmita,
1964.

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