LANGUAGE

ISSUES VOLUME 27.1 SUMMER 2016

SPECIAL EDITION ON COMMUNITY LANGUAGES

› A fine balance: cultural and linguistic › The story of Irish – Has it become
barriers shaping the lives of Somali a niche community language?
refugee families in Manchester › Language Futures Initiative
› Six things you might not know about › Sharing Gaelic voices
Heritage Language Schools
› Is Brazilian Portuguese being taught
as a community or heritage language?
LANGUAGE
ISSUES VOLUME 27.1 SUMMER 2016

Contents
3 Editorial Voices from community language learning
4 Some terms used in discussions about 74 Voices From Community Language Learning:
community languages introduction
Sally Bird and Naeema B. Hann The Editorial board
Peer reviewed 75 Learning Tamil
Shamaka Chandramohan
5 A fine balance: cultural and linguistic barriers shaping
76 Memories of attending an Irish medium school
the lives of Somali refugee families in Manchester
in the 1970s
Mary-Rose Puttick
Anon
13 Six things you might not know about Heritage
77 Bilingual Teaching in Texas
Language Schools
Rebecca Eliahoo
Trudie Aberdeen
78 On choosing a first language in South Africa
21 Is Brazilian Portuguese being taught as a community
Alison Blackhall
or heritage language?
80 Learning Persian in South London
Ana Souza
Ann Cowie
29 The story of Irish – Has it become a niche
82 Summary of NATECLA survey on community languages
community language?
Jo Gakonga
Jo-Ann Delaney
37 Real and imagined barriers to progression: a small Non community languages articles
qualitative study of lecturers’ perceptions of barriers 84 Does adding Mathematics to English language learners’
facing ESOL learners moving on to vocational courses timetables improve their acquisition of English?
Diana Tremayne Jenny Stacey
42 The use of storytelling by ESOL/Literacy trainee 88 Practical ideas for embedding numeracy in ESOL
teachers Kathryn Aldridge-Morris
Daniela Bacova and Sarah Telfer
Research Digest
Non peer reviewed 92 The future for teaching community languages –
49 Brazilian Portuguese as a community language: a research perspective
the training journey of a teacher in London Clare Wright, Fatih Bayram
Rita Dorneles and Ana Souza 95 Introduction to three projects
54 Language Futures Initiative Sally Bird
Clodagh Clooney 96 The TLANG project
56 Sharing Gaelic voices TLang team
Gordon Wells 98 Multilingual Creativity
61 Bilingual Assistants and Cultural Awareness Sam Holmes
Kenya Silva 99 Multilingual digital storytelling
69 Making all languages count Yu-Chiao Chung
Sally Bird talks with Pascale Vassie of the NRCSE
Reviews
72 Languages other than English
Naeema Hann 101 How to write ESOL materials: Kathryn Aldridge-Morris
Reviewed by Laura Plotnek-Jones
103 The Literacy for Active Citizenship readers:
Published by Learning Unlimited
Reviewed by Diana Tremayne
2 Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Language Issues is published by NATECLA Advisory Board

National Association for Teaching English and other Elsa Auerbach
Community Languages to Adults University of Massachusetts Boston
www.natecla.org.uk Mike Baynham
University of Leeds
Jane Arstall Ron Carter
NATECLA National Centre University of Nottingham
South and City College Birmingham Balasubramanyam Chandramohan
Hall Green Campus School of Advanced Study, University of London
Cole Bank Road Guy Cook
Birmingham b28 8es Kings College, London
info@natecla.org.uk David Crystal
University of Wales, Bangor
ISSN 0263-5833 Pamela Frame
ESOL consultant
Copyright remains with the author. No fees paid. Jennifer Jenkins
Design and production: Waysgoose, Southampton University of Southampton
www.waysgoose.com Braj Kachru
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Advertising Robert Leach
Full page £200 ESOL consultant
Half page £150 Maria Isabel Maldonado-Garcia
Contact Jane Arstall at Institute of Languages, University of the Punjab
info@natecla.org.uk Kimerly Miller
Minnesota Advocates for Immersion Network, USA
Editors Barry O’Sullivan
Roehampton University
Jo-Ann Delaney and Sally Bird
Celia Roberts
King’s College, London
Editorial Board
Sheila Rosenberg
Rakesh Bhanot Independent ESOL writer/researcher
Ann Cowie Philida Schellekens
Jo Gakonga ESOL Consultant
Naeema Hann James Simpson
Andrea McMahon University of Leeds
Alison Schwetlick Europe Singh
E-learning consultant
Tove Skutnabb-Kangas
Åbo Akademi University, Vasa, Finland
Helen Sunderland
ESOL Consultant
Scott Thornbury
The New School, New York
Arturo Tosi
Royal Holloway, University of London
Mahendra K Verma
University of York
Catherine Wallace
UCL Institute of Education
Bencie Woll
University College London
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 3
Editorial
Welcome to the summer 2016 edition of Language Issues. This
issue is quite special as it is dedicated to community languages;
the “C” in NATECLA. There have been articles on this theme in
past editions, but as editors we wanted to provide a dedicated
issue to encourage everyone involved in teaching, learning and
researching community languages to contribute to a focussed
publication.
Our first challenge was to come up with an overarching
name for these languages. We found that different terms
were used in different countries and contexts; community
language, heritage language, mother tongue and then names
such as complementary schools and supplementary schools
for where they were taught. We eventually decided to stay
with “community languages” as this reflects the NATECLA
nomenclature and we could then allow the authors of each
article to use whichever term they wish as appropriate to their
topic and context. We have, however, included an overview
of the different terms in Naeema Hann’s introductory section.
As articles began to be submitted we realised that much of
the research in this area was within the compulsory education
setting of primary and secondary schools. We acknowledge
that this is a move away from the “A” of NATECLA: adults.
However, we felt that we should reflect the areas of current
research and the findings of many of the projects have direct
relevance to adult language learning.
We have six peer reviewed articles, four of which are on the
theme of community languages from very different contexts.
Mary-Rose Puttick considers linguistic discourses and
challenges in the process of acculturation in the context of
Manchester primary schools attended by children of Somali
refugees. Trudie Aberdeen examines how children’s identities
are shaped through participation in heritage language schools
in Canada. Ana Souza’s article returns to the issue of what
we call such languages and explores whether the teaching of
Brazilian Portuguese in London constitutes a community or
a heritage language. The issue is revisited in her article with
Rita Dorneles from the perspective of a new teacher. The final
article by Jo-Ann Delaney looks at the role of Irish medium
schools in the Irish republic and their impact on the fostering
of language use in the wider community.
Two ESOL themed articles complete our peer reviewed
section. Diana Tremayne considers the challenges of ESOL
learners in further education moving on to vocational courses.
This is a particularly relevant issue with current threats to
ESOL language provision and push to get all learners onto
an employment focussed study route. Daniela Bacova and
Sarah Telfer’s article looks at storytelling as a pedagogic tool
for ESOL learners but also in the professional development of
ESOL teachers.
As well as the Dorneles and Souza article on Brazilian
Portuguese in our non-peer reviewed we have Kenya Silva’s
article reflecting on the role of a Brazilian language assistant
in mainstream schools. Clodagh Clooney explains the nature
and impact of the interesting “Language Futures” initiative and
Gordon Wells summarises key elements of the “Island Voices”
project. This section also contains an interview by Sally
Bird with Pascale Vassie, Executive Director of the National
Resource Centre for Supplementary Education in which the
issue of what we call community languages also arises as a
discussion point.
The usual “voices” section of the journal has been changed
to “voices from the community language classroom”. In it we
have tried to give a voice to a range of different perspectives,
including the learners who love or hate the language they are
learning, the view of a visitor to a bilingual project in Texas
and reflections on language policy and its impact in South
Africa. This section also contains a summary by Jo Gakonga of
the findings from a survey about community language issues
undertaken by NATECLA.
Two further articles in this addition could be said to relate to
an “alternative” language; the language of mathematics. Jenny
Stacey considers the role maths can play in the development
of learners’ language skills while Kathryn Aldridge-Morris
provides some illustrated practical ideas of how to embed
numeracy in ESOL lessons.
Our research digest contains an overview of community
language research by Clare Wright and Fatih Bayram. There
are also reports from the workings of three different projects
related to community languages. Sally Bird has written a
summary introduction to the different projects.
We have two book reviews, one of How to Write ESOL
Materials by Kathryn Aldridge-Morris and one on the Literacy
for Active Citizenship readers. As the journal was going to
publication we received word that the latter title had just won
the 2016 ELTons award for Innovation in Learner Resources.
Congratulations to all involved.
We hope you enjoy this edition and we look forward to
receiving more articles on community language themes for
future editions.
Sally Bird and Jo-Ann Delaney
Co-editors
info@natecla.org.uk
4 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Some terms used in discussions about
community languages
Sally Bird and Naeema B. Hann
The terminology used to refer to languages other than
English in the context of the UK varies, depending on where
the language comes from, who is learning or using it and
where. We have put together a brief glossary and would
love to hear your views.
Mother tongue – many people are not learning their ‘mother
tongue’ anymore – they are learning a ‘heritage’ language. e.g.
third and fourth generation children from Turkish/Gujerati/
Somali/Cantonese (etc. etc.) backgrounds. They would
probably describe their mother tongue as English.
Heritage language – due to the above, the term heritage
language has appeared (much used in the USA, but also in the
UK), useful to describe the language learning experiences of
children and adults from families where earlier generations did
not speak English as a first language. Heritage languages can
include native American languages too (Fishman 2001).
Community language – a term still used widely in the
UK, the “C” in Natecla. The term community language is
described by the National Centre for Languages (CILT) in
this way: ‘Community Languages are languages spoken by
members of minority groups or communities within a majority
language context’ (in NALDIC 2011, Online). This term can
be associated with less powerful languages. So what makes
one language a ‘community language’ and another a ‘foreign
language’? Often languages in use in the UK are both – French
is spoken by the French speaking community and by short stay
visitors and people learning it to do business or travel, Turkish
likewise.
Supplementary schools – this term originated from the
Caribbean supplementary school programme of the late last
century. With political roots, the intention of the supplementary
school movements was to put back what the school system had
left out (Myers & Grosvenor 2011)
Complementary schools – another term used to refer to
supplementary schools, it is used to describe education that
runs alongside the mainstream (Thorpe 2010). Some local
authorities adopted the term complementary schools – eg
Leicester City Council.
References
Fishman, J. (2001). 300-plus years of heritage language
education in the United States In J. K. Peyton, D. A. Ranard,
& S. McGinnis (Eds.), Heritage languages in America: Preserving
a national resource. IL: Center for Applied Linguistics & Delta
Systems. Washington, DC & McHenry.
Myers,K. and Gorsvenor I. (2011) Exploring supplementary
education: margins, theories and methods. History of
Education, 40 (4): 501–521
NALDIC (2011) What are Community Languages.
http://www.naldic.org.uk/Resources/NALDIC/
Initial%20Teacher%20Education/Documents/
Whatarecommunitylanguages.pdf
Thorpe,A. (2010) Leading complementary schools: trials,
tribulations and rewards. Paper presented at British
Educational Research Association annual conference.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 5
A fine balance: cultural and linguistic
barriers shaping the lives of Somali
refugee families in Manchester
Mary-Rose Puttick
“It’s like raising someone you don’t understand.”
Abstract
Wide-ranging educational, political, economic, social, and
cultural factors have an influence on the extent of mar-
ginalisation to integration experienced by newly-arrived
refugee families to the UK This study focused on diverse
Somali refugee families in Manchester, UK, many of whom
had none or low levels of previous education in their first
language of Somali (L1). An inter-disciplinary approach was
utilised drawing primarily from the fields of applied lin-
guistics, education, and refugee and migration studies to
identify the specific needs of refugees. The study addressed
the linguistic and cultural discourses and challenges which
arise in the global context of acculturation. It considered
how such factors could lead to conflict between diverse
communities, focusing on the situational context of the UK
primary education system. Conflict was shown to arise, to
different extents, from a lack of understanding regarding
legislation, school safeguarding laws, school attendance
and punctuality procedures, and aspects of curriculum
delivery. Practical suggestions were made to address these
issues as well as the needs of parents with low literacy skills.
Recommendations were also made regarding improving
communication methods between schools and second
language (L2) parents, and developing an inter-agency
approach, particularly through family learning and ESOL
provision.
Introduction
The experience of diverse cultural groups relocating to a new
society is a powerful process influenced by a multitude of
factors, from the circumstances of their exit to the interactions
they encounter on arrival. In many cases, this coincides with
relocation from a non-Western to a Western society. This
process can be viewed as a continuum of marginalisation to
integration, which when successful can see groups establish
themselves economically whilst enjoying the benefits of living
in a democratic society. At the other extreme, when people
become isolated and vulnerable, it can result in them turning
away from the new culture and adopting an antagonistic and
extreme version of their own (Home Office, 2011).
Culture is a complex term, influenced by wider societal
processes including political, economic, social, and educational
aspects. When individuals and groups from different cultural
backgrounds communicate, an element of adaptation
and negotiation is required from both parties in order for
communication to be successful, and misunderstandings
avoided. Based on my observations and teaching experiences
in family learning, I suggest there are numerous ways
communication could be developed to improve the
relationship between families and schools. Low L1 literacy
skills have the potential to be a root cause of marginalization
due to being unable to engage fully with children’s learning and
unequal access to key information from schools, such as those
concerned with British laws and core ‘British values’.
Schools are national, state-managed socio-political
institutions, communicating messages within the hegemony
of the dominant culture, under a mandate to project values
of citizenship and collective identities (Scherr, 2009). Inner-
city primary schools in the UK have increasing numbers of
ethnic-minority students from diverse cultures, with parents
for whom English is an L2. This brings with it wide-ranging
positives, such as the promotion of respect and tolerance for
different cultures, as well as the need for certain adaptations on
the part of both the schools and the parents, particularly in the
realm of effective communication methods. It is paramount
that the relationship between schools and parents is as positive
as possible in order to ensure the best possible experience for
the children as well as minimising the chance of the parents
becoming isolated.
The study began as a response to real concerns raised by the
head-teacher of one Manchester primary school regarding
communication and conflict issues with Somali parents
resulting in two safeguarding referrals. This paper takes the
position that improvements in how government policy agendas,
such as Safeguarding and Prevent, are communicated to L2
parents are vital, and that the responsibility for communicating
should be a multi-agency approach, with children’s welfare as
the central focus (DFE, 2015).
Barriers facing refugees
Analysing the experience of refugees at a macro or global level
initially, the study examined the overall acculturation process,
when a particular cultural group relocates from a familiar to an
unfamiliar environment (Ting-Toomey & Chung, 2012). Many
studies in the field of L2 acquisition merge immigrants into
6 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
one group. However, those based on the language acquisition
of refugees call for distinguishing between different types
of immigrants: trans-migrants; voluntary immigrants; and
involuntary immigrants, of which refugees fit into the latter (De
Costa, 2010). It is useful to begin with a definition of a refugee:
Owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for
reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
particular social group or political opinion, [a refugee] is
outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to,
or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the
protection of that country (UN Refugee Agency, 2011).
Whilst sharing many similarities with other ESOL learners in
terms of socio-cultural barriers, it is considered that refugees,
additionally, have internal barriers caused by cognitive and
psychological stress. Boyle and Ali’s (2009) research calls for
a revised conceptualisation of acculturation which takes into
account the unique experience of refugees, particularly with
regard to the societal upheaval from which they left, which will
influence the refugee community formed in the new society.
Furthermore, Thomas and Collier’s (1997) research links
traumatic experiences, low literacy levels, and interrupted
education, to an increased length of time of up to ten years
for people to catch up with the average level of cognitive
and academic language level. Further studies found common
issues faced by adult refugee students, including the school
curriculum being too fast-paced, and students encountering
difficulties with academic skills such as critical thinking, note-
taking, and organisation (Bobrow Finn, 2010; Elmeroth, 2003;
Kleinmann, 1984).
Intercultural communication
One of the main theoretical frameworks utilised in this study
was a discourse approach to intercultural communication,
linking language behaviours to social actions. Social actions are
considered in a variety of contexts; intra-culturally between
parents and children, and inter-culturally when parents
communicate in British society. Discourse relates to the act of
communication and shared interaction. This communication
can be produced in many ways, such as spoken, textual, and
visual, which are interconnected to factors such as context,
shared background, and cultural knowledge, all of which
have an influence on comprehension (Bloor & Bloor, 2007).
The study encompasses wide-ranging discourses including,
for many of the Somali parents, a shift from a strong oral
communicative tradition (Bentley & Wilson Owens, 2008)
to the new oral and written discourses of the host-culture;
additionally, a unique mix of multi-lingual discourses used
inside the home with their children consisting of two or more
languages. Furthermore, the discourses which result from
twenty-first century global communication such as social
media; political discourses such as Safeguarding legislation;
and school discourses with specialized language related to
education which is communicated orally such as in teacher-
parent interaction, visually through school websites, and
textually through text messages and letters to parents.
Theories addressing identity as a socio-cultural phenomenon
were also incorporated, focusing on the intersection of
language, culture, and society (eg Bucholtz and Hall, 2005).
The cultural and linguistic challenges facing Somalis in the UK
affecting communication are multi-layered, influenced by the
differing roles of the participants, such as the role of parent,
professional roles, roles within Manchester’s diasporic Somali
community, and fluctuating gender and religious roles as a
result of living in a Western society. Many individuals also do
not have a comparable social structure to which they can relate
aspects of British society. This could be related to complex
factors: for some, unequal access to the education system
in Somalia; a lack of reference due to 14 years of political
unrest in Somalia; or the influence of living in refugee camps
or in other non-Western societies. The Somali parents were
also negotiating and accepting that their children, many of
whom were British-born, would inevitably have very different
concepts of identity to their own.
A multi-agency approach
Although conflict is mostly seen in a negative sense, van Meurs
and Spencer-Oatey (2009) emphasise the opposite; that it can
be viewed as a catalyst for change, reflection, and as a means
to integrate groups who were previously not cohesive. This
fits in with the overriding aims of the research; to develop
intercultural communication strategies for L2 refugee parents
from diverse linguistic backgrounds within the contexts of
primary and community education, and to improve links and
support between these two educational contexts.
In terms of macro-level intervention, Mohamed and Yusuf
(2012) suggest development of specific programmes
and policies to suit the needs of Somali refugees through
community education and inter-agency collaboration. Fangen’s
(2006) study of Somali refugees in Norway, in some respects
a comparable democratic society to the UK, led to a series of
recommendations for newly-arrived refugees. These include
communicating citizenship rights; exercising communicative
clarity with regard to official procedures; implementing
ongoing monitoring and support related to language and
cultural misunderstandings; and developing self-help groups
amongst these communities. This latter recommendation was
evident in Sporton et al’s study (2006) in Sheffield, in which
the Somali community had set up its own homework club, run
by Somali volunteers, to address issues of lower educational
achievement by Somali children, and as an important
mechanism of building trust amongst the community.
I focused on three research questions and addressed these
questions through concepts derived by the interview coding
process: ‘adapting to acculturation’, ‘clashing of cultures’, and
‘building bridges’.
Research questions
1. What cultural and linguistic discourses and challenges
emerge from the process of acculturation?
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 7
2. What is the nature and scope of intercultural conflict
between Manchester primary schools and local Somali
parents?
3. What measures could be taken to manage conflict and
develop successful intercultural communication?
The study
30 participants were included in the original study: 20 parents;
6 educational professionals from 3 primary schools (including
2 head teachers, an assistant head, a teaching assistant, and
2 family support workers); and 4 representatives from a
Somali adult social care agency, a national African children’s
safeguarding charity and an international African charity. Of
the parents, 16 were born in Somalia and 4 in other West African
countries. However, for the purpose of this article I will solely
focus on the responses from the Somali participants. They had
lived in the UK for differing lengths of time, ranging from 2
to 15 years, had all arrived in the UK as refugees, and all had
different levels of spoken and written English. Although in this
study terms such as ‘Somali parents’ and ‘Somali community’,
could imply that Somalis are a homogenous group, it should be
noted there are diverse factors which make such categorisation
difficult and which should be taken into account if applying
the methods and results to other refugee communities. These
include amongst others, the diverse dialects and languages
spoken which in this study included Somali, Arabic, Kiswahili,
Italian, and Dutch influenced by the diasporic nature of Somali
speech communities, as well as previous historical influences
of colonisation. Also, 12 parents had arrived in the UK directly
from Somalia, whilst 4 had lived in other countries first
including Kenya, Ethiopia, Belgium, Holland, and Finland.
This group were selected because they represented a large
proportion of the primary school population in one of the
bottom 5% of the most economically deprived areas of
Manchester which has a larger proportion of ethnic minority
members than other groups; 58.3% (Roy, 2010). All of the
parents had attended my family literacy courses provided
through the adult education service.
The empirical research was conducted through 27 semi-
structured, qualitative interviews which averaged 33 minutes.
The majority of interviews were conducted with individual
participants, apart from 3 which took place in pairs with a
parent with higher level English acting as an interpreter.
All interviews were recorded using a voice recorder and
transcribed by hand, in verbatim, with pseudonyms used
throughout to ensure confidentiality. Using constructivist
grounded theory as a framework (Charmaz, 2006), I carried
out a thorough coding procedure. Each transcript was initially
coded using a short phrase, beginning with an action verb, and
the results then collated into focused coding to inductively
build theory. A sample of the 27 transcripts is incorporated in
the results section below with what I feel are pertinent quotes
highlighted.
Results and analysis
Adapting to acculturation
Parents were asked questions about their arrival in the UK
and regarding their feelings about their changing identities.
Answers paralleled Scollon et al’s (2012) definition of culture
as a verb, which is in constant fluctuation according to where
you are and the circumstances within which you are operating.
An awareness of an acculturation process taking place was
evident, defined by the interview results as the ability or
willingness to let go of parts of the home culture and absorb
new influences, whether it be societal or generational, to allow
for a new form of the culture. Factors influencing their ability
to adapt appeared in terms of their previous life situations,
their willingness to learn the new language, and their views
towards their changing identities, the latter being defined by
Ting-Toomey & Chung (2012) as pivotal to the process of
intercultural acculturation.
The following transcripts highlight some of the different
feelings arising from parents around communication difficulties,
identities, the effects of trauma, and school support.
Further results highlighted multilingual households, with
the majority of parents observing that despite children
understanding the parents’ L1, their preference was to
respond in English. The consequences of this linguistic
variation included some children being unable to communicate
with their grandparents or the older generation. Shifts also
occurred in the responsibilities of parents and children, with
some parents relying on their children to interpret for them,
which in some cases meant children acting as gatekeepers
to information and misinterpreting communication from the
school, which were similar to findings in Valentine et al’s (2008)
research. Furthermore, two head teachers highlighted that as
the children grow up in British society they understand ways
of doing things here but that this can then lead to conflicts at
home and in the community.
Clashing of cultures
Examining clashes between the parents and schools, results
indicated that this occurred to different extents due to a
difference in understanding or opinions, concerning what are
considered acceptable cultural practices in the UK, as well as
the British laws which govern these practices. Issues raised
by both the school staff and the charity workers included
discipline measures and what is referred to in Western
political discourses as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM); both
part of school safeguarding procedures. Additional issues
around curriculum delivery, punctuality, and recognition
of religious festivals also arose. The consequences of such
misunderstandings had resulted in the Somali community at
two schools challenging the way the school had dealt with
the issues, requesting that the school should have instead
approached their elders first. The following interview was
carried out during the pilot study when significant issues had
arisen at one primary school.
8 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Transcription 1
Key:
Interviewer (I)
2 X Somali male parents; 1 at ESOL Level 2 (Yusuf) & 1 Pre-entry ESOL (Cali);
Yusuf interpreting for Cali

I: What things did you find difficult when you moved to the UK?
Yusuf: When I moved to UK, I spoke a little English and did my GCSE English in Somalia but still when I arrived I found the
accent/language so difficult to understand.
Cali: The first thing was communication with another community. It was different for me because I was in the countryside …
I never went to school in Somalia. When I moved to the UK I didn’t even know the time because I couldn’t read or write
numbers. When I was back home in the countryside as a farmer it was like coming from the dark into the light … now
I have realised a lot of things, going to school, learning something … so like dark and light … it was countryside, I didn’t
know what was going on in the world, just that small area, the farm, that’s all I knew…so it was very good to come to
the UK.
I: And how about this school, have you found them good in terms of communicating with parents?
Yusuf: We have got 2 teaching assistants who are Somali and a Somali lunch organiser … so, if a parent can’t communicate
with a teacher, she can translate.
Cali: Yes and they support me a lot … if you stop them they will help and interpret. I’m very happy with the school.
I: And Yusuf, I know that some of your children were born here … have you experienced any difficulties with the children
not wanting to follow the traditions of your country?
Yusuf: It’s not caused a problem for me … because as long as we’re here we have to follow the British culture and the Islamic
culture … multi-cultural religion.
I: And do you still follow the Somali traditions here?
Cali: Yes we teach them in the home … we tell them about the Somali culture and traditions back home … how life looks like
… and how they can be multi-cultural and go with the British and Somali culture. They know this culture because they
grow up here so they don’t have a problem …

Transcription 2
Key:
Interviewer (I)
Somali female parent & primary school teaching-assistant (Khadija)

I: When Somali parents first arrive in the UK, do you think it’s mainly a language issue that can be a problem?
Khadija: It’s the language and confidence issues … because when I came here I didn’t have that confidence to go to college and
do English but I wanted just to help my children, so I could understand what they were saying and help them with
their homework … ..also for the children … as a kid you want to fit in and there’s the language barrier and you can’t
communicate … . so some of them might have a behavioural problem just because they get bored and frustrated.
I: Do you think it’s hard for parents that their children are likely to become quite Westernised growing up here?
Khadija: It is yes … .it’s a balance to find as a parent and it’s not easy, but because I have 3 children I do always have to think
they were born here, they are in this country, they will obviously do things that I would not do or say … but then you
have to find the balance of the religion, the culture, Western culture … . and then the parents will say they’ve lost my
culture … but it’s never been their culture, that’s what you have to understand … it’s up to you to make it a balance
of yours and theirs together. Being a parent, if you don’t have the language, you don’t understand where the child is
coming from and the child doesn’t understand where you are coming from … … it’s a barrier … it’s like you are raising
someone you do not understand … .
I: And as many Somalis have originally come over as refugees do you think emotional trauma is significant?
Khadija: Yes I do … I still do have that … . what you’ve seen and what you’ve experienced is not something that you can never
ever forget. I left Somalia in 1992, I was in Kenya and other parts of Africa, Ethiopia … but it stays with you. But the
Somali people are very strong. You can see with some children that there is some emotional thing there because they
were there and they’ve seen … but then you get stronger because that’s all you know. It does affect them definitely.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 9

Transcription 3
Key:
Interviewer (I)
Headteacher (H)

I: Have you had any specific communication issues with the second-language parents?
H: Its actually you know particular groups within the school community being able to access key messages in order to have
that partnership between home and school. The Somali community, for example, don’t have a written language as such
… you know a lot of it is verbal communication. What we did was a community voice and what came out with the Somali
community was they really needed somebody who could talk through and discuss the communications so that there
weren’t misunderstandings and misinterpretation of key messages … . And you know they could be hard messages that we
need to give. We’ve got a very aspirational community and the educational jargon and language is one thing but actually
getting that across to parents is another … . so we run a lot of parental workshops and we endeavour to have people who
speak the home languages to translate.
I: And have you had any issues around safeguarding?
H: Yes some of the major issues that the school has had are around safeguarding, behaviour management and safety at
home … . because you know parents will say it’s been fine to you know do a particular thing back in Somalia … and when
we say that actually it’s against the law in this country to do this … there’s a gap in understanding. We’ve had to explain
that with the safeguarding of children it’s actually everybody’s responsibility. There hasn’t been the understanding that
the school has actually got a duty of care and legality … . so that’s when we’ve had to build bridges basically …
I: So do you think it could be helped also with improving links outside the school?
H: Yes absolutely … there are real sensitive issues out there that parents really need to come to terms with … that need a
forum and to be very carefully planned and structured by experts … to raise awareness and strengthen that partnership.
Sometimes parents will not realise there are wider issues in the community that may affect them. So for example
very recently we’ve had staff training days on forced marriages, FGM … which do actually affect a big proportion
of this community … . and we’ve started to invite external speakers in to the parent’s coffee mornings to provide
discussion forums.

The interview results highlighted that the Somali culture
is based on a strong sense of a communal society, with all
parents referring to the importance of group support and
emphasising the continued importance of dealing with issues
as a collective. A number referenced the traditional system of
consulting elders in the community first with problems, since
they were held in the highest regard by the hierarchical system.
However, the majority of participants recognised and accepted
the fact that the status and use of elders was changing and
acknowledged that most were unaware of British laws. The
Somali participants also confirmed that there are still different
communities within Manchester according to different clans,
and although they now mix and many work together, they have
unique identities and, as one participant described, they are not
a ‘one nation community’. Despite this, evidence was not found
of hostility existing towards other clans within Manchester as
in other studies (eg Fangen, 2006).
The highly sensitive and contentious issue of FGM was raised
amongst all of the charity and educational professionals as a
cultural practice still prevalent in some communities. This is a
particularly pertinent and current issue with research indicating
the practice being conducted in Manchester (AFRUCA, 2015).
This is also corroborated by a recent update from the British
Government around FGM, in April 2016, which focuses on a
multi-agency approach in supporting the welfare of vulnerable
adults and children (Home Office, 2016).
Regarding delivery of curriculum content, there was little
evidence of disagreement other than one raised by an assistant
head who discussed conflict amongst the parents about how
the SRE (Sex and Relationship Education) curriculum, which is
determined by each school, should be taught. At present, this
part of the curriculum is under negotiation as to whether it will
become compulsory in primary as well as secondary schools,
and could reflect the government’s concerns re global media
discourses of dangers to children, such as sexual behaviour
through social media. It is also symbolic of the delicate balance
between schools’ priorities of teaching children about safe
sex, particularly in the secondary education system where sex
education is compulsory, which may juxtapose uneasily with
some Muslim parents’ interpretations of the Quran regarding
contraception. Such issues could be addressed along with those
identified in the Somali Adult Social Care Agency’s (SASCA)
research on Somali communities in Manchester. SASCA’s
(2014) research identified the need for Somali young people to
be given a voice in speaking out about different issues, which
could conflict with the traditions/cultural practices of their
parents. An example of a success in this area is the ‘Integrate
Bristol’ project in which young people are leading discussions
on issues such as gender violence (Zimmermann, 2014).
As previously stated, schools are socio-political institutions in
which there is a driving dominant powerful force (Scherr, 2009)
and as such it could be argued that conflicts will always be
10 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

weighted in favour of the school as newly arrived L2 parents
have little tools or cultural capital with which to act (Scollon
et al, 2012). Despite this, the three schools appeared to have a
strong ethos of inclusion and be very open and willing to act
upon the suggestions of parents.
Building bridges
The final results category was titled using the term ‘building
bridges’ as the phrase arose in several interviews in relation
to building bridges in different contexts: between the school
and community; between family learning provision and under-
represented groups; and intra-culturally, between the Somali
leaders/representatives and the Somali parent community.
Several participants also discussed the need to build trust,
confidence, and relationships in both intra and intercultural
contexts. The results in this section led to an analysis of the
possible solutions to manage and address such issues such as:
developing appropriate school/parent discourses; expanding
community links; and improving family learning provision.
All these stages are intrinsically linked and perhaps all are
essential in order for these solutions to occur most effectively.
The following transcript is with the same head teacher as
above, but 8 months later, and highlights a key strategy the
school has put in place.
Such arrangements could signify the school recognising the
importance of the collective and supportive nature of this
community and attempting to accommodate this, something
which also appeared to be a successful strategy in Sporton
et al’s (2006) research. Furthermore, it could be argued that
by this school providing a space for the Somali parents it
had importantly given them a ‘voice’, as well as recognising
the heterogeneity of the category ‘second language parent
community’, with the diverse needs of different cultural groups
ideally needing to be addressed. This is the opposite to the
findings of Crozier and Davies’ (2007) study of Bangladeshi
and Pakistani parents, many of whom also had low literacy in
their L1. Overall, in their analysis of educational policy and
parental involvement discourses, the researchers found that
schools tended to treat parents as a homogenised group, which
they saw as detrimental to the experience of L2 parents and
which had the effect of making many of the schools in their
study unwelcome spaces of exclusion.
There was extensive use of in-house interpreters amongst
the school staff in this study, as well as language classes for
parents, and each had a written translation mechanism on the
school website. These strategies correspond with suggestions
made by Somali parent respondents in SASCA’s (2014)
research. However, the latter would not be useful for parents
with more extreme profiles of literacy. One idea to address this
would be to collaborate with Somali trainee teachers to set up
a mixed programme, in which parents could practise speaking
English and learn to read and write in Somali. This would
address some of the issues raised previously, which implied
that it is virtually impossible for those who are unable to read
or write in their L1 to develop this language output, with the
primary need to be taught literacy skills first in their L1 rather
than the L2 (Bobrow Finn, 2010; Elmeroth, 2003; Kleinmann,
1984). This would require further research within a language
acquisition framework. However, despite some parents having
low literacy skills in their L1, their skills can still be utilised
in many meaningful ways in their children’s learning and their
linguistic skills drawn upon. These and other varying practical
suggestions are outlined in Tables 1 and 2 and it is hoped
that some could be applied to other individuals/groups with
complex linguistic and cultural identities.
Conclusion
The small-scale study does not provide definitive answers and
was limited to Somali families. However, it is a provisional
investigation into an area of intercultural conflict which could
also be applied to other cultural groups if, as expected, the
experience of the participants in this study is similar for other
L2 parents. The implementations suggested by the study’s
conclusions have the potential, particularly if extended, to
lead to improved experiences for newly arrived international
families in the UK by improving the confidence and well-
being of these groups, and by improving the citizenship skills
of parents with low levels of previous education including
essential knowledge of British laws as well as skills for work.
From a personal perspective, the research has been useful as
a practitioner working with refugee families. It has deepened
my own understanding of challenges many people face in the
process of migration, and has inspired the incorporation of
new aspects into courses with these families. Overall, the study
has shown that a holistic approach is essential, taking into

Transcription 4
Key:
Interviewer (I)
Headteacher (H)

I: So, I wanted to find out how things had progressed here with the Somali parents since I last saw you?
H: Yes, we’ve had a very positive development. The Somali parents group in the past did not have a place to meet … they often
congregated either on the playground or just outside of the school. So, then a couple of the parents came to me and asked
if the school could offer some space. Now it wasn’t purely for just school support or school concerns, the group basically
wanted to get together as a self-support group and talk about any you know festering concerns or issues or to come to us
if they needed advice or support … So it’s improved greatly and I think the Somali community’s awareness around certain
sensitive issues is growing; there’s a better understanding, especially around child protection/safeguarding.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 11
account the past and present conditions of diverse parents and
challenges they may be experiencing both inside and outside
the home. This would be best achieved through an inter-
agency approach at the local level to better support diverse
ethnic minority parents as well as schools attended by their
children. The research has highlighted some of the significant
cultural and linguistic challenges, and has emphasised some
practical implementations which could result in parents feeling
less alienated from their children. This would hopefully, in turn,
facilitate the parents’ own integration into the British education
system and wider society.
Table 1
Suggestions for schools
Share good practice between schools in terms of parental/
community involvement.
Encourage L2 parents to elect a representative to
communicate with the school on behalf of different cultural
groups.
Provide space where possible for community/parental
groups to meet.
Use a software package on the school website which reads
translations aloud in different L1s.
Incorporate a video or presentation on the school website
relating to rules around safeguarding, with oral translation
made in L1.
Organise special induction days/evenings for parents from
newly arrived families, using interpreters where possible, to
clearly communicate the school’s duties/procedures.
Encourage parents to attend a drop-in advice clinic provided
by school family support/community workers.
Develop relationships with local mosques/community
centres.
Table 2
Suggestions for family learning/community ESOL provision
Incorporate a safeguarding video/presentation for parents
with oral translation in the L1 in all family learning/ESOL
induction sessions.
Provide parents with information on local community
support organisations.
Incorporate confidence building and body language
customs into language classes.
Incorporate topical news issues relating to young people to
encourage openness around legislation.
Encourage culture sharing from all levels of parents in
classes, such as drawing on Somali oral traditions of story
telling.
Develop family learning provision for parents and teenagers.
Encourage Somali parents to set up own self-support
projects to support parents with low literacy skills.
Increase training for teachers around FGM/culturally
sensitive issues.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank all the interview participants and Dr Huw
Bell (Manchester Metropolitan University) for supervising the
research.
References
Africans Unite Against Child Abuse. (2015) AFRUCA Study
on FGM in Greater Manchester – Summary. Retrieved from:
http://www.afruca.org/reports_from_afruca/afruca-study-
on-fgm-in-greater-manchester-summary (accessed June
2015)
Bentley, J. A., & Wilson Owens, C. (2008) Somali Refugee
Mental Health Cultural Profile. Retrieved from: https://
ethnomed.org/clinical/mental-health/somali-refugee-
mental-health-cultural-profile (accessed June 2015)
Bloor, M., & Bloor, T. (2007). The Practice of Critical
Discourse Analysis An Introduction. London: Hodder Arnold.
Bobrow Finn, H. (2010). Overcoming Barriers: Adult Refugee
Trauma Survivors in a Learning Community. TESOL
Quarterly, 44 (3), 586–596.
Boyle, E. H., & Ali, A. (2009). Culture, Structure, and
the Refugee Experience in Somali Immigrant Family
Transformation. International Migration, 48(1), 47–79.
Bucholtz, M., & Hall, K. (2005). Identity and interaction: a
sociocultural linguistic approach. Discourse Studies, 7(4–5),
585–614.
Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing Grounded Theory: A
Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis. London: SAGE.
Crozier, G., & Davies, J. (2007). Hard to reach parents or hard
to reach schools? A discussion of home-school relations, with
particular reference to Bangladeshi and Pakistani parents.
British Educational Research Journal, 33(3), 295–313.
De Costa, P. (2010). From Refugee to Transformer: A
Bourdieusian Take on a Hmong Learner’s Trajectory. TESOL
Quarterly, 44 (3), 517–541.
Department for Education. (2015). Working together to
safeguard children. Retrieved from: https://www.gov.uk/
government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/
file/419595/Working_Together_to_Safeguard_Children.pdf
(accessed February 2016)
Elmeroth, E. (2003). From Refugee Camp to Solitary
Confinement: Illiterate adults learn Swedish as a second
language. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 47
(4), 431–449.
Fangen, K. (2006). Humiliation Experienced by Somali
Refugees in Norway. Journal of Refugee Studies, 19(1), 69–93.
Home Office. (2011). Prevent Strategy. London: Home Office.
Home Office. (2016). Multi-agency statutory guidance on
female genital mutilation. London: Home Office.
Kleinmann, H. (1984). Understanding Refugee Second
Language Learning. JALT, 6 (2), 209–219.
Mohamed, A., & Yusuf, A. M., (2012) Somali Parent-Child
Conflict in the Western World: Some Brief Reflections.
12 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Bildhaan, 11, 164–172. Retrieved from: https://

digitalcommons.macalester.edu (accessed June 2015)
Roy, A. (2010). Greater Manchester Local Economic
Assessment: Manchester. Manchester: Association of Greater
Manchester Authorities.
SASCA. (2014). Hope for the Future: Somali Community
voices its concerns and ideas. Community Audit & Education
Centre. Manchester: Manchester Metropolitan University.
Scherr, A. (2009). Schools and cultural difference. In
H. Kotthoff, & H. Spencer-Oatey (Eds.), Handbook of
Intercultural Communication (pp. 303–321). New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.
Scollon, R., Wong Scollon, S., & Jones, R. H. (2012).
Intercultural Communication: A Discourse Approach.
Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell.
Sporton, D., Valentine, G., & Bang Nielsen, K. (2006). Post
conflict identities: Affiliations and practices of Somali asylum
seeker children. Children’s Geographies, 4(2), 203–217.
The UN Refugee Agency. (2011) Retrieved from: https://
www.unhcr.org/pages49c3646c125.html (accessed January
2015)
Thomas, W., & Collier, V. (1997) School effectiveness for
language minority students. Retrieved from: http://files.eric.
ed.gov/fulltext/ED436087.pdf (accessed June 2015)
Ting-Toomey, S., & Chung, L. (2012). Understanding
Intercultural Communication (Second ed.). New York: Oxford
University Press, Inc.
Valentine, G., Sporton, D., & Bang Nielsen, K. (2008).
Language use on the move: sites of encounter, identities and
belonging. Transactions, 376–387.
van Meurs, N., & Spencer-Oatey, H. (2009). Multidisplinary
perspectives on intercultural conflict: the ‘Bermuda Triangle’
of conflict, culture and communication. In H. Kotthoff,
& H. Spencer-Oatey (Eds.), Handbook of Intercultural
Communication (pp. 99–119). New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Zimmermann, L., (2014)The most uplifting thing you will
watch this summer! Retrieved from: http://integratebristol.
org.uk/2014/06/26/ (accessed April 2016)

Mary Rose Puttick has 12 years experience as a Family

Literacy/ESOL practitioner. In September 2015 she
completed an MA Applied Linguistics at Manchester
Metropolitan University and in February 2016 started a
PhD at Birmingham City University. Her research will focus
on the integration of Muslim mothers through Family
Learning provision.
Email: maryroseputtick@gmail.com
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 13
Six things you might not know about
Heritage Language Schools
Trudie Aberdeen
Abstract
In this paper, we explore how children’s identities are
shaped through participation in community heritage lan-
guage schools (HLS) in Canada. We used Bucholtz and Hall’s
(2005) sociocultural linguistic lens to interpret interview
data with HLS leaders and community elders. Through
this sociocultural linguistic lens identity forms through
social interaction that can be described using five prin-
ciples; accordingly, participants reported that children’s
identities were shaped through experiences in HLS which
included accessing an expanding network of heritage lan-
guage speakers, a wider heritage language environment,
positive learning and presentation experiences, and the
opportunity to learn about one’s self through others. We
conclude that HLS serve a greater purpose than language
instruction; HLS provide children with spaces to connect
with a multicultural identity, a language community, other
speakers, and the self, all in service to a greater social good.
Key words: sociocultural linguistic interpretive lens, heritage
language identity, Saturday schools, heritage language schools,
multiculturalism, volunteerism, cultural engagement.
While studies suggest that schools and practitioners now
understand both the value of mother tongue (MT) proficiency
in the development of additional languages (Prevoo, Malda,
Emmen, Yenaid, & Mesman, 2015; Swain, Lapkin, Rowen, &
Hart, 1990; Verhoeven, 1994) as well as the importance of
actively encouraging immigrant and refugee parents to use
their MTs with their children (Dixon, Wu, & Daraghmeh, 2012;
Lee & Oxelson, 2006), less has been written about the types
of support available to parents and children in MT minority
communities for MT maintenance and development. In
Canada MT are typically referred to as heritage languages (HL)
and maintenance falls within the purview of heritage language
community schools (HLS). This paper offers insights into what
HLS offer children, youth and families, and how their services
and benefits may be of interest to ESOL practitioners.
The paper is drawn from a larger doctoral study with HL
leaders (also called principals or directors) and HL community
elders (those who have been involved with HL teaching for at
least 20 years and who have participated in the executive of
a heritage language umbrella organization) about how/what
HL schools contribute to the development of HL teachers,
students, their community and the broader society and how
government policies have shaped their pedagogical offerings
and organization (Aberdeen, 2016). In this paper we offer a
synthesis of comments made by HL leaders and elders relating
to the benefits of HLS to children and families in the hopes of
bringing these perspectives into broader awareness.
Data Collection and Analysis
The data presented in this paper come from the first author’s
PhD dissertation entitled Understanding Heritage Language
Schools in Alberta in which she explored four research questions
through interviews with 18 HL school leaders and elders. After
passing ethics requirements, one on one interviews were
arranged, audio recorded, and transcribed. They underwent
a member check (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Patton, 2002) before
being thematically coded. The six themes or benefits of HL
schools for children that were discussed by HL leaders and
elders included:
1. Additional exposure to language and literacy;
2. Same-language friendships and a sense of belonging;
3. Opportunities to develop cultural pride and self-worth;
4. Exposure to the value of learning multiple languages and
importance of life-long learning;
5. Holistic personal development and personal rewards from
learning to do service work;
6. Available supports for newly-arrived families.
The value of these six themes is further enhanced through
Bucholtz and Hall’s (2005) five key principles of identity
construction. Grounded in sociocultural theory the principles
include:
1. emergence principle – identity construction is a product of,
and not the cause of, relations;
2. positionality principle – identity forms with opportunities to
experiment with and accept multiple labels and roles;
3. indexicality principle – the process of identity construction
takes place through naming of categories, definition of
roles, learning these roles and the language required to do
them;
4. relationality principle – identities develop through one’s
examination of sameness/difference, genuineness/
articifice, and authority/delegitimacy; and
5. partialness principle – identities are in constant development
over time through conscious and subconscious processes.
After presenting data about each theme the paper suggests
how its content can benefit ESOL practitioners and proposes
directions for future research.
14 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
1. Children who attend HLS benefit
from additional exposure to
language and literacy
With statistics reporting the rapid rate of language loss
among immigrant youth, HL teachers and leaders know the
tremendous challenge of language maintenance in minority
language settings (immigration.ca; Bilash, 2012; Salegio, 1998).
This awareness guides them to emphasize exposure to HL
literacy in their interactions with families and their selection of
programs for their HLS. HLS elders and leaders Laurie, Alice
and Lydia offer examples of how this happens.
Laurie explains that language loss begins when children
enter the school system and how she tries to advise parents
how this seemingly invisible shift toward English dominance
occurs. Her description of how immigrant children shift to a
new Canadian identity reveals Bucholtz and Hall’s positionality
principle – how macro-level Canadian identity and “local,
ethnographically specific cultural positions” merge (p. 592).
She demonstrates that she is aware that children are in a
position to take on multiple identities and that she strives to
make parents aware of the need to explicitly adopt a new and
additional micro-level identity. She states:
I work with school board, not only as a teacher, but also as a
multicultural worker. I meet lots of newcomers, especially for
translation. Some don’t have enough language to give details
about their children. So I tell them all the time, because they
are worried about English. I tell them “Don’t worry about
English, they are in school, they will learn English very fast.
Even if they are high school students, they will pick it up. But
worry about your language. If you want to keep this language,
you need to start thinking about this right now.” If you don’t
want to send your children to Saturday school because you
don’t have time or they don’t have money, of course when they
come they don’t have any money, but at least continue to read
with them at home, watch movies, talk to them.
Laurie encourages parents to support and develop the multiple
nuanced identity positions and associated discourses of their
children (emergence and indexicality principles). Once parents
have the means and can commit to HLS programs, children
need steady validation of their efforts and progress. Alice
reports how children’s participation in international speech
competitions encourages language maintenance and builds
students’ sense of pride and accomplishment. In addition to
contributing to the identity development of the children who
participate in them, these competitions also help children
develop public speaking and global citizenship skills – skills
that transfer into benefits in their adult lives as Alice elaborates,
Even some kids, like right now they have the language bridge
competition. We have kids that do very well. For me, even if
some of them don’t win a prize, they are still number one. When
they start speaking in front of people and they can, for two and
a half hours, stand and speak that well! That’s a success story
for me and the kids that work all over the diaspora! When they
were in school they hated the language but now they come
back and they say I am so glad that I learned it. That makes me
feel very, very good.
Lydia describes how the indexicality principle is further
developed through the annual multigenerational “Community
Read-In Week” in her HLS. The community members who
are invited to come and read to all children in the school are
exposing children to multiple roles, positions and discourses of
HL identity. She explains:
February was our reading month. So we had people from our
community, so we had two professors from a university come
in, and they don’t have kids in our school, but they are part of
the community. They read to the kids. A priest came in and
read. A dad came in and read.
Additional research also supports that reading skills are
enhanced in HLS (De Capua & Wintergerst, 2009, Guardado,
2002; Jean, 2011, Liu, 2007), and with literacy skills HL
students can access more linguistic input from technology and
media (Cui, 2011/2012).
2. Children who attend HLS benefit
from same-language friendships
and a sense of belonging
An important part of knowing a language is having someone
with whom one can speak it. According to HL leaders and
elders, schools serve an important function of connecting
young HL speakers with one another and with other members
of the language community. Fritz, a previous leader of a HLS
explains,
Well one thing that we wanted was that they know each
other—that they know each other as the same ethnic group.
We were hoping to learn the language at the same time as
getting to know each other so that they would be in the same
community. So we believed that friendship, knowing each other
well, we were hoping we could do that.
The manner in which Fritz describes his school positions it as
a site of both language learning and community membership
building. Fritz is aware that “identity emerges from the specific
conditions of linguistic interaction (p. 588).” (Bucholtz and
Hall’s emergence principle). Similarly, according to Ford,
another current school leader, helping children’s friendships
emerge within the language community is an important part
of his job:
Me as a principal, I am very eager to make sure that all of
the students have a friend. If they don’t then I go to another
and say okay, you make friends with him. Make sure that he is
involved in your game.
For those that attended a HLS for many years, friendship
evolved with participation. Lydia, a former HL student and
now HLS principal, understands what young children think
about having to attend school for an extra day each week, yet
understands now how those experiences shaped her for the
better. “As a kid I used to be ‘Oh grumble, grumble. I can’t
play soccer and I can’t dance or whatever, I have to go to HL
school’. Slowly over time it became a place where I had a lot
in common with these other kids.” And they are “still a part of
[her] social circle”. Alice seconds how children form life-long
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 15
friends in HLS: “They build a lot of friendships. They have their
community, too, after HL school. You know they look forward
to coming to school, and even after they graduate they still
connect with their former teachers. Even in university they
still talk.” Both Lydia and Alice are describing the partialness
principle in action – how conscious and sub-conscious
developmental processes contribute to shaping identity. Youth
identity is “constantly shifting both as interaction unfolds and
across discourse contexts (p. 606).”
As previously stated, contexts are as important for identity
formation as interactions. Alongside having friends that speak
your language belonging to a community also means attending
and participating in community events. HL leaders and elders
are mindful of how friendships and events help to sustain the
future of the HL community and work hard to develop positive
memorable experiences. Ford’s school hosts community
events which have “clowns, and balloon twisters, a magician,
professional child care givers to entertain them”. In addition,
he makes the school part of the community: “We have games
so that everybody can participate. And then we have pizza day.
We go outside and we play soccer, volleyball. So everybody
(all ages) is doing something together—something [that is non-
formal] education.”
Like Ford, most school leaders interviewed described child-
centered events in their language community. Alice’s and
Violet’s schools hold annual winter concerts and as has already
been mentioned, Lydia’s HL school also hosts a “Community
Read-In Week”.
Not only did HL leaders and elders stress friendship-building
and the importance of organizing events that are geared to
the age-, interest- and language- levels of children and youth,
but they also explained that it was necessary for young people
to be integrated and feel that they belong to a community.
Furthermore, the leaders reported that the visibility from HL
school activities expands the language’s sphere of influence for
the child, from the home and family to the community, and in
some cases, the global diaspora.
3. Children who attend HLS benefit
from opportunities to display
cultural pride and develop a strong
sense of self­-worth
As stated above, children who participate in HL schools are
offered a variety of opportunities to use the HL and perform
at community events. According to HL leaders and HL
scholars, these opportunities may shape children’s identities or
increase the amount of pride that they feel for them (Chinen &
Tucker, 2005; Lee, 2013; Lee, 2002, Otcu, 2010). Community
performances are seen as both an opportunity to showcase
community talents, as well as a means to develop those talents;
accordingly, many HL schools integrate dance, choir, music
and other expressive arts into their programs. As community
development professional Candy explains, “There is a real
culture, especially in this city, to be organized around your
culture. So [people] see other groups doing it and they say that
is how we should be doing this. That is how we show ourselves;
that is how we show our pride.”
Candy is describing authorization or “the affirmation
or imposition of an identity through local structures of
institutionalized power and ideology, whether local or
translocal. (p. 603). HLS capitalize on multiculturalism as a
launch pad for the development of children’s personal talents.
Leaders of schools that have not yet developed structures
to support affirmation may feel illegitimate relative to other
groups. However, this feeling may also help development
burgeon in the HLS.
In addition to the pride felt community-wide, other HL leaders
shared numerous examples of how parents and children felt
pride and self-worth from their involvement in these activities.
Lydia describes parent and grandparent responses to HLS
activities: “I run the school Facebook page. Every time we do
an event, I post up pictures right away. The kids sing a little
song, I post up a video. There will be 700 or some likes or
views.” Such postings are circulated around the world and
help families stay in touch with one another and interconnect
across generations. With such pride and intergenerational
communication afforded through the HL, even from afar,
family members can boost the self-esteem of children. This
strategic support for the development of Canadian children’s
self-esteem from both within Canadian communities and from
those abroad speaks to “what language and language users
count as ‘genuine’ for a given purpose. (Bucholtz and Hall,
2005, p. 601). Children see their efforts as authentic and valued
by those outside their direct sphere of influence.
Such positive intergenerational interaction also shapes how
children and an ethnic community are perceived by others and
brings awareness as to how they contribute to both their larger
ethnic community and the mainstream community as Victor
elaborates:
Whenever there are any performances and that they get to
perform in public, you know at city hall, or they get invited to do
special performances at the places of worship, or senior halls,
or go to any of the public performances, they [the children] are
very proud. When they put on their dresses and clothes, and
they look nice, their hair is done, they are very proud of being
from this culture. And even when they speak to their friends
and they tell their friends about it, they say “this is my language
and culture”. They try to translate a song or they explain to
their friend that this is what the dance is all about and some of
the words, they tell them this is what the words mean.
Victor shows how children experience authenticity in their
identity as they learn that what takes place in their HL
schools is of interest and value to those outside their specific
communities. Leaders and elders speak further of how they
convey values and hope in the youth in their community, as
Victor explains:
I mean right now you might not see it, but in about four or five
years when the kids grow up and they go out into the world
and all these things hit them in the face, like they struggle to
find jobs and things like that, and they will think back, hey, I
went to HL school and they taught be to be hard-working and
16 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
dedicated. They taught me respect. They taught me how to be
a great human being. Right now they may not know it, but in
about five or six years, they will know the benefits of this.
Children in HLS are also invited to participate in the annual
International Mother Language Day festivities held on
February 21. In the spirit of UNESCO’s and Linguapax’s
event, children have two opportunities to have their talents
showcased. First their HL writing can be published in a hard-
copy book that contains stories from children across multiple
language communities. Of the books Laurie says:
It is a very good idea that came to [our organization] to publish
these books. Because when you say to children write a story,
just because you want to assess their writing skills, probably
they won’t be very interested. But when you say, “You will
write a story and it will be published in a book and you will
receive this book”, it changes the motivation. Children want to
be published authors. They say, “I have a book where my story
is!” and they can show it to their parents and their friends. And
so it is absolutely different.
Again both Victor’s and Laurie’s words describe both the
authenticity of what takes place in HL schools and the broad
positionalities the schools’ programs offer. The productions of
students, be it performances or written texts, are meant to be
shared with, and appreciated by, those beyond the immediate
family. A second way in which children develop authentic social
networking and pride is through attendance at International
Mother Language Day where children help to prepare displays,
offer commentary to others at the displays, view other displays
and perform on stage. At these events, children are encouraged
to visit the displays of other schools and learn about one
another’s cultures. They even add written comments to a
prepared passport for the day and once complete, have the
opportunity to enter a draw for a prize.
As Zhou (2003) describes in the following quote about HLS,
children’s identities are shaped by the self-esteem, personal
and family values and social networking they experience
through the HLS’ activities and by the community members
they interact with:
When schools are in session, these institutions provide a
cultural environment where the children are surrounded by
other Chinese and pressured to act (and thus feel) Chinese.
Teachers reinforce the values of filial piety, respect for
authority, hard work, and discipline. Also, during traditional
Chinese holiday seasons, such as the Chinese New Year, the
Dragon Festival in the spring, and the Mid-Autumn Moon
Festival, Chinese schools participate in celebratory parades,
evening shows, and other community events such as sports
and choral or dance festivals. Participation in these cultural
activities not only exposes children to their cultural heritage,
reaffirming their ethnic identity, but also provides opportunities
for the children to work closely with their parents and other
adults in the community on common projects. (p. 67)
Victor, Laurie and Zhou provide evidence of the emergence
principle: identity is developed through multiple relationships,
the sharing of values, and learning about one’s self by
comparing with others. the reported cognitive and academic benefits of language
4. Children who attend HLS are
encouraged to learn multiple
languages and see learning
as a life-long endeavour
In this study those involved in HL schools advocate learning
multiple languages and, in addition, being exposed to many
different languages and cultures at International Mother
Language Day, HL educational leaders and elders promote a
love for learning. Victor describes how multicultural interaction
promotes learning and a desire to learn about others and
their languages. He says, “the benefits [are] learning from
others, other cultures, the way other people have different
understanding, what other languages are all about.” Alice has
a positive attraction to all languages, not just Canada’s official
languages or her own. She says, “Well I think that we need
to preserve all of these languages, including the aboriginal
languages. They have all of these languages that die. It’s sad.
Because language is part of being human. We should have
something that preserves how beautiful they are.” Monique
also feels that language learning, not just mother tongue
learning, is important. When asked to describe her school’s
biggest success, she shares:
We do very well in planting the love of our main language to
our children. This is important. And the other thing is that we
create awareness for our children that learning other languages
is important for them and their future.
Values of lifelong learning and respect for others are what
HL school leaders and elders wish to transmit to HL children
regardless of the HL they teach to students. Lydia shares how
she counsels students in her school, “I tell kids all the time,
because I myself speak a few other languages, and I tell kids
all the time at school, take a second language. Knowing my
HL actually helped me with French. I have my job because I
spoke French.” Lydia shares how the values put forth by her
HL community transferred into employment as an adult (the
indexicality principle).
Violet also wants students to understand how what is learned
in HL school can apply to future careers. She emphasizes
with students and staff what Bucholtz and Hall (2005) call
adequation or how people position themselves as similar in
order to promote interaction. (p. 599). Following is what Violet
tells her HL instructors and how she positions herself,
I said, “I want the students leaving this school happy.” That word
‘happy’ is very broad. I want them to have a positive outlook on
our language. I don’t care what level they succeeded to, but I
want them to have good memories, because what they do with
that language further on, we have no control. Remember their
age group; they’re so young. The still have the junior high and
high school to go through, and university. I said, “I am looking
for these students one day not to be afraid because of their
language level to take a course at the university.” I don’t want
these students to be afraid to start a business in our former
country.
HL school leaders and HL elders are also aware of and promote
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 17
learning (Allen, 2004; Canadian Council on Learning, 2007;
Lazaruk, 2007; Speck, 2008; Swain & Lapkin, 2011). They
stay abreast and convey research findings to parents through
newsletters and personal and professional informal and formal
conversations and promote multilingualism. For example, they
help parents understand that trilingual students might be better
language learners and more willing to take risks in language
learning opportunities or may be better at metacognitive skills
(Dagenais & Berron, 2001; Dagenais & Day, 1998; Swain &
Lapkin, 2005).
5. Children who attend HLS benefit
from holistic development and learn
the personal rewards of service work
and community development
In a large-scale study in the United States, Ishizawa (2015)
examined 12,590 participants and found that Asian and
Hispanic immigrant children volunteered in larger numbers
than Caucasian American children. In particular, she found
that the ability to speak one’s HL made one more likely to
volunteer, stating:
In other words, the likelihood of volunteerism increases
among first and second generational Hispanics if they have
parents who talk to them in their non-English native language.
It is important to note that this positive effect of having non-
English-speaking parents on volunteerism was also true for
Asians. (p. 227)
Similarly, Victor describes how the children in his school
perform not only for events in his language community but
also at senior’s centers across the city. He believes that such
performances build students’ self-confidence, compassion and
understanding of the value of service work and sustain not
only the HL community and identity, but also offer value to
other members of society:
I mean we bring joy and we bring entertainment for them.
There’s nothing better than watching some happy kid with
beautiful clothes dancing to the nice music, smiling in the
winter when you know when you are alone and nobody is
visiting you or something like that. I believe we have a lot to
contribute to the health of these people and they love to see us
perform for them.
Sage and Alice acknowledge that HL programs aim at whole
person and character development. Sage describes how HL
students are drawn to service work, “They also feel like they
are doing things for our community. So, they are more into
doing volunteer work. I think in the future they know that their
community needs them to lead. I think that makes them better
people.”
Alice also recognizes that HL school programs help students to
develop character. She says, “So we teach a lot. More than just
the books. Those are my goals, because I don’t just want them
to be academically good, but I want them to be a well-rounded
person and a good citizen.”
Fabian, representing another refugee community, describes
how community work helps youth learn how “the system
works” and sets as a future goal for his students to develop
the service or volunteering spirit. “When those kids start
doing community work, they will do better in the mainstream
because they will know the system … Then all of them they
will feel this [spirit of helping others] from our culture.” His
vision is for students to build a global community.
Although further studies are needed to corroborate the HL
leaders’ and elders’ beliefs that participation in HL schools
makes one more likely to volunteer as an adult, Jones’ (2000)
study found that children who were involved in extra-curricular
activities, such as those in HLS, as a child had a higher rate of
volunteerism as adults.
6. HLS programs contribute
to family stability
All children benefit from being in stable families with parents
who have a sense of contentment, contribution and belonging,
and this is even more important for immigrant youth. In some
recently arrived immigrant families, parents need supports
to help them adjust to their new lives (Izzo, Weiss, Shanahan,
Rodrigues-Brown, 2000). For some, these supports can be
found in friendships made at HL schools, as one recent refugee
explained:
creating a HL school helps bringing the parents together.
They will mingle and they will discuss. They will talk
about the groups back home, what happened to somebody
else’s job, what did you do last week? So, they ask how the
people are. Depression here, you know, it is like this. When
you are alone and maybe you have some bills to pay, family
issues…. But when you bring together with people, you
come and sit and you say, “Ah hah! Everybody here has a
problem, too, not only me.” So you feel okay. You feel relief;
you can relax now. You say everybody is the same as me
now. It is not only you with a problem, it’s also everybody
else. So our community, we need to attract together, and by
bringing our kids together, we actually keep our relations
actually strong.
As Fane shares above, HL schools promote community
cohesion, not only for children, but also for families. Children
who participate in HL schools are exposed to caring
communities who function to support one another during
difficult times. They are exposed to positive role models
which contradict some of the negative stereotypes they
might be exposed to in mainstream schools. Fane strives for
his community members to construct an identity through
a process that is “in part deliberate and intentional, in part
habitual and hence often less than fully conscious (p. 606).”
(the partialness principle).
In some HL schools parents have the chance to meet with
one another and learn about life in Canada while children are
in classes learning literacy and oracy. According to Victor,
common topics of discussion include “work and who is hiring,”
“the health of smoking”, “whose house can host the next
party”, “cultural programs”, “exchanging information” and
18 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
“cooking”. As mentioned, such discussions among community
members not only relieve feelings of loneliness and isolation,
but also contribute to feelings of safety and advancement
in their lives in Canada. In turn, children benefit from their
parents improved networking and the social situations of their
parents.
Alice also noted the significant child-care service provided by
HL schools: “Also, some parents, they are new immigrants,
they work Saturday, so they see us as a daycare, their kids
would have nowhere to go, it’s a very cheap daycare for all year
round Saturday care, because our school fees are minimum.”
She considers HL schools as offering both a positive identity
to children and a financial asset to parents. Further, children
witness, perhaps even subconsciously, that HL schools are
places that care for children and support families.
A HL school not only shapes an individual through meaningful
experiences, but also provides benefits for HL students by
creating a social network for parents. Additional scholars
have examined HL schools and found that they serve to meet
the needs of students as well as the parents (Li, 2005, Liu,
2007). Children adopt these values of care and community by
experiencing them firsthand.
Closing
This study describes six ways in which HLS contribute to the
development of children’s identities as both HL speakers and
community members and Canadians who speak an official
language. In it, HLS leaders and HL community elders report
that children develop as language speakers and become HL
community members through participation with friends and
adults in school, community events, multicultural events, and
interaction with the wider diaspora. Study participants believe
that the children learn language as a result of community
interaction as opposed to partaking in interaction because of
their language abilities. Or, in the words of Bucholtz and Hall
(2005), “identity is best viewed as the emergent product rather
than the pre-existing source of linguistic and other semiotic
practices and therefore as fundamentally a social and cultural
phenomenon (p. 588).” (the emergence principle).
Throughout this study, participants acknowledged that part
of what was offered to the children was an opportunity to
explore alternatives/additions to the label of mainstream
Canadian. In accordance with the positionality principle they
explained that children gravitate naturally to a macro-level,
mainstream Canadian identity, but through participation
in HLS are redirected to form simultaneously micro-level,
interactional identities within their ethnocultural groups. This
identity formation process continues as children learn what it
means to belong to a community – to take on a variety of roles
and learn their associated discourses (indexicality principle),
such as listening to guest speakers, performing in public, or
contributing to a multicultural book. Other tasks mentioned
in this study ranged from school and community events, to
multicultural and diaspora events. As children participated
in their HL communities, they felt pride and connection with
these responsibilities and labels causing them to say, as Victor
noted, “this is my language and culture.” Their identities
evolved through tasks and processes that were at once “in part
deliberate and intentional, in part habitual and hence often less
than fully conscious (p. 606)” as the partialness principle posits.
Identity forms in relation to others and is therefore constantly
shifting and unfolding through relationships with others.
HLS leaders and elders recognize that identity development
as a HL speaker and HL community member are not binary
positions and that it is important to invest in HLS programs
while children are young or as soon as they arrive in their new
country so as to consolidate a long term identity investment.
The identity formation that takes place in HLS benefits
not only the individual children, but Canadian society as a
whole. HLS promote the Canadian values of multiculturalism
and multilingualism. These social tenets contribute both to
children’s identity and values as Canadians and to their identity
and values as members of a HL community. Children who
experience multilingualism and multiculturalism as personal
and community values are afforded opportunities to explore
how personal, family, and community values are both similar
and dissimilar to other groups and mainstream Canadian
society. “Identities are intersubjectively constructed through
several often overlapping, complementary relations, including
similarity/ difference, genuineness/artifice, and authority/
deligitimacy.”(p. 598), as Bucholtz and Hall’s relationality
principle states. While individuals benefit from an increased
awareness of self, others benefit from increased tolerance and
understanding.
Implications for ESOL practitioners
This study reports six benefits or contributions that HL
educators and leaders consider HLS programs offer and
aligns them with Bucholtz and Hall’s five principles of identity
formation (2005). As such, these points may offer ESOL
practitioners both insights and incentives to make connections
with HL community schools. Since HL schools promote the
academic and cognitive skills that newly arrived children need
in order to be successful in the regular K-12 school system,
ESOL practitioners who are familiar with schools and their
programs may see them as partners in developing students’
social skills, language and literacy and, as such, direct HL
students and parents to explore their offerings and value. ESOL
practitioners may also wish to connect with some of their local
HL community organizations to build relationships and create
collaborative ways to build the shared goals of developing self-
esteem and social supports of youth in public schools. ESOL
practitioners may further benefit from understanding how HL
community organizations offer empathy and compassion in a
familiar language to families in transition by assisting them to
find others who share similar experiences and with whom they
can share challenges and gain insights into their new home
community.
This study’s participants present HL schools as being
valuable not only as institutions that teach language, but
also as places that foster friendship and community as well
as positive attitudes and pride in one’s community, language
and lifelong learning, and the development of values such
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 19
as multiculturalism, the acceptance of others, and how to
contribute to others through volunteering and service work.
Furthermore, leaders and elders believe that children benefit
because of their parents’ participation in a community. Each
of these areas merits further study from the perspectives of
HL school principals and HL elders, but especially from the
perspectives of students, parents, and HL and mainstream
community members. Only through such triangulated studies
can we better understand the ecology of HL communities or
perhaps any minority community.
References
Aberdeen, G. C. (2016). Understanding heritage language
schools in Alberta. Unpublished doctoral dissertation.
Edmonton, AB: University of Alberta.
Allen, M. (2004). Reading achievement of students in French
Immersion programs. Educational Quarterly Review, 9(4),
25–30.
Bilash, O. (2012). Factors Contributing to Current Aboriginal
Language use in Canada: A Call for Social Justice. Citizenship
Education Research Network Peer Review Collection, 2 (1),
62–75.
Bucholtz, M., & Hall, K. (2005). Identity and interaction: A
sociocultural linguistic approach. Discourse Studies, 7(4/5),
585–614.
Canadian Council on Learning. (2007). Lessons in learning:
French Immersion education in Canada. Taken from http://
www.ccl-cca.ca/pdfs/LessonsInLearning/May-17-07-
French-immersion.pdf
Chinen, K., & Tucker, G. R. (2005). Heritage language
development: Understanding the roles of ethnic identity and
Saturday school participation. Heritage Language Journal, 3(1),
27–59.
Cui, D. (2011/2012). Two multicultural debates in the lived
experiences of Chinese-Canadian youth. Canadian Ethnic
Studies, 43–44(3.1), 123–143.
De Capua, A., & Wintergerst, A. C. (2009). Second-generation
language maintenance: A case study. Bilingual Research
Journal, 32, 5–24.
Dagenais, D., & Berron, C. (2001). Promoting multilingualism
through French immersion and language maintenance in
three immigrant families. Language, Culture and Curriculum,
14, 142–155.
Dagenais, D., & Day, E. (1998). Classroom language
experiences of trilingual children in French immersion. The
Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue canadienne des
langues vivantes, 54, 376–393.
Dixon, L. Q., Wu, S., & Daraghmeh, A. (2012). Profiles in
bilingualism: Factors influencing kindergarteners’ language
proficiency. Early Childhood Education Journal, 40, 25–34.
Guardado, M. (2002). Loss and maintenance of first language
skills: Case studies of Hispanic families in Vancouver.
Canadian Modern Language Review, 58(3), 341–363.
Ishizawa, H. (2015). Civic participation through volunteerism
among youth across immigrant generations. Sociological
Perspectives, 58, 264–285.
Izzo, C., Weiss, L., Shanahan, T., & Rodriguez-Brown, F.
(2000). Parental self-efficacy and social support as predictors
of parenting practices and children’s socioemotional
adjustment in Mexican immigrant families. Journal of
Prevention & Intervention in the Community, 20(1–2), 197–213.
Jean, M. W. L. (2011). Canadian school-aged heritage
language learners’ pattern of language use and beliefs
about learning their two languages. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation. University of Toronto: Toronto, Canada.
Lazaruk, (2007). Linguistic, academic, and cognitive benefits
of French Immersion. The Canadian Modern Language Review,
63(5), 605–627.
Lee, B. Y. (2013). Heritage language maintenance and cultural
identity formation: The case of Korean immigrant parents
and their children in the USA. Early Child Development and
Care, 183(11), 1576–1588.
Lee, J. S. (2002). The Korean language in America: The role
of cultural identity in heritage language learning. Language,
culture and curriculum, 15(2), 177–193.
Lee, J. S., & Oxelson, E. (2006). “It’s not my job”: K-12
teachers attitudes toward students’ heritage language
maintenance. Bilingual Research Journal, 30(2), 453–477.
Li, M. (2005). The role of parents in Chinese heritage-​
language schools. Bilingual Research Journal 29(1), 197–207,
232.
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (2000). Paradigmatic
controversies, contradictions, and emerging confluences. In
N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative
research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Liu, G. (2007). Chinese immigrants united for self-
empowerment: Case study of a weekend Chinese school.
Unpublished PhD dissertation. University of Southern
California.
Otcu, B. (2010). Heritage language maintenance and cultural
identity formation: The case of a Turkish Saturday school in
New York City. Heritage Language Journal, 7(2), 112–137.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative evaluation and research
methods (3rd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Prevoo, M., Malda, M., Emmen, R., Yenaid, N., & Mesman,
J. (2015). A context-dependent view on the linguistic
interdependence hypothesis: Language use and SES as
potential moderators. Language Learning, 65(2), 449–469.
Salegio, M. (1998). Dual language parenting. Unpublished M.
Ed. project, University of Alberta: Edmonton.
Speck, K. (2008). Alberta leads the way in second languages.
ATA Magazine, 89(1), 45–47.
Swain, M., & Lapkin, S. (2005). The evolving sociopolitical
context of immersion education in Canada : Some
implications for program development. International Journal
of Applied Linguistics, 15(2), 169–186.
20 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Swain, M., & Lapkin, S. (2011). The Lambert immersion

legacy: Research and entorship. Canadian Issues, Autumn
2011, 14–17.
Swain, M., Lapkin, S., Rowen, N., Hart, D. (1990). The role of
mother tongue literacy in third language learning. Language,
Culture & Curriculum, 3(1), 65–81.
Verhoeven, L. (1994). Transfer in bilingual development: The
linguistic interdependence hypothesis revisited. Language
Learning, 44(3), 381–415.
Zhou, M. (2003). Ethnic language schools and the
development of supplementary education in the immigrant
Chinese community of the United States. In L. Xi. (Ed). New
Directions for Youth Development. Wiley On-line.

Trudie Aberdeen’s PhD dissertation “Understanding

Heritage Language Schools in Alberta” explores how
Saturday schools operate from personal relationships to
interaction with government organizations. In addition
to academic work she serves on a number of community
boards and currently teaches Kindergarten at Truong Lac
Hong School in Edmonton, Alberta.
Olenka Bilash is professor of second language education
in the Department of Secondary Education, University of
Alberta and North American representative to LINGUAPAX,
an organization designed to advocate for all languages in
the world and plurilingualism. A teacher educator, action
researcher and system’s thinker, she strives to bring groups
together for mutual understanding, creative sharing and
long-term reciprocity.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 21
Is Brazilian Portuguese being
taught as a community or
heritage language?
Ana Souza, Oxford Brookes University
Abstract
The development of the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese
as a community language in a number of countries, includ-
ing England, is a recent phenomenon. This article sets out
to discuss historical as well as current political and social
issues related to this development, including issues about
the terminologies adopted in different countries to refer to
the languages migrants bring with them. The discussions
are placed against the background of Brazilian interna-
tional migration which only became significant in the sec-
ond half of the 1980s. A review of the first publications on
the Brazilian community schools in England shows the key
role these schools have in the identity development of their
pupils. Consequently, a continuous growth in the number
of these schools has been witnessed since 1997. This growth
is documented in this article, as are the challenges these
schools face in running their services and activities. The
development of networks locally, nationally and inter-
nationally is acknowledged as a creative way adopted by
the schools to work together towards overcoming these
challenges. Nevertheless, a call is made for other nodes to
be included in these networks: mainstream schools and
schools maintained by other migrant groups.
Introduction
The importance of heritage languages: This was the theme
of the Second European Symposium on the Teaching of
Portuguese as a Heritage Language (II-SEPOLH) held at
the Technical University of Munich in 2015. Portuguese is a
Romance language that developed in the Iberian Peninsula
and established its independent linguistic identity in the 14th
century. The Portuguese language was then taken to Africa,
Asia and the Americas by Portuguese colonisers in the 15th
and 16th centuries. Consequentely, Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde,
Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, Portugal, São Tomé and Príncipe
and Timor have Portuguese as their official language. However,
it is in Brazil, with a population of 204,450,6591, that most of
its speakers live.
Some speakers of Brazilian Portuguese are also found in the
UK, a country with a significant number of Brazilian migrants.
Therefore, this article sets to examine the historical as well
as current political and social issues related to the status of
Brazilian Portuguese in this country. With this aim, the main
questions to be addressed in this paper are the following:
(1) When was it that Brazilian Portuguese became one of the
languages used in the UK?
(2) How is Brazilian Portuguese being taught in the UK, as a
community language or heritage language?
This article starts with a discussion of the terminologies
adopted in different countries to refer to the languages
migrants bring with them. This discussion is placed against the
background of Brazilian international migration which has led
to the presence of Brazilian schools in England. A historical
perspective of these schools is presented and followed by a
literature review on their development. The challenges faced
by these schools are documented as are the networks they
have developed with the aim of overcoming the challenges
to them presented by the context in which they operate. This
article, in spite of acknowledging the supportive role of the
present networks, identifies the need to expand the current
networks that are focused on Brazilian individuals, institutions
and governments to include English mainstream schools and
schools maintained by other migrant groups.
Terminology – some definitions
Cummins’ (1983) review of the teaching of the languages of
minority students in Canada, the USA and Europe between
1968 and 1983 indicates that the teaching of heritage
languages started at least 48 years ago. However, the term
heritage languages was used for the first time only in 1977 in the
Ontario Heritage Languages Program (Cummins 1983). The
program offered language lessons with the aim of promoting
cultural awareness, understanding and expression among
students of migrant backgrounds. In other words, heritage
language refers to the ethnocultural language of a community
(Cummins 1983).
It was only about 20 years later, in the late 1990s, that American
academics started to use the term heritage languages (García
2005). According to Wiley (2005), this ‘[…] label is used to
refer to immigrant, refugee, and indigenous languages, as well
as former colonial languages’ (p. 595). Nonetheless, Baker
and Jones (1998 in Wiley 2005: 596) point to the danger of
adopting this label, as it may be viewed as portraying stronger
links to the past. This seems to be the case with Fishman’s
(2001) definition that presents heritage language (HL) as being
any ancestral language. This perception of HL as representing
something old is criticized by García (2005):
22 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

‘Positioning languages other than English in the United emotional attachment and which form a part of their heritage
States as heritage languages clearly is rear-viewing. It and thus of their identity’ (Anderson & Chun 2012).
speaks to what was left behind in remote lands, what is
Independent of the term used (see summary of their definitions
in one’s past. By leaving the languages in the past, the
in Table 1 below), Blackledge and Creese (2008) advocate
term heritage languages connotes something that one
that linguistic and cultural heritage ‘[…] may be transmitted,
holds onto vaguely as one’s remembrances, but certainly
accepted, contested, subverted, appropriated, and otherwise
not something that is used in the present or that can be
negotiated’ (p. 538). In other words, heritage is part of a
projected into the future.’ (p. 601)
dialogical process in which parents and their children negotiate
García (2005) makes these criticisms in relation to Spanish, social, cultural and linguistic experiences. In spite of this, the
a language that has an active role in the routine of millions strong influence the USA has had in the terminology around
of speakers in the USA who use it alongside English. She heritage issues cannot be ignored. The fact that Brazilian
claims that bilingualism is in fact the relevant heritage of these academics, including myself, have adopted the term heritage
speakers. Therefore, the American government’s adoption language to describe the teaching of Portuguese to children of
of language policies which have a monolingual perspective Brazilian backgrounds being raised abroad illustrates this.
impedes the perception of bilingualism as an asset and thus
places languages other than English in a negative light. In
García’s own words: Brazilian Portuguese in London –
‘In the United States, we have gone from the two solitudes a general contextual background
of our two languages in bilingualism, to our sole solitude The main cause for the development of the teaching of
in English, with whispers in other languages. Our multiple heritage languages was and is migration. The teaching of
identities have been silenced, with one language identity Brazilian Portuguese as a Heritage Language – hence POLH5
reduced to that of a heritage.’ (García 2005: 605) (pronounced as ‘Paul’ /‘pɔ:l/) – in the UK is no different.
Brazilian migration to the UK started in the very beginning
Nevertheless, García acknowledges that the use of this term in
of the 20th century with 392 Brazilian-born persons being
educational contexts creates a space for the use of languages
recorded in the 1901 census (Kubal, Bakewell & de Haas 2011),
other than English. A similar concern for the safeguarding of
but it was only in the 1980s that Brazilian migration became
diverse linguistic and cultural heritages is also present in the
significant worldwide. The political and economic situation of
European Constitution2. However, the term minority language
Brazil in that period forced Brazilian nationals to migrate in
tends to be more widely used in Europe than heritage language
search of work opportunities abroad. Nonetheless, a natural
(de Bot & Gorter 2005). It does not mean though that the
part of one’s migratory project is the possibility to return to the
term has been freed of criticisms. As mentioned by Arthur
country of origin. The beginning of the world economic crisis
& McPake3, minority language suggests a limited number
in 2008 and the positive changes in the economic situation
of speakers (which contradicts the official status of certain
of Brazil around the same time added to this characteristic
languages in other countries, such as Portuguese which is
of migration (the returning) and triggered a large number
spoken by over 260 million people worldwide4) or less value
of Brazilian emigrants to move back to their native land.
in relation to the majority language (i.e. the language of the
Nevertheless, the number of Brazilian emigrants is still high,
host society). In addition, both these labels (minority language
over 3 million (MRE 2015). In the European context, the UK
and heritage language) highlight the linguistic and the cultural
has the third most significant number of Brazilians, after
experiences migrants bring with them, which could be seen as
Portugal and Spain (MRE 2015).
emphasising a static and essentialist view of the preservation
of past experiences to be transmitted to future generations. The latest Brazilian official estimates show this group to
reach a number of 120,000 members in the UK (MRE 2015),
In contrast, Horvath & Vaughan (1991) point out that although
whereas the unofficial estimates mention this number to be
many migrants do not plan to discard either their language
over twice as many (Evans, Dias, Martins Jr, Souza & Tonhati
or their culture, it does not mean that they are rejecting the
2015). In contrast, the numbers reported by the 2011 British
host language and culture. They refer to a more multicultural
Census (ONS 2013) are lower than half of the Brazilian official
perspective which focuses on the present and the future of
estimates. Among the difficulties in estimating these numbers,
the language of migrants in the host country, their community
it is possible to mention that a number of Brazilian migrants
language. This term has been used to refer to languages other
hold European passports and some are undocumented
than English and Aboriginal languages in Australia since 1975.
migrants (Evans et al 2015). One issue on which the Brazilian
Although community language draws attention to the use of
and the British estimates agree is that the largest number of
language in shared social and cultural contexts, this term has
Brazilian migrants is found in London (Evans et al 2015; ONS
been criticised for implying that the speakers share linguistic
2013).
values, whereas the language being described may have
contested varieties and language standardisation (Arthur & One consequence of the large number of Brazilian migrants in
McPake op.cit.). In spite of this criticism, community language is the English capital is that Brazilian Portuguese can be used in
a term also used in the UK, where it describes ‘[…] languages all of its 33 boroughs in order to access a variety of services.
[…] used by ethnic minority communities […] whatever their The number of Brazilians, coupled with the reasonably sized
level of competence [towards which they] experience an community of migrants from Portugal (Barradas, 2010), has
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 23

Terminology In reference to In By Positive aspects Criticisms Source

adopted

Heritage Ethnocultural 1977 Canada Promotes cultural Emphasis links with Cummins 1983
languages language of a awareness, the past
community understanding and Represents
expression something old
Creates space in Presents languages
Immigrant, refugee, Late USA educational systems García 2005
indigenous 1990s in a negative light
for languages other Wiley 2005
languages and than the local one
former colonial
languages

Minority Languages of Europe Safeguards diverse Suggests a limited de Bot & Gorter
languages migrant groups linguistic and number of speakers 2005
cultural heritages Suggests language Arthur &
to be of less value McPake n.d.
Presents a static and
essentialist view

Community Languages other 1975 Australia Allows for a Implies shared Horvath &
languages than English multicultural linguistic values of Vaughan 1991
and Aboriginal perspective all their speakers Arthur &
languages Focuses on the and ignores McPake n.d.
present and the language varieties
future of the
Languages used UK languages in the Anderson &
by ethnic minority host country and on Chun 2012
communities shared social and
cultural contexts

Table 1 Summary of the language terminologies in this article

been reflected in the 2012 London School Census (NALDIC6).
This census reported over 24,000 Portuguese-speaking pupils
to be attending primary and secondary schools in the UK,
which makes Portuguese the 11th most-spoken language
among pupils in London schools (NALDIC ibid.). Many of
these pupils also enrol in after-school language courses offered
by the Camões Institute7 and Brazilian community schools
(Souza & Barradas 2014).
Brazilian community schools in the UK –
a short historical overview
up for a deficiency in the mainstream system. In contrast,
the complementary schools are so called due to the fact that
they aim to preserve the languages and the cultures of the
communities they serve with a view to complement the formal
education offered by the society that host them. In this way,
the complementary and the mainstream schools enhance each
other’s qualities and contributions to the children’s learning
and identity formation. Community is the term adopted in this
article to refer to the Brazilian schools due to their focus on
preservation of their heritage. However, all three terms are
used interchangeably in this article in order to reflect the
choice of terms of the authors of the work covered.

Community schools are also called supplementary or
complementary schools. As noted by Issa & Williams (2009),
‘[t]he terminology changes in line with the changing functions
and the way [the schools] are perceived by the communities
running them’ (p. vii). In other words, the three terms are used
in the British context and tend to emphasise different aspects
of the schools. The community schools clearly focus on the
maintenance of the heritage of a group, be it preservation of
language, culture and/or religion. The supplementary schools
offer services that supplement the work of the mainstream
schools, such as home-work club, culturally specific studies,
or other types of study support. In other words, they make
The complementary schools in England have been categorised
in three types (Li Wei 2006). The first complementary schools
directed their services to the children of Afro-Caribbean
heritage and specifically addressed the cultural aspects of
this group. The late 1970s and early 1980s saw the beginning
of the complementary schools that focused on the religious
traditions of Muslim families from Asia and Africa. Around the
same time, a number of other migrant communities started
complementary schools in order to preserve their linguistic
and cultural heritage. The main characteristic shared by these
institutions is that they are organized by community groups.
Their importance to the groups to which they are linked is well
24 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
described by Parke, Drury, Kenner and Robertson (2002) in the
quotation below.
‘If the heart of any community is its language and culture,
then in the case of minority ethnic groups, community
language schools must be the main arteries. Without
organized meetings for maintaining established traditions,
or indeed developing new ones, the community is in
danger of losing its essence. The role of the community
language school is crucial in keeping the community alive
and together and in acculturating and initiating younger
members of that community into the established linguistic
and cultural practices. For most minority ethnic groups,
the community language schools stand for the far-away
places to which the members feel they belong. The schools
embody the spirit of ‘home’ and provide the context to
meet, talk, read, eat and party, here in Britain where the
members also belong.’ (p. 216)
This close link between language, culture and belonging seems
to be one of the reasons that the Brazilian and the Portuguese
schools are separate. In addition, Portuguese emigration
started before Brazilian emigration and Portugal was the
first Portuguese-speaking country to invest in the teaching
of Portuguese abroad in the 1970s (Souza & Barradas 2014).
The Portuguese schools are now organized by the Camões
Institute, which was created in 1992 under the supervision of
the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Barradas 2010).
In the 2013–2014 academic year, over 4,000 pupils enrolled
in the lessons offered by Camões Institute in London (Souza
& Barradas 2014). Nonetheless, the teaching of European
Portuguese has nad no impact on the teaching of Brazilian
Portuguese. The Brazilian migration started much later than
the Portuguese, so did the activities of the Brazilian community
schools. Brazilian migrants have shown to value the role of
the Portuguese language and the Brazilian culture in their
identities and have gathered forces to organize their own
community schools. However, it is a fact that these schools are
concentrated in London, as illustrated in the map below, which
reflects the estimate that the English capital holds more than
half the total number of Brazilians in the UK (ONS 2013).
The map below shows nine schools which are active in London
at the time this article is written. It is also relevant to know
that another five schools8 are active in other parts of England.
These fourteen schools are part of ABRIR, an association
which will be discussed later in this article. Additionally, there
are three other schools in England and one in Scotland which
are not linked to this association. In sum, the UK has witnessed
the growth of Brazilian community schools from one in 1997 to
18 in 2016, which attests to the fact that the number of schools
changes constantly. This change can be positive, when new
schools are open, as well as negative, when schools stop their
activities. It is known that at least six schools that taught POLH
have closed9 during the same period, i.e between 1997 and
2016. The challenges that may (have led) lead to the closure of
Brazilian community schools are discussed later in this article.
Figure 1 Brazilian community schools in London10
Brazilian community schools in the UK –
a brief literature review
In 2003, NALDIC (the National Association for Language
Development in the Curriculum) presented the first publication
on Brazilian community schools. This publication is in fact a
summary (Souza 2003) of the first doctoral study on these
schools in the UK, which was completed three years later in
2006. This summary focuses on the positive contributions of
the schools in the development of a sense of identity of mixed-
heritage children, in this case, children who had a Brazilian
mother and a father of another nationality. As quoted in the
summary, the initial research results showed that
‘[…] being bilingual brings benefits to children of
intermarriage. Children naturally make the connection
between the languages people are able to speak and who
they are. Promoting the teaching of community languages
fosters a positive sense of hybrid identity among these
children. Some mothers are already aware of these
benefits and organise community language lessons for
their children through Saturday schools.’ (Souza 2003: 1)
The study was completed and a short publication of one of
its findings appeared in an English practitioners’ newsletter
in 2007. This second publication examined more closely the
relationship between the children’s language choice and social
identity. The main point made is that being familiar with the
issues that may affect the children’s sense of identity will
enable teachers to more properly assess and understand the
‘[…] children’s reasons and intentions for making their
language choices and […] the identities they wish to
portray. These findings can help community teachers to
understand that the use of different languages in their
classrooms is not a sign of failure on their part or on the
part of the students. Rather, it can be a way for children to
negotiate their identities in the different groups to which
they belong.’ (Souza 2007: 6)
Although Brazilian migration to the USA became significant
sooner and has always been in larger numbers than to
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 25
England11, the academic publications on POLH started
around the same time in both countries. Mota published
the first article on the bilingual socialization of children of
Brazilian families in the USA in 2004. Her study investigated
children in two community contexts: home and church. Mota
(2004) observed that the Brazilian parents value the role of
Portuguese in the lives of their children for two main reasons:
(1) Portuguese is seen as a marker of Brazilian identity and (2)
Portuguese may be an instrumental asset if/when returning
to Brazil. As a consequence, the parents decide to include
the use of Portuguese as the language of interaction at home
and attendance of religious services in which Portuguese is
the language adopted. The first group on record to offer the
teaching of Portuguese to children of Brazilian families in
the USA was Fundação Vamos Falar Português, which started
its activities in Florida in December 2004 (Cariello 2015),
six months after Mota’s study. Therefore, she could not have
examined this domain. Nevertheless, her work was seminal
in giving prominence to POLH and opened the path to the
researchers that came after her.
Academic articles started to mention Brazilian community
language schools in the USA only in 2011, when Santos (2011)
explains that, due to acknowledging POLH as a new field
of studies, the Georgetown University in Washington D.C.
develops links with a local group in order to provide teacher
training and develop teaching materials. Lico (2011), who
chairs the activities of the Brazilian community language
school in partnership with the Georgetown University, stresses
that the initiatives for the teaching of POLH in the USA result
from parents’ desires to transmit their linguistic and cultural
heritage to their children. Mota’s (2004) work has signalled
the active role of parents in the teaching of POLH in the
USA as have Souza & Barradas (2014) in the UK, where the
establishment of networks is also present.
Networks – developing supportive links
The Brazilian community schools face similar challenges
in running their activities as do other migrant groups in the
UK. One issue is the fact that they are housed in a variety of
venues. These venues tend to be shared spaces, which are
used on other days for other purposes, such as church halls,
community centres, public libraries and mainstream schools
(Martin, Bhatt, Bhojani and Creese 2006). Sharing imposes
a number of difficulties. The schools are usually unable to
store their own materials in the rented or borrowed spaces,
for example. Many times, the shared spaces are very basic
premises that only provide a room, desks and chairs. In the
case of the rooms rented out by mainstream schools, it is
common for the community school teachers not to be allowed
to access any of the teaching resources in the room, such as
interactive whiteboards. Access to resources is indeed one
of the main difficulties faced by community schools, be they
Brazilian or those linked to another group of migrants. This is
acknowledged by Issa and Williams (2009) who also highlight
the fact that these schools tend not to have access to textbooks
in support of their lessons – when they do, these books
tend to be brought from their home countries, and thus, are
inappropriate for the learning context of the children growing
up in the UK.
In addition, there are limitations in the training of the teachers
who work in these schools. Similarly to teachers of European
Portuguese (Barradas 2010), most of the Brazilian teachers
working in the community schools in the UK were trained
abroad, in their case, in Brazil. This training means that they
are not familiar, for instance, with issues of bilingualism and
the challenges of working with a class with extremely varied
levels of linguistic abilities in both Portuguese and English.
The training needs of teachers in community schools has
been raised by academics (see for example Issa & Williams
2009) and felt by the teachers and the schools themselves. As
a consequence of these and other challenges, the Brazilian
community schools have organized themselves under an
association named ABRIR12 (from the Portuguese abbreviation
for Brazilian Association for Educational Projects in the UK),
briefly mentioned above. This association was founded in
2006 by a group of teachers who had been involved in the
community schools and had experienced the constraints in
which these schools operate.
At a local level, ABRIR has developed partnerships with
universities in London, such as the UCL Institute of Education,
in order to offer training that includes an understanding of
British law in relation to the safeguarding of children as well as
an exploration of the profile of learners of POLH and how to
deal with their peculiarities in terms of teaching and learning. At
a national level, the Brazilian community schools are supported
by ABRIR through workshops to parents and teachers as well
as pedagogical supervisions, which involve help with lesson
planning, observation of lessons, and joint reflection on the
delivery of lessons. At an international level, social media that
include a website, a blog, Twitter and Facebook accounts and
a YouTube channel have been developed to offer free access
to online information on education, bilingualism and POLH
as well as cultural events to teachers, families and schools
worldwide. Also international are the links developed with
the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs which since 2008
organizes a conference entitled Brazilians in the World, a forum
for debate on the Brazilian policies aimed at Brazilians living
abroad. ABRIR represented the Brazilian community schools
in the UK in all of these conferences through the submission of
a report highlighting the needs of this group. As an illustration,
the report sent to the 2013 conference, the most recent one,
lists seven main challenges faced by schools in the UK: (1)
lack of appropriate venues; (2) limited availability of teacher
training, professional development courses and qualifications;
(3) the non-existence of a curriculum for the teaching of
POLH13; (4) lack of adequate teaching resources and materials;
(5) range of pupils’ linguistic abilities; (6) the need to boost
pupils’ motivation; and (7) the importance to develop a bigger
commitment on the part of the families who take their children
to the school and the ones that coordinate the school activities
– some of these mentioned earlier in this article. The report
also acknowledges that these seven challenges are linked
mainly to the great mobility of the families and the teachers
as well as to lack of financial resources. In fact, being under-
funded and under-resourced has been reported as an issue for
26 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
schools ran by other groups of migrants too (see for example
Francis, Archer and Mau 2008).
ABRIR has also been instrumental in creating links with
Brazilian community schools in other European countries.
In 2013, it created the SEPOLH, an abbreviation from the
Portuguese name for the European Symposium on the
Teaching of Portuguese as a Heritage Language. In its first
edition, I-SEPOLH gathered 53 participants from ten different
countries in the UK which led to the creation of Elo Europeu
(European Link), a network of teachers based in Europe whose
aim is to encourage the exchange of information about the
teaching of POLH on this continent. SEPOLH’s second edition
in Germany in 2015 attracted twice as many participants. More
importantly than the size of these networks are the knowledge
and the experience being exchanged in support of all the
schools and the teachers involved.
In spite of the positive achievements which resulted from
the development of the local, national and international links
developed by the Brazilian community schools which are active
in England, some of the nodes in the educational network in
which they operate are still to be connected.
Networks – nodes to be interconnected
This section starts by exploring the three key words in its
heading: network, node, interconnection. For the purposes
of this article, a network is understood as a group of people
and/or institutions which come together to exchange what is
here referred to as capital: information, contacts, resources as
well as ideas for projects and activities. Each of the individuals
and institutions in this network is a node – that is, a point of
reference that can connect with another point of reference
(node) to transmit and receive capital created by themselves or
others as well as re-used capital. Nonetheless, this exchange of
capital can only take place if the different nodes connect with
one another within the existing network, through its expansion
and/or the creation of links to other networks.
As discussed in the previous section, the Brazilian community
schools in England have successfully come together via the
creation of local networks, created links with the Brazilian
government via their Ministry of Foreign Affairs and with
Brazilian community schools in Europe. In other words,
their networks are limited to other Brazilian individuals and
institutions. These networks illustrate the point made by
Kenner & Ruby (2013) that ‘[…] complementary schools […]
are rarely linked with mainstream education’ (p. 396). The
label complementary schools triggers an expectation of a closer
relationship between both types of schools, as discussed
earlier in this article. Therefore, the lack of connection
reported by Kenner & Ruby (ibid.) is surprising. In the case of
the Brazilian schools, the distance that exists between them
and the mainstream schools is what has led me to refer to them
as community schools.
On the one hand, this distance is partly caused by the Brazilian
schools which tend to emphasise the preservation of their
linguistic and cultural heritage. One’s heritage maintenance
is highly important to the formation of one’s identity and to
the strengthening of community links (Francis et al 2008,
Mota 2004, Souza 2003). Nonetheless, there are dangers in
favouring heritage maintenance over interaction with the
local society. One of them is the perpetuation by and in the
community schools of the frequently criticized monolingual
and monocultural bias of the mainstream educational
system. The pupils of community schools have diverse and
multiple linguistic and cultural backgrounds that need to
be acknowledged in order to foster positive identities and
learning experiences (Anderson & Chung 2012, García 2005,
Souza 2007). In other words, space could be created in the
community schools for the use of both the community and
the local languages as well as for the reference to social and
cultural experiences in the country of origin, the wider local
society and the community in the host country.
On the other hand, this distance is created by the British
mainstream schools, which tend to exclude minority languages
and cultures from their curriculum, in spite of children’s natural
bringing together of their experiences in their communities
and in the host society. Kenner & Ruby (2013) recognize
the potential of partnerships between complementary and
mainstream schools to draw on (and develop) the children’s
multilingual and multicultural repertoire. As a consequence,
they developed a project in which teachers from both contexts
work together to develop a more linguistically and culturally
diverse curriculum. Two primary and four complementary
schools in East London worked together to jointly plan lessons
which addressed topics taught in both settings. Kenner & Ruby
(2013) reported their action research to have had a positive
impact on the children’s experiences of learning in both
settings. The children were allowed to bring their linguistic and
cultural heritages to learning in mainstream schools, which
enabled previously hidden knowledge to be showcased and
valued, as observed by the researchers and recorded in the
teachers’ interviews. Kenner & Ruby (2013) also reported on
the rich experience the project offered to the complementary
and the mainstream teachers who could learn about each
others’ context. In their own words, ‘[m]utual respect and equal
support between the two sectors is vital if children’s worlds are
to become truly interconnected, to the overall benefit of their
learning’ (p. 414).
Notwithstanding the possible benefits of the complementary-
mainstream schools partnerships to pupils’ learning, there
have been suggestions that this potential should be treated
with caution. Barradas (2010), for example, mentions that
the independence of complementary schools to make
decisions about their content and teaching methodology can
be threatened in these partnerships, especially in the cases
where their activities may be funded by the mainstream
schools, even if only partly. Another concern raised is the
threat of future government inspection of the complementary
schools. Seddon et al (2006 in Barradas 2010) warns that one
of the greatest assets of the complementary schools, i.e. their
freedom, may be affected if regulations are imposed onto
them – which would also negatively impact on educational
diversity. Unfortunately, about ten years after this warning, we
witness the British government’s intention of moving towards
the implementation of inspections of out-of-school education,
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 27
an umbrella term under which complementary schools can be
placed. A consultation14 was in place between November 2015
and January 2016 with plans for the publication of the results
by the end of this year.
Meanwhile, it seems relevant to recognize the potential of
partnerships to be developed with schools organized by
other migrant groups. As discussed in the previous section,
the challenges faced by the various groups are very similar
and revolve around financial and human resources. The
opportunity to learn about how other groups deal with these
challenges could only contribute to a better management of
their activities and provision of services. Therefore, this article
suggests that this be another node to be integrated into the
networks of the Brazilian community schools.
Final remarks
Addressing the question of whether Brazilian Portuguese is a
heritage or a community language (see introduction section),
this article acknowledges that terminology changes in line
with the context and the ideologies they represent (see Issa &
William 2009). Therefore, the different terms used to describe
the teaching of the languages of minority students in Australia,
Canada, England and the USA were examined with a view
to consider which one better suits the teaching of Brazilian
Portuguese. The fact that the Brazilian schools in this country
mainly aim at linguistic and cultural preservation place them
in line with the term community schools with a focus on the
teaching of their community language.
This teaching started in the late 1990s and, thus, is a recent
phenomenon. Consequently, as explained above, the field
of teaching Brazilian Portuguese to children of migrant
background growing up abroad has been influenced by the
work developed previously on other migrant groups and has
led the term heritage language to be adopted by academics
based in Brazil. However, García (2005) has reminded
migrant communities of the importance of maintaining their
multilingualism. This call relates to the fact that individuals
simultaneously experience both language and culture in
multiple worlds, which should be incorporated into the
learning experiences offered by both the community and the
mainstream schools (Kenner & Ruby 2013). After all, migrants
may wish to maintain their linguistic and cultural heritage at
the same time that they may wish to learn the host language
and culture (Horvath & Vaughan 1991).
This article advocates that the abbreviation POLH incorporates
these two ideas. The full form of the term refers to heritage
language (LH from Portuguese). The new word, POLH /‘pɔ:l/,
is formed as an abbreviation of the term Portuguese as a
Heritage Language from Portuguese, and thus becomes a new
acronym adopted to represent the new interactions in the host
country. In this way, POLH enables the dialogical process of
the negotiations that take place between (and by) parents and
their children in relation to their social, cultural and linguistic
experiences in at least two countries – their country of origin
and their host country – to be represented in its ideological
perspective.
The next move is to consider ways to enable the Brazilian
community schools working with the teaching of POLH
in the UK (and worldwide, for the matter) to understand
the importance of this dialogical process and expand their
networks to include mainstream schools (with care in relation
to the challenges examined in the previous section) as well as
complementary schools linked to other migrant groups. The
expectation is that their monolingual and monocultural bias
be replaced by multilingual and multicultural teaching and
learning practices that value the diversity of the simultaneous
experiences their learners have within the Brazilian community
and English society.
Acknowledgements
The author thanks the invitation to do the opening session of
the II-SEPOLH (http://www.sepolh.eu/arquivo/ii-sepolh),
talk which led to this article.
References
Anderson, J. and Chung, Y-C. (2012) ‘Community languages,
the arts and transformative pedagogy: developing active
citizenship for the 21st century’ Citizenship Teaching and
Learning 7/3: 259–271
Barradas, O. (2010) ‘Linking community and mainstream
schools: opportunities and challenges for Portuguese
language and culture classes’ in Lytra, V. and Martin, P. (eds)
Sites of Multilingualism: Complementary Schools in Britain Today
London: Trentham
Blackledge, A. and Creese, A. (2008) ‘Contesting ‘Language’
as ‘Heritage’: Negotiation of Identities in Late Modernity’
Applied Linguistics 29/4: 533–554
Cariello, B. (2015) ‘1, 2, 3 Vamos Falar Português’ in Chulata,
K. (ed) Português como Língua de Herança – Discursos e
percursos Lecce: Pensa
Cummins, J. (1983) Heritage Language Education: A Literature
Review Toronto: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
de Bot, K. and Gorter, D. (2005) ‘A European Perspective on
Heritage Languages’ Modern Language Journal 89/4: 612–616
Evans, Y., Dias, G., Martins-Júnior, A., Souza, A., Tonhati,
T. (2015) Diversidade de Oportunidades: Brasileir@s no
ReinoUnido London: GEB/Queen Mary/Goldsmiths/Brookes
Fishman, J. (2001) ‘300-Plus Years of Heritage Language
Education in the United States’ in Peyton, J., Ranard, D. and
McGinnis, S. (eds) Heritage Languages in America McHenry, Il:
CAL
Francis, B., Archer, L. and Mau, A. (2008) British Chinese
Pupils’ Identities, Achievement and Complementary Schooling
University of London/Kings College
García, O. (2005) ‘Positioning Heritage Languages in the
United States’ The Modern Language Journal 89/4: 601–605
Horvath, B. and Vaughn, P. (1991) Community languages: A
handbook Clevedon: Multilingual Matters
28 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Issa, T. and Williams, C. (2009) Realising Potential:
Complementary Schools in the UK Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham
Kenner, C. and Ruby, M. (2013) ‘Connecting children’s
worlds: Creating a multilingual syncretic curriculum through
partnership between complementary and mainstream
schools’ Journal of Early Childhood Literacy 13/3: 395–417
Kubal, A., Bakewell, O. & de Haas, H. (2011) The Evolution
of Brazilian Migration to the UK – scoping study report Oxford:
International Migration Institute
Li Wei (2006) ‘Complementary Schools, Past, Present and
Future’ Language and Education 20/1: 76–83
Lico, A. (2011) ‘Ensino do Português como Língua de
Herança: Prática e Fundamentos’ SIPLE 1/2
Martin, P., Bhatt, A., Bhojani, N. and Creese, A. (2006)
Managing bilingual interaction in a Gujarati complementary
school in Leicester. Language and Education 20/1: 5–18
Mota, K. (2004) ‘Aulas de Português fora da escola: famílias
imigrantes brasileiras, esforços de preservação da língua
materna’ Cadernos do CEDES 24/63: 149–163
MRE (2015) Estimativas populacionais das comunidades
brasileiras no mundo Brasília: Itamaraty
ONS (2013) 2011 Census: QS213EW Country of
Birth (expanded), regions in England, Wales www.
ons.gov.uk/ons/publications/re-referencetables.
html?edition=tcm%3A77-301985 (accessed May 2013)
Parke, T., Drury, R., Kenner, C. and Robertson, L. (2002)
‘Revealing invisible worlds: Connecting the mainstream with
bilingual children’s home and community learning’ Journal of
Early Childhood Literacy 2/2: 195–220
Santos, V. (2011) ‘O ABC do Português: Ensino do Português
Como Língua de Herança nos Estados Unidos’ SIPLE 1/1
Souza, A. and Barradas, O. (2014) ‘Português como Língua de
Herança: Políticas Linguísticas na Inglaterra’ SIPLE 6/1
Souza, A. (2003/2011) ‘Children See Language as a Feature
of their Ethnicity’ www.naldic.org.uk/Resources/NALDIC/
Research%20and%20Information/Documents/RS%20%20
Souza.pdf
Souza, A. (2007) ‘Language and Identity in a Community
Language School’ Community Languages Bulletin issue 20
London: CILT
Wiley, T. (2005) ‘The Reemergence of Heritage and
Community Language Policy in the U.S. National Spotlight’
The Modern Language Journal 89/4: 594–601
Endnotes
1 ftp://ftp.ibge.gov.br/Estimativas_de_Populacao/
Estimativas_2015/estimativa_dou_2015_20150915.pdf
(accessed April 2016)
2 Article I–3; see Perspectives http://europa.eu.int/
constitution/index en.htm (accessed March 2016)
3 http://www.naldic.org.uk/Resources/NALDIC/
Initial%20Teacher%20Education/Documents/
Whatarecommunitylanguages.pdf (accessed March
2016)
4 http://observalinguaportuguesa.org/falantes-de-
portugues-2 (accessed March 2016)
5 This abbreviation was first used in 2011 by the the
Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in a project for the
professional development of teachers in partnership
with the International Society of Portuguese as a Foreign
Language (SIPLE) and the University of Brasília (UnB).
6 www.naldic.org.uk/ research-and-information/eal-
statistics/ lang.xlsx (accessed March 2016)
7 Camões Institute is a pubic organization integrated
into the indirect administration of the Portugueese
Government. In relation to issues of language and
culture, Camões Institute is responsible for the teaching
of European Portuguese abroad.
8 ABRACE-UK (Crawley), EBeCC (St Alban’s), Ipê
Amarelinho (East Hertfordshire), ABCD (Woking),
Clubinho Verde-amarelo (Reading).
9 O Visconde (W3), Escola em Acton (W3), BCA –
Brazilian Contemporary Arts (W6), Escola Portuguesa
Suplementar, Escola Brasileira de Bromley (BR1) e Grupo
Verde e Amarelo (SE9).
10 London map sourced from https://en.wikipedia.org/
wiki/ List_of_London_boroughs (accessed
March 2016). Although Wikipedia is not an academic
source, this map is exactly the same as the ones used
by official sources such as www.data.london.gov.uk.
The Wikipedia map is selected due to its visual clarity.
It is also important to point out that the dots indicating
the location of the Brazilian schools were added by the
author of this article, as was the key with the name of the
schools and their London postcodes. The information
provided is based on information available on Abrir’s
website (www.abrir.org.uk) and is reliable.
11 The Brazilian 2010 Census shows that 23.8% of the total
of Brazilian international migrants are in the USA in
contrast to 6.2% in England.
12 www.abrir.org.uk (accessed March 2016)
13 Note that Switzerland (Canton of Zürich) has a
Framework for the Teaching of Heritage languages,
which is adopted by the Brazilian schools in that country.
14 https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/out-
of-school-education-settings-registration-and-inspection
(accessed March 2016)
Ana Souza is a Senior Lecturer in TESOL and Applied
Linguistics at Oxford Brookes University, England. Ana’s
research interests include bilingualism, language
and identity, language choices, Brazilian migration,
language planning (in families and migrant churches),
complementary schools, the teaching of Portuguese as a
Heritage Language, training of language teachers.
Email: asouza@brookes.ac.uk
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 29
The story of Irish – has it become
a niche community language?
Jo-Ann Delaney
Abstract
This article considers current language policy and practice
in relation to Irish in the English speaking areas of the
Republic of Ireland. It considers how the current govern-
ment aspiration that Irish should become a community
language is being realised.
Through the use of a survey and follow up interviews as
well as a case study investigation, the role of Irish medium
schools in realising the government’s aspiration is exam-
ined. The complex motivations for attending such school
are discussed and the quality of learning is considered by
looking at emerging skills in Irish language as well as other
subjects. Finally, the article evaluates the extent to which
Irish medium schools have contributed to a wider use of
Irish outside the school setting.
Introduction
Irish or Gaeilge is an Indo-European language closely related to
Scottish Gaelic and more distantly related to Welsh. It was the
main language of the island of Ireland until the 18th century,
when a series of settlements or “plantations” was implemented
by the British government as a colonisation strategy. Parcels
of land were given to English speaking settlers, whilst the
indigenous population rented the land they had previously
owned. The Irish language began to lose ground, particularly
in the east of the country, as English became the language of
law, administration and daily communication.
Ireland (The Republic of Ireland) became an independent
country through the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922.
Article 4 of the constitution of the new Free State designated
Irish as the national language, with English recognised as an
official language. A revised constitution of 1937 confirms in
Article 8 that:
“The Irish language as the national language is the first
official language.”
To support its status as the first language, Irish was made
compulsory in all state funded schools up to the final year
Leaving Certificate examination. Until the 1970s, pupils had
to pass the subject Irish in order to achieve their certificate.
This is no longer the case, however, Irish remains one of the
core subjects, along with English and maths and achieving
a pass in Irish at Leaving Certificate is an entry requirement
for most tertiary education, as is a foreign language. A higher
level (honours) Irish in the Leaving Certificate is required for
Primary school teacher education.
Other initiatives to promote Irish have included the requirement
for Irish proficiency for public sector jobs including a separate
examination for those wishing to qualify as teachers or serve
in the police (Gardaí). There is also an Irish language television
channel (TG4) and radio channel (Raidió na Gaeltachta). A
campaign to make Irish an official language of the EU was
successful in 2007.
Currently, most people who speak Irish as a first language and
use it in their daily lives, live in the Gaeltacht areas, situated
in the counties of Donegal, Galway, Mayo, Kerry, Cork, and
Waterford. The 2011 census recorded a population of 96,600
living in the Gaeltacht areas (the total population of the
Republic is almost 5 million) of whom 69% said they could
speak Irish.
In 2010, the Irish government launched a “20-year strategy for
the Irish language” outlining its vision to:
“increase on an incremental basis the use and knowledge
of Irish as a community language. Specifically, the
government’s aim is to ensure that as many citizens as
possible are bilingual in both Irish and English.”
Department of Education and Skills (2010)
The document outlines the reasoning behind its policy and
argues that it is primarily an extension of the constitutional
position of the Irish language. It does not suggest that use
of the language will provide any instrumental value, in fact
it argues that fluency in English provides citizens with a
tremendous advantage in international affairs. The government
strategy suggests their view of a “community” language is one
which exists side by side with the dominant language (English)
and that speakers would use Irish as competently if not as
frequently as English.
As one of the objectives in realising its vision, the government
promised to support the delivery of “an all-Irish education”
to school students whose parents/guardians so wish. Such
schools, Gaelscoileanna (or singular Gaelscoil) offer the
standard curriculum, but delivered through Irish. Irish is
the language of all lessons and extra mural activities. There
are schools offering both the primary and the secondary
curriculum. In the academic year 2014/15 there were 305
primary Gaelscoileanna, and 71 post-primary schools
(numbers include those in the Gaeltacht areas and in Northern
Ireland).
In this article, I consider the role played by Gaelscoileanna
in promoting the use of the Irish language as set out as an
aspiration in government policy. The research was done outside
the Gaeltacht or Irish speaking areas of Ireland. Therefore,
the context is one where English is the dominant or only
30 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
language outside the school environs. The article investigates
the motivations of parents for sending their children to an
Irish language school, the impact on the learning of Irish and
other subjects and the use of Irish language beyond the school
environment. It will therefore discuss whether Gaelscoileanna
are fostering the use of Irish as a community language, one
which is used beyond the confines of the classroom.
A number of instruments were used to collect data for the
research. A survey tool was used with current and past students
of Gaelscoileanna to collect their views. One parent and one
current student were interviewed to explore their views in
more depth. Further data was gathered though a field study
visit to a primary Gaelscoil, where a half day of classroom
activity was observed and groups of students and their teacher
were interviewed. This is a very small scale study and therefore
any findings are very tentative and limited. However, it can
serve as a small insight into the impact and potential impact of
Gaelscoileanna on Irish language use in the Republic.
My Irish story
As a researcher, I bring to this study a specific background and
experience of the research area which needs to be recognised.
I studied Irish as a subject until the end of secondary school, as
it was compulsory. My father was raised bilingually, my mother
spoke little Irish and none was spoken at home. I found the
language quite challenging and, in particular, found it difficult
to engage in a language where there was little accessible
literature, unlike French, which I enjoyed and went on to
study to degree level. I never used the language outside of the
classroom and though I enjoyed some Irish music, I engaged in
no extra mural Irish language activities and never spoke Irish
with my friends. This was possibly due to lack of language
proficiency, but it would never have occurred to me that Irish
was a language which was to be used beyond the lessons in the
subject at school. This view was echoed in the response of a
friend who attended a Gaelscoil in the 1970s when I asked him
about using Irish outside of his school.
“It was a school subject, you wouldn’t do it. It would
be as normal to speak Irish as it would have been to
speak Latin”.
In the intervening years, when I have lived outside of Ireland,
I have become aware through dialogue with family and friends
that attitudes to learning Irish seem to have changed. My
interest in the Gaelscoileanna lies primarily in my curiosity
as to the reasons why they seem to be flourishing and how
this might contrast with my own experience of Irish as a
compulsory subject which was not enjoyed or valued. I am
also interested in whether such schools might have begun to
foster a use of Irish beyond the classroom and whether this
might signal a more general move towards Irish becoming
more prominent in Irish society rather than the medium of
restricted contexts or in a tokenistic manner in signs and public
documents.
Bilingual and immersion education
themes in the literature
In the literature there is different terminology used to describe
teaching and learning in a bilingual context. Immersion tends
to highlight the fact that the context and content of learning is
exclusively in the second language suggesting the image of a
learner fully bathed in the language. Language medium is used
to describe the programmes of learning where all subjects are
taught through the target language. In recent years, the term
CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning) is more
commonly used, particularly where the language is English.
Finally, the term bilingual serves to highlight the role played
by two languages, usually one dominant, in the programmes
of learning.
Literature dealing with countries where bilingual education
forms a part of a country’s mainstream education policy
include Canada (Bialystok & Martin 2004), Spain (Cenoz &
Zalbide 2008) and Botswana (Boikhutso & Jotia 2013). The
example studies from these countries highlight the significant
themes which emerge in relation to bilingual education,
including the literature on Irish language education.
The first theme is the impact on language learning and how
bilingual education can enhance linguistic proficiency. Cenoz
and Zalbide (2008) compared the relative impact of bilingual
and Basque medium programmes, for example, illustrating that
bilingual education results in more proficient and confident use
of the language. A second and related theme is the impact of
bilingual education and working bilingually on general learning
ability. Bialystok and Martin (2004) demonstrated the specific
areas of cognitive processing enhanced through working
bilingually.
A further aspect of bilingual education highlighted in the
literature is the relationship between the language learner and
their identity in the language. Boikhusto and Jotia highlight
the need for a more diverse language policy to mirror the
identities of different groups. The role of identity in motivation
for learning a language is discussed by a number of authors
in Dörnyei and Ushioda (2009) mainly looking at second
language learning in a bilingual and immersion context. The
general conclusions suggest that the learner’s relationship with
both the culture of the language and their image of themselves
as a speaker of the language impacts considerably on their
ability to become proficient.
In the context of Irish language education there is less
emphasis in the literature on contesting the impact of bilingual
education on Irish language proficiency. It seems almost
assumed that engaging in a bilingual programme of learning
will have a positive impact on language acquisition. The recent
increase in enrolments in Gaelscoileanna, for example, has
been attributed to the fact that the Leaving Certificate exam
in Irish now allocates 40% of the marks to the oral component
(Cummins 2013). O’ Muircheartaig and Hickey (2008) consider
the theme of language proficiency and conclude that learners
whose immersion in Irish begins at an earlier stage, have a
“finer control of Irish grammar” (O’ Muircheartaig & Hickey
2008:575). They cite a lack of confidence as one of the reasons
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 31
for those learners who started their immersion programmes
later as a hindrance to learning. In general, however, the
increase in proficiency and confidence in the Irish language
through attendance at Gaelscoileanna remains relatively
uncontested.
There is more consideration of the impact of Gaelscoileanna
on the learning of other subjects, in particular mathematics.
As mentioned in the introduction, mathematics is a core
subject in the Irish education system and is studied to the
end of compulsory education, as is English. Success in both
these other subjects is therefore, understandably, of concern
when considering the impact of Gaelscoileanna on children’s
learning. O’Muircheartaig and Hickey (2008) focus on the
impact on mathematics and their study indicates that the
learning of mathematics of pupils in Gaelscoileanna is at an
equivalent level to those pupils who learned through English.
Sheil et al (2010) examine the performance of pupils in Irish
medium schools in both English and Mathematics and find
mixed results on performance. They recommend a stronger
emphasis on higher level reading skills in English and on
“mathematical reasoning and problem solving in the Senior
classes, paying particular attention to developing and using
mathematical language in Irish” (Sheil et al 2010:36).
The Irish government’s language policy, outlined in the
introduction, identifies the Gaelscoil as one strategy in
ensuring that Irish is a community language and that the
population as a whole is able to use both Irish and English
proficiently. Some discussion in the literature and in the media
focusses on the issue of parents viewing Gaelscoileanna as
a more elite education with more able pupils as classmates
and in a more middle class learning environment (Carey 2008,
Mas-Moury 2013). Mas Moury (2013) found that there was
some association of Gaelscoil attendance with class issues,
particularly in Dublin. However, many parents perceived the
Gaelscoil as a better school in general and a smaller school
where their children would get more individual attention
rather than a route to ensuring Irish language use outside of
the classroom.
O’ Riagáin et al (2008) consider the social use of Irish in areas
of the country where English is the dominant language, which
is the context for this study. They conclude that the issue
of use outside the classroom is less to do with the attitude
of the learner towards the language, but rather the level of
proficiency in the language. As a result, use of Irish more
widely is far more developed in Gaeltacht areas. Atkinson and
Kelly-Holmes (2016) contest this view as entirely explaining
lack of use of Irish outside the school context and investigate
different motivations. Of particular interest for this study is
their argument that Irish is intrinsically linked to use “within
compulsory education … in the context of obligatory contact
with the language in the ‘captive audience’ setting of the
classroom and not generally about spontaneous use of Irish
for social or transactional purpose.” (Atkinson and Kelly-
Holmes 2016:201). This identification of Irish solely as a
school subject echoes the quote above about speaking Irish
being as unlikely as speaking Latin. A second key point to
emerge from their study is a questioning of the functionality
of Irish. Participants did not feel that it had a role in genuine
communication, although they understood the need for it in
signage and as a school subject. The authors describe this as
reflecting “a ‘no-win’ situation for the language” (Atkinson and
Kelly-Holmes 2016:209), where use is assigned to the context
of school and exams rather than real talk.
A further point in the consideration of motivation to use the
non-dominant language outside the classroom is the notion
of language being authentic to the self. Dörnyei, Z & Chan, L
(2013) look at the nature of the imagined L2 self and conclude
that positive images can promote use, learning and fluency.
Atkinson and Kelly-Holmes (2016) conclude that Irish is
viewed as the language of “Amplified culture” in contrast to
“everyday culture”, which is the domain of English. (Atkinson
and Kelly-Holmes 2016: 210). Thus whether the non-dominant
language is felt to be an intrinsic part of the socially functioning
self is highly likely to impact on successful learning and use in
a wider variety of situations.
Methodology
Considerations to be taken into account in decisions related
to methodology included the logistical issues of access, both
distance and time. For this reason an online survey tool and
telephone interviews were used alongside a field study event.
In order to capture the views of both parents and children
attending Gaelscoileanna, an online survey was carried out
with 9 respondents (6 parents and 3 children). The survey
was designed to gather the two different perspectives of the
Gaelscoil experience with identical questions considered from
both viewpoints. For example, parents were asked to comment
on the impact of attendance on their children’s learning of
Irish and other subjects. The children were asked the same
questions so that the survey could consider contrasting views
of the same subject. The questions used in the survey are in
the appendix.
Two respondents from the survey (one parent and one child)
agreed to be interviewed. The interviews were semi structured
and recorded to provide a qualitative enquiry “still in the midst
of living and telling, reliving and retelling, the stories of the
experiences that make up people’s lives” (Clandinin & Connelly
2000:20). In the interviews, the themes of the survey were
revisited and interviewees asked to expand on their answers
and provide more examples. The sampling of participants
was largely “convenient” (Maxwell 2005:88) as I relied on
volunteers to take part in the research. This was an expedient
way to gather data, but along with the small sample, further
limits the generalisability of the findings.
A focus of the research was the impact of Gaelscoileanna on
Irish proficiency and thus on ability to use the language outside
of school settings. This was felt to be best examined by a field
study visit to a Gaelscoil where children engaging in their Irish
medium lessons could be observed and interviewed. The visit
took place at a primary Gaelscoil, Gael Scoil Charman (GSC)
and a class of 11 year olds was observed for a half day in their
lessons. Field notes were taken of the activities in the lessons.
Twelve pupils were interviewed in small groups during their
lessons and the class teacher, Séan, who was a former pupil
32 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
of a Gaelscoil, was also interviewed. This visit provided data
which acted like a quasi-case study. It could be considered
as an instrumental case studies defined as: “A particular case is
examined mainly to provide insight into an issue or to redraw
a generalisation” (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:123)
As acknowledged from the outset, this is a very small scale
study with convenient sampling. The findings discussed below
are tentative and no real generalizable conclusions can be
drawn. It could be said that through the data collection I am
gathering stories of “the same tale” (Denzin & Lincoln 2008:7)
through the views of parents and children from which I will
attempt to draw out some overarching findings. Their different
perspectives will add to the body of knowledge on this area of
language learning even though they may not provide findings
which can be operationalised or transferred more widely.
Motivation for attending Gaelscoil
Respondents to the survey, both parents and children,
identified one of the main reasons for attending Gaelscoil as
improving their Irish language skills (ranking 1 or 2: parents
49%, children 100%). The attainment of better language
proficiency was strongly linked to school achievement rather
than proficiency for use outside of the classroom. One parent
surveyed commented that attending a Gaelscoil meant that
“they attain a much higher standard in Irish than pupils in other
schools”. A child respondent to the survey was able to identify
the specific instrumental advantage in the Leaving Certificate
exam: It (Gaelscoil) … “gives them a great advantage for the
Leaving Cert Irish exam, particularly the oral and aural parts of
the exam.” This echoes the view of Atkinson and Kelly-Holmes
(2016) that Irish is seen as a scholarly activity rather than one
which forms part of the social self or involves real talk.
Beyond proficiency in the Irish language, there were other
motivations for attending Gaelscoil. 60% of parent respondents
in the survey placed the idea of their children getting a better
education in general as the first or second reason for sending
them to Gaelscoil. The notion of Gaelscoileanna providing
a better educational setting was echoed in some of the
interviews. The parent interviewed described her decision to
send her child after visits to a number of schools (English and
Irish medium). She commented that she had gained a “very
positive impression” of the Gaelscoil and it was this rather than
the Irish language element which had encouraged her to send
her child there. One of the pupils in the GSC class commented
that he liked the fact that his school was smaller and that he
knew the other pupils and the teacher. Séan at GSC confirmed
this by saying that the school was a good school with the size
and friendly environment being an important attraction:
“it’s a very open environment and the teachers are on a
first name basis, even the priest is on a first name basis
when he comes in to do the sacraments … its core values
are great”.
The child I interviewed, who was attending a secondary
Gaelscoil, supported this view by comparing the Irish part of
the school, which had 200 pupils to the English part, which
had 1,000:
“we’d know everyone by name, students often have a nicer
relationship with the teacher”.
There seems to be, therefore, a general feeling that a Gaelscoil
will offer a better educational experience in a more holistic
sense through its smaller size and more familiar relationship
between teachers and pupils. A further contributory factor is
seen by the parent interviewed as the fact that parents need to
make a deliberate choice to send their children to a Gaelscoil
rather than accepting a place in mainstream English medium
schools. She commented:
“I feel that parents who choose a Gaelscoil are generally
very engaged in their child’s education and this contributes
to a very positive atmosphere in the school”.
Only one parent in the survey saw the Gaelscoil as a means of
contributing to the use of Irish more broadly as a community
language outside of school. The parent I interviewed expressed
regret that this was not the case for her, but that her priority
was assuring a good education for her daughter rather than
advancing the use of Irish. One of the pupils in the primary
class, however, expressed a contrasting view, one that suggests
the intrinsic importance of the language. When asked why she
felt it was important to go to a Gaelscoil, she replied that Irish
“is our language” and we should speak it as much as possible.
The research suggests, therefore, that there are differing
motivations for parents and children in their choice to attend
Gaelscoil, but that there is little explicit focus on the gaining
of language proficiency to use Irish more generally outside
the classroom. There is a quasi-instrumental motivation of
success in the speaking and listening parts of the Irish Leaving
Certificate exam (Cummins 2013) and this is acknowledged by
both parents and children. Extending the view of Atkinson and
Kelly-Holmes (2016), Irish has not only been “assigned” to the
context of school, but also assigned to a virtual point scoring
exercise in exam results.
For parents, as Mas Moury (2013) found, Gaelscoileanna,
through their relatively small size and more personal
relationship between teachers and pupils, offer a better
educational setting; a view also appreciated by children. It
seems that the Gaelscoil alternative is attractive because of its
non-mainstream features of class and school size rather than
its linguistic distinguishing feature.
Learning Irish and other subjects
It seems somewhat obvious to state that attendance at a
Gaelscoil is likely to improve Irish language skills. Listening to
and speaking a language for several hours a day would suggest
ideal conditions for language acquisition. All the children in
the survey confirmed that the improvement in their language
skills was the main benefit of attending a Gaelscoil as did 88%
of the parents. Field notes from the observation of the GSC
lessons noted the ease with which pupils used Irish throughout
the lesson, both in discussing the topics of the lesson and in
classroom language. For example, as part of the lesson two
pupils were putting together a poster presentation at the back
of the class far away from the teacher. They continued to
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 33
chatter in Irish about the positioning of the pictures and there
was no attempt to introduce English even though the teacher
would not have been able to hear.
When considering which aspects of Irish were improved,
children and parents in the survey highlighted fluency and
confidence as the main benefits. The children equally felt that
their vocabulary had improved and that their grammatical
accuracy had also benefitted. However, only 33% of the
parents felt that their children’s accuracy had improved.
During the GSC lessons, although the pupils spoke fluently and
confidently, Séan corrected their grammar, mainly irregular
verb forms, quite frequently. In his interview, Séan confirmed
pupils continued to make grammatical errors and felt that his
own Irish was not, in fact, completely grammatically correct,
particularly in writing. He also commented that at secondary
level, there was an over emphasis on grammatical accuracy
and “learning off stuff ”, which may serve to disengage pupils
who have very fluent language skills. Overall, in terms of level,
Séan confirmed that he regularly did Irish reading and listening
exam tasks from the Junior Certificate (GCSE equivalent) and
his 11 year old pupils were able to complete the tasks with
ease. He felt they would also be able to complete the writing
tasks of this exam at the appropriate level of language, but
might lack the critical thinking skills required for more
sophisticated content.
One of the themes in the literature was a concern that learning
other subjects through Irish might impact negatively on the
level of the subject. In the lesson observed, the pupils’ level of
English and maths certainly seemed commensurate with the
age group level. Of the twelve pupils in the primary school
lesson who were interviewed, ten of them said that maths was
their favourite subject. Throughout the lesson they were asked
to perform mental maths tasks in Irish which the majority of
them got right. On an individual level, the teacher confirmed
that in his own schooling he initially struggled with some of the
maths concepts in secondary school when looking at materials
in English. The pupils in the class, however, when I asked, were
able to convert key mathematical terms readily from Irish to
English. Similarly, the secondary school child interviewed
commented that the only subject she felt challenged in was
biology because the text book was in English and “you have to
translate everything into Irish on top of learning the biology”.
A potential block to language development was identified by
Séan and it is one which echoes my own experience. The lack
of engaging literature in Irish was felt to be a stumbling block
to pupils’ engagement with the language and he acknowledged
that “literature is a very important part of any language”. An
example from my own experience which resonated with Séan
was the biographical novel Péig, the story of a girl growing
up on the isolated Blasket Islands. We both expressed our
dissatisfaction with the quality and content of the book, which
is a standard set text in secondary school and has become
almost a stereotypical metaphor for what is wrong with the
teaching of Irish in school. In fact Séan explained that he
read “very little in Irish” to this day because of the lack of
Irish literature which was stimulating and engaging. He cited
the fact that there was not a big enough market to persuade
authors and publishers to produce more original texts.
The study suggests that attendance at a Gaelscoil increases
language proficiency and confidence in speaking, though there
is still some evidence that language accuracy is not universally
achieved regardless of the age of immersion, in contrast to
the findings of O’ Muircheartaig & Hickey (2008). Although
I observed a seemingly complete comfort with mathematical
concepts in both Irish and English, the view put forward by
Sheil et al (2010) of a more mixed picture is supported by Séan’s
experience at higher level maths and the issues described with
concepts in biology by the secondary school student.
The lack of Irish language literature is another point for
consideration. Dörnyei, Z & Chan, L (2013) consider the
language learner as having a view of themselves using that
language, which they describe as the L2 self. Séan’s experience
with reading, which I also encountered might suggest that our
L2 selves included readers of engaging literature. The absence
of such reading material undermined an aspect of our L2
image. Thus Séan did little reading and I lost the motivation to
learn. Péig might be considered an example of Atkinson and
Kelly-Holmes’ (2016) “amplified culture”, a deliberate portrayal
of the Irish language in use which both Séan and I rejected.
Use of Irish outside the classroom
“It was a school subject, you wouldn’t do it. It would
be as normal to speak Irish as it would have been to
speak Latin”.
This quote, which I included earlier, embodies my own
experience of Irish, one which underlies my curiosity and
motivation for this research. There is some evidence to
suggest that the position of Irish in relation to use outside
the school setting has changed little in the intervening years.
67% of both parents and children in the survey said that they
used Irish “almost never” outside school. This does not seem
to be linked to language proficiency as all respondents were
Gaelscoil attendees. The parent interviewed commented
that her daughter had friends with equally strong language
skills, but that they would never speak Irish together outside
school. Interestingly, she identified a school lesson as a kind of
bounded event within which pupils would consistently speak
Irish. Once outside this event use of Irish would stop. When
asked whether her daughter would speak to her friends in Irish
she commented:
“In school maybe if they’ve come straight from class
they might continue speaking Irish because they haven’t
realised it yet”.
This seems to support the idea of Irish confined to a role as
a school subject and use of the language bound to the study
of the subject rather than used at other social events. The
transition from class to real life is described as having a clear
boundary and it is only in error, when her daughter does not
realise that she has crossed this boundary that she speaks Irish
outside of the classroom.
This notion of a bounded, school related event reoccurs in
the responses of other participants. Irish finds a place outside
the class room in specific Irish related events. The child
34 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
interviewed commented that use of Irish outside school would
be confined to activities such as Irish music evenings or debates
in Irish. Use would sometimes depend on whether the teachers
organising the event were fluent Irish speakers themselves. A
parent in the survey also commented that her child would use
Irish at events when “acting as Ceannairí at summer camps
in various Gaeltachta”. These kind of activities are currently
being recognised more broadly as a potential for the fostering
of Irish language use. A recent article in The Irish Times: “A
cure has been found for Irish language phobia” suggests that it
is through participation in Irish language events, such as music
and drama groups that people will overcome their reluctance
to use the language.
There is also evidence that communal use of the language is
a way of creating a community, however small. Many of the
primary pupils said they would use Irish outside of school with
friends from the school and, in particular, so that they could
speak about things and other people could not understand
them. In this way, Irish created a community of comprehension
which was useful in social situations to share information with
some people and not others. A clear example of this was
provided by Séan, who explained that when coaching Gaelic
Football, he would encourage his team to communicate in Irish
to discuss tactics without the opposition team understanding.
He also explained that he would speak Irish in social situations
“depending on the crowd I was with”. There were some friends
from university he had never used English with. However, if
there were English only speaking friends with them, these
friends might make fun of any attempt to speak in Irish,
accusing them of showing off. In that case, he would switch
to English. Séan’s experience relates to Atkinson and Kelly-
Holmes’ (2016) concept of exclusivity in relation to English
and Irish speaking groups. Their article expresses the point of
view of English speakers, who see a “them” and “us” divide
where the Irish speakers assert an elite role as the owners of
the language. Perhaps the examples of creating a community
of comprehension for specific occasions as described above
could serve to further enhance the feelings of divisions
between the language communities.
Conclusions
The Irish government’s strategy of using Gaelscoileanna to
foster the development of Irish as a community language is
certainly one which offers an opportunity for pupils to attain
a very high level of language fluency and confidence in the
use of Irish. In this small sample of Gaelscoileanna attendees,
this proficiency does not translate into language use in varied
settings beyond the classroom. The findings from the study
suggest some reasons why this might the case.
Parents who choose to send their children to a Gaelscoil do so
with educational and sometimes quite instrumentalist motives.
The schools are generally smaller and more informal and this
produces what is perceived as a better learning environment as
Mas Moury (2013) found. Gaelscoileanna are oversubscribed
and some primary schools in Dublin have introduced a test of
Irish for parents as a way of dealing with too many applications.
In addition, parents and pupils are clear that attendance at
the school will give them a huge advantage in the Leaving
Certificate Irish exam with its large oral component.
Parents described their priority as the educational success
of their children rather than the fostering of a community
language. Using Irish outside the classroom did not seem to be
a primary desirable outcome of attending a Gaelscoil.
Irish language skills for the sample in this study are not a
barrier to its use outside the classroom. Participants had high
levels of Irish and comments from their teachers suggest that
at the end of primary, pupils are able to perform at the level
of pupils five years ahead of them in Irish language tests.
Although very confident users, the primary school pupils
in this study continued to make grammatical errors. These
did not impede classroom communication and although
corrected by the teacher, there was no lapse in fluent delivery.
There is a tentative suggestion that the focus in secondary is
more on accuracy which may result is some loss of interest
or motivation to speak the language, though this is beyond
the scope of this study. The lack of engaging literature also
emerges as a possible reason for the lack of extended use of
Irish outside the classroom.
Where Irish is used outside lessons, it tends to be within extra
mural activities closely related to the school environment and
bounded by the activity’s link to Irish use. Thus, because it is
an Irish drama group, pupils use Irish when engaging in the
activity. For some of the primary school pupils, Irish use is
a means of secret communication, which suggests its use to
maintain a separate community rather than using Irish within
the surrounding community, which is largely English speaking.
The picture which emerges from this small study is of a shift
from Irish as an unpopular scholarly subject. Séan described
this past situation as “the old schoolmaster with a stick if you
don’t have your verbs learned off ”. Within the scope of this
limited piece of research, pupils were found to be fluent and
enthusiastic users of the language. What does not seem to
have taken place is an acceptance of Irish use within the wider
community for the general purpose of communication. When
asked whether he thought Irish was used as a community
language, Séan replied “Niche communities speak it”. Perhaps
this is progress from “no communities”, if some way off
the aspiration of government policy. And yet perhaps the
recognition by an 11 year old that “it’s our language”, bodes
well for the future of Irish.
Bibliography
Atkinson, D & Kelly-Holmes, H (2016) “Exploring language
attitudes and ideologies in university students’ discussion of
Irish in a context of increasing language diversity”, Language
and Intercultural Communication 16:2 (199–215)
Besser, S & Chik, A (2014) “Narratives of second language
identity amongst young English learners in Hong Kong”.
English Language Teaching Journal 68:3 (299–309)
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 35

Bialystok, E & Martin, M (2004) “Attention and inhibition in Shiel, G. Gilleece, L. Clerkin, A. Millar, D. (2010) “The 2010
bilingual children: evidence from the dimensional change National Assessments of English Reading and Mathematics in
card sort task”, Developmental Science 7:3 (325–339) Irish-Medium Schools” Education Research Centre
Boikhutso, K & Jotia, A (2013) “Language Identity and Valentine, A (2016) “A cure has been found for Irish language
multicultural diversity in Botswana” International Journal of phobia” Irish Times 3 March
Lifelong Education 32:6 (797–815)
Carey, S (2008) “Gaelscoil parents want to have their cake and Acknowledgements
eat it” The Irish Times 24 December Thanks to Séan Corcoran and the pupils of Gael Scoil
Cenoz, J & Zalbide, M (2008) “Bilingual Education in the Charman, Wexford for their enthusiastic contributions and to
Basque Autonomous Community: Achievements and Rosemary Hillery for her help and support for the research.
Challenges” Language, Culture and Curriculum 21:1 (1–4)
Clandinin, D. J. & Connelly, F. M. (2000) Narrative Inquiry San Jo-Ann Delaney is an English language teacher and
Francisco: Jossey-Bass teacher educator currently working at Canterbury
Cummins, J (2013) “When can you ask why? Exploring Christ Church University. She has worked in a number
language policy choices in Ireland, past, present, future” of different European countries in school, college and
www.gaelscoileanna.ie university contexts. Her research interests include English
language teacher education, language policy and bilingual
Department of Education and Skills (2010) “20-Year Strategy education. She is co-editor of Language Issues.
for the Irish Language 2010–2030”
Denzin, N. & Lincoln, Y (2008) Strategies of Qualitative Inquiry
Thousand Oaks: Sage
Dörnyei, Z & Ushioda, E (2009) Motivation, Language Identity
and the L2 Self, Bristol: Multilingual Matters
Dörnyei, Z & Chan, L (2013) “Motivation and Vision: An
analysis of Future L2 Self Images, Sensory Styles and
Imagery Capacity Across Two Target Languages”. Language
Learning 63:3 (437–462)
Lyons, Z (2009) “Imagined Identity and the L2 Self in
the French Foreign Legion” in Dörnyei, Z & Ushioda,
E Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self, Bristol:
Multilingual Matters.
Mas-Moury, V (2013) “Parents attitude to Gaelscoil as a
school of the elite” found on www.gaelscoileanna.ie accessed
19.3.2016
Maxwell, J. A. (2005) Qualitative Research Design London; Sage
Noels, K (2009) “The Internalisation of Language Learning
into the Self and Social Identity” in Dörnyei, Z & Ushioda,
E Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self, Bristol:
Multilingual Matters
O’ Muircheartaig, J & Hickey, T (2008) “Academic
achievement, anxiety and attitudes in early and later
immersion in Ireland”, International Journal of Bilingual
Education and Bilingualism 11:5 (558–576)
O’ Riagáin. P. Williams, G. Vila I Moreno, F (2008) “Young
People and Minority Languages: Language use outside the
classroom”. Comhairle na Gaelscolaichta
Segalowitz, N, Gatbonton, E & Trofimovick, P (2009) “Links
between Ethnolinguistic Affiliation, Self-related Motivation
and Second Language Fluency: Are they Mediated by
Psycholinguistic Variables?” in Dörnyei, Z & Ushioda,
E Motivation, Language Identity and the L2 Self, Bristol:
Multilingual Matters
36 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Questions used in survey

Parents Child
1. Which type of Gaelscoil did you send your child/children 1. Which type of Gaelscoil did you attend?
to? Primary
Primary Secondary
Secondary Both primary and secondary
Both primary and secondary
2. What were the most important reasons for attending
2. What were the most important reasons for you decision Gaelscoil?
to send your child/children to a Gaelscoil? Improve Irish language skills
Improve Irish language skills Better general education
Better general education Improve use of Irish outside classroom
Improve use of Irish outside classroom Be with friends
Be with friends My parents decided
Other
3. Did you give any reasons for not going to the Gaelscoil
3. Did your child/children given any reasons for not going initially?
to the Gaelscoil initially? Yes
No
4. What do you think are the main benefits for your child/
children from attending the Gaelscoil? 4. What do you think are the main benefits you gained from
Improved Irish language skills attending the Gaelscoil?
Improvement in other subjects Improved Irish language skills
More use of Irish outside the classroom Improvement in other subjects
More friends who speak Irish/Other More use of Irish outside the classroom
More friends who speak Irish
5. What changes have you noticed in your child’s/children’s
Other
Irish language skills?
More fluent speaking 5. What changes have you noticed in your Irish language
More accurate grammar skills?
Wider choice of words/More confident with the I speak more fluently
language My grammar is more accurate
Uses Irish outside of the classroom more I have a wider choice of words in Irish
I am more confident with the language
6. How often does your child/children use Irish outside
I use Irish outside of the classroom more
of  school?
Every day 6. How often do you use Irish outside of school?
Two or three days a week Every day
Once a week Two or three days a week
Almost never Once a week
Almost never
7. In what situations would your child use Irish outside
of  school 6. In what situations would you use Irish outside of school
With friends With friends
At home At home
At social events At social events
8. Has your child/children ever suggested leaving the 7. Has you ever suggested leaving the Gaelscoil to your
Gaelscoil? parents?
Yes
9. Would you recommend sending a child to a Gaelscoil
No
to another parent?
Yes 8. Would you recommend sending a child to a Gaelscoil?
No Yes
Please explain why you would recommend/not No
recommend sending a child to a Gaelscoil Please explain why you would recommend/not
recommend sending a child to a Gaelscoil
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 37
Real and imagined barriers to
progression: a small qualitative study
of lecturers’ perceptions of barriers
facing ESOL learners moving on to
vocational courses
Diana Tremayne
This paper describes a study which looked into barriers
which may be faced by ESOL learners who progress onto
vocational courses. The progression of learners onto
higher level courses has significance in many contexts in
ELT. In Further Education it is important for funding and
inspection purposes. The study consists of interviews with
both ESOL specialist tutors and vocational tutors in an FE
college in the UK. ESOL tutors were asked what barriers
they perceive their learners to face when progressing to
a vocational course, while vocational tutors were asked
to discuss the barriers and issues which they believe ESOL
learners have actually faced when moving on. Analysis of
the data shows the differences and similarities between the
perceptions and experiences of these two groups of tutors.
The researcher argues that the data collected shows some
clear overlaps with previous research findings relating to
barriers to progression but also suggests that many ESOL
learners are making good progress on vocational courses.
It is recommended that relationships between both groups
of tutors should be fostered to support successful progres-
sion.
Background
In the UK Further Education sector the term ‘progression’ is
an important one. Colleges want learners to progress onto
higher levels of courses to gain funding and data on learner
destinations and progression routes is closely examined by
external bodies such as OFSTED (the UK inspection agency
which covers Further Education providers). In terms of ESOL
it was (and remains) key to the ‘Skills for Life’ agenda (Barton et
al, 2010:5) which sought to raise standards in literacy, language
and numeracy. Within Skills for Life progression could mean
moving up to a higher level ESOL course, onto a different type
of course, into work or even ‘… increased social development’
(ibid:9).
Progression can be linked with the idea of learner persistence,
particularly in relation to the barriers that may hinder both.
As Carpentieri (2008) states these can include situational,
institutional and dispositional barriers. He also notes that
ESOL learners are more likely than literacy/numeracy learners
to face barriers to accessing courses or progression routes
(ibid:3).
As a large part of provision in the FE sector is based around
vocational areas it makes sense to look at how ESOL
learners may progress onto these courses. It is clear that this
progression is not necessarily straightforward, particularly if
the language needs of the learners are not considered (Barton
et al, 2010:30) and this is where the importance of language
support or of ‘embedding’ language into a vocational course
comes in. In some cases the vocational subject is embedded
into a language course as preparation for future progression
(Windsor in Roberts et al, 2005). Schellekens (2007) discusses
different models of support within vocational courses and
makes the important point that in many subjects the language
and communication skills needed to succeed are ‘higher and
more complex’ (ibid:178) than those needed to perform the
actual skills related to the vocational area.
As an ESOL tutor teaching many learners who wish to progress
onto vocational courses, my own interest in this subject is
clear. The purpose of this project is to go beyond my own
assumptions of what the barriers to progression for ESOL
learners may be and to see whether my perceptions about the
possible barriers my learners may face mirror the perceptions
and experiences of other ESOL and vocational tutors.
Research Questions
While the overall theme of the project was clear from the
outset the actual research questions were shaped as the project
progressed from initial ideas to background reading and the
interview process. This is a characteristic of the ‘emergent
nature’ (Dornyei, 2007:74) of qualitative studies and was
appropriate in this case. The final questions were as follows:
• What are the perceived barriers to progression in the eyes
of ESOL tutors?
• How do vocational tutors perceive the issues faced by ESOL
learners progressing onto vocational courses?
• What are the differences (if any) between the perceptions
and experience of both groups?
38 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Methodology
The research topic clearly lent itself to interviews which would
allow opinions or perceptions and experiences to ‘be explored
in depth and in detail’ (Denscombe, 2010:174). In total five
interviews were carried out in one medium-sized Further
Education college; two were with ESOL specialists working
predominantly with 16-18 year old ESOL learners and three
were with tutors from vocational areas within the college, all
of whom had some former ESOL learners in their classes.
The ESOL tutors working with teenage learners were limited
in number (three in total, one of whom is myself) and these
were most appropriate for the study as this cohort of learners
is most likely to move on to vocational courses. The vocational
tutors represented two areas in the college; although one area
alone would have been too restricted and unrepresentative,
the number of participants overall was constrained by issues
of time and availability. All the participants had at least five
years’ experience of teaching in Further Education with
the maximum length of time being eleven years. The two
vocational areas covered were Hair and Beauty and Childcare
and the three tutors interviewed all had some experience of
teaching learners who had progressed from ESOL courses.
The interviews were semi-structured with guideline questions
pre-prepared (Appendices 1,2) but with the flexibility to explore
issues and ideas as they arose by adding supplementary
questions or probes (Dornyei, 2007:136). Issues regarding
confidentiality and other ethical considerations were taken into
account during the planning stage. Throughout the interview
process - from planning to analysis - I was conscious of the
need to consider what Denscombe calls ‘the interviewer effect’
(2010:178), particularly as I was known to the participants and
they may have been more inclined to say what they thought
I wanted to hear. However, this needed to be balanced with
the potential advantages of having easy access to and good
relationships with the participants, as well as what Wellington
describes as ‘insider knowledge’ (2000:20).
Although notes were taken during and after interviews, the
transcription process itself was a key way of bringing me
‘close to the data’ (Denscombe, 2010:275). Although no formal
transcription conventions were used I did minimal ‘tidying up’
of the recordings and found this helped retain the feel of the
original interview during the analysis stage.
Data analysis
When analysing the data I followed the first five of Wellington’s
stages of data analysis (2000:135-138). This involved
‘immersing’ myself in the data by making notes, listening to
and transcribing the interviews; ‘reflecting’ by standing back
from the data; and ‘analysing’ it by literally cutting up the data
and looking for key words to develop some initial coding.
This was followed by ‘synthesising’ the data: rearranging and
rethinking the key themes to avoid bias (Bell, 2005); and finally
‘relating’ the data and making links to previous research.
Key findings
With my research questions in mind I will first look at key
points from the interviews with ESOL specialists, then move
on to those with vocational tutors before analysing how these
relate to each other.
ESOL tutors
The importance of building links with vocational areas in the
College was highlighted by both tutors as a significant factor
in helping learners move on successfully and make informed
choices about what they should study:
‘I think it would be nice to try and arrange a wider range
of sessions like the Hair and Beauty ones we’ve done this
time.’ (ESOL1)
‘… we seem to have … established better relationships
with some of the vocational areas so … I’m seeing more
ESOL students being able to move over to those areas a bit
easier, because we’ve established relationships.’ (ESOL2)
It was interesting to note that some of ESOL1’s learners had
taken part in a weekly ‘taster’ session in Hair and Beauty which
was led by tutor Voc01 who also spoke of its positive effects:
‘… we’ve introduced them to clients … so that initial
breaking that barrier of communicating with somebody
that you’ve never met before has been broken … I think
that could have been a big step.’
Both tutors also felt that the biggest barriers to learners’
successful progression would be linked to technical vocabulary,
grammar and writing assignments:
‘… in the vocational classes there might be difficulties
in terms of vocabulary and whatever’s involved in their
assessments …’ (ESOL1)
‘… if they get an assignment brief – some of the
language in there, you know, might be difficult for them to
understand …’ (ESOL2)
The importance of learners getting appropriate support or
input on their vocational course was raised by both tutors
but ESOL2 tutor was more concerned about this:
‘The biggest issue, I believe … that the students will face
is … getting continued support in their classes, in order
for them to … get the most out of the vocational course or
access it properly.’
This tutor raised concerns about vocational tutors
‘understanding barriers to learning’ and was keen that the
College should make ‘things a bit more ESOL friendly’. Some
of her responses indicated that a lack of understanding from
vocational tutors may have been an issue in the past which
appeared to have influenced her current perceptions:
‘… not a lot of mainstream tutors are, seem to be, very
ESOL aware, so it’s like one document suits all …’
Interestingly, this tutor also thought that ‘ESOL awareness’
training for staff across the college would be beneficial:
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 39
‘It’s always made me wonder, if those tutors at least had
some training to make them aware of some of the barriers
to learning that an ESOL student might come across and
they can think about that when they are planning their
lessons.’
Vocational tutors
Amongst the three vocational tutors there was a clear feeling
that ‘in-class’ additional learning support staff (or ‘learning
link’ tutors) had a significant role to play in helping ESOL
learners make successful progress and in some ways just acting
as an ‘extra pair of hands’ in the class:
‘I think a support worker in the class is really important
when they’re sitting and doing their assignments.’ (Voc01)
‘… that’s invaluable, I couldn’t cope without learning link.’
(Voc03)
‘… she works really hard, she’s racing round … you know,
checking that everything’s ok.’ (Voc02)
Although in-class support seemed most important, two tutors
also thought that additional ESOL classes or input could be
useful to increase the chances of learners progressing:
‘… I think some extra ESOL sessions specific for ESOL.
… we do … Functional Skills but perhaps it’s just not
specialised enough.’ (Voc01)
The tutors were all aware that ESOL learners might (or did) find
understanding instructions or written assignments difficult,
two tutors commented on the learners’ lack of confidence
rather than necessarily their ability to understand:
‘… it’s the written work that they’re apprehensive with …’
(Voc01)
‘… they worry that they haven’t actually understood what
they’ve been asked to do properly and they just need the
reassurance.’ (Voc02)
‘… the biggest challenge is understanding what they
actually have to do! It’s understanding instructions.’
(Voc03) This research project is clearly limited by its size and,
Although the vocational tutors clearly recognised that there
were potential or real barriers which might affect the success
of ESOL learners, all gave examples of learners who were
making good progress:
‘They’ve made a big improvement since the beginning of
the year …’ (Voc03)
‘… she’s actually come on in leaps and bounds.’ (Voc01)
‘… the best English student in the class this year is a
former ESOL student.’ (Voc02)
Each tutor did make at least some reference to ‘cultural’
issues connected with ESOL learners they had now or in the
past. Some of these could impact on the potential successful
progression of the learners, such as those who were sometimes
absent due to interpreting for family members (Voc03), but
there was no clear pattern of issues or potential barriers
throughout.
Bringing things together
From the interview data it is clear that there was some
significant overlap between the perceptions of the ESOL
tutors and the actual experiences of the vocational tutors. This
was perhaps most obvious in terms of what the ESOL tutors
perceived to be the main language barriers for their learners:
understanding specialist language and producing assignments.
The importance of good links between ESOL and vocational
tutors also came through, particularly with the joint experience
of ESOL1 and Voc01 of a successful example of doing this.
This feedback, independently of each other, was a useful
way of triangulating the data (Bell, 2005), which from only
one source may have been less reliable. What is interesting
is that in spite of the concerns of the ESOL tutors (ESOL1 in
particular), it is clear that the vocational tutors are aware of the
difficulties former ESOL learners may face and are thinking of
ways to support them effectively.
The data from the interviews regarding support needs also
seems to echo the previous research but with some difference
of emphasis. While Schellekens (2007) focuses more on
specialist support being available to work with learners, the
data from the interviews put greater emphasis on having an
‘extra pair of hands’ and ‘good’ support rather than specialist
ESOL support. Interestingly, Schellekens also makes the point
that ESOL learners made better progress in ‘mixed’ vocational
classes rather than ESOL-only vocational groups (ibid:194-5)
and the fact that ESOL learners are making good progress
on mixed vocational courses seems clear from my own data.
The results of these, and previous findings, indicate a clear
need for ‘coherent progression routes for … ESOL learners,
across transition points from ESOL programmes to vocational
programmes, with language support where necessary.’ (Barton
et al 2010: 7)
Conclusion
being within one institution, its findings are not necessarily
generalisable. A possible further limitation is that all the
vocational tutors had experience of working with ESOL
learners and the findings may have been different had
some of them not had this prior knowledge. In terms of
recommendations from this study, these relate to the need for
further research and the sharing of good practice to support
successful progression from ESOL to vocational programmes
of study.
A larger study, across a range of institutions and subject areas,
would help to gain a deeper understanding of the issues. It
would also be beneficial to include learner interviews in any
additional study. At present it appears that although barriers
do exist for ESOL learners they are being overcome relatively
successfully. In this sense, it may well be true that some of the
barriers are ‘imagined’, something which a larger study could
help to substantiate or refute.
40 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
A clear recommendation in terms of practice is to encourage
greater interaction between ESOL and vocational staff and
assess what additional impact this might have on breaking
down the barriers currently in place. Of course, there may
be barriers to this itself in terms of time, money and support
and this would need to be considered when planning such
cooperation and interaction.
Bibliography
Barton D., Hodge R. and Pearce L., (2010) Progression: Moving
on in life and learning Research Report. NRDC: London
Bell J., (2005) Doing your Research Project (Fourth edition).
Open University Press: Maidenhead
Carpentieri J., (2008) Research Briefing: Persistence NRDC:
London downloaded from: http://www.nrdc.org.uk/
publications_details.asp?ID=134 accessed 20/4/14
Denscombe M., (2010) The Good Research Guide. Open
University Press: Maidenhead
Dornyei Z., (2007) Research Methods in Applied Linguistics.
OUP: Oxford
Roberts C., Baynham M., Shrubshall P., Brittan J., Cooper B.,
Gidley N., Windsor V., Eldred J., Grief S., Castillino C., and
Walsh M., (2005) Embedded teaching and learning of literacy,
numeracy and ESOL: Seven case studies NRDC: London
Schellekens P., (2007) The Oxford ESOL Handbook. OUP:
Oxford
Wellington J., (2000) Educational Research, Contemporary
Issues and Practical Approaches. Continuum: London
Diana Tremayne is an ESOL lecturer and a former co-chair
of NATECLA. She completed her MA in ELT at Leeds Beckett
University in 2015.
Email dianatremayne@gmail.com
Appendix 1
Interview questions for ESOL specialists
How long have you been teaching …………?
Do you currently have learners who are hoping to progress
onto vocational courses?
Can you tell me a bit about them and what they hope to do?
Do you think there are any issues they are likely to face when
they move on?
(Can you tell me a bit more about … and why it might be
an issue?)
How do you feel about them progressing onto another course?
In what ways do you help to prepare the learners for moving
on to a vocational course?
Is there anything you would like to do more of to prepare
them? (reasons why/why not?)
What should I have asked you that I haven’t?
Appendix 2
Interview questions for vocational tutors
How long have you been teaching …………?
Do you currently have any learners who have progressed to
your course from an ESOL course?
(Can you tell me a bit about them and how they are doing?)
Just thinking generally about ESOL learners who might come
onto your courses, what do you think are likely to be the
biggest barriers to them being successful?
(Can you tell me a bit more about … and why it might be
an issue?)
If you have had ESOL learners on your course or have them
now, can you think of specific things that might have made it
difficult for those students to succeed?
(Can you tell me a bit more about those things?)
Can you think of anything that might help you to support
your ESOL learners and increase their chances of success/
progression?
What should I have asked you that I haven’t?
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 41

Part of the ELT Teacher 2 Writer series of

‘How To ebooks for ELT writers’
Explores the specific characteristics of a range of ESOL teaching and learning
settings and the implications for the development of learner-centred resources
Relevant to ESOL practitioners working with refugees and migrants in all
English-speaking countries
Activities and commentaries on developing resources for:
• mainstream ESOL
• museum ESOL
• voluntary one-to-one ESOL
• prison ESOL
Advice on:
• designing online resources for learners with emerging digital literacies
• creating materials that are inclusive
Available from Amazon, iBooks, Noble & Barnes and Smashwords
All royalties are being donated to the Refugee Council.
42 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
The use of storytelling by ESOL/
Literacy trainee teachers
Daniela Bacova and Sarah Telfer
Abstract
This article analyses the reflections of trainee teachers’
experiences of using storytelling as part of their teaching
practice in the English as a Second Language (ESOL) and lit-
eracy classroom in the further education and skills sector.
It focuses on the evaluations and perceptions of the trainee
teachers on the effectiveness of storytelling as a pedagogic
tool to enhance the language and literacy skills develop-
ment of their ESOL learners. Moreover, it also explores the
impact of storytelling on trainee teachers’ professional
development, using the theoretical framework of Evans
(2011; 2014). The findings indicate that trainees were able
to implement storytelling in a wide range of contexts with
various groups of learners from Entry 1 (beginners) to Level
2 (upper intermediate). Storytelling as a pedagogical tool
was used in various forms from not planned impromptu
uses when demonstrating a grammatical or lexical point
through to various more or less pre-planned anecdotal
and routine classroom uses with innovative approaches
and materials designed by the trainees themselves. The
reflective accounts demonstrated a mostly positive impact
of the implementation of storytelling on trainees’ profes-
sional development that has been reflected mainly in the
components of attitudinal and intellectual change with
some evidence of behavioural change too.
Key Words: Storytelling; ESOL; Pedagogy; teacher
development; further education and skills sector
Introduction
Storytelling can be used extensively both in the pedagogy of
teaching English as a Foreign Language (EFL) and within the
teaching of English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL).
However, the ESOL curriculum is more closely linked to adult
learners and the Skills for Life agenda, in which storytelling as a
pedagogic tool seems to be less favoured or mostly underused.
This might be due to misconceptions about what is recognised
as a storytelling activity or a storytelling strategy, these being
linked to pedagogy for younger learners and therefore with
contexts and resources not appropriate for adult learners; or it
might be due to the fact that the ESOL curricula have focused
on wider social and job seeking skills, disregarding imagination
and creativity as probably those aspects of learning that are not
so urgent for the purposes of publicly funded ESOL provision.
It might also be the consequence of how speaking activities
are labelled in the ESOL classroom, using general terms
such as ‘talking’ or as ‘extended talk from within’ (Baynham,
Roberts, Cooke, Simpson, Ananiadou, Callaghan, McGoldrick
& Wallace 2007: 8).
It can however be argued that storytelling is a very effective
and multidimensional pedagogic tool that covers a number
of teaching and learning aspects required in an ESOL class.
Storytelling activities can address social and personal issues
that lie at the very heart of extremely diverse ESOL classes
while simultaneously supporting specific language acquisition
processes that enable learners to explore, test and practise
language in meaningful communicative contexts. In addition
to these, storytelling activities can encourage learners to use
language in longer turns, thus providing excellent feedback for
teachers to observe the progress and needs of their learners.
The aim of the study was therefore to investigate how trainee
teachers use and evaluate storytelling as a pedagogic tool after
being exposed to these first in their university setting and then
applying them in their teaching practice. The purpose was
to map how storytelling was applied, modified and reflected
upon by trainee teachers and how the strategy of encouraging
trainee teachers to implement more untraditional approaches
to their practice impacts on their professional development.
The study aimed to answer the following questions:
1. What are trainee teachers’ responses to using storytelling in
the ESOL classroom?
2. What storytelling activities were used and how in the ESOL
classroom?
3. How do storytelling activities shape trainees’ professional
development?
Literature review
The inspirational and crucial role of storytelling in education
has already been recognised in the theoretical works of John
Dewey. Dewey suggests that we naturally remember what
interests us in the past, connecting past events to current
events in order to make new meaning and gain understanding
of new events; the past being recalled because of what it adds
to the present. Therefore, narrated past memories when talked
over and enacted in stories contain emotion and true human
experience (Dewey 1916). It can certainly be argued that the
use of narrative stories would not only allow ESOL learners
opportunities to understand how individuals are connected
to their stories, but also how that person lives their life in
relation to that past event. This is particularly important in the
ESOL classroom known for its high ethnic, social and cultural
diversity.
Furthermore, human stories are constructed from a myriad
of personal experiences, emotions and social and cultural
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 43
encounters, providing a variety of ‘pedagogic levers’ for
ESOL learners to use as springboards for discussion in class.
Exchanging stories therefore enables students to use English
to reflect on and examine the narratives of each other’s lives
as well as to see the language in a concrete and purposeful
context. In this respect, language learning becomes rooted
in a wider cultural and social perspective (Schwab 2015) that
can help break barriers to speaking with some confidence in
front of the whole class. Hymes (1972) in addition considers
storytelling as a ‘speech event’ which when used purposefully
can convey important information and particular views of the
world, and can lead learners to a purposeful comprehension of
the language itself. Gibson (2012) proposes that we are wired
for communicating through and learning from stories. New
literacy terms such as ‘emotional literacy’ and ‘oral literacy’
are now increasingly recognised as important literacy skills for
ESOL learners to have in communication skills.
When considering what constitutes effective teaching and
learning strategies in ESOL, Baynham et al. (2007) point out
that
effective ESOL practice involves high-level teacher
strategies and qualities. They can plan on the spot and, like
a bricoleur, can pull together whatever is at hand to make
the class work. These ‘ bricoleur teachers’ are eclectic in
using and designing materials and activities to be highly
learner responsive, and this eclecticism is underpinned by
their clear professional vision (2007: 9).
It could be therefore suggested that storytelling activities and
strategies when introduced into the initial teacher education
programme, can elicit a high level of eclecticism and creativity
into ESOL pedagogy, and hence encourage the professional
growth of trainee teachers.
The professional development of pre-service teachers has
often been challenged as insufficient or displaying a limited
impact on the process and nature of trainee teacher knowledge
and skills or on trainees’ beliefs, and consequently on their
professional growth (Wideen, Mayer-Smith & Moon 1998;
Morton, McGuire & Baynham 2006). Kang and Cheng (2014)
point out that these ‘mixed results’ (2014: 171) of the impact
of initial teacher education might be due to the researchers’
incongruous conceptualizations of ‘change’. They assert that
there are two opposing epistemological stances researchers
adopt when exploring change in teacher development. Some
researchers associate change only with ‘a radical and drastic
shift in teacher cognition’ while others stress ‘a developmental
continuum’ (2014: 171). Whatever the researchers’ stances are
Kang and Cheng assert ‘teacher cognition does change’ (2014:
171) if they participate in learning activities requiring them to
become active agents of their own learning.
To capture the process of professional change a number
of complex developmental models have been proposed.
For example, Wideen et al. (1998) argue for ‘an ecological
approach’ that would take into account ‘the social and cultural
conditions’ enabling teachers to explore ‘the complexities of
the learning-to-teach equation’ (1998: 168). Strom (2015) also
recognises the non-linear route to professional development of
teachers, viewing learning to teach as ‘assemblage’ consisting
of various interacting variables influencing the process of
professional development.
To evaluate the impact of storytelling strategies on trainees’
development, Evans’ framework for the professional
development of teachers was chosen as most appropriate.
Evans (2011, 2014) highlights the challenges of understanding
the internal cognitive processes of how teachers professionally
develop. She proposes a theoretical model that maps teacher
development stages at ‘micro-level’ (2014: 186), arguing
that only mapping internal processes can make a better
understanding of what constitutes a professional development.
Her model is based on the attempt to observe and identify
‘minute singular units’ (2014: 187) of teacher activity that lead
teachers to discovering ‘a better way of teaching’ (2014: 186) a
particular concept, an item or a skill. This better way of ‘doing
things’ (2011: 865) has to include mental perceptions and
strategies as well as observable physical ones. Evans suggests
that teachers’ professional development should be viewed as
‘a tri-partite entity’ (2011: 865) consisting of three components
of professionalism which she calls: behavioural, attitudinal and
intellectual (2011).
In brief, the behavioural component is associated with the
observable actions of practitioners, what they ‘physically
do at work’, their ‘skills and competences’ (2011: 856). The
attitudinal component relates to ‘perceptions, beliefs and
views held, (including those relating to oneself, hence, self-
perception); people’s values; and people’s motivation…’ (2011:
856). And finally, the intellectual component is exploring ‘…
the nature and degree of reasoning that they apply to their
practice’ (2011: 856).
Evans’ framework seems to be highly relevant for the analysis
of the trainees’ reflective accounts that opened a window not
only into their observable actions, i.e. what, where and how they
employed storytelling strategies, but also into their attitudes to
these, i.e. whether they perceive storytelling as inspirational,
worthy of their further implementation, and finally, to the
intellectual analysis of their own practice, i.e. whether the
implementation of storytelling strategies led to some kind
of more informed reasoning and analysis of their classroom
practice.
Methodology
Rationale for the research study
The view that effective ESOL pedagogy requires a high flexibility
of the ‘bricoleur’ teacher then increases the expectations of the
impact of the ITE programmes on professional development
of pre-service teachers. Even though understanding that
learning to teach is a multidimensional and often quite ‘messy’
process (Ellis 2007: 147) requiring years of practice and
experience, taking part in the properly structured and planned
university course should enable the trainees to explore various
approaches and strategies to meet the demands and variability
of ESOL teaching in the further education and skills sector. The
study therefore focused on how trainee teachers incorporated
storytelling into their teaching practice and what impact it had
on their professional development.
44 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
The study presents the preliminary findings of a wider doctoral
research study that has focused on the effectiveness of
storytelling as a pedagogic tool in the ESOL/literacy classroom.
Part of this research followed an interpretative qualitative
methodological approach (Punch 2009) as its purpose was
to identify how the teaching practice shapes the professional
development of trainee ESOL teachers and how an analysis
of their shared reflections via a virtual learning environment,
Moodle (see Diagram 1, The Moodle screen shot), can inform
a teacher educator about further interventions and support.
Diagram 1
The context and sample
The study was conducted with one cohort of ESOL/Literacy
trainee teachers who were taking part in their initial teacher
education (ITE) programme at a university in the North West
full time and/or part time. The full-time ITE programme at the
university runs for nine months (September – May); the part-
time runs for two years and both lead either to the certification
of the Postgraduate Certificate in Education or Professional
Diploma in Education. The trainees are required to complete
the first module Preparation for Education and Training and then
they are placed into a variety of educational settings (from
October onwards). All are required to complete a minimum
of 120 hours of teaching while attending the university course
two days a week.
As part of their pedagogical content knowledge development
the trainees were introduced to storytelling strategies
in language acquisition and were asked to incorporate a
storytelling activity into an ESOL/literacy lesson. Having
done this, they were asked to post their thoughts on a Moodle
forum reflecting on their experiences of using storytelling and
detailing their perceptions and evaluations of the use of stories
in their teaching context.
19 agreed to take part in the study – out of these 12 were
pre-service and new to teaching and seven were in-service
teachers. Overall, there were 24 posts on Moodle. Trainees
were informed on the Moodle site that by taking part in the
forums they were agreeing to participate in this research
study. To meet the requirements of the university’s research
ethics framework the purpose and aims of the research were
clearly explained to the participants, and confidentiality and
anonymity assured when publishing its outcomes.
The posts were then analysed by both authors of the study,
acting as ‘critical friends’ to each other to ensure agreement
when it came to coding and interpreting the trainees’ reflective
descriptions. The method of coding was used to identify
recurring and prevalent themes in trainees’ responses and
the use of a colour scheme helped ensure a rigorous process.
However, there were some limitations to the study. From the
point of view of the research reliability, it could be argued
though that trainees’ written reflections may have been
tempered by the fact that that their posts could be read by
other respondents in the study; the fear of being judged not
just by their tutor but also by their peers may have influenced
their responses. In addition, trainees might have felt that what
they posted had some kind of bearing on their course work
and future career prospects, influencing them to present
storytelling activities in a favourable way to please their tutor,
despite being reassured to the contrary.
Findings and discussion
In Service and Pre Service Teachers
It is interesting to compare the responses of the ‘pre-service’
teachers with those of the more experienced ‘in service’
teachers. It can be said, experienced teachers have had
opportunities to develop what works for them and find their
own way when applying new strategies. This was illustrated in
their narratives as they seemed to use storytelling with much
more conscious planning and control, demonstrating more
confident understanding of how to stage the lesson and how to
exploit storytelling to its fuller potential, exploiting a number of
techniques, such as matching key words to gestures to support
long term memory and/or engaging students in collaborative
storytelling both in oral and written form. The reflections of the
in service teachers indicated they had already learnt from their
use of storytelling in their practice and were able to adapt and
develop materials for different levels based on their reflections
on what worked well and why. They also demonstrated more
resilience, determination and confidence when it came to the
actual implementation of various storytelling activities in the
classroom.
The pre service teachers in contrast still expressed some
hesitation before the implementation of storytelling into their
practice. Some seemed to be anxious about their learners’
reactions, some maintained high expectations of storytelling
outcomes. However, it seems they were perhaps more willing
to experiment and try out new things in the classroom while
the majority of in service teachers mostly relied on their well
used and tried activities. Overall, as the data showed both
groups appreciated storytelling as a versatile pedagogic tool
bringing a number of cognitive and social-cultural benefits into
their diverse classrooms.
Common themes
Based upon the interpretative descriptive analysis of the
reflective postings on Moodle, the following common themes
were identified: firstly, it was the wide range of teaching
contexts into which the trainees introduced storytelling
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 45
activities; secondly, the data revealed a surprising variety
of sources used to stimulate storytelling (see Diagram
2 – Inspiration for storytelling). And finally, the reflective
accounts described various approaches to storytelling that
demonstrated how these were used in classroom practice.
These were divided into: impromptu uses with stories told as
short anecdotes; as ‘one off ’ storytelling events; storytelling for
ice breakers, warmers and engager activities; carefully planned
storytelling activities using a range of resources, e.g. games,
objects, pictures, film clips, fictional and non-fictional stories
and technology; storytelling as part of a routine classroom
practice and collaborative storytelling activities. However, it is
significant to note that certain themes overlapped and ran into
each other, such as personal anecdotal stories as warmers and
ice breakers. On further critical analysis, other themes began
to emerge inductively from the data, most noticeably the use
of personal anecdotes to elicit empathy, raise ‘schema’ and to
tune ESOL learners into a topic.
Wide range of teaching contexts
The context the novice teachers teach in plays a highly
significant role in the development of their professional
classroom practice skills (Richards and Pennington 1998). It is
the context of their organisations they are interacting with that
enables them to construct their professional identity and it is
the context that enables or limits their teaching experiences,
and thus their professional development (Beijaard, Meijer
& Verloop 2004). The reflective posts then unsurprisingly
illustrate a variety of storytelling strategies and activities as
these had to be adapted to a wide range of teaching contexts
in which ESOL/literacy are currently taught. The trainees
brought storytelling to community venues, colleges of further
education, universities, language support classes and to private
language schools. Their reflective accounts demonstrate that
storytelling tasks were practised with different groups and
levels of learners from IELTS classes to ESOL Entry 1 to Entry
3 and Literacy L1 classes containing ESOL learners. The posts
show that the inspiration was drawn from trainees’ own stories,
their own artistic preferences and on themes related to ESOL
curriculum (see Diagram 2). They also used various pictorial
resources to scaffold the storytelling process, ranging from
more traditional storyboards and pictures to more technology
supported, for example mobile phone apps.
Diagram 2
The reflections evidence the trainees were learning using
‘situated cognition’ (Driscoll 2005) in their teaching placements,
having to adapt to both the physical and social contexts for
which they were planning storytelling activities.
Impromptu uses of short anecdotes
Accounts that exemplify an impromptu usage consist of
occasions when trainees admit that they had been using
storytelling strategies in their practice without realising it. The
occasions often rose out of the need to clarify a language or
grammar point; to introduce a new topic; or to ‘help … engage
with their teacher’. The use of a story was often considered by
trainees as not ‘a conscious decision’ but the one that was utilised
spontaneously without explicit planning for it or without
their conscious awareness of the strategy implemented:
‘….storytelling I have used in each lesson … I cannot say … has
been a conscious decision…’ It can exemplify ‘tacit’ pedagogical
knowledge of a teacher when some decisions are made on the
basis of what they see and feel at a certain moment of the
lesson (Van Krogh, Ichijo & Nonaka 2000).
Anecdotal stories seem to be by far the most prevalent theme
identified in data analysis. The anecdotes were evaluated as
means for enhancing social bonding and cultural inclusion,
mainly through the use of ‘autodiegetic’ narrative voice
(Gennette, 1980, cited in Guillemette and Lévesque, n.d.).
Stories as short anecdotes were told by learners’ themselves
following their teacher’s model or were utilised to relate to the
human aspect in the teaching situation: ‘…I often draw upon my
own life experiences… to help them engage with their teacher’. One
trainee for example delivered a lesson based on superstitions
in the form of personal anecdotes on cultural beliefs. She
commented that the use of ‘personal anecdotes made the class
lively as they all wanted to contribute … learning about others’.
Most trainees expressed confidence and belief in the
effectiveness of their anecdotal stories in their teaching
practice. However a few trainees did note some resistance and
lack of engagement from their learners acknowledging that
this was caused by their poor choice of story subject. They
noticed students losing interest as the topic was ‘not apparent in
their native country’. It was clearly a learning aspect for trainees
to consider themes and the subject matter of stories when
planning future lessons.
Storytelling as a ‘one off’ event
One of the dominant themes identified in the posts was
the reflection of trainees on the ‘one off ’ occasion of using
storytelling in their classroom. The reflective accounts revealed
the trainees’ strong emotional response before the actual
implementation of a storytelling activity, mainly describing
themselves as being ‘hesitant’ or having a low confidence with
the actual outcome of the activity describing storytelling tasks
as ‘a humble attempt’. However, once the trainees witnessed
the positive impact on learners, their attitudinal change was
explicitly expressed, as one post says: ‘Storytelling is definitely a
tool I would use again within my teaching methods’.
46 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
The hesitant starts might have been due to the trainees’
perception of institutional and curriculum restrictions on
their roles and the choices they could make. For example, one
trainee believed that it was possible to plan a lesson based on
storytelling only when special occasions allowed, when she
was free to choose what and how to teach, with no restrictions
coming from the imposed curriculum and a standardised
scheme of work. Though she noted that the storytelling
strategy encouraged the students to use different vocabulary,
pitch, tone and intonation when reading a story, her attitudes
to its implementation into everyday classroom practice did not
change. Conversely, it could be argued that encouraging the
trainee to explore a different set of teaching methods enabled
her to reflect more deeply and critically on the context where
she taught.
The anxiety of trainee teachers when asked to implement
a storytelling activity which seems to be quite alien to their
previous experiences was demonstrated in the reflections
of two other trainees. The first account described hesitation
before implementing it into a very ‘traditional’ ESOL class that
was focused on writing a CV. The trainee was worried about
‘how the group would take to writing about themselves in a far more
personal ways than is required for a C.V.’. The positive response
to writing a mini autobiographical story pleasantly surprised
the trainee and led him to better understanding of his own
practice as well as to seeing a benefit of cultural diversity:
‘Reading them later gave me an insight into their lives before they
came to England that far exceeded what is revealed in a ‘Getting to
know you’ icebreaker session. Also the fact that they were willing to
share their own stories with other members of the group helped cross
both cultural and personal boundaries.’
The second account revealed the trainee’s insecurity about
asking his learners to write stories, maybe because he saw the
story writing process as a complex and high achieving skill
requiring a certain level of language acquisition. The lesson
was based around activities that would lead to ‘a humble attempt
to produce written scripts’. The trainee asked his learners to use
pictures to tell a story however he was somehow disappointed
by the outcome of the lesson, as the learners showed only a
‘shy’ contribution and had ‘difficulties with speaking in front of
the class’. It should be noted that this post is the only one of all
24 posts that had no evidence to suggest this specific teaching
event had an impact on any of the components of teacher
development other than to witness the trainee’s struggle to
utilise storytelling.
Storytelling for ice-breakers, warmers
and engager activities
Another prevalent theme identified in trainees’ posts was
the use of storytelling as an ice breaker/warmer activity at
the start of a class or a course. Anecdotal stories were also
reported to work well as productive ice breaker activities and
‘getting to know you’ activities, especially in new multi-lingual
classes.  The posts also emphasised the personal and social
impact of stories on their learners, reflecting they worked well
as a pedagogic tool in the classroom to engage all the learners
and to help group bonding and confidence building. They also
appreciated them as effective initial assessment strategies
when observing new learners’ confidence and their listening
and speaking skills. Some of these warmers became part of the
routine classroom practice, as mentioned below.
Carefully planned storytelling activities
utilising various games, objects,
pictures, film clips, texts and technology
Moodle posts also contained reflective descriptions that
illustrated creative approaches to support a storytelling
process in class. The trainees used various resources as
stimuli to scaffold the narrative. When using the resources,
the storytelling lesson was usually carefully planned to enable
vocabulary and grammar structures to be practised before
the actual storytelling task. A few trainees in their posts
acknowledged that in order to utilise the positive impact of
storytelling on learning, a careful planning of the whole session
is needed.
There were various stimuli used: a story dice app on a
mobile phone, objects, scrabble-tiles, authentic fictional and
non-fictional texts, animated stories, video and film clips.
The accounts reveal an appreciation of using technology in
storytelling tasks and how these can engage all learners, with
critical insights on how they might be improved and fully
exploited in future practice.
Storyboards and story pictures were also used in order to
give the learners some kind of a ‘frame’ for imagination and
creativity in their storytelling; supporting them to describe
chronological events or various stages of the story; helping to
raise schema and tune learners into the topic; and to pre teach
necessary vocabulary at the beginning of the session. Trainees’
reflections detail feedback from ESOL/literacy learners after
the activities, in which they expressed enjoyment, recognising
that storytelling was beneficial and good practice for them, and
that they would like to do similar storytelling activities in the
future.
The incorporation of film clips was noted as a particularly
useful tool to engage the learners with stories focusing
on emotional reactions that would lead to their enhanced
engagement with lexically difficult texts. One trainee for
example utilised a film clip from YouTube to engage learners
emotionally with a difficult topic for their written task.
Storytelling as a routine
classroom practice
Five trainees’ accounts demonstrated that storytelling
became a routine classroom practice in various forms due to
the observed positive impact on the atmosphere in class and
learners’ language proficiency. One post described using stories
from learners’ lives as a regular introductory class activity in
which learners would begin by discussing their week’s events,
which not only enhanced the vocabulary of their learners
but also helped the trainee manage behaviour in class. This
trainee noted how as the weeks went by, the learners would
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 peer reviewed articles 47
get to know each other better and how the stories they shared
became ‘more varied and vivid as their vocabulary improved’. He
noted this routine helped the learners to become familiar with
each other helping them ‘bond’.
The routine uses of storytelling included lessons that would be
carefully planned to incorporate personal stories as ‘miniature
adventures I have the students can relate to’. These modelled and
exemplified appropriate target language, presenting it in a
more realistic and life-related context. As one trainee reflected
he found it easy to talk about his own life experiences as these
were real happenings rather than artificial situations which
might be reflected in course books or Skills for Life materials.  courses as warmer activities in which learners were asked to
The posts also evidenced a highly sophisticated approach
to storytelling when the whole lesson was devised around
storytelling and story making, utilising all four skills,
collaborative learning and original resources. An example for
this was a lesson based on an invented story that challenged
gender and cultural expectations, bringing ‘fun’ and ‘a surprise’
into an often dull topic of daily routines. All materials were
written by the trainee himself demonstrating an understanding
of not only a pedagogical but also, it could be said, aesthetic
value of stories.
The reflective posts of routine practices indicate that the
encouragement to implement storytelling in the trainees’
classroom practice has brought some behavioural changes
in their professional development. The trainees’ recognition
of their cognitive and social benefits have led them to
innovative practices and to a more confident justification of
their approaches. And most importantly, they also illustrated
excellent examples of resilience and perseverance when facing
negative attitudes from their learners when being asked to
write their own stories whilst having realistic expectations of
learners’ outcomes: “.. a general moaning and groaning when I
introduced this task, and the stories they produced were quite a bit
shorter than mine, they did have a go and used some of the linking
phrases… I wanted them to which was my objective.”
Collaborative storytelling
Routine uses of storytelling also emphasised collaboration in
class. When narrating a story, other learners were asked to
support the story telling, but also the teacher would step in to
discuss new issues raised or to pull out new lexis.  Collaboration
was used especially in writing tasks where students had to work
in pairs or small groups to write their version of the story down
on paper. Collaboration was clearly seen as a tool to encourage
interaction. Trainees noted that although the activities were
mainly focussed on writing, speaking and listening were also
utilised as pairs had to communicate to write collaboratively.
Trainees appreciated that when students worked in pairs the
interaction enabled the completion of the story making task:
‘The learners in their groups were giving new vocabulary to include
in their short story.’ It seems that trainees observed with some
enjoyment that their interactive collaborative approaches to
storytelling were highly engaging and motivating for their
learners, as one of them points out: ‘After the activity the students
said that it was good practice for them and that they would like
to do a similar storytelling activity in the future.’ This particular
comment might indicate a beginning of the behavioural change
in the trainee’s practice, a change in what she will ‘physically
do’ based on her reflection of the positive learner feedback.
Conclusion
It could be said that the trainees’ accounts demonstrated that
storytelling can be used effectively as a pedagogic tool with
high flexibility. Stories were implemented through various
lesson stages,  such as:  at the beginning of the lessons or
tell something about themselves at the start of a course or
share their weekend activities with their classmates. They also
appeared surprisingly as writing activities in such contexts as
writing a CV for a job application. Other examples showed
trainees adapting traditional approaches to storytelling such
as re-telling stories; re-writing well known fairy tales; telling
anecdotes; summarising a story; and asking their learners
to invent a story following a model offered by their teacher.
To stimulate their learners’ storytelling process the trainees
further used storyboards to encourage collaborative story
writing; video clips and sequences of pictures; they also
adapted and invented various games, employing accessible
technology through smart phones and the Internet. 
An analysis of the reflective accounts enabled the mapping
of trainee teachers’ responses to storytelling as a continuum
of practices ranging from impromptu usage of storytelling
to purposefully planned and structured storytelling lessons
that were based on and around the production of stories with
activities united by a common theme and supported by original
trainee teachers’ materials. Equally important, the accounts
demonstrated the trainee teachers’ individual approaches to
the introduction and usage of storytelling in their teaching
practice which, in most cases led to some levels of change in
their professional development.
To summarise, all but one participant in this study evidenced
some level of professional development and growth. The
most dominant component, taking Evans’ framework though,
seems to be an attitudinal change. This component seems to
be prevalent in all posts. The trainees were seen to become
highly motivated to use storytelling due to a number of
reasons: firstly, their observation of the positive impact it had
on the social atmosphere in their classroom through enhanced
social cohesion and sharing of stories bringing joy into
teaching and learning; and secondly, acknowledging language
development benefits. The conscious usage of storytelling into
their classroom practice has had an impact on the analytical
component of professional development of trainees as well.
This was demonstrated through their ability to find the language
to describe and therefore justify their teaching practice; to
analyse the impact of the storytelling on their learners and
to suggest further ways of how to implement it into their
teaching; to reason for incorporating them in class despite
difficulties, either institutional or encountering some resistance
from their learners. And finally, being motivated by the success
of storytelling and by their own understanding of its benefits,
it was possible to detect a behavioural change, mainly in cases
48 peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
when trainees had already incorporated storytelling into their
routine classroom practice and demonstrated resilience by
having more realistic expectations of the outcomes.
The research identified one post in which it seemed no change
in any professional component occurred. At this point a more
focused mentoring session might be a good intervention to help
the trainee to analyse his performance from a wider contextual
and pedagogic perspective to bridge the ‘great divide’ (Aitken
and Mildon 1992: 32) between the university programme and
the actual teaching experiences.
References
Aitken, J. L. and Mildon, D. A. (1992) ‘Teacher Education
and the Developing Teacher: The Role of Personal
Knowledge’. In Michael Fullan and Andy Hargreaves (eds.)
Teacher Development and Educational Change. London and
Washington, D. C.: The Palmer Press, 10–35
Baynham, M., Roberts, C., Cooke, M., Simpson, J., Ananiadou,
K., Callaghan, J., McGoldrick, J. and Wallace, C. (2007)
Effective Teaching and Learning ESOL. Summary report.
London: NRDC for Adult Literacy and Numeracy.
Beijaard, D., Meijer, P.C. and Verloop, N. (2004) ‘Reconsider
research on teachers’ professional identity’ Teaching and
Teacher Education, 20/2, 107–128
http://ac.els-cdn.com.ezproxy.bolton.ac.uk/
S0742051X04000034/1-s2.0-S0742051X04000034-
main.pdf ?_tid=98e37514-cf0c-11e5-8116-
00000aab0f02&acdnat=1455009051_
fefdfd39abe2afd960f8caf68f23b064 (accessed December
2015)
Driscoll, M. P. (2005) Psychology of Learning. 3rd ed. Harlow:
Pearson
Dewey, J. (1916) Democracy and Education. An introduction
to the philosophy of education (1966 ed.). New York:
Free Press
Ellis, V. (2007) Subject Knowledge and Teacher Education. The
Development of Beginning Teachers’ Thinking. London and New
York: Continuum International Publishing Group
Evans, L. (2011) ‘The ‘shape’ of teacher professionalism in
England: professional standards, performance management,
professional development and the changes proposed in the
2010 White Paper’ British Educational Research Journal 37/5,
851–870
Evans, L. (2014) ‘Leadership for professional development
and learning: enhancing our understanding of how teachers
develop’ Cambridge Journal of Education 44/2, 179–198
Gibson, R. (2012) 3 Reasons to Master the Art of Storytelling.
http://www.inc.com/riley-gibson/3-reasons-every-start-up-
should-tell-more-stories.html (accessed January 2015)
Guillemette, L. and Lévesque, C. (n.d.) ‘Narratology’ Sign.
Theoretical Semiotics on Web
http://www.signosemio.com/genette/narratology.asp
(accessed January 2016)
Hymes, D. H. (ed.) (1964) Language in culture and society: A
reader in linguistics and anthropology. New York: Harper & Row
Kang, Y. and Cheng, X. (2014) ‘Teacher learning in the
workplace: A study of the relationship between a novice
teacher’s classroom practices and cognition development’
Language Teaching Research 18/2, 169–186
Morton, T., McGuire, T. and Baynham, M. (2006) A Literature
review of research on teacher education in adult literacy,
numeracy and ESOL. London: NRDC for Adult Literacy and
Numeracy
Punch, K. F. (2009) Introduction to Research Methods in
Education. London: SAGE.
Richards, J. C. and Pennington, M. (1998) ‘The first year of
teaching’ J. C. Richards (ed.) Beyond Training. Cambridge:
CUP, 173−190
Schwab, I. (2015) Training to Teach Adults English. Leicester.
NIACE
Strom, K. J. (2015) ‘Teaching as assemblage: Negotiating
learning and practice in the first year of teaching’ Journal of
Teacher Education 66/4, 321–333 http://www.researchgate.
net/publication/279207804 (accessed January 2016)
Van Krogh, G., Ichijo, K. and Nonaka, I. (2000) Enabling
Knowledge Creation. How to Unlock the Mystery of Tacit
Knowledge and Release the Power of Innovation. Oxford: Oxford
University Press
Wideen, M., Mayer-Smith, J. and Moon, B. (1998) ‘A Critical
Analysis of the Research on Learning to Teach: Making the
Case for an Ecological Perspective on Inquiry’ Review of
Educational Research 68/2, 130–178
Acknowledgements
2014/15 ESOL and Literacy trainee teachers’ cohorts
Daniela Bacova PhD Lecturer in the School of Education and
Psychology at the University of Bolton; specialises in initial
teacher education; formative assessment and teacher
development.
Email: d.bacova@bolton.ac.uk
Sarah Telfer MA TESOL Senior Lecturer in the School of
Education and Psychology at the University of Bolton;
specialises in initial teacher education; ESOL and Literacy
teaching and teacher development.
Email: s.telfer@bolton.ac.uk
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 49
Brazilian Portuguese as a community
language: the training journey
of a teacher in London
Rita Dorneles, Brazilian Association for
Educational Projects in the UK (ABRIR)
Ana Souza, Oxford Brookes University
Abstract
The increase in the number of Brazilian emigrants in the
last thirty or so years has led to the development of the
teaching of Brazilian Portuguese as a community language
abroad. In other words, this type of teaching is new, and
consequently, the teachers working in community schools
tend to have been trained only to work with monolingual
pupils in Brazil. In this article, we reflect on the experience
of one of these teachers who works with intermediate and
upper-intermediate pupils aged 11 to 15 in London. The
class that caters for this group of learners was initially cre-
ated with the aim of preparing them to take mainstream
examinations, i.e. GCSE and A-levels in Portuguese. In this
article, we describe the contextual background for these
lessons and contrast it to the teacher’s expectations of
teaching in this context. We then consider the few teaching
courses available for teachers of Portuguese as a com-
munity language in London. Anderson’s (2008) perceived
8-strand professional development needs of community
language teachers are used as a framework for analysing
the experience of this Brazilian teacher. We acknowledge
the positive impact of these courses on teacher knowledge
and practices and call for more of these initiatives.
Introduction
‘My training journey started with a degree as a primary
school teacher, which in Brazil at the time, was an optional
route for the equivalent of the A-levels in England. I then
obtained the equivalent of a BA in Education, a course
that included modules on Educational Psychology, History
of Education, Philosophy and Teaching Principles and
Methodologies. Having completed my university degree,
I worked in Brazilian schools for three years. My training,
education, and work experience were very rich and
useful for the Brazilian context. Naively, I thought that my
professional skills could easily be transferred to teaching
Portuguese in a Brazilian community school in the UK.’
(Rita Dorneles, March 2016)
Rita is one among hundreds of thousands of Brazilians who
have migrated to England in the last three to four decades,
when the migration flow from Brazil became significant. This
flow has led to the development of the teaching of Brazilian
Portuguese as a community language abroad (Souza 2010), a
context which Rita joined to continue her professional career.
In this article, we reflect on the challenges faced by teachers
trained in a monolingual1 country when confronted with a
multilingual and multicultural body of pupils in a new country.
With a focus on the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese and the
Brazilian community schools, this reflection will allow us to
consider the needs of teachers of community languages.
With this purpose, we consider the few teaching courses
available for teachers of Portuguese as a community language
in London. We draw on Anderson’s (2008) study of pre- and
in-service professional development of teachers of community
languages and use his perceived 8-strand needs as a framework
for analysing the experience of a Brazilian teacher. We
acknowledge the positive impact that attending the available
courses has had on the teacher’s professional knowledge and
teaching practices. We conclude by emphasising the need
for more courses to be delivered with the aim of supporting
the professional development of the Brazilian community
teachers.
A Brazilian teacher in the UK
Considering Rita’s profile in the vignette in the introduction to
this article, we could ask a few questions about her readiness
to work in the context of Brazilian community schools in the
UK. Is she prepared to teach Portuguese at all? How about
Portuguese as a Heritage Language (henceforth POLH)? What
should she teach? What resources should she use? How much
will her previous experience support her in this new context?
How far are her teaching skills transferable? How will her
confidence be affected?
Rita arrived in London in 2010 with her husband and three
children. Initially, her focus was to ensure that her family
settled well in the English capital. Two years later, being
convinced that a new routine had been established and that
her children felt secure with the move, Rita decided to explore
the possibilities of being professionally active again. The
internet seemed a natural starting point. ABRIR2, the Brazilian
Association for Educational Projects in the UK, was one of
50 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
the institutions she found online. The information shared by
ABRIR on POLH raised Rita’s interest in the field. It seemed a
perfect opportunity for her to return to work and develop links
with the Brazilian community in London. She contacted one
of the schools listed in ABRIR’s website and arranged to visit
them. She was then presented with a very new context.
Community schools (also called complementary,
supplementary or Saturday schools) are voluntary
organizations that fulfil a range of functions (Lytra and Martin
2010a). In the case of Brazilian community schools, they
are mostly organized by parents who aim to transmit their
linguistic and cultural heritage to their children, who are
growing up away from their country of origin (Mendes 2012).
In spite of the documented benefits of these schools to the
learning and the identity formation of children of migrant
backgrounds (see, for example, Lytra and Martin 2010b), they
tend to operate in very challenging circumstances that include
limited resources and classes with students with a great variety
of ages and abilities (Hall et al 2002, Kenner & Ruby 2013).
These circumstances were witnessed by Rita in her first visit
to the school.
Rita arrived at the school for the first time much earlier than
the start of the lessons. Her intention was to familiarize
herself with an environment that was totally new to her. She
was immediately surprised by the venue. It was not a ‘proper’
school building, but a community centre with a large hall. The
walls were bare. There was no sign of the presence of the
group in that space from the week before. As the families, the
students and the current teachers arrived, Rita realized that
the hall was used for lessons to the younger pupils (2–5 year-
olds). There was in fact another very small room coming off
from the hall in which the older pupils (11–153 year-olds) were
squeezed. Rita could not help but compare this place to her
previous experience. This led her to ask herself a number of
questions: Where is the work of the younger pupils’ displayed?
How can the older pupils study in such a small space? It all
seemed to lack professionalism.
Nevertheless, Rita decided to have a taster of the lessons and
attended two of the sessions delivered by another teacher. The
lessons were fun but were clearly not linked to each other. In
addition, there was no lesson plan, no curriculum, no direction.
Nobody could explain what the teaching content would be,
except that POLH should be taught. Rita decided to accept a
teaching position in the school as a new challenge in her life.
However, she felt the need to learn more about community
schools and POLH.
Professional development in the UK
As described in the previous section, Rita is a teacher who was
trained in her country of origin – a situation that is common
among many of the teachers of community languages in the
UK. These teachers’ knowledge of language and of other
academic subjects which have been developed through
training and qualifications in their countries are indeed relevant
to their practices (Barradas 2007). However, opportunities to
reflect on how to transfer their knowledge and their skills to the
context of the host country and adapt it to the needs of their
new pupils would immensely contribute to the professional
development of these teachers. Unfortunately, the offer of this
type of pre- and in-service courses is very limited (Anderson
2008).
Nevertheless, there have been some initiatives with the view
to address this gap. One example was the Postgraduate
Certificate of Education (PGCE) in Community Languages
by Goldsmiths, University of London4, which would qualify
teachers to work in the UK. This course no longer exists,
but instead a certificate is offered in teaching Chinese5 and
another one, in teaching Arabic6. Although these courses do
not qualify a teacher to teach in British schools, they play a key
role in supporting teachers of community languages to better
understand their teaching context and their learners and thus
better plan and deliver their lessons. After all, as advocated
by Barradas (2007), equally important to teachers’ linguistic
and academic knowledge is their awareness of the needs of
their pupils. This view is shared by ABRIR, which developed
a partnership with Goldsmiths in 2012 and 20137 to deliver
a certificate in teaching Portuguese. On both occasions, the
limited financial resources of the Brazilian teachers and their
community schools did not allow the courses to be viable.
As an alternative, ABRIR applied for funding from the
Brazilian government and managed to offer four free8 full-
day workshops9 in 2013. They were entitled Professional
Development for Teachers of Portuguese as a Heritage
Language and covered four themes. They were the following;
Curriculum Design, Lesson Planning, Materials Development
and Assessment of Learning. Rita attended these workshops
and considered this experience to be positive, as illustrated in
her own words below:
‘I learned a lot about POLH and its specificities. For
example, it was only in these workshops that I realized
that the students tend to stay in the same class group for
three years in all of the Brazilian community schools. Due
to the limited number of students in each school, they are
grouped according to age range – usually 4–6, 7–9, 10–12,
13–15. The exact age range adopted in each school varies,
but this approach affects the curriculum. I learned that
there is no way to establish a very rigid curriculum. The
content changes every year depending on the students’
specific abilities and interests. Ensuring that the topics are
varied during the three years they stay in the same group
is also important. Besides, the schools are spread all over
London and their families may belong to different social
classes, have different migration histories and plans. In
other words, each school deals with a different context and
has different specific aims that need to be considered in
their curricula.’
Rita also reported to have realized that there were many
differences between her teacher training and experience
in Brazil and her experience with POLH in London. This
realization led her to continue to pursue other learning
opportunities. In 2014, she attended the Introductory
Course for Teachers of Portuguese10 organized by ABRIR
in partnership with the UCL Institute of Education, then
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 51
University of London. This course was possible because
ABRIR managed to obtain funding11 to cover half of the
participant fees. The other half was financed by the Brazilian
community schools to which the trainee teachers were linked.
This course was 21 hours long and divided into three full days.
Rita explains the highlights of this course for her:
‘This course made me realize that teachers need to
understand that community language involves the culture
and language as a social system in which the child is
inserted. With this in mind, it is important to acknowledge
that the Brazilian families may come from different parts
of the country, and thus be linked to different regional
cultural and linguistic varieties. In addition, some of the
Brazilian parents may have partners of another nationality,
and thus have links to other cultural and linguistic
practices.’
As acknowledged by Anderson (2008), ‘[w]hilst the various
minority language communities in the UK share much in
common, there are also some important differences’ (p. 284).
It was as a consequence of these differences that he offered
the Goldsmiths’ PGCE in Community Languages and presently
offers a Certificate in Community Languages to specific
groups. Nevertheless, in analysing those courses, Anderson
(2008) identified strands of the professional development
needs shared by the groups with which he worked. We adopt
these strands to discuss Rita’s professional development in the
UK further in the next section.
Identifying professional
development needs
Anderson (2008) explored the needs of pre- and in-service
professional development of teachers of community languages
in the UK, more specifically, teachers of Arabic, Chinese, Urdu
and Panjabi. He identified eight strands in their professional
development needs: (1) pedagogy and learner motivation; (2)
planning; (3) inter-cultural, cross-curricular and citizenship
dimensions; (4) differentiation; (5) resources; (6) ICT; (7)
networking and links between mainstream and complementary
sectors; (8) status, morale and career development.
One peculiar characteristic of the Brazilian community
schools mentioned by Rita in the previous section is the fact
that the students may stay for three years in the same class
group – this means with the same teacher and generally, the
same classmates. She raises the importance of flexibility on
the teacher’s part in relation to the choice of topics. Although
not mentioning motivation itself, Rita’s report on her relevant
learning in the UK indicates that she understands that
designing stimulating and enjoyable lessons, as stressed by the
trainees in Anderson’s study, is of great importance in order to
actively engage students in their learning of POLH.
In addition to implications to pedagogy and learner motivation,
the organization of the groups in age range for the length of
three years, highly impact on planning. Nevertheless, Rita
noticed that the Brazilian community schools do not adopt a
curriculum and may not even use lesson plans. In other words,
she voiced the same need for planning – be it short, medium, or
long-term – as the teacher trainees in Anderson’s (2008) study.
ABRIR has also acknowledged the key role that planning has in
successful experiences of teaching and learning. Consequently,
lesson planning and curriculum considerations were two of the
topics covered in the courses ABRIR offered in 2013 and 2014.
However, we stress that a curriculum for POLH is yet to be
developed12. The present planning of the Brazilian community
schools is limited to content choice (Souza 2016), i.e. choice
of topic and grammar points, usually in reference to individual
lessons, as described above by Rita.
Consequently, Souza (2016) draws on Van Den Akker (2008
in Souza 2016) ‘curricular spider’ concept to stress the
importance of a rationale in the development of a curriculum
for the teaching of POLH by the Brazilian community schools.
The rationale is in the core of the spider’s web, which includes
nine curriculum components (aims and objectives, content,
learning activities, teacher role, resources, grouping, location,
time and assessment). Furthermore, Souza (2016) advocates
that the rationale be based on cross-curriculum principles,
where the boundaries between different subjects are broken
and the focus is on the development of transferable skills such
as citizenship and learning to learn.
The citizenship issue is of keen importance for the children of
Brazilian families who are growing up abroad. In other words,
these are children who have multilingual and multicultural
experiences. In fact, the issue of multilingual and multicultural
identification of children of migrant backgrounds has also
been documented for other groups (see, for example, Pantazi
2010). As pointed out by Rita above, in addition to the Brazilian
community/ British society experiences, these multiple
experiences refer to the different Brazilian regional, cultural
and Portuguese linguistic varieties of the families attending the
Brazilian community schools in the UK. Adding an intercultural
dimension to the curriculum of community languages has also
been suggested by Anderson (2008) as a way of linking their
home-community-society experiences in a positive way. The
thematic teaching suggested by Anderson already exists to a
certain extent in the Brazilian community schools. However,
there is a need to consider the teaching of individual themes
in a more connected way and based on multicultural and
multilingual principles (Souza 2016).
Another challenge that needs to be addressed by professional
development courses being offered to community language
teachers is the highly mixed linguistic abilities of the students
with whom they work. This challenge has been raised by Rita
above and mentioned by the trainees in Anderson’s (2008)
study. As a consequence, Anderson (2008) calls attention to
the fact that ‘understanding and gaining confidence in using
a range of strategies to support differentiation assumes huge
importance’ (p. 291) to teachers of community languages. It
seems relevant to mention that the ability to use differentiation
may be negatively impacted by the limited access these
teachers have to resources, including ICT and teaching
materials. The description Rita provided above of the venue
when she first visited a Brazilian community school illustrates
this gloomy situation well. Classrooms with no access to
textbooks, ICT or any other resources, and having only basic
furniture and the good will of the teachers. Anderson (2008),
52 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Hall et al (2002), Kenner and Ruby (2013) reinforce that similar
limitations apply to many of the community schools in the UK
and in other countries.
Networking has played a key role in supporting the Brazilian
teachers of POLH in relation to many of the issues covered
in this section. ABRIR has created a network of teachers,
schools and other organizations both online and face-to-face.
Online resources can be accessed via ABRIR and many
teaching ideas and materials are shared through its Facebook
account. Additionally, ABRIR has developed links with the
Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which has given the
Brazilian community schools in the UK free access to the
teaching materials and literature books produced in Brazil.
Despite the need to be aware of the limitations linked to these
materials (e.g. language difficulty level and topic relevance)
due to being designed for use with pupils in their country of
origin (Anderson 2008, Pantazi 2010), they offer a very good
reference for teachers to start considering what to teach
and how. In sum, networking has enabled the feeling of
isolation and marginalisation which is common to teachers of
community languages (Anderson 2008) to be reduced.
Furthermore, ABRIR has developed links with Brazilian
community schools in other European countries and in 2013
created SEPOLH13, the European Symposium on the Teaching
of Portuguese as a Heritage Language. This is a biennial event
that takes place in different countries and aims to support the
exchange of knowledge and experience of the teachers and
the institutions involved with the teaching of POLH in Europe.
Rita has participated in this event twice, first in London in 2013
and then in Munich in 2015. In the quote below, Rita explains
the impact that the training courses and the symposia she
attended have had on her teaching.
‘All these courses and events have been very important
in helping to develop an open-minded perspective of
teaching POLH. I now better understand the context
of Portuguese as a community language in the UK and
in other parts of Europe. I have learned a lot about the
differences between mother tongue, second language,
foreign language and community language. I have had the
opportunity to explore the links between language, culture
and identity.’
In between the lines of Rita’s description of her learning
opportunities appears to be the sense of pride in being able
to attend the courses and the events available to teachers
of POLH. This participation seems to have enabled Rita
to develop a positive identity as a teacher who belongs to a
group of professionals who are working hard to develop their
knowledge and acquire new skills in order to guarantee the
standards of what they do. In other words, the professional
training opportunities coupled with the creation of professional
networks have had a positive impact not only on Rita’s career
development but also on her perception of the status attached
to this development. It is a feeling of empowerment and
personal fulfilment also observed by Anderson (2008) in his
group of trainees.
Concluding thoughts
Rita’s experience in arriving with teacher training and teaching
experience from Brazil and being shocked by the context of
the Brazilian community schools in the UK is what Pantazi
(2010) describes as being ‘a disjuncture between teachers’
expectations and the reality’ (p. 113). As the teachers of
Greek as a community language in Pantazi’s (2010) study, this
disjuncture led Rita to start a process of reflective development
that was grounded on her informal research, built of local
knowledge and experimentation with new practices. We
acknowledge that these initial reflections happened in isolation
for about a year or so. After this time, still trying to adjust to her
new teaching reality, Rita decided to look for support wherever
she could find it. Luckily, she had access to a Brazilian
institution that could offer her some training as well as access
to a wide range of information and a supportive network of
professionals in Brazil, the UK and Europe. This has been an
enriching experience for Rita. She values the opportunity the
courses attended have created for her to
‘discuss and compare [her] difficulties to that of other
teachers of POLH in London and other European cities,
[she] could exchange ideas about ways of working with the
learners of POLH with the other participants, [they] talked
about different materials and about what worked and did
not work in [their] classes’.
Based on Rita’s experience, we have been able to witness how
significant professional development opportunities are for the
Brazilian teachers of POLH in the UK. Similarly to the teachers
of Arabic, Chinese, Urdu and Panjabi as community languages
in Anderson’s study, professional development can equip the
teachers of POLH ‘with the theoretical understandings and
practical skills they need to carry out their role effectively’
(Anderson 2008: 295).
The significance of the professional development of Brazilian
teachers should be improved with the offer of a larger number
of courses and events as well as more frequent ones. This is
the only way that a new field such as POLH can contemplate a
move from amateurism to professionalism.
References
Anderson, J. (2008) ‘Pre- and In-service Professional
Development of Teachers of Community/Heritage
Languages in the UK: Insider Perspectives’ Language and
Education 22/4: 283–297
Barradas, O. (2007) ‘Learning Portuguese: a tale of two
worlds’ in Conteh, J., Martin, P. and Robertson, L. H. (eds)
Multilingual Learning Stories from Schools and Communiites in
Britain Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham.
Hall, K., Ōzerk, K., Zulfiqar, M. and Tan, J. (2002) ‘This is our
school’: provision, purpose and pedagogy of supplementary
schooling in Leeds and Oslo British Educational Teearch
Journal 28/3: 399–418
Kenner, C. & Ruby, M. (2013) ‘Connecting children’s worlds:
Creating a multilingual syncretic curriculum through
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 53

partnership between complementary and mainstream
schools’ Journal of Early Childhood Literacy 13/3: 395–417
Lytra, V. and Martin, P. (2010a) ‘Introduction’ in Lytra, V. and
Martin, P. (eds) Sites of Multilingualism – complementary schools
in Britain today Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham
Lytra, V. and Martin, P. (eds) (2010b) Sites of Multilingualism
– complementary schools in Britain today Stoke-on-Trent:
Trentham
Mendes, E. (2012) ‘Vidas em português: perspectivas
culturais e identitárias em contexto de português língua de
herança’ Platô 1/2: 20–31
Pantazi, E. (2010) ‘Teachers’ developing theories and
practices in reek Community Schools’ in Lytra, V. and Martin,
P. (eds) Sites of Multilingualism – complementary schools in
Britain today Stoke-on-Trent: Trentham
Souza, A. (2016, forthcoming) ‘O português em Londres:
aprendizes em um contexto de herança e suas implicações
curriculares’ in Ortiz, M. and Gonçalves, L. (eds) O mundo
do português e o português no mundo afora: especificidades,
implicações e ações Campinas: Pontes
Souza, A. (2010) ‘Migrant Languages in a Multi-Ethnic
Scenario: Brazilian Portuguese in London’ Portuguese Studies
26/1: 79–93
11 The Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, through the
support of the Embassy of Brazil in London, financed
50% of the fees of each participant.
12 Note that Switzerland (more specifically, the canton of
Zurich) has a developed a general framework for the
teaching of all the heritage languages in that country.
This framework is adopted by the Brazilian organizations
in Switzerland.
13 www.sepolh.eu
Rita Dorneles teaches POLH in a Brazilian community
language school in London and as a private tutor. Rita
holds a primary school teacher qualification and a BA in
Education, both from Brazil. She is also a collaborator for
ABRIR, the organization she supports as a volunteer.
Email: rita.dorneles@gmail.com
Dr Ana Souza is a Senior Lecturer in TESOL and Applied
Linguistics at Oxford Brookes University, England. Ana’s
research interests include bilingualism, language
and identity, language choices, Brazilian migration,
language planning (in families and migrant churches),
complementary schools, the teaching of POLH and training
of language teachers.
Email: asouza@brookes.ac.uk

Endnotes
1 We acknowledge that Brazil has a number of local
aboriginal languages and languages taken in by migrant
groups. However, the idea of Brazil as a monolingual
country has been constructed by a number of language
policies and impacted on how the linguistic situation
of the country is perceived by many until very recently
(see de Oliveira, G. (2009) ‘Brasileiro fala português:
monolinguismo e preconceito lingüístico’ in Linguasagem
11, http://www.letras.ufscar.br/linguasagem/edicao11/
artigo12.pdf) (accessed March 2016)
2 www.abrir.org.uk
3 The pupils aged 6–10 years old were placed in another
building, which Rita did not visit in her first time in the
school.
4 www.cilt.org.uk/commlangs/pathways.htm (accessed
March 2007)
5 www.gold.ac.uk/educational-studies/programmes/
chinesecertificatecourse (accessed March 2016)
6 www.gold.ac.uk/educational-studies/teacherscentre/
arabiccertcourse (accessed March 2016)
7 http://blog.abrir.org.uk/2013/07/09/goldsmiths-
college-certificate-in-the-teaching-of-community-
languages-portuguese (accessed March 2016)
8 The Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, through the
support of the Consulate-General of Brazil in London,
fully financed these workshops.
9 http://blog.abrir.org.uk/2013/06/04/oportunidade-
unica-oficinas-gratuitas-para-professores-de-portugues
(accessed March 2016)
10 http://blog.abrir.org.uk/2014/11/09/curso-introdutorio-
para-professores-de-portugues-teve-apoio-da-rede-brasil-
cultural (accessed March 2016)
54 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Language Futures – broadening
language provision to create
independent and engaged
language learners
Introduction
The Language Futures approach originated as part of a Paul
Hamlyn Foundation Special Initiative, ‘Learning Futures,’ in
partnership with the Innovation Unit. It was developed by
Linton Village College in Cambridgeshire as a prototype for
a very different and innovative model of language learning
where it has been running since 2010. In summer 2015,
management of the initiative was transferred to the Association
for Language Learning, with legacy grant funding from the Paul
Hamlyn Foundation for the next two academic years. ALL has
made a commitment, alongside partners Whole Education and
the British Council, to oversee the further development of the
Language Futures Programme.
About the approach
The Language Futures approach is not designed to ‘teach’
a language, but to equip students to be autonomous and
informed language learners, supported by a school, home and
the wider community. Motivation is key to the approach and it
has been designed to foster deep learner engagement and to
enable students to take responsibility for their own learning.
This is achieved through five core features: student choice and
agency (learners choose the language they wish to learn and
identify their own learning needs, with support, and engage
in research and problem-solving processes to address these
needs), teacher as designer and facilitator (the class teacher
acts as a facilitator of language learning rather than a teacher
of a specific language by creating the conditions for students
to manage their own learning processes and supporting them
to learn collaboratively with their peers), school as base
camp (school is not seen as the sole place where learning
can take place, or the single source of knowledge), project-
based learning (students design, plan and carry out extended
projects that produce an output, such as a product, publication
or presentation. Projects are designed to build knowledge
and develop skills, to incorporate language learning and
inter-cultural understanding and to connect learning to the
real-world) and building a learning community (students share
knowledge about language with each other by sharing their
learning across language groups and they receive personalised
support from community language mentors. These are
volunteers from the local community, with an in-depth
knowledge and fluency in a particular language, recruited to
provide good models of the language and advise students on
specific language queries and learning tasks).
The Language Futures approach offers a clear opportunity to
broaden language learning provision and promote linguistic
diversity by drawing upon the pupils’ home languages and
offers a way of introducing a world language which cannot
be accommodated within the Curriculum thus supporting the
relevance and value of a wide range of languages. It promotes
language learning beyond the classroom, equips students to
be autonomous and informed language learners and supports
building links with the community through its mentoring
processes.
Over the 2015/16 academic year, there are a total of seven
schools from a range of educational contexts offering the
Language Futures approach both as part of the school
curriculum and after school. There are a total of 16 languages
(Arabic, English, French, German, Irish, Italian, Japanese,
Latin, Mandarin, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, Shona, Spanish,
Turkish and Urdu).
Resources
Over the last number of years, a wide range of resources have
been developed by schools previously and currently involved
in Language Futures, in collaboration with the Paul Hamlyn
Foundation. Materials include classroom resources as well as
ideas for projects and skills development. Further resources
will be added as the project develops, including materials to
support project-based learning, language learning strategies
and materials for building schools’ capacity to implement a
Language Futures programme.
Research
A rigorous research exercise will also explore and evaluate
the impact of the Language Futures approach on learners,
teachers, and the wider school community, particularly parents
and mentors. Research focusing on learners will explore
their learning outcomes, evaluating linguistic competence,
progression, motivation and engagement, and autonomy.
Research focusing on teachers will explore the role of teacher-
facilitators and research on the wider school community will
examine the effects of the Language Futures approach on
perceived home-school relationships, as well as on mentors.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 55
Quote from Linton Village College
“The Language Futures programme has been running at
Linton Village College since 2010 and is taught during
the school day as part of the curriculum. We currently
have 27 higher ability Year 9 students who have chosen
to study Turkish, Arabic, German, Italian, Russian and
Mandarin. In lessons and at home, pupils use a mixture
of the latest digital technology alongside more traditional
resources, such as textbooks and dictionaries. “Students
immerse themselves in their chosen language and its
culture with the support of volunteer community mentors
who are either native speakers or have learnt the language
themselves. “This imaginative and engaging approach
provides pupils with lifelong learning skills, enabling them
to learn any language in the future. “Finally, Language
Futures is creatively transforming the teacher’s role from
language expert to language facilitator, underlining one of
the wider aims of the initiative learning to learn’.”
Sawtry Village Academy
“We are running the programme with a group of Year 8
students who have previously struggled to engage with
language learning. “They are now learning either Arabic,
Spanish or German in small groups, guided by a mentor,
with a strong focus on fostering independence, positive
peer interaction, and the relevance that the language can
have to them. Students are responding with enthusiasm
and excitement to this new approach where they are
making decisions in enquiry-led, skills-based learning. “We
hope to find new ways to expand the learning beyond the
classroom both virtually and in the community.”
Gladesmore Community School
Gladesmore Community School in Tottenham has been
using Language Futures style approaches since 2012,
first as an after-school club and, more recently, during the
school day. The school has a strong tradition of supporting
language learning. At Gladesmore 51% of students have
a language other than English as their first language,
and a key aim of its Language Futures programme has
been to support these young people to become confident
linguists – learning new languages, as well as becoming
literate and gaining qualifications in their home languages.
The development of an autonomy-supportive learning
environment is enabling learners to develop their home
language as well as new languages and to take part in
authentic projects in the community, enhancing inclusion
and wider learning opportunities.
The school draws on a particular approach to project-based
learning that is designed to help teachers ensure projects
are content-rich and fully linked to the curriculum, and has
been influenced by the Innovation Unit’s REAL Projects
programme and High-Tech High in San Diego. The languages
team also works closely with colleagues in the school’s drama
department and have had training in Mantle of the Expert, a
dramatic-inquiry approach to teaching and learning.
“It’s hard work but very rewarding. The students are
beginning to apply the skills they are learning in a range
of different areas. Many of them are comparing the new
language with the linguistic experience they already have;
this is a really thrilling process to see.”
Head of Community Languages
Bryon Wood Primary School
During 2014/15 Byron Wood School, a large Sheffield-based
primary school with a culturally and linguistically diverse
community became the first primary school to trial Language
Futures approaches with its pupils. Byron Wood has introduced
Spanish as its timetabled Key Stage 2 language, but is keen to
celebrate students’ home languages and the school’s linguistic
diversity. In 2012, the school introduced three after-school
language clubs – in Arabic, Somali and Urdu for its pupils.
These clubs attracted children who were mother-tongue
speakers of these languages and others who were not, and
highlighted a desire among the children to share their friends’
languages.
Initially planned as a Saturday Club, using project-based and
other personalised learning approaches, the school has evolved
a large, play-based after school club. With a weekly carousel of
‘drop in’ activities offered in different target languages, the club
has been popular with children throughout Key Stages 1 and 2.
The emphasis has been on celebrating languages, culture and
difference, and the school has been particularly keen to attract
children from some of the newer communities in the area, such
as Romany-speaking Slovakian children.
Byron Wood has used existing school staff, particularly
multilingual teaching assistants, and volunteers from among
the school community local supplementary schools, to
facilitate and support pupils’ learning. The project has been led
by the school’s Extended Services Coordinator and delivered
with support from Languages Sheffield, a local charity that
promotes the life-long learning of languages and the use of
the city and region’s community languages. Byron Wood has
maintained single language French, Arabic and Chinese clubs
alongside its mixed language club. Byron Wood also has an
active culture of after-school activities and the languages
clubs are four among thirteen after-school activities, including
drama, football, science and gardening.
For further information on the Language Futures initiative,
please visit the Language Futures website
Clodagh Cooney manages Nottingham Trent University’s
School of Arts & Humanities CPD Language offer to schools.
A former Head of Languages and Advanced Skills Teacher,
Clodagh has managed a number of European and DfE-
funded language projects as well as the MFL strand of the
School Direct teacher training programme at NTU. Since
August 2015, she has also been based at the Association for
Language Learning where she is project manager of the
Language Futures initiative.
56 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Sharing Gaelic voices: peat-cutting
in Polish, or surfing in Sindhi?
Preamble
Twenty years and more have passed since NATECLA’s 1995
Scotland-focussed “Language Issues” was published, in which
Anne Lorne Gillies wrote forcefully about Gaelic as a “mother-
tongue” in her introductory article, so immediately placing
affective issues centre stage. My own short piece in the same
issue dwelt rather more drily, though still with some optimism,
on institutional support for the language, particularly with
regard to the place of CLI (The Gaelic learners’ organisation)
in the labyrinthine tangle of semi-quangos and voluntary
sector groupings with an interest in the subject. That’s twenty
years in which two more censuses have matter-of-factly traced
the ongoing numerical decline of the self-reporting Gaelic
speaking population (though activists and optimists hail an
upturn of 0.1% amongst young people in the 2011 figures).
Twenty years is also plenty time for once healthy-looking
organisations to both blossom and fade, or even disappear
completely.
However, while life undoubtedly does go on and new shoots
spring up where older growth has withered, I’m reluctant to
over-develop analogies with living organisms. The notion that
languages themselves also live (and die) is an interesting, even
seductive, and certainly pervasive metaphor, but it’s perhaps
over-used to the point that we have ceased to observe the
distinction between figurative meaning and literal truth. If we
obsess on the linguistic object, even to the extent of imbuing
it with life itself, we in the Gaelic development world may be
in danger of relegating its actual users to a secondary role
whose main value is judged primarily by the strength of their
contribution to the greater goal of language maintenance or
“revitalisation”. That looks like a self-defeating and backwards
prioritisation in the end, because if languages do indeed come
close to “living” in any sense of the word, it is surely on the lips
of the human subjects who use them, and unless we understand
and take account of the pressures, problems, and opportunities
that present themselves in speakers’ (or would-be speakers’)
ordinary day-to-day lives, then the revitalisers’ cause is lost
from the outset. Placing the cart before the horse is not the best
way to get either very far along the road towards their shared
destination.
Given a readership of UK ESOL and community language
teachers, who, in my experience, tend to be pretty firmly
grounded in the everyday, and often stark, social realities
of their students, I’m perhaps labouring the point about
the importance of locating language learning and practice
in functional purpose and lived experience. While a
functional perspective can, at times, seem rather narrowly
utilitarian, there really is no denying the reality and force of
current material conditions that impel speakers of other
languages to acquire and adopt English. But I’m old enough
to remember when NATECLA was still NATESLA. That
striking change which imported Community Languages
into the organisational title took place probably thirty years
ago, but remains well motivated, in my view. It speaks to a
significant acknowledgement of both the fact and the value of
bilingualism and genuine cultural diversity, it validates the ties
that distinctively bind families and communities together in a
multicultural society, and highlights the social justice agenda
which so clearly underpins many of its members’ sense of
mission.
The formulation of dry policy statements and tinkering with
institutional structures are, no doubt, all part of the means by
which chosen goals are achieved. But the affective dimension
to language learning and teaching, which Anne Lorne Gillies
highlighted in her 1995 piece, rightfully has a central place in
the healthy success of the bilingual development enterprise
that second language acquisition properly constitutes, and
the “Community Languages” written into NATECLA’s title is a
telling reminder of the imperative to maintain an appropriately
holistic perspective on the matter from both an individual and
collective point of view.
So, the intentions are good now (as they were then), and
the Community Languages focus of this particular issue of
Language Issues is to be welcomed. Of course, admirable
stated intentions without supporting actions may lay
themselves open to the charge of tokenism. One might note
with some concern, for example, the current Language Issues
strapline on the NATECLA website as simply “The ESOL
Journal”, perhaps wondering how far the commitment to
support for Community Languages actually extends. Is that
subtitle in some sense a “truer” encapsulation of fundamental
priorities? On the positive side, however, I for one am pleased
to see the UK’s Celtic languages included in NATECLA’s
definition of Community Languages, and I aim to show how
the “Island Voices” project in which I have been involved for
just over 10 years now, offers an example of inclusive and
holistic practice that is based on the same solid fundamental
principles I discern in the NATECLA mission. While I offer
it here primarily as an example of Community Language
practice in relation to Gaelic, I contend that it also entails
intrinsic and attendant benefits in relation to ESOL, and hope
to demonstrate there can be practical spin-offs from this
example for other Community Languages also.
Project
There’s a fairly detailed description of the “Guthan nan Eilean”
(Island Voices) project, written from an ESOL perspective, in
the 2012 British Council collection on “Innovations in ELT for
Migrants and Refugees” edited by David Mallows (Wells, 2012).
While noting in passing that the entire book is freely available
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 57
to download (for example via https://guthan.wordpress.com/
research/) – itself a mark of how analysis and ideas can be
so much more easily shared now than was the case 20 years
ago – I don’t propose to repeat in detail the points made there
in this piece. However, a brief summary of the project, and an
update on where it now stands, may be in order before I pick
out some key themes in relation to the Community Languages
interest specifically.
The first point is that, while it is very much a community-based
exercise, it seeks, as a language “capture and curation” project,
to exploit the opportunities that new and social media internet
technologies afford. So, a ready-made summary is already
available on the project’s “About” page (https://guthan.
wordpress.com/about/), which I reproduce here:
“Island Voices – Guthan nan Eilean. Slices of
Life and Work in the 21st Century Hebrides –
for language learners and anyone else!
This website hosts pages of links to video and other
materials in the Guthan nan Eilean/Island Voices Series,
and carries news about the project. It is also a means of
communicating ideas and suggestions from local and
remote users, who may be teachers or learners of English
or Gaelic. Comments are invited on any of the posts, and
will be moderated before publication.
Over 150 videos in English and Gaelic can be accessed
by clicking on any of the “Series One”, “Series Two” or
“Extras” tabs at the top of the page. These pages also
give links to full transcripts for each clip, formatted as
“Clilstore” units (thereby also granting one-click online
dictionary access), as well as catalogues for each collection
which list topic, level, and language content of the films.
The “Playlists” tab gives access to “feature-length”
compilations.
Users are invited to browse through the pages, and pick
on anything that particularly engages their interest. The
documentary clips give a plain language introduction
to a topic or event. These are complemented with more
challenging authentic speech interviews with actively
involved community members, which will give the viewer
a closer and more personal insight into the subject at hand.
This project remains work in progress, as the homepage
blog continues to record ongoing activity in the
community that relates to the language work presented
in the core videos, and adds to it. Users are invited to
browse through past posts to learn about the history of the
project, and see examples of more work by learners and
other community members. Alternatively, you can view
selections of this work gathered together thematically in
the pages titled “Bonnie Prince Charlie”, “The Great War”,
“Gaelic Journeys” and “Storytellers”. And comments and
suggestions are always welcome!
And if you want to dig deeper into some of the community
and linguistic issues that surround the project, take a look
at the Research/Reports page, which gathers together a
range of associated research projects and articles.
The project is bilingual and aims to collect slices of life
and work in the Hebrides, primarily for language learners.
The work is islands-based, and has included provision for
training for tutors and others, with a view to encouraging
further community-based recording. If you would like to
try your hand at this kind of work and want some help
getting started you can phone or text Gordon Wells on
07879 644984.”
The first video clips were produced, with a single camera and
laptop, in 2006 and the project had the support of a part-time
co-ordinator (myself) until April 2015, since when any new
contributions have been the result of unpaid voluntary work.
This has, predictably, resulted in some slowing of the rate of
new posts and productions. Nevertheless, the site remains
active. As I write, the following metrics give some numerical
indication of the extent to which both local and wider
communities have engaged with the project to date:
• Over 100 local individual and group participants
• 200 Clilstore units created
• 160,000 hits on YouTube
• 1,800 followers on Facebook
• 2,200 followers on Wordpress
Wells 2013, also available via the project’s Research/Reports
page, offers a more detailed analysis of online metrics from
that particular year, as part of a wider discussion of digital
literacies in a bilingual community.
Discussion
Arguably, I’ve taken something of a risk in the above project
description by copying and pasting text from a webpage into
an article intended for publication. For example, the text
immediately loses some of its functionality when the originally
highlighted (and hyperlinked) words “homepage blog” and
“Research/Reports” no longer offer one-click access to
the resources in question. Nor can I embed the link to the
exemplifying YouTube video showing the midsummer party
in community-owned Grogarry Lodge where ESOL and Gaelic
learners came together to share food and songs. But I hope that
highlighting this very lack serves to reinforce one important
message about the new technology that now infuses our daily
lives. In the space of a single generation it has revolutionised
everyday communicative practice in terms of the ease with
which we now expect access to supportive or complementary
information, and the modes in which it can be delivered.
Community Language teachers and learners will naturally feel
the need to avail of this facility in the same way that everyone
else does.
In particular, in a language teaching/learning context, it may
be worth first elaborating on the Clilstore platform referred to
briefly in the text above. The name “Clilstore” was born out
of the work of a series of collaborative European projects
in which my college, Sabhal Mòr Ostaig (Scotland’s Gaelic
College), played a pivotal role. We were charged, through the
agency of computing specialist Caoimhín Ó Donnaíle, with the
creation of the software on which the online platform runs. Its
purpose is essentially to enable language teachers to create
58 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
online multimedia resources on which learners can listen to
recorded speech (in either audio or video format), while at
the same time following a written transcript in which every
single word is clickable to give instant access to a dictionary
translation in another language of your choice. And the number
of languages in which this resource is available is, literally, in
the hundreds.
So, an ESOL teacher, faced with an evening class of students
who between them read, say, a mixture of Urdu, Polish, Punjabi
(Gurmukhi), and Spanish, can present them all with the same
English video and text, and let them all work on it with the
assistance of their own immediate L1 vocabulary translation
access as appropriate. Or, a Hindi teacher, dealing with a class
of teenagers in, say, a weekend community class, can equally
present them with a Hindi video clip and transcript which
will also offer the same facility of translating any unknown
or difficult words into English (or another language). This
immediately opens up all sorts of possibilities, not just for
classwork, but also (and perhaps even more so) for stimulating
independent study and practice in the home and wider
community. And it’s all done by copying and pasting, much
in the same way as you would create a link to, for example, a
favourite YouTube video in a post to your Facebook or Twitter
account.
So far, so easy and user-friendly. There are, of course, issues
around finding appropriate source materials and using them
without restriction, in addition to perhaps having to create
transcripts in cases where they don’t already exist. These can
easily become time-consuming obstacles. Island Voices was
lucky in that, in the initial years, there was staff-time allocated
to creating both video materials and supporting transcripts,
which enabled us to pre-stock the site with some ready-made
examples of what can be done, as a means of encouraging
local community members to experiment for themselves with
producing User Generated Content which they could also
contribute to the project. And, in the spirit of the Internet age,
we made a point of ensuring that all content uploaded to the
site was free of constraints in relation to Intellectual Property
Rights, so that access would be free and open to all.
That can be quite a challenging ask, in some respects, but
in a context of provision for Less Widely Used and Taught
Languages, where resources are often scarce, we found
that there was support for systems which allow the easy
re-purposing of materials created for one language so that
they can be used again with another. With Scottish Gaelic, for
example, there are relatively close geographical and cultural
links with Irish, and we have already worked with Irish language
teachers to produce resources that are shared between the two
languages. Examples can be found on the “Gaelic Journeys”
page on the project website (https://guthan.wordpress.com/
gaelic_journeys/), in which the same video sequence is used
with both Irish and Scottish Gaelic commentaries to produce
two separate films. But in fact, three separate films were
created, as another commentary in English was also added to
the video sequence. And once the commentaries are written
and the films edited and uploaded onto YouTube, it takes just
a few clicks of a mouse to also create three separate Clilstore
units offering the learner-friendly facilities described above. So
the creative effort required to create one picture sequence has
been rewarded (so far) by the production of learning materials
in three different languages.
Are there further implications or applications here for less
closely related Community Languages? Well, perhaps so.
There’s no technical reason, for example, why any of the
scripted documentary pieces in the Island Voices Series One
and Two collections, which already exist in English and Gaelic,
could not be turned to use for other languages too. “Day care
in Dari”? “Community journalism in Cantonese”? In principle,
and given an understanding that all Community Language
practitioners stand to gain by sharing ideas and resources,
all it needs is for a commentary in the new language to be
scripted and recorded, and then edited into the original picture
sequence. That still entails a fair bit of work, but it’s a lot less
than would be required to create a whole new film from scratch.
I concede, of course, that many of the topics and situations
from a Scottish island community will transfer across to a
rural Irish context rather more easily than, say, to an urban
English one. One size categorically cannot fit all. I may claim
that one of the strengths of the Island Voices project is its
rootedness in the lives of real community members, but if I
change the language of presentation to one from outside that
community I may simultaneously change and distance the
observational stance from an internal to an external one. That
is not necessarily a bad thing, but it does alter the nature of
the viewing experience, which in turn has implications for the
claims I can make for it. While “Peat-cutting in Polish” might
speak to a degree of social reality, given the make-up of the
ESOL population in the Western Isles, “Surfing in Sindhi” would
probably be quite a few steps further removed! Nonetheless, the
model of producing or adapting and sometimes re-purposing
community-based User Generated Content may be one which
could be adopted and developed further in other Community
Language contexts. Similarly interesting collaborative work
could surely be done, for instance, between Hindi, Urdu, and
Punjabi language interests in a mainland urban context, which
would feel equally grounded and “real”.
Furthermore, there is no need to view such a DIY method
of materials production as some sort of second best, “make
do and mend” approach, suitable only for languages not
deemed worthy of receiving the kind of high end pedagogic
support that, for example, English attracts. Particularly when
the materials creation process is undertaken by learners
themselves, or other community members, it really becomes
an exciting and communally creative process, worthy indeed of
the title “innovative”. Younger people who have grown up with
the new media technology are often far more adept at using it
than older teachers like myself. If we can find the confidence
to cede the requisite degree of responsibility to them to play a
part in the creation and shaping of their own language learning
paths we may well find they respond with genuine enthusiasm.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 59
Conclusions
In summing up, I find myself wondering if we have yet fully
appreciated the significance of the truly transformational
change that has overtaken communicative practice in the past
twenty years, particularly in relation to the new media and
the multimodal choices they offer. Traditional newspapers,
even broadcasters, struggle to hold onto their readerships or
audiences as we increasingly move online for a more selective
and interactive experience, aiming to produce as well as
consume. We can all aspire to be “citizen journalists” now, in
both print and broadcast formats.
And as with news media, so with education. The University
of the Highlands and Islands (of which Sabhal Mòr Ostaig is
a constituent part) prides itself, as a relatively new institution,
on having overcome “the tyranny of distance” as it seeks to
deliver its services across a landmass roughly half the size
of Scotland, together with scores of offshore islands. From
its very inception it has engaged with new communications
technology, with the aim of connecting disparate rural
communities not just with a central hub but also with each
other. While I very much doubt it is “out on its own” ahead of
the rest in respect of harnessing the new media for educational
purposes, I’d be surprised to find that it is way behind either,
which perhaps offers a refreshing counter-example to the
traditionally expected pattern of initial urban innovation
followed some time later by rural adoption. By the same
token, a “metropolis and periphery” model, with cultural
leadership and innovation assumed by the “centre”, is probably
not a healthy way to conceptualise Gaelic development,
and I venture the same may be true for other Community
Languages too, especially where present-day multilingual
urban communities in Britain are the relatively recent result of
migration from localities some distance away. With the advent
of Internet and mobile technology, that geographical distance
may be much less of a barrier now, in terms of continuing links
between “heartland” and “diaspora”, than was the case even
two decades ago, back in the Twentieth Century. The latest
musical fusion experiments in Pushtu or Baluchi, for example,
are instantly available on the Coke Studio Pakistan YouTube
channel all over the world (including the Outer Hebrides!), and
easily enjoyed, appreciated, and passed on via social media to
friends and family irrespective of their physical location.
Nor should we conflate “urban” with “cool”. Clearly, young
people can have an important part to play in ongoing
language maintenance if only because, from any particular
day forward, they are going to have more time on this earth
potentially speaking the language than those who are older.
That is a statement of the obvious, but it is far from clear to
me that that necessarily or effectively translates across into
top-down language planning or teaching strategies which may
seem to fetishise youth, or try to appear trendy by jumping
on a “metrolingual” bandwagon. I personally may well be too
old and institutionalised to have an idea of what is, or can be,
currently cool, but I suspect that any organised attempt to
predict, shape or co-opt coolness “for official purposes” ends
up being very uncool indeed. I make this point not in order to
dismiss the possibility of valid insights or contributions from
an urban context or perspective, but to warn against an easy or
complacent assumption that the metropolis is necessarily the
“happening” place in which new thinking must start.
Having uttered those words of caution, I do still wish to end
on a positive note. Looking ahead, the picture for Gaelic is
certainly not without its challenges, particularly if the situation
is viewed solely through census-style numerical eyes. The
“numbers game” has its place, no doubt, particularly in the
political sphere where actors balance and juggle diverse
interests and imperatives, assessing the weight of support for
competing demands for action and resources. But it is a crude
game, and nobody really believes that all of life’s complexities
can be fully represented, explained, or catered for from a
purely quantitative perspective.
In my preamble I made reference to the strong affective pull
that a language like Gaelic can exert on those of us who find
more in language than just the utilitarian communication
of functional, transactional messages. I think the same may
well hold true for other Community Languages too, as they
naturally carry associations with familial connections or other
cultural identities which the English language on its own may
reflect only inadequately. These are issues with broad societal
and political implications, as we continue to wrestle with
big questions around migration and cultural diversity within
and across national boundaries, and appropriate educational
responses to those circumstances. So we who care about the
language learning exercise as a healthy and holistic experience
can remain confident, in my view, that all the clear-eyed and
appropriately targeted support we can muster for building
true and continuing bilingualism is intrinsically worthwhile,
no matter how counter-intuitive it sometimes seems. Yes, it’s
complex, but so are people, and it’s by committing to engage
with human complexities, I would suggest, that we stand the
best chance of bringing ongoing “life” to all our languages in
a meaningful way, through their continued and valued use in
our society. And if we can support each other in that endlessly
challenging task, even in the smallest of ways, so much the
better.
As a final postscript we may note that work of this nature
can also make a worthwhile research contribution beyond
the world of language teaching. To quote Professor Conchúr
Ó Giollagáin at the University of the Highlands and Islands,
“Guthan nan Eilean may also be seen as creative initial steps
in an emerging agenda of documentation of natural language
in the socio-cultural context of minority language fragility.
The project demonstrates how the community of speakers
can take a pro-active and productive role alongside language
researchers in this vital task.”
So, would anyone like to produce a new film on “Furniture
repair in Farsi”? You know where to find me, but who knows
where it might lead? ;-)
60 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

References
NATECLA, 1995, Language Issues, Vol. 7, No. 2
Wells, G. 2012. ESOL in the Hebrides and Island Voices:
“Hey, hang on a minute, tha mise bilingual!”, in Mallows
(Ed), Innovations in English Language Teaching for Migrants
and Refugees. British Council, London. Available online via
https://guthan.wordpress.com/research/
Wells, G. 2013. Gaelic Digital Literacies in a Bilingual
Community: a Sampling of Practices and Preferences. Soillse, Isle
of Skye. Available online via https://guthan.wordpress.com/
research/

Gordon Wells worked with Birmingham Industrial

Language Training Services in the eighties, during which
period he also co-wrote BBC TV’s Hindi Urdu Bol Chaal
with Mangat Bhardwaj. Later in his career he moved to the
Hebrides. In his day job he currently manages Soillse, the
inter-university Gaelic research partnership. He maintains
the Island Voices community website in his own time.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 61
Bilingual assistants and
cultural awareness
Reflections of a Brazilian bilingual assistant
in a mainstream school context
Kenya Silva
Abstract
Children from all over the world who migrate with their
families to London are introduced to the educational
system at any point in the year, many without speaking
English. Teacher training aimed at preparing teachers to
work with children from diverse backgrounds is still scarce
or inadequate and bilingual assistants or English as an
Additional Language (EAL) teachers are employed by some
schools to provide support to these children. In this article,
I discuss how bilingual assistants’ cultural knowledge of
children’s backgrounds can enhance their learning and
process of adaptation. For that, I will refer more specifically
to my experience as a bilingual assistant providing support
to Brazilian children in a primary school in East London.
Introduction
London is one of the most multicultural and multilingual
societies in the world. Over 300 languages are spoken in the
city (Pagliero, 2005). Brazilians in London are part of the ‘new
immigration’ groups that have contributed to the emergence of
‘superdiversity’ in the UK (Vertovec, 2007). Brazilian authorities
estimate that between 150,000 and 300,000 Brazilians now live
in the UK, therefore representing a sizeable community whose
interaction with the host society deserves greater attention
(Evans et al, 2007).
The Portuguese language is spoken by 4.1% (GLA, 2013)
of the population in London and is the 11th most spoken
language in London schools (NALDIC, 2013). Most teachers
and professionals involved in the English educational system
are monolingual and languages other than English still have
very limited expression in the mainstream school curriculum
as a whole (Conteh, 2007). In this context, the figure of the
bilingual assistant emerges to provide educational support
to children for whom English is not a main or only language.
Complementary schools also continue to be the alternative
for communities wanting to maintain their children’s bi/
multilingualism and bi/multiculturalism.
The existence of bilingual teachers in London’s mainstream
schools, as well as the possibility for communities to set up
their own schools, indicates an appreciation by the British
government of the social and academic benefits promoted by
the linguistic and cultural support offered by these bilingual
professionals (DfES, 2002; 2007). However, the “bilingual
assistant” or the profession of specialist EAL teaching is not
officially recognised in England (NALDIC, 2013) and training
for teaching qualifications in teaching English as an additional
language for children with diverse cultural backgrounds is still
scarce and inadequate (NALDIC, 2009).
In the contexts briefly illustrated, it is important to reflect on
the role of bilingual assistants and the potential impact of their
work for EAL pupils. Although research in culturally responsive
pedagogy is still not very common in the UK (Conteh, 2007),
some studies (Martin-Jones and Saxena, 2003; Creese, 2004)
have shown the positive contribution of bilingual assistants
in mainstream schools in England. The aim of this article is
to contribute to the available discussion on the impact of the
work of these professionals through reflections based on my
experience working as a bilingual assistant in a school in East
London.
English language support in
mainstream schools: general context
Before the 1980s, children from ethnic minority groups
in England were offered education support through
extracurricular English classes until they reached a linguistic
level considered sufficient to follow the regular classes with
the other children (Creese, 2002). In 1985, the Department
of Education of the United Kingdom published the Swann
Report, a document that valued the inclusion of ethnic
minorities in British society through the elimination of
segregation, or nationalization of ethnic groups (Rampton,
2006). In other words, instead of cultivating knowledge and
specific cultural values, it sought the immersion of ethnic
minorities into the mainstream context. Thus, it was expected
that the teaching of English as an additional language (EAL)
occurred during mainstream classes, as a way to ensure equal
access for all children to what was offered by the school. The
report suggested that languages other than English should
be taught by their own communities. It is believed that this
recommendation has led to the total separation of official
languages from mainstream education. Moreover, this has
challenged the ability of the British educational system to
promote the inclusion of children from all over the world
within mainstream classrooms in England.
62 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Current figures indicate that the population of EAL learners in
primary and secondary state sectors in England has doubled
in the last 13 years (NALDIC, 2009). These pupils represent
approximately 28% of the school population. With regards to
their ethnicity, 25.5% of pupils in the primary and 21.4% of
pupils from secondary state-schools are understood to come
from a variety of ethnic groups, such as Indian, Pakistani,
Gypsy Travellers, White, Asian and Black Caribbean in
addition to groups that have not been classified under any of
these ethnicities.
The government is not indifferent to these figures. In recent
publications, the valuing of pupils’ background and respect for
diversity in schools is nurtured in many papers dedicated to
the teaching of EAL learners (e.g. Excellence and Enjoyment;
Learning and Teaching for Bilingual Children in the Primary
Years, DfES, 2006a; Aiming High: Raising the Achievement
of Minority Ethnic Pupils, DfES, 2003). Ofsted, the national
inspectorate of Britain, which oversees the process of
inspection of schools, assesses how inclusion strategies to non-
English speaking children are implemented in the educational
practices of schools (OFSTED, 2013). However, the criteria
of inspection does not account for the ‘effectiveness’ of what
is done. Schools are therefore rated on this matter according
to inspectors’ understanding of what promotion of equality
means (e.g. having a program to teach English designed to
newly arrived pupils or the use of visual aids by teachers during
mainstream lessons). In other words, there is no consensual
approach on how EAL learners’ needs should be addressed in
everyday practice.
Teacher training in EAL
support provision
Bourne & Flewitt’s (2002) seminar report, convened by the
Teacher Training Agency of the UK (TTA), identified twelve
areas in which teachers need to be prepared if aiming to
effectively address linguistically and culturally diverse
learners’ needs. The document lists abilities related to
teachers’ knowledge of language features and the acquisition
process. It also includes the strategies in which teachers apply
their knowledge about language within classroom routines
and the issue of culture awareness, focusing on the teacher’s
ability to take into account pupils’ cultural, social and ethnic
backgrounds in their practice.
According to NALDIC, however, the training available to
prepare teachers (and other educational practitioners) to
work with students from diverse backgrounds is not adequate;
there is still a “need for improvement” of EAL courses. In
the independent report The national audit of English as an
additional language training and development provision in
England, commissioned by the Teacher Development Agency
for Schools (TDA & NALDIC, 2009), it is indicated that an
analysis of the Continuing Professional Development training
(CPD) offered by approximately fifty Local Authorities (LAs) in
2007-2008, suggests that EAL CPD courses are:
• not yet offered at a national level;
• are poorly monitored and evaluated in terms of participation
and impact on practice;
• are not sufficiently differentiated in accordance with the
roles of participants;
• are short-term, with no nationally agreed content areas and
are mostly not accredited.
Furthermore, the length of the courses offered was also
interpreted as a critical aspect of training provision, given
the complexity of issues of culture diversity. Of the courses
offered, 70% were only half a day or one day in duration.
A more consistent profile of EAL or diversity training was
found in Higher or Further Education institutions consulted by
NALDIC. In these institutions, EAL and multicultural training
are offered as optional modules or in association with an
Educational Local Authority. In some institutions, all course
content is dedicated to issues of bi/multilingualism, normally
in Master’s degree level courses. Notwithstanding, research
undertaken by Hall and Cajkler (2008) has shown that of 85
newly qualified teachers (NQTs), 73 of them having graduated
through a university route (PGCE), only 35% believed they
were prepared to teach pupils from diverse backgrounds and
described their own level of confidence with regards to their
knowledge of the linguistic and social background of pupils as
‘limited’ or ‘poor’.
While both findings of the NALDIC audit (2009) and Hall and
Cajkler’s (2008) research indicate the need for improvement
in the provision of CPD at FE and HE level with regards to
the preparation of teachers working with pupils from culturally
diverse backgrounds, children from all over the world continue
to arrive in London and be introduced to the British educational
system at all times of the year. It is within this context that
bilingual assistants are employed by English mainstream
schools to provide educational support to children who do not
speak English as their main or only language.
The role of bilingual assistants
In policy documents, bilingual EAL teaching assistants are
categorized as EAL teachers, indistinct from non-bilingual
teachers. They are expected to do the same work as classroom
teachers, which is ‘to provide for both language learning
opportunities as well as curriculum learning opportunities in
the subject classroom’ (Creese, 2004).
The English educational authorities encourage teachers and
assistants to plan classes and develop strategies for inclusion of
children in partnership. The aim is that they deliver the lessons
together and that extra class support programs are informed by
what happens in the regular classes (DfES, 2007). However, in
reality, mainstream discourses and classroom routines reveal
that there is a power asymmetry between class teachers and
bilingual assistants (Bourne, 2001). The author states that the
historical construct of “good practice” is not questioned by
schools and class teachers, who expect overseas teachers and
bilingual assistants to change their ideas, whilst not reflecting
on their own practice.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 63
Often, this power asymmetry means bilingual assistants’
roles are adapted to the school understanding of what EAL
provision means, but in general, bilingual assistants help
children through the use of translation and interpretation
(Souza, 2010). They can assist one child or a small group of
children, inside or outside of the classroom, by simplifying the
instructions of teachers or tackling children’s particular needs.
They can also liaise between pupils, school and families, acting
as culture mediators, to facilitate the process of adaptation.
The impact of bilingual assistants
Research on cultural awareness or culturally responsive
pedagogy is not as common in the UK (Conteh, 2007) as it
is in the US (e.g. Heath, 1983; Brown, 1992; Zeichner, 1992;
Banks, 1993, 2008; Cummins, 1997; Nieto, 2000). However,
it is possible to find some research on the work of bilingual
assistants and its effect on EAL learners. Martin-Jones and
Saxena (2003), for example, researched the role of bilingual
classroom assistants in the North West of England. The
authors presented an account of bilingual teaching/learning
events in which the bilingual assistants were able to refer to
the cultural capital they shared with children and build links to
support learning. These resources included the languages and
literacies within their communicative repertoire, knowledge
of local cultural and religious practices and knowledge of
some aspects of the children’s everyday life routines. Creese
(2004) has shown how bilingual EAL teachers used Turkish
to teach subject curriculum, rather than translating or
teaching English. When delivering subject curriculum, these
bilingual EAL teachers were both working within dominant
pedagogic paradigms and against them, once they were using
a language other than English to do so. The author values the
bilingual EAL assistants’ contribution to subject learning in
whichever language it takes place, since this is the ultimate
aim of secondary school learning, but also highlights the
need for real evidence of the effects of bilingual teaching on
the children’s performance and achievement in mainstream
school. Therefore, the aim of this article is to contribute to the
available discussion on the potentially valuable contribution of
EAL/ bilingual teachers in promoting children’s learning as a
way to emphasize the need for the official recognition of their
work. Moreover, it also intends to highlight the need for change
in teacher training programmes aimed at teachers working in
diverse settings, such as London.
My personal experience
I have been living in London since 2005. I hold a teaching
degree from Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, in Brazil
(2004) and a MA in Language, Ethnicity and Education from
King’s College, London (2012). In Brazil, I worked in both
public and private sectors with children aged 12 to 17, teaching
Portuguese, Literature and English and have also prepared
young students to take university entry exams.
When I came to London in 2005, my interest in multicultural
education, particularly the social aspects of language learning,
was boosted by the diversity I found in the city and in the
schools. My first job in the educational field was in a Brazilian
Community school in Twickenham, where I had the opportunity
to work with Anglo-Brazilian children learning Portuguese as a
heritage language. In 2009, I had the opportunity to work at a
primary school in Tower Hamlets, initially as an EAL teaching
assistant and later, as an EAL teacher.
In the Borough of Tower Hamlets, 56% of the population belong
to an ethnic background other than white British (ONS4, 2006).
The largest ethnic group is of a Bangladeshi origin (30%) but
Brazilians are also a strong presence in the area, as indicated
by the existence of a Catholic church. According to Souza et
al. (2012: 6), “Catholic priests are only sent abroad if invited
by a local Diocese which has identified the need to support
the growing number of a specific community.” Brazilians who
attend this church participate in masses and other sacraments
all offered in Portuguese. Moreover, the church is a meeting
point, holds cultural events and offers general support to the
community such as providing information about jobs and
housing (Sheringham, 2010).
When I was hired by the school, approximately 10% of children
at this primary school were from a Brazilian background.
Although many of them spoke Portuguese with their family
and friends at home, most were able to communicate in
English in school. Consequently, these children did not
receive specific language support to progress academically.
Generally speaking, many Brazilian children and their parents
do not speak English when they enter school life in England.
Therefore, the school made use of the bilingual assistant in
four areas: (1) support for the process of cultural adaptation
in Portuguese, (2) support in the classroom in Portuguese, (3)
extracurricular support to teach English in Portuguese, and (4)
extra lessons of Portuguese (Silva, 2014).
The support provided to children in their main language is
supported by many of the government publications already
mentioned here. In fact, I would like to argue that sharing a
similar cultural background to the children allowed me to
better assess and address pupils’ needs. Thus, in the next
section of this article I will relate my experiences to support
this point, first referring to education models created to
support mainstream teachers in their work with EAL children
and to the relevance of culture in the interpretation of pupils’
behaviour. This will help me to illustrate the complexity of the
bilingual assistant’s work and question the expectations of
monolingual teachers working in multicultural classrooms.
Bilingual assistant practice:
some examples
Brown (1992) reminds us that culture and language cannot be
dissociated and culturally specific customs, words and ways
of life are naturally reflected in language. Therefore, when
analysing the linguistic demands of a lesson, for example,
one needs to take into account that these demands will rely
on a pupil’s previous knowledge and experiences (Vygotsky,
1978; In Cummins, 1994; Freire, 2003) or, when dealing with
classroom management, that a pupil’s behaviour can also be
explained in the light of cultural patterns (Heath, 1983).
64 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

(1) The linguistic demands of a lesson about what would be obligatory to teach in terms of content
Some researchers have proposed theories and models to equip would imply a complex level of analysis of both language and
teachers with tools to more accurately assess pupils’ needs in the children’s background.
accordance with the language demands of lessons. Cummins As an example of the complexity of this process, I will refer
(1979) designed the following diagram: to my personal experience as a bilingual assistant in London
(Silva, 2014).
Cognitively undemanding
Henrique and Laura
A C In an introductory lesson about the reproduction of flowers
Context embedded Context reduced
B D to a Year 5 class (children aged 9 to 10 years old), there were
two Brazilian children: Laura, recently arrived in the UK
Cognitively demanding and Henrique, who had been in London for 16 months and
displayed some knowledge of English (fictional names have
Figure 1 Cummins quadrant introduced in 1979 been used throughout). The teacher had shown a diagram
Context reduced tasks are the ones in which linguistic or (similar to the one in Fig.2) on the interactive whiteboard to
extra linguistic cues do not help pupils to make sense of the illustrate the stages of the process of reproduction of flowers:
lessons, whilst the context embedded task provides them pollination, fertilization etc., followed by an explanation of
with resources to do so. That would be, for example, the use each of them. There was also an image of a flower (similar
of visual information, objects, development of hands-on to the one in Fig. 3). A video containing real images of the
activities, face-to-face interactions and so on. The cognitively process of reproduction of flowers was also shown while the
demanding or undemanding continuum indicates the level teacher was explaining it.
of thinking that students would have to apply in order to
understand information. In summary, the more teachers make
use of contextual clues, the more learning will take place.
Snow, Met and Genesee (1989, in Met, 1994) also developed a
theoretical scheme to analyse the level of information needed
for pupils to master a lesson in terms of cognitive demands.
They identify two kinds of language objectives: content-
obligatory and content-compatible. Content-obligatory
language is the indispensable language needed in order to
process information and content-compatible language is
related to the possibility of mastering content or a concept
through the adaptation of language and method. Thus, the
teacher would have to analyse the content of a lesson in
relation to the level of the students and select the appropriate
vocabulary to allow access to it.
These proposals (Cummin and Met et al. in Met, 1994) suggest
that lessons should be considered in terms of what might be
easy or difficult for the EAL pupils to understand and gradually
promote the increase of their language proficiency. Although Figure 2 Stages of the process of reproduction of flowers
those schemes of understanding and selecting information
raise central discussions about teachers’ attitudes towards
learners’ needs and the importance of planning consciously,
they have received some criticism from some researchers who
accuse them of oversimplifying the process of communication
and not taking into account aspects related to the different
characteristics of each learner as an individual. According
to Baker (1993), they suggest a regularity of pupils’ learning
styles and levels of knowledge that do not correspond to the
reality of multilingual classrooms.
With regards to EAL learners’ diverse previous schooling
and linguistic experience, Genesee (1994) himself highlights
the fact that whilst some pupils may have been outstanding Figure 3 Parts of the flower
students in their countries, others may never have attended
The teacher contextualized the information presented with
school or simply come from linguistic communities where
a range of audio-visual, gestural and linguistic resources,
a literate tradition does not have the same weight as it does
therefore, children should be in a better position to at least
in the British educational system. In this sense, assumptions
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 65
partially understand her explanations. In fact, during part
of the class, these two children were genuinely trying to
follow what was happening and they engaged with the video
that was showing the process of reproduction of flowers.
Then, Henrique began to tell me about his experiences at
his grandfather’s farm, which was the relationship he could
establish with what he was watching and I noticed that at
various points the children were not focused. According to
Baker (1995), this may happen when children are unable to
establish relevant connections with their prior knowledge to
what is being taught. In this case, due to information overload
and possibly because the content was new to them, the children
were unable to maintain their concentration for a long time.
The children were certainly able to assimilate some of the
information presented and possibly familiarise themselves a
little more with a few words in English. While trying to enhance
the child’s thinking, it was important to choose the scientific
vocabulary presented carefully so that key words would enable
them to have at least some understanding of the process.
However, it is not enough to tell children that pollination is
‘polinização’, if they have no understanding of what this is;
therefore, there was a need to explain the subject of the lesson
to them in Portuguese, at the same time as the teacher was
explaining it in English. The cognitive demands of this class
could have been reduced, and consequently, the children could
have been more successful in their learning if Portuguese
had been used to discuss the content of the class with them
beforehand.
There are many studies that confirm that the use of knowledge
and cultural references acquired in one language only tends
to support the process of learning another language (e.g.
Heath, 1983; Cummins, 1994). Although many schools still
do not recognise the impact of children’s prior knowledge in
the way they acquire new knowledge (Conteh, 2007), in some
of them, the bilingual assistant can develop opportunities to
discuss the content of the lessons in the language in which
the child is more fluent. Thus, the connection between the
subjects, images and words is facilitated during the class taught
in English. In this case, the bilingual assistant must be familiar
with the academic content, in order to evaluate and select
what should be explored with the child, as well as the English
vocabulary to be learnt.
Pedro and João
Although not a constant practice at the school in question, I
had the opportunity to work with the contents of some math
classes with some of the Brazilian children in this primary
school. Pedro and João (fictional names) were students from
Year 4 (aged 8 and 9 years) and had been attending school for
about a year. They displayed a good conversational level in
English.
The topic of the lesson for the following day was fractions and
the difficulty for the students was not in understanding the
terms that the teacher had been using, but the mathematical
concepts behind them (e.g. the notion of “whole”; the
relationship between the figures presented by the teacher to
the concepts of “numerator” and “denominator”, etc).
Given the opportunity to explain mathematical concepts in
Portuguese (not just to translate from one language to another)
through vocabulary and more familiar expressions to these
students had an obvious impact on how they participated in
the regular class. This was also noted by the teacher. During
the class, we sat at the back and I occasionally translated
the questions asked by the teacher, referring to what we had
discussed previously. Pedro and João were able to answer
several of them, showing much more confidence than at other
times. Coincidentally, there was an inspector from Ofsted
observing the lesson on this occasion, and he assessed the
school’s inclusion policy for EAL as excellent.
(2) Children’s behaviour and culture
Besides considering the way that content should be delivered,
Scarcella (1992) suggests that teachers need to be able to
provide appropriate feedback on pupils’ behaviour during the
lessons. He studied the possibilities of the misunderstandings
that are likely to happen in the school environment due to a lack
of knowledge on the part of the practitioners or other children
about particular habits and features of each culture. Despite
assuming that groups are not homogeneous, he indicates that
it is possible to identify patterns in some cultural behaviours
which could enable teachers to act more appropriately towards
pupil’s responses to the lesson, by, for example, not assuming
that particular pupils will volunteer to answer or ask questions
when they do not understand something. On the other hand,
when basing their actions on general assumptions about
pupils and their home culture, teachers need to be careful not
to assume that all students will act or react in the same way
because they come from the same country; ‘Teachers can aid
in dispelling what are often myths about other cultures and
replace those myths with a realistic understanding of the
other culture as one that is different from one´s own, yet to be
respected and valued` (Brown,1992).
Moreover, it is important that teachers understand the stages
through which EAL learners may go when adapting to a new
school or culture. During this process, students may experience
feelings of estrangement, anger, hostility, indecision,
frustration, unhappiness, sadness, loneliness, homesickness or
even physical illness (Brown, 1992). Therefore, as important as
having bilingual assistants to support children with translation
and interpretation of teacher’s or school’s instructions, having
a professional who shares the same background as pupils may
help to better address questions related to their behaviour.
In my experience, I have noticed that when other children,
teachers and other adults at school are not informed about a
child’s cultural background, they might interpret EAL children’s
behaviour through stereotypical concepts and prejudice. On
the other hand, the children also may interpret questions of
cultural difference as rejection or disapproval of what they are.
The benefit of having a bilingual assistant to clarify issues of
cultural misunderstandings is therefore, evident. I will refer
to two occasions when I was asked to explain a situation to
children to illustrate this point.
66 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Carolina
Carolina (fictional name) had recently arrived in the UK. She
was placed in a year 1 (children aged 5 to 6 years old) class
and had been presenting serious behaviour problems since the
beginning of her inclusion in the class. Because of this, I was
spending most of my time at school with her in order to explain
the behaviour routines and expectations, as well as to support
teachers in addressing Carolina’s needs. Teachers in this school
were very concerned with the children’s wellbeing and adopted
a policy of encouraging children by positive reinforcement of
their good ‘choices’. On one of these occasions, after being
praised by the teacher, Carolina gave her a kiss on the cheek.
The teacher was surprised by Carolina’s action and asked me
to explain to her that kissing teachers was not allowed in that
school. As this is a totally acceptable behaviour for young
children in Brazilian schools, Carolina questioned me on the
reasons why she could not kiss the teacher. I purposely asked
Carolina’s teacher her question instead of explaining it to
her myself, since I wanted the teacher to know how Carolina
felt. I was asked to explain that she was ‘not her mum, but
her teacher’. I did not use these words to explain that to
Carolina, as I believed it would not make a difference to her,
since in Brazil she was allowed to kiss both her mum and the
teacher (I informed the teacher of this afterwards). Instead, I
just explained that the teacher was not rejecting her sign of
affection and was still very happy with her good choices, but
that the schools in England are different from schools in Brazil.
I believe this helped her in the process of feeling accepted in
the class. After that, when being praised for making another
good choice, she hugged the teacher instead.
Paulo
Paulo (fictional name) had recently arrived from Brazil and was
placed into a Year 1 class (children aged 5 to 6 years old). On
one occasion, during which the students were preparing for a
physical education class (PE), I was called to speak to Paulo.
He was crying as all other children in his class were getting
changed for the PE lesson. With limited language skills in
English, Paulo just kept repeating ‘Toilet.Toilet’. The teacher
had tried to explain he was not allowed to take his clothes
to the toilet to change. As I approached Paulo, he explained
that he was ashamed to undress in front of his classmates.
I explained to him that at that school, all the children were
accustomed to getting changed in front of each other and that
there was no reason to be ashamed. Not convinced by my
arguments, he continued to refuse to undress, so the teacher
allowed him to get changed in the bathroom for the first PE
lessons. At every PE class, I reinforced the school routine for
Paulo in Portuguese. Over time, Paulo got used to changing his
clothes in the classroom with the rest of his class.
These short examples illustrate the importance of the work
of a bilingual assistant in providing students with linguistic
and cultural support. The prospect of children being able to
communicate in their language, of course, greatly facilitates
the process of adaptation and may also impact their academic
development, since they have the opportunity to explain
what they are feeling, to speak about their needs, as well as
to better assimilate the sometimes overwhelming amount of
information they have to deal with.
Conclusion
In this article I have briefly discussed the current reality of
multicultural education in London and the work of bilingual
assistants, based on my reflections as a bilingual assistant
working in a primary school in East London. I have done that
by suggesting that (1) teachers working in extremely diverse
settings such as London need to receive comprehensive training
to work with EAL learners (2) the work bilingual assistants do,
particularly when they share the same background as EAL
learners, must be officially recognised and valued.
Teachers working with EAL children must receive appropriate
training to understand issues of bi/multilingualism and
multiculturalism and should not exclusively rely on bilingual
assistants or EAL teachers to provide support to these children.
The current provision of teacher development courses in
the field of EAL for culturally diverse students in England,
however, lacks aspects of content, length and structure. As
some of the studies mentioned in this article suggest, such
awareness is directly related to the teacher’s ability to assess,
prepare lessons and identify pupils’ general needs.
In addition, the work of bilingual assistants is not officially
recognised, and the potential benefits of their cultural
knowledge not fully explored. Speaking another language in
itself does not qualify a bilingual assistant to provide quality
support to children; assistants, too, need to be familiar with
the issues underlying the process of children’s adaptation.
However, bilingual assistants can be advantageous when
providing support to these children for at least two reasons:
like the EAL children, they are living in a foreign country and
functioning within at least two different cultures, therefore,
they are more likely to develop a more ethno-relative view of
the world and to understand both what EAL children are going
through and what teachers from the host country might be
struggling with. Moreover, when the teacher assistant speaks
the same language as the EAL children they are supporting,
they can considerably enhance children’s academic
performance and cultural adaptation, through the use of their
shared language/culture.
In conclusion, although the role of bilingual assistants and
the importance of acceptance of children’s background in
mainstream schools are recognised by governmental and
school policies, in practice, the status of these professionals
in the context of multicultural education in London is still
undermined. On that basis, I would suggest that a good
model of multilingual education would ideally be based
on the effective recognition on the part of the educational
authorities of the role of bilingual assistants as a key element
of EAL pupils’ development. Rather than relying exclusively
on adjustments of teachers’ attitudes, this requires an
effective involvement of all participants of the educational
process and certainly, an educational policy that does not see
multiculturalism as a romantic feature of our society, but is
fully committed to endorsing EAL pupils’ development.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 67
References
ABRIR: Brazilian Association for educational projects in the
UK (www.abrir.org.uk)
Baker, Colin. (1995) A Parents’ and Teachers’ Guide to
Bilingualism. United Kingdom: Multilingual Matters.
Banks, J. (1993). ‘Multicultural Education: Historical
Development, Dimensions, and Practice’. Review of Research
in Education [Online], vol. 19, No 1, pp. 3–49. Available: SAGE
publications.
Banks, J. (2008). Diversity, Group Identity, and Citizenship
Education in a Global Age. Educational Researcher, vol. 37,
No3, pp. 129–139.
Barradas, O. (2007). Learning Portuguese: a Tale of Two
Worlds. In Conteh, J., Martin, P., Robertson, L. (eds.).
Multilingual Learning: Stories from Schools and Communities in
Britain 2007. Trentham: Stoke on Trent, pp.87–102.
Brown, H. D. (1992) Sociocultural Factors in Teaching
Language Minority Students. In Snow, M. & Richard-Amato, P.
(Eds.) Multilingual Classroom: reading for content-area teachers,
(pp. 73–92). Los Angeles: Addison-Wesley.
CILT, The National Centre for Languages. Available on
(http://www.cilt.org.uk/home.aspx).
Conteh, J. (2007). ‘Opening Doors to Success in Multilingual
Classrooms: Bilingualism, Codeswitching and the
Professional Identities of Ethnic Minority Primary Teachers’.
Language and Education [Online], vol. 21, No 6, pp. 457–472.
Available: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Online.
ContinYou (UK charity). Available online on: http://www.
continyou.org.uk/
Creese, A. (2002) Subject teachers’ and EAL teachers’
discursive classroom practices: teachers’ relationships and
talk. In: TESOL Quarterly, vol.36, No 4, pp.597–616.
Creese A. (2004). Bilingual Teachers in Mainstream
Classrooms: Using Turkish for Curriculum Learning,
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism,
Vol.7, No. 2, pp. 189–203.
Cummins, J. (1994). Knowledge, power and identity in English
as a second language. In Genesse, F. (Ed.). Educating Second
Language Children: the whole child, the whole curriculum,
the whole community. (pp. 33–58). Melbourne: Cambridge
University Press.
Cummins, J (1997). Cultural and linguistic diversity in
education: A mainstream issue? Educational Review, vol. 49,
No 2, pp.105–114
DfES (2002). Supporting Pupils Learning English as an
Additional Language (2002). London: Department for
Education and Skills.
DfES (2007). Excellence and Enjoyment: Learning and teaching
for bilingual children in the primary years pack. London:
Department for Education and Skills.
DfES (2007). Excellence and Enjoyment: Learning and teaching
for bilingual children in the primary years pack. London:
Department for Education and Skills.
DfES (2002). Supporting Pupils Learning English as an
Additional Language. London: Department for Education and
Skills.
Souza, C. (2011) Por Uma Vida Melhor: Brasileiras e Brasileiros
em Londres, London: GEB/Goldsmiths/Queen Mary/Royal
Holloway, University of London. Available on www.gold.
ac.uk/media/Por%20uma%20vida%20melhor.pdf
Evans, Y., Wills, J., Datta, K., Herbert, J., McIlwaine, C., May,
J., Araújo, J.O., França, A.C., França, A.P (2007) Brazilians
in London: a Report for the Strangers into Citizens Campaign,
Department of Geography, Queen Mary, University of
London. Available in Portuguese on www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/
globalcities/reports/docs/brasileiros.pdf and in English on
www.geog.qmul.ac.uk/globalcities/reports/docs/brazilians.
pdf
Freire, P. (2003) Pedagoria da autonomia- saberes necessários à
prática educativa. São Paulo: Paz e Terra.
GLA. Census Snapshot: Main Language. London: GLA
Intelligence, Census Information Scheme. Available on
http://data.london.gov.uk/datastorefiles/documents/2011-
census-snapshot-main-language.pdf
Hall, Bernadette and Cajkler, Wasyl (2008). Preparing newly
qualified teachers in England to teach pupils who have
English as an additional language. Professional Development in
Education, vol. 34, No 3, pp.343–360.
Heath, S.B. (1983) Ways with Words: Life and Work in
Communities and Classrooms. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Met, M. (1994) Teaching content through a second language.
In Genesse, F. (Ed.) (1994). Educating Second Language
Children. The whole child, the whole curriculum, the whole
community, (pp. 159–182). Melbourne: Cambrige University
Press.
NALDIC & TDA (2009).The national audit of English as an
additional language training and development provision: an
independent report commissioned by the TDA. (www.naldic.
org.uk).
NALDIC (2013) Languages in School. Available on: www.
naldic.org.uk/research-and-information/eal-statistics/lang.
xlsx.
Nieto, S. (2000). Placing Equity Front and Center: Some
Thoughts on Transforming Teacher Education for a
New Century, Journal of Teacher Education vol. 51, No 3,
pp.180–187.
OFSTED. The framework for school inspection, Manchester:
Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and
Skills, doc number 120100, 2013. Available on : http://www.
ofsted.gov.uk/resources/framework-for-school-inspection
Pagliero, Helen. Languages Spoken by the UK. In:
Community Languages Bulletin, n.16(3), 2005. Available
on www.cilt.org.uk/keep_in_touch/ezines_and_updates/
idoc.ashx?docid=3364215c-6438-4227-bd81-
f2a1500a6428&version=-1
Rampton, B., Harris, R., Leung, C. (2001). Education in
England and Speakers of Languages Other than English.
68 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Working Papers in Urban Language & Literacies, 18. King’s

College London. Kenya Silva holds a teaching degree from the Universidade
Rampton, B. (2006) Language in Late Modernity: Interaction in Federal de Minas Gerais, in Brazil (2004), and a MA in
an Urban School. Cambridge: CUP. Language, Ethnicity and Education, to King’s College London
(2012). She has been teaching for over 10 years and has
Scarcella, R. (1992) Providing Culturally Sensitive Feedback. experience with the teaching of Portuguese and English
In Snow, M. & Richard-Amato, P. (Eds.) Multilingual Classroom: as a foreign language in Brazil; Portuguese as a heritage
reading for content-area teachers, (pp. 126–141). City: Addison- and as a foreign language in London and English as an
Wesley Publishing Company. additional language, in London
Sheringham, Olivia. (2011) Everyday Transnationalism:
Religion in the lives of Brazilian migrants in London and
Brazil. In: McIlwaine, C. (ed.) Cross-Border Migration among
Latin Americans: European Perspectives and Beyond. New
York: Palgrave Macmillon, pp. 235–254.
Silva, K. 2012. Managing Interactions: an Investigation
into the Language Practices of Children in a Brazilian
Complementary School in London. King’s College, London.
Unpublished MA dissertation.
Silva, K. 2013. Português em escolas primárias de
Londres: experiências de uma assistente bilíngue. SIPLE,
issue 6. Available on http://www.siple.org.br/index.
php?option=com_content&view=article&id=296:portug
ues-em-escolas-primarias-de-londres-experiencias-de-uma-
assistente-bilingue&catid=69:edicao-6&Itemid=112
Snow, M. et al.(1992) A Conceptual Framework for the
Integration of Language and Content Instruction. In Snow, M.
& Richard-Amato, P. (Eds.) Multilingual Classroom: reading
for content-area teachers. Los Angeles: Addison-Wesley,
pp.27–38
Souza, A. (2006) “Should I speak Portuguese or English?”
– Ethnic and social identity construction in the language
choices of Brazilian mothers and their mixed-heritage
children at home and in a community language school in
the UK’. Unpublished PhD Thesis. School of Education,
University of Southampton.
Souza, A. (2010) ‘O Papel da Família e de Organizações Civis
no Ensino de Português para Crianças (Anglo)Brasileiras’
[The Role of Families and Community Organizations in the
Teaching of Portuguese to (Anglo)Brazilian Children], in
Travessia, issue 66, pp.55–64.
Souza, Ana et al. (2012) Pentecostal and Catholic Migrant
Churches in London – the Role of Ideologies in the Language
Planning of Faith Lessons. In: Current Issues in Language
Planning, vol.13, No 2, pp.105–120.
Vertovec, S. (2007) Superdiversity and its implications. Ethnic
and Racial Studies. vol. 30, No 6, pp. 1024–1054.
Zeichner, K. M.(1992). Educating Teachers for Cultural
Diversity. National Center for Research on Teacher Learning
(http://ncrtl.msu.edu/research.htm).
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 69
Making all languages count
Sally Bird talks with Pascale Vassie of the NRCSE
In February this year (2016) I met with Pascale Vassie,
Executive Director of the National Resource Centre for
Supplementary Education (NRCSE). Established in 2006, the
NRCSE is the national strategic and support organisation for
the supplementary education sector across England.
Through talking with Pascale I learned a great deal about a
domain generally only associated with teaching languages
to children, but also, I discovered, of great relevance to the
language and cultural development of young people and
adults. Although supplementary schools appear to be for
children, there are important roles for adults and high levels of
participation among teenagers.
I asked Pascale to tell me more about the organisation and its
work. As we talked I made notes and here is what she told me.
S. What is the NRCSE – its main role, its objectives?
P. Our goal is to encourage excellence, innovation and
partnership in supplementary schools. We aim to help raise
the profile of supplementary schools and their standards of
teaching, learning and management through the promotion and
administration of the Quality Framework for Supplementary
Education. This is a quality framework for supplementary
schools, the only one of its kind, which we started in 2008.
It comprises an award scheme with four stages: bronze,
silver, gold and special distinction, each stage with criteria
against which schools can measure their achievements and
performance. For example, at the gold stage, most of the
teachers would be professionally qualified, either in their own
country of origin or the UK.
The award scheme is not only useful for quality assurance,
but it also helps supplementary schools to develop their
provision, achieve recognition and gain credibility and respect.
Unfortunately, there is a tendency for the mainstream education
sector to disregard the role of supplementary schools; there is
a great deal of ignorance about supplementary schools and
consequently a lack of respect for their work.
S. How do you manage the award scheme?
P. We are a membership organization with around 500
members. As soon as a school joins us they can start working
towards the first stage of the award scheme. The model is one
of guided support and assessment of management procedures
and voluntary, developmental, peer-assessed quality
assurance. We work in partnership with local authorities to run
the scheme in their area. Our role is to train a key member
of staff in the local authority to use the Quality Framework
to support supplementary schools to put in place safe and
effective management procedures. We then support them
in mentoring schools to achieve the higher levels and in
celebrating the awards.
In the best set-ups there is a close relationship between
supplementary schools, the local authority and local primary
and secondary schools. It benefits the supplementary
school and the local primary school to have a good working
relationship and a more fixed partnership if possible. For
example, there are strong schemes in Bristol, Birmingham,
Manchester, Leicester and Sheffield – and a new one starting
in Bradford this year.
It’s difficult at the moment – the local authorities are stretched
and can’t give as much time to the scheme as they used to.
From our side, we are a small organisation, with a core team
of six people. But the work is extremely important as a way
to raise the profile of non-mainstream education and its role
in supporting educational attainment among Black, Asian,
minority and migrant communities and the teaching of a
massive range of languages and cultures.
This year, in 2016, we have 165 schools at the bronze stage, 39
at silver, 22 at gold and 7 with special distinction. Overall since
the scheme began in 2008 over 440 schools have stepped onto
the first level of the framework, committing themselves to the
development and maintenance of quality standards.
S. I come from a sector which uses quite a lot of different
terminology and acronyms to describe our profession – ESOL,
ESL, EAL, ELT, EFL. I see the community language teaching
sector has quite a lot of terminology too – can you explain it?
For example, what’s the difference between ‘supplementary’
and ‘complementary’ schools? Why do some people refer to
‘community’ languages and others to ‘heritage’ languages?
P. Well, the different terms have arisen due to changes over the
past twenty, thirty years, depending on where, when and why
the language is taught.
Take for example, ‘mother tongue’. Many young people are not
really learning their mother tongue anymore – their families
have been in the UK quite a long time and they would probably
actually report their first language as English. They are
learning a language that has importance for them for cultural
and historical reasons. ‘Heritage language’ is perhaps a better
description of the language that members of third or fourth
generations are learning.
There is a sense in which the term ‘community’ language,
although we all still use it, now has a slightly perjorative feel to
it, partly due to the different treatment of different languages
by national policy and the mainstream education sector. Why is
one language a ‘community language’ and another a ‘modern
foreign language’? Aren’t languages just languages, sometimes
a heritage language, sometimes a foreign language, depending
on the context for the user? The Australian curriculum,
for example, now divides languages into First Language,
Background Language and Second Language.
70 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
As for schools, in some areas they are called ‘supplementary’
schools, in others ‘complementary’ schools. The original term
‘supplementary’, was established back in the 1970s by the
African-Caribbean communities who set up schools to put back
into their children’s education what the mainstream schools
had left out. These schools saw themselves as filling a gap in
provision. The term ‘complementary’ came later, and is used
primarily within HE contexts for schools teaching languages
other than those taught in mainstream education. So you now
find in some areas of the country, like say, Leicester, they use
the term ‘complementary’. At the NRCSE we decided to stay
with the original term, ‘supplementary’ because, regrettably,
children are still not all accessing the same level of education
and all languages should be seen as academically valuable.
The important distinction is between the statutory education
generally provided from 8.30-3.30, Monday-Friday and the
education provided within unregulated settings out-of-school
hours.
S. What changes have there been over recent years for
community language teaching and learning?
P. The sector is one of constant change, reflecting the cycles
of arrival, settlement and development of new communities.
Groups arrive, settle and the communities start to develop
language and cultural provision for their children. This is
usually after the community has settled a bit, about ten years
after the first members of the community arrive. So, in recent
years, asylum seekers and refugees arriving from conflict zones
are the new organisers of schools, for example, people from
Iraqi, Syrian, Palestinian and Tamil communities. So too are
people arriving from the expanded Europe.
As communities stay longer their needs and goals change and
the community schools change too. We have noticed that, as
new generations from the same countries of origin arrive,
they may or may not use the schools set up by earlier arrivals
– take the examples of the Somali and Polish communities.
People came from both these countries in the past and set up
community schools. More recently newcomers have arrived,
frequently starting again, rather than joining the schools
established by their predecessors. Perhaps the values and
lifestyles of the newer arrivals are different and the ways they
want to run their schools are different. When new communities
join existing schools, there is the risk of tension, but also the
opportunity for re-invigoration!
Some communities are long settled in the UK and their
supplementary schools have changed. For example,
supplementary schools offering Asian languages such as
Gujarati, Punjabi, Urdu and Bengali are decreasing in number.
Some communities have established full-time schools where
the heritage language is part of the core curriculum so the need
for out-of-school tuition has fallen. For some communities the
priorities appear to have changed, many African-Caribbean
schools are changing into tuition centres with less emphasis
on culture and more emphasis on maths, English, science and
IT, the 11+ and preparation for university entrance. But within
each of those communities there are still schools that focus
entirely on language and culture. The Turkish communities
in the UK are very settled for example, but language, dance,
celebration are a Saturday morning fixture.
S. So how many supplementary language schools are there?
P. Well, it’s hard to say exactly how many there are. We always
say the figure is between 3000 and 5000. The total number of
supplementary schools – around 5000 – doesn’t shift too much,
but the focus of the schools changes.
S. What do you mean by that?
P. Well, there are schools which focus either entirely or
predominantly on language teaching. Then there are schools
which focus predominantly on other content, such as school
core curriculum subjects, faith or cultural activities. So that,
in some cases the teaching of language is incidental or very
specific, for example, the language of religious texts for faith
schools. For other communities, supplementary language
schools are really more like tuition centres for subjects like
English and Maths. So it is difficult to put an exact figure on the
number of schools which focus predominantly on language.
Lots of schools teach the heritage language through another
subject or activity, so there is plenty of language teaching and
learning taking place, mediated by that subject or activity.
S. So it isn’t all about language?
P. Learning language is key in approximately 70 per cent of
schools, but it isn’t the only thing the supplementary schools
are trying to do. Some of the most important functions of a
supplementary language school might be social and cultural.
Let me give you an example. I was impressed by the high
levels of participation of Albanian teenagers at dance classes
conducted in Albanian at a supplementary school. It seemed
to me that the class gave the youngsters a chance to be
themselves in a safe environment – it was a space removed
from the pressures of life in a busy, complex London borough.
It was an activity that had a simplicity to it and connected them
to one another and their shared cultural heritage in some sort
of meaningful way. Perhaps the socialising was of primary
importance, followed by the dance, followed by the language.
Lots of supplementary schools attract high attendance of
youngsters through programmes which link language and
culture – dance, song, crafts and folklore. Language is the
thread linking people to something they really want to do and
it helps them express themselves through the activity.
S. What are the key achievements and successes for the
NRSCE and for community language teaching in general?
P. Well, it’s great to see so many people involved in activities
and language use that is meaningful for them, like the Albanian
teenagers I just mentioned.
Where we achieve strong relationships and partnerships
between supplementary schools, mainstream schools, colleges
and local authorities we feel there is a powerful model for
maintaining and improving standards.
Then there’s the way supplementary schools help with
achievement in the mainstream school sector. Surveys
and studies over the past two decades have shown how
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 71
supplementary schools support students with academic
attainment, helping them achieve better and feel better about
their performance. For example, in 2005, Bristol Council
developed a scheme linking mainstream and supplementary
schools. The project showed a significant impact on school
attainment – mainly measured in terms of improved GCSE
grades for teenagers who had attended the supplementary
schools. New research funded by the British Academy, is
looking at the cognitive benefits of language learning; it will be
interesting to see the findings, and I really hope it will improve
the status of all languages and supplementary schools in the
UK.
It’s been good to see supplementary school teachers getting
trained and developing their knowledge and skills. NRCSE
has successfully run both short and longer training courses
for teachers. There’s a course at level 3 which runs for nine
weeks and looks at the British education system, child welfare,
classroom management, lesson planning and some basic
teaching methods. A companion course develops the learning
to study both the theory and practice of language teaching
and is a good pathway to a PGCE for those who want to
train further. A recent course in Milton Keynes had teachers
of Greek, Chinese, Arabic, Urdu and many other languages
working together on language teaching theory and pedagogy.
S. NATECLA is an association of teachers of young people
and adults, so we are interested in the role played by adults in
community language teaching and learning. Where do adults
who want to learn community languages fit in?
P. Of course the adults are mostly the organisers, managers
and teachers in the supplementary school sector, also the
parents, and the people who campaign for better recognition
for community languages.
Some supplementary schools do provide classes for adults.
Chinese language schools have benefitted from the rise in the
international usage of Chinese Mandarin – they have been able
to expand their provision to adults.
There are lots of adults who want to learn a community
language to be able to communicate with family members –
they’ve married into a family which uses another language.
Then there are teachers who want to learn the languages
spoken by their pupils and students. And, an emerging trend in
the UK now, is for third and fourth generation adults to decide
to learn their heritage language – having not actually learned it
as children! So the demand is there among adults, and can be
met by the local supplementary school.
S. And finally, what do you hope for, in the years to come?
P. We need to build stronger, lasting partnerships between
supplementary schools and local education authorities.
We need to see supplementary schools better respected and
acknowledged by the mainstream education sector. Preserving
formal qualifications helps with this. NRCSE is currently
campaigning, along with communities and supplementary
schools, for the continuation of GCSEs and A levels in
community languages and also for the provision of ongoing
teacher training for supplementary school staff. Awarding
organisations have agreed to redevelop almost all the existing
language exams in line with Department for Education
requirements, but we need to ensure that the number of
entrants rises and for that we need support for supplementary
schools and we need mainstream schools to encourage their
pupils and put them forward for language exams in community
languages. There are many languages that don’t have a
British exam available and this is also a priority for us. Having
a qualification in a language raises its prestige, also enables
people to be formally recognized for their proficiency in that
language.
Most importantly, we would like to see the development of a
society here in the UK where all languages are better valued,
better respected and better learned.
Endnote
At the end of April 2016 the government announced that
GCSEs and A levels in a range of community languages such
as Panjabi, Portuguese and Japanese are to continue. The
government has worked with Ofqual and the exam boards to
secure agreement that the qualifications will continue. Pearson
and AQA will continue to offer the languages they currently
offer and will also take on most of the qualifications that are
being withdrawn by OCR.
www.gov.uk
From Pascale at the NRCSE:-
“The National Resource Centre for Supplementary
Education is delighted that government and the exam
boards have recognised the importance of all languages to
Britain and have collaborated to ensure the redevelopment
of GCSE and A level examinations in those languages,
lesser-taught in Britain, but no less important to the world.
We urge recognition of the vital role of community-led
supplementary schools in supporting children and young
people in the acquisition and‎ retention of mother-tongue
and heritage languages and we call on government and
exam boards to provide training and support in the new
exams for supplementary school language teachers – the
majority of whom teach on a voluntary basis at weekends
while working in other professions during the week.”
Pascale Vassie, Executive Director NRCSE
To find out more about the NRSCE and to support the
community language programmes in your area, check out the
NRSCE website on www.supplementaryeducation.org.uk
72 non peer reviewed articles Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Languages other than English
Naeema B. Hann
Over the centuries, there has been a global flow of languages
across the world and in and out of UK. Some of these languages
have been on this set of islands for a long, long time and others
have accompanied newer communities as their members have
arrived in the UK in greater numbers over the last century,
especially after the Second World War.
Community languages is a term one often comes across when
talking about languages such as Panjabi and also Gaelic. When
being taught as part of university language programmes,
modern foreign language programmes that is, these languages
are often classed as lesser taught, though in my experience
with ‘more teacher’ as there are still very few (appropriate)
resources around for the teaching of languages new to this part
of the world.
At the same time, a lesser taught language, for example Urdu,
has been classified as a modern foreign language. The term
is one which is hard to get right – lesser taught, community
language, MFL, heritage language, non-majority (how
reflective is this of language use in UK e.g. is Punjabi a non-
majority language compared to French when it comes to the
growing multilingual populations in UK?). I propose to use the
term community language as described by the National Centre
for Languages (CILT): ‘Community Languages are languages
spoken by members of minority groups or communities within
a majority language context’ (in NALDIC 2011, Online). I
would also like to bring the term community back into fashion,
to mean a group of people diverse within the group but united
in looking to the future.
I would now like to turn our attention to an overview of the
learning and teaching of what are commonly understood
as community languages in terms of who the learners and
teachers could be and where does the (formal) learning happen.
I will draw on a leaflet published by Natecla in order to do this
(Hann & Laher, 2009). The leaflet was published as a guide to
the learning and teaching of community languages to adults
in the UK. In this guide we suggested that adult learners of a
community language, especially a language relatively recent to
the UK could be grouped into one of three strands according to
their purpose for learning a community language:
• Those who have been through school (and higher) and
are learning e.g. Punjabi as their or their partner’s heritage
language. This strand often includes adults learning a
community language for travel or social contact with local
communities.
• Those who have been through school (and higher) and are
learning e.g. Bengali for work purposes. This could be to
communicate with clients or patients, to work as bilingual
professionals or as interpreters/ translators.
• those who are not literate in their first language and need
to gain literacy and ‘classroom conventions’ in their first
language before they can learn English to live and work in
the UK.
Why group learners/ new users according to why they want to
learn a language? Because the reason someone wants to learn
a language will impact on course content and also pedagogy,
a well established tradition in English language teaching. For
instance, there are established specialisms for the teaching of
English (Cambridge Delta, 2016). An experienced and trained
tutor can teach the first two groups successfully in the same
session, though this may not be so straight forward in the case
of younger learners (see Anderson 2008). However, the third
group may lose confidence and drop out if taught alongside
learners who are already highly literate in another language
(Hann and Laher 2001).
I won’t go into the learning and teaching of languages including
lesser taught or community languages, in schools as it is
increasingly well documented, most recently in the Language
Trends Survey (CfBT & British Council 2014-15). Interestingly,
the Language Trends report acknowledges that rather than
learning a new language, children’s time could be better spent
learning English and strengthening their home language.
So why do people want to learn Community Languages? The
community languages survey in this issue gives us various
reasons. There is a growing number for whom it is a heritage
language. Another category of learners want to learn a
community language for work e.g. doctors working with new
communities. Then there is the group which is often hidden
and in danger of being forgotten: those who are not literate in
their first language and find it difficult to access or progress in
ESOL.
Community languages themes tend to be around language
revitalisation and maintenance. For languages of newer
communities the maintenance work could be with generations
growing up away from the locations where these languages
would be majority languages. The maintenance could be for
purposes of everyday use, so beyond maintaining ties with
families and communities in ancestral lands. It could also be
to maintain businesses and assets and to develop ancestral
communities e.g. building schools, clinics and more important,
staffing these.
Classes for adult learners of community languages tend
to be at schools, after hours or on Saturdays; Community
Centres, Further Education Colleges, Language Colleges and
occasionally at places of worship such as Gurdwaras. There is
a small but growing number of classes online for instance by
Skype.
How can one go about setting up a community language class?
A good place to gauge the demand for a community language
would be a school event like the annual summer fair, or setting
up a stand at a parents’ evening at the local school. The first
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 non p e e r r e v i e w e d a r t i c l e s 73

step would be to audit which language is likely to attract the

highest number of learners, especially if the class is to run on
public funding. The next step would be to carry out a screening
exercise to sort learners into one or more groups as described
above. Depending on which of the three groups described
above, advertising the class via bilingual leaflets/ posters
in local shops, schools, surgeries, social media and on local
radio (often there is no charge for community announcements)
works well for recruitment.
The question of ‘where does responsibility for languages sit
within government’? (SRI 2015:5) remains. I would suggest
this is a shared responsibility, for the community of community
languages to keep these languages visible in forums outside
the community and the government to develop this strategic
resource.
As for the future of non-majority languages, this could lie
beyond maintenance, in new users of community languages,
especially those who do not have an ancestral connection with
the new language they are learning/ using.

References
Anderson,J. (2008) Towards and integrated second-language
pedagogy for foreign and community/ heritage languages in
multilingual Britain. Language Learning Journal, 36 (1) 79–89
CfBT and the British Council (2015) The Language Trends
2014–15: The state of language learning in primary and
secondary schools in England. https://www.britishcouncil.
org/sites/default/files/language_trends_survey_2015.pdf
Hann,N.B. and A.Laher. 2001. Basic Education in Community
Languages. The Bradford Story. Community Languages Bulletin.
No.7. CILT. London.
SRI (2015) The Value of Languages. Cambridge Public Policy
Strategic Research Institute. http://www.publicpolicy.cam.
ac.uk/research-impact/value-of-languages
NALDIC (2011) What are Community Languages.
http://www.naldic.org.uk/Resources/NALDIC/
Initial%20Teacher%20Education/Documents/
Whatarecommunitylanguages.pdf
UCLES (2016) Delta: about the modules http://www.
cambridgeenglish.org/teaching-english/teaching-
qualifications/delta/about-the-delta-modules/

Naeema Hann is a Senior Lecturer at Leeds Beckett and

former Community Languages representative for Natecla.
Email: n.hann@leedsbeckett.ac.uk
74 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Voices From Community Language

Learning: introduction
It was at a Natecla national conference in Sheffield that the
idea of a special issue devoted to articles and papers about
community languages was conceived. After some discussion,
the editorial team sent out a Call for Papers, the next few
articles form part of the response.
Voices from Community Language Learning highlight the links
between language and future identities and remind us of how
language can be a gateway or a gatekeeper. The articles range
from learner voices (learning Tamil, memories of attending
a language immersion school, choosing a first language) to
survey results (a language can be a modern foreign language
or community language depending on who uses it and for
what purpose). Punjabi may not be the language of published
commerce but a lot of business is conducted in Punjabi.
A seemingly (orderly, predictable) and safe monolingual setting
can be teeming with multilingual strands with embedded
hierarchies and alternatives which are not always choices.
Published reports tend to be around institutional data and
practices (language trends or teaching community languages
in schools). In this environment, the article about the Island
Voices project is a breath of fresh air. The project harnesses
real use of languages, including new/less expert users. We are
reminded of the role of technology in maintaining language
use as well as introducing the language to and developing new
users.
Bilingual teaching in Texas and choosing a first language in
South Africa made me think of two sides of a coin and that
perhaps language choice is not always an opportunity and
linguistic opportunities may lead to a materially rich future at
the cost of a culturally rich life.
In the two accounts of being in a particular language medium
school, the common themes come across as not having a
choice or not being sure. English and Afrikaans were the
language of power in South Africa and Irish was being given
a place again. Did the learner of Irish encounter the language
in the community? His experience contrasts with the learner
of Tamil who chose to study Tamil. This learner is now a user
of Tamil and has used many strategies and resources to learn
Tamil. The theme of resources, that is lack of resources for
community languages, is a recurring one.
We hope that these articles will inform and invite. We would
love to hear of your experiences of languages and to share
these with readers of Language Issues.
Language Issues Editorial Board
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 75

Learning Tamil as a
community language
Shamaka Chandramohan
I have been learning Tamil as a community language at the • Peer-learning for primary school learners at Tamil language
Bharathiya Vidya Bhavan institute in London for over ten schools, using games and quizzes
years. I am particularly keen to study Tamil and understand the • Tamil-related events organised by schools, councils and
culture associated with it because my father originates from other institutions, including drama and singing competitions
Tamil Nadu in India. • A week dedicated to learning community languages
• Degree progammes in Tamil offered by universities.
Learning Tamil in the UK inevitably has its challenges; it is a
language which I have had to study outside the mainstream
school curriculum. In addition, I do not speak the language
regularly at home, since my mother does not understand it.
References
Tamil is also very different to English for example, in Tamil, the
verb is always at the end of the sentence, and it has a unique Bharathiya Vidya Bhavan, 4a Castletown Road, London,
script consisting of 247 letters. W14 9HE
Websites accessed on 3rd January 2016:
Despite not using Tamil on an everyday basis, I have
successfully gained skills in speaking, listening, reading and www.bbc.com/tamil
writing the language, using a range of approaches. I have www.bhavan.net
used Tamil textbooks written in different parts of the world,
including the USA, South Africa, Malaysia and India. Engaging www.brent.gov.uk/services-for-residents/libraries/reading-
with TV and radio shows has enabled me to understand the groups/
differences between spoken and written Tamil. I have read www.britac.ac.uk/policy/BASLAs.cfm
Tamil newspapers and fiction books. I have benefited from www.cambridgeassessment.org.uk/insights/why-we-cant-go-
online resources such as the BBC World Service, which has on-like-this-language-qualifications-in-the-uk/
Tamil as one of its languages. I also received one-to-one
teaching through Skype with my teacher while she was in www.cie.org.uk/programmes-and-qualifications/cambridge-
South Africa and the USA. o-level-tamil-3226/
www.soas.ac.uk/admissions/ug/prospectus/file19415.pdf
I took Cambridge Asset Languages qualifications in Tamil
(Levels 1 to 3). Following this, I successfully passed Cambridge Shamaka Chandramohan completed his secondary school
O Level Tamil in 2015. The assessment tested my ability to education at Simon Langton Grammar School for Boys in
translate, compose and comprehend Tamil. Canterbury. He then gained an MEng in Civil Engineering
at University College London and is currently working in an
Learning Tamil has been beneficial to me in many ways. I have
engineering consultancy in London.
been able to read library books written in Tamil, to shop for
Asian groceries in the UK, to travel to India to visit temples Email: Shamaka.Chandramohan@yahoo.com
and monuments and converse with my extended family. I have
gained enough confidence to present on the Tamil scholar, Shamaka Chandramohan completed his secondary school
Thiruvalluvar (see Figure 1) at the Thiruvalluvar Day at the education at Simon Langton Grammar School for Boys in
School of Oriental Studies at the University of London on 16 Canterbury. He then gained an MEng in Civil Engineering
January 2016. at University College London and is currently working in an
I am now able to differentiate between the different dialects of engineering consultancy in London.
Tamil, such as those within Tamil Nadu as well as those from Email: Shamaka.Chandramohan@yahoo.com
Sri Lanka.
Given my experience of learning Tamil, I would make the
following recommendations to improve the process of learning
community languages:
• A more structured approach from primary school through to
university, with year-end exams, accompanying text-books
and regular feedback
• An extensive pool of resources for learning Tamil through
English
76 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

Memories of attending an Irish

medium school in the 1970s
The context
My parents sent me (to the school) because my father went
there. They didn’t know there was an Irish school it was just
because my father went there. In school the top stream was
Irish speaking and I was in the top stream.

Irish medium subjects

Religious doctrine was through English, just so we couldn’t fail
to get the point. English was through English. And a couple of
subjects where some of the texts books were in English so I
generally did better in subjects where the texts books were in
English. In lessons if you asked a question you had to ask it in
Irish and you got an answer in Irish.
There was no encouragement to speak Irish outside the lesson,
we wouldn’t have done it. The teachers couldn’t care less
whether we spoke Irish or not, they were happy as long as we
didn’t break anything.

Learning Irish
I didn’t do that well in my final exam. I got a “C”. I didn’t
particularly like the subject. I don’t know if I’d have got a better
result if I’d been in the English part. In French we did things
around a grammar structure and my French was good going
into university. I never got that in Irish except through Irish.
To me it was just another subject. I was glad to be rid of it after
school. Partly because of the school, I associated Irish with the
school and I didn’t like the school.

Was it worth it?

My mother also went to school in Irish and in her 80s she was
still doing her (maths) tables in Irish in her head. She literally
had to sit down and translate them from Irish. I wouldn’t want
my child going through school and being able to explain maths
in Irish and not understanding. At one point I could have
explained Pythagoras in Irish but not in English. The language
barrier doesn’t encourage you to engage with the subject. You
survive the subject, you don’t engage with it.
I don’t know how much I still know. I could probably have a
basic conversation. I couldn’t sit down now and talk about
bicycles or holidays and I could have at the end of school.
The writer of this piece wishes to remain anonymous.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 77

Bilingual Teaching in Texas

Rebecca Eliahoo
After a few days in Texas, I understood why the English teacher, you need a degree and teacher certification. There are
Speaking Union stipulates a maximum age of 55 for anyone on Alternative Certification programmes for vocational experts,
a Walter Hines Page scholarship. teachers from other countries, or even from other US states,
who may need to take extra courses (for instance, in Texan
For two weeks, escorted by gracious and generous Texan hosts,
history) to cover any missing content.
I was whisked to interviews with professors, teachers and
school district heads in Dallas, Houston and Fort Worth, based Bilingual teachers are recruited from Mexico, Cuba, Puerto
in universities, colleges and schools. The hosts also felt that all Rico, Spain and The Philippines. But differences in lexicon and
this scholarship required full Texan cuisine (at breakfast, lunch, accent between those linguistic traditions and the Spanish in
tea and supper) as well as evening socializing. Dallas – called Tex-Mex – can cause difficulties.
I had applied for a scholarship as I was a teacher educator who The director of a Bilingual ESL Education Centre said that he
wanted to see how US teachers were recruited from within advised teachers not to tell pupils that using Tex-Mex is worse
disadvantaged, ethnic minority or immigrant communities. than speaking Castilian Spanish. Tex-Mex is unique and has
Coming from an FE college with a growing number of students its own characteristics. Teachers from Spain sometimes teach
from diverse ethnic, linguistic and cultural backgrounds, I the language in a prescriptive fashion, chastising children for
chose Texas because of its long history of bilingual teaching using ‘bad Spanish’ so the children end up thinking: ‘the Spanish
and innovative ideas about state education. spoken by my parents and grandparents is not good’. Unkind
comments have an impact on children, said the director,
Texan schools need bilingual teachers for their Spanish-
who explained that words come from different traditions and
English curricula. Spanish speaking pupils in primary schools
histories. For example, a trash can in Puerto Rico is zafacon but
are tested and placed in appropriate classes, where they may
in Mexico, it’s bote. He believes that teachers should be in the
have 90% of their lessons in Spanish, with 10% in English, in
business of enriching children’s lexicon.
kindergarten. By the time they are 8 or 9 years old, the ratio
may drop to 50:50 Spanish to English. For information on how to apply for a Walter Hines Page
scholarship from the English Speaking Union, see: http://
However, parents don’t always agree to this. If their children
www.esu.org/programmes/scholarships/teachers/walter-
are still studying topics in Spanish, some parents feel that they
hines-page-scholarship
may not be progressing in English. So, some parents refuse
bilingual education and opt for English Second Language (ESL)
classes.
Teacher training in Texas is tough. There’s a battery of tests for
bilingual teaching candidates, such as English comprehension
and the ‘phone-pass’ test; the latter being a computerized exam
where candidates dial a number and are asked questions which
become increasingly difficult. There are no gestures or non-
verbal clues to help them understand, which tests candidates’
reaction time to questions.
ESL standards are spread throughout all teacher training
courses, addressing cultural issues, such as dealing with
families’ behavior or what it really means to ‘acquire language’.
Teacher trainees think it’s grammar. As they move through
their teacher training course, the focus shifts from language
teaching to language and content teaching. After all, children
fail in the content. They can pick up everyday language and
survival language skills and may seem fluent in the playground,
but it’s the child’s writing, science and maths that count for
the school. Teacher educators told me that they need all of
their teaching colleagues to pick up the pieces – not just ESL
practitioners.
One of the benefits of the No Child Left Behind law in the US
was that there must be a highly qualified teacher in every
classroom – in order to receive Federal funding. To be a
78 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
On choosing a first language
in South Africa
Alison Blackhall
“Ag no! Seriously? I should have chosen English as my first
language!” We were sitting outside after the first day of our last
year at school, comparing timetables. Being a performing arts
dual medium school, we spent half the day doing academic
subjects in either the English class, 10E, or the Afrikaans class,
10A, and the rest of the day doing our specialisms in mixed
language groups: art, ballet, music and drama. We noticed
that our first language sessions had changed from the usual
literature and language, which had stayed for second language
sessions, so that now the English pupils had film study on a
Tuesday, while the Afrikaans pupils spent Tuesdays doing
grammar. “Grammar!”
We were all bilingual. Some more than others. A few might
have dropped a grade or two if they swapped languages while
for others the choice seemed almost arbitrary. How do you
choose which language you want to be educated in? My friend
was raised by an English speaking mother and an Afrikaans
father. Although his mother tongue, in a literal sense, was
English, he was enrolled in an Afrikaans primary school and
was now having to do grammar, mostly because of his name.
It seemed to be more about belonging than which language
you dream in.
Of course there was more to it than just choosing a home
language. Mrs Potgieter, our year tutor earlier in high school,
had told us that this was her first job, having been turned down
on every application as Miss Smith. The battles between
English and Afrikaans had not ended with the Boer War. This
was 1991 and with the Afrikaans National Party in power,
parents had to wonder which allegiances would set your child
up for success.
Were Afrikaans pupils seen as more serious, more likely to
need something clever, like grammar? And us liberal lefties
best left to the arts? It seemed odd and we doubted whether
our peers knew about the discrepancy as we were the only dual
medium school we knew of, so definitely at least in Pretoria.
This same year saw another friend’s mum making some
decisions about education, for Noma, who was entering her
second year of pre-primary in a suburb of Johannesburg,
40 minutes’ drive from Pretoria. “I was posh” Noma laughs,
going to a suburban nursery which exposed her to English
for the first time, other than television programmes and the
white policemen that regularly raided Soweto. When I asked
her what her home language was there was a pause, she then
explained that she was raised by her grandparents in Soweto,
speaking Xhosa to her maternal grandfather, Tswana to her
grandmother and Zulu to everyone else. She didn’t realise that
she wasn’t Zulu and her family had to tell her that she is Xhosa.
She then explained to me that when she went to see her father’s
family they were all Xhosa and she spoke Xhosa to them. Her
cousin though was going to a Zulu school. Noma’s mum had
other plans.
The following year Noma’s family moved to Cape Town where
she completed most of her schooling at what would have
been a formerly white school. This meant that she needed to
take English as her first language and Afrikaans as a second
language, which she had never heard before, but could take
Xhosa as her third language. Noma tells me she was pretty
much fluent in English by the time she went to primary school.
I asked her what it was like learning Xhosa as a third language.
She remembers her Xhosa teacher very well, a white lady
who was very enthusiastic. Noma remembers learning the
Xhosa word for carrot, a word she’d always just borrowed from
English.
Even now, seeing a professional woman who reportedly
dreams in English, I can’t help but wonder how it must have felt
to be learning formally for the first time in your fourth language,
and working hard on your fifth language, which needed to be
almost fluent in order to pass to the next year.
From 1948, when the National Party took power, all white
high school graduates had to be proficient in English and
Afrikaans and in 1974 it was decreed that the use of English
and Afrikaans be made compulsory even in black secondary
schools, the “Afrikaans Medium Decree”. This meant that only
music and culture were taught in the learner’s native tongue
and all the other subjects were taught in English, (physical
science and practical subjects), and Afrikaans, (maths and
social sciences). English and Afrikaans would not necessarily
even be heard outside of cities and towns. Even in Soweto,
just outside Johannesburg, students often only encountered
Afrikaans in the classroom. It was this sabotaging of black
learners that lead to the Soweto Uprising in 1976, where
teachers and students revolted against the government and
were gunned down by security forces. Mostly shot in the back.
What made your mum decide to
educate you in English?
Noma’s mother had gone through the Bantu Education system,
an act passed by the South African government in 1953 which
racially segregated all education facilities. The idea was to
prepare non-white students for the unskilled labour market but
it also allowed the government to spend a tenth (per capita) on
black students of what they spent on white students. Noma’s
grandmother was a teacher and her daughter had benefitted
from her mother’s input. She was determined to give her
daughter the opportunity to study in a school with privileges,
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 79

one that could give her access to further studies and job
opportunities.
With the ANC government making multilingual education a
priority, in spite of all the difficulties to be overcome before
it can be realised, the majority of learners should be able to
complete the first four years of school (Reception to Grade 3)
in their home language. There is still some way to go before
secondary and post-compulsory education are offered in the
nine official African languages, which is one of the reasons
parents often choose to have their children educated in English.
It is a hard won choice, still marred by the legacy advantages
English and Afrikaans hold over African languages.
So how do you choose the language you want to be educated
in: Do you send your child to a school where they will learn
in their home language and give them a fighting chance of
grasping all the new information that will be thrown at them
in their first few years of school? Or do you educate them
in English to that they’ll have a fighting chance of getting
into a good high school, go to university and compete on
the international job market? And how long will it be before
parents are not choosing between these two options?

Alison Blackhall was born and raised in South Africa. She

moved to the UK after completing her undergraduate
studies. In London she completed her postgraduate
studies and a PGCE in PCET, working initially as a literacy
teacher then moving to teacher training. She now works at
Canterbury Christ Church University.
80 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Learning Persian in South London
Interview with Nazanin Abolkheriyan, Headteacher of Explore
Languages, Hafez School in Sutton, Greater London
Can you tell me something about
the school?
The Association was formed by a group of Sutton Iranian
residents in 1999 to introduce their children to the Persian
language and culture.  Explore Languages, known in the
Iranian Community as Hafez School, provides a facility for
people to learn and improve their knowledge of this traditional
and historical language, and to learn about Persian civilisation
and history. The main aim is to offer Persian Language classes
to everyone wishing to learn this language. The students come
from the substantial community of first and second-generation
Iranian residents in the London Borough of Sutton and the
surrounding areas.
There are formal weekly language classes and a series of
cultural events throughout the year.  The language classes
are held every Saturday at the Manor Park Primary School in
Sutton.  Most of the lessons are 2 ½ hours long with 15 minutes
break. Our aim is to prepare students to the standard level and
enable them to take Farsi GCSE exam at the end of year six.  What training is available for them?
They would then continue for another 2 years if they wish to
achieve their AS and A2 exams with A & A* level.  We have
also run a class only for conversation for those people who are
unable to speak Persian and wish to attend to the conversation
course.  Every year we try to set up additional classes such
as Persian dance, music and some courses for adults such as
Psychology for Today.
There are also opportunities to learn languages such as French,
Spanish, Polish, German and Arabic for children aged 4-11.
Explore Languages (Hafez School) is working towards being
an Equal Opportunities organisation.  Our services are for the
benefit of children who wish to learn the language irrespective
of gender, race, disability or religious belief.
All the school expenses are covered by parent’s contributions of
£120 – £140 per term, depending on the length of the session.   Are there many resources available for
Why do you feel it is important
for young people to learn
community languages?  in the form of a book.  Each book contains the main lesson /
The Association believes that the teaching of Farsi and
the introduction to culture will help the children to have a
better understanding of the values held by their parents and
grandparents, giving them the self-confidence to build a
better personality with a reduced risk of isolation in our multi-
cultural society. Parents support their children to practice their
understanding of Persian so that will be able to communicate
with others in Persian.  The majority of children willingly come
to school and enjoy their friendship with other children.  We
occasionally come across some children who find it difficult
to settle at the beginning but as soon as they get to know the
teachers and make friends with other students they enjoy it and
continue to attend regularly.  
What is the focus of the lessons?  
The aims of most lessons is to develop an awareness and
understanding of the culture alongside of the language and to
provide the learners with an enriching, pleasurable and ‘quality’
experience. Children gradually understand the construction
of the text, its grammar and sentence structure.  They build
on their vocabulary day by day. The focus of our work is on
Speaking, Listening, Reading and Writing. 
Who are the teachers in your school?
Teachers are all recruited mainly based on their experience of
teaching Farsi.  Most of the teachers hold a teacher training
certificate or TA qualification.  The minimum qualification
is level 3 Child care for our Pre-school class.  In order to get
enough training all the teachers shadow voluntarily the senior
teachers for at least two years before they start their class
independently. 
For general training such as safeguarding children, first aid
etc, we use the resources and training courses from London
Borough of Sutton or Sutton Centre for Voluntary Services.  
All teachers and volunteers have been DBS checked.  
What resources do the teachers use? 
this work or do teachers mainly have
to make their own?
For each level we have a set of lessons which are all collected
main text, new vocabulary, grammar, poems and biography
of the Iranian poet ie Hafez, Ferdosi, Khayam, Saadi, some
comprehension with questions, rhymes and informal games.
Occasionally teachers also bring some work sheets for the
lesson or for homework.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 81

Is there any particular methodology
that teachers use?
We mostly work on phonics and sounds as a method of
teaching students to read and write.  We also practice
vocabulary and spelling in the form of dictation, conversation
about different topics and essay writing about different topics
such as social, environmental, technology.
Is there much cultural content
to the lessons?  Attending the activities at our School is a great opportunity
Most of the lessons teach children about the culture, different
important events e.g. Persian New Year (Norouz), history,
moralities and principles. 
How do you think learning
or non-Iranian who are able to understand the language can
support many businesses in Iran or UK.  Therefore even
small funding to these organisations will be a great help
for the continuation of the work of these schools.  Every
year the school budget depends on the number of students
attending the school so if the numbers drop the school will be
badly impacted. 
Is there anything else you would
like to add? 
for the children and young people to have some quality time
meeting and socialising with other children. It is also an
opportunity for them to make new friends, enjoy their new
friendship, and experience new skills and gain more confidence. 
Many of the parents also get to know each other through
school activities and events so it helps them to increase their

a community language benefits

friendship circle and have some quality time together.   

children/adults? If you wish to receive more information about the school

please visit our website at: www.explorelanguages.org
Learning to communicate effectively in another language can
Nazinin was interviewed by Ann Cowie.
boost children›s confidence and assertiveness. Understanding
the phonics and sounds in Persian can help them to reinforce
it in to the other languages such as English. The school
activities enhance the learning structure for young people by
offering the chance to take classes in a cultural setting, so as to
improve their understanding of their own heritage and develop
confidence in learning other languages, alongside music and
dance.  They enjoy the atmosphere and being with their friends
with the same culture.  By joining the extra program (Persian
Dance and traditional musical) they improve their physical and
mental health. 

Could you explain what happened

with the Farsi GCSE?  
The OCR examination board was providing the formal
examination for Persian GCSE and A-level qualifications for
many years.  Due to the number of people taking the exams
it wasn’t cost effective for OCR to continue the exams for
Persian and another 8 languages.  Therefore they decided to
discontinue the Examinations as of 2018.  We campaigned and
the support of 12,000 people helped us to win the campaign. 
The OCR will continue up to 2019 and after that Pearson
(Edexcel) agreed to continue on from OCR and redevelop
Persian GCSE and A-level. 

Do you think the Government should

do more to support community
language learning?
The government always need people to represent UK in
different countries such as Iran.  These children who are
learning the language today will be the future experts who can
work for the government in many ways.  As United Nations
sanctions against Iran were lifted after a few years, Iranian
82 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Community language survey
Jo Gakonga
To coincide with this special edition on community languages,
and to give some insight into current practices, NATECLA
launched a nationwide survey to elicit responses about
community language teaching practices in the UK. The
response to this was limited, but the results give an interesting
insight into current patterns of provision and the attitudes that
people have to the benefits and challenges in this area.
Fourteen people who are involved in community languages
responded to the survey. The majority of these answered in
the capacity of learners, but there were also three teachers of
community languages to adults and two who teach children.
Of the teachers, four are working with quite large classes of
25-33 whilst the other two respondents gave 8-10 and 12-18 as
sizes of their classes.
A range of different languages were represented, including
languages that are more usually considered modern foreign
languages, such as French and German, but Urdu was by far
the most well represented (over half of the respondents stated
that they were involved in this), followed by two people each
for Arabic, French and German. From the survey data it is not
possible to say whether these languages were being taught or
learnt but the following languages were also mentioned:
• Other South Asian languages: Punjabi and Hindi
• Other European languages: Polish, Italian
• Celtic languages: Welsh and Scottish Gaelic
• Other Asian languages: Mandarin and Japanese.
Whilst the majority of people (9/13) were only learning one
language at this time, a significant proportion were learning or
teaching more than this – in one case, six languages. There was
also mention of the difficulties in finding appropriate tuition,
with one respondent wanting to learn Bengali but being unable
to find a class.
A wide range of reasons were cited as motivation for learning
a community language. For some respondents, this was about
maintaining a link with their own culture and heritage or
enjoying and appreciating literature and poetry. For others,
it was for work reasons; a broadening of job prospects
was mentioned, as was understanding patients at work.
Communication was, of course, important, with people stating
that they were motivated because their partner and in-laws
speak that language and they wish to be able to speak with
them in their first language when they visit. This also applied
to communicating with older people in the community and
with friends. It is interesting that half of the respondents
spontaneously made reference to culture in addition to the
language and that the two are clearly closely linked in the
minds of those involved in community languages.
The benefits of learning a community language linked to the
motivations, but this was clearly something that respondents
felt passionate about. It was the only question on the survey
that all 14 people answered and there were a range of strongly
worded answers. For several respondents, there was a sense
of the benefits being linked to the advantages of bilingualism:
‘Bilingualism is an asset and not a problem’ and ‘Brain benefits
of multilingualism’. One person felt that learning any language
had benefits and that learning a community language had
the advantage that there was a ready supply of interlocutors
locally with whom to practise. For around half of the replies, an
increased awareness and knowledge of the associated culture
was the main benefit, with one person stating that it was a way
of adopting British values whilst also knowing the values of
their own community. For one person a greater understanding
as a way of ‘building bridges between cultures’ was important.
It is difficult to know from the survey whether the languages
that people are learning are those of their own heritage group
or of an alternative, but from the responses it seems that both
of these situations exist. Improved employability was only
mentioned by two people and it would be interesting to know
whether this was due to others not feeling that this was the
case, or whether they feel simply that cognitive advantages of
bilingualism and improved social cohesion are greater benefits.
There were also strong feelings expressed about the challenges
of learning a community language. Some of these are common
to all foreign languages, i.e. that languages, especially those
that originate from a different language group to your native
tongue, are time consuming and arduous to learn, especially
as you age. The majority of the comments, however, more
specifically targeted community languages. The vast majority
of respondents mentioned the lack of resources. There were a
range of difficulties in this regard and these fell into deficiencies
in availability of the following:
• Classes. This was especially the case away from areas where
the community language is widely spoken (e.g. finding Welsh
classes outside Wales) or in schools, and this is compounded
by a lack of funded qualifications e.g. for Polish at GCSE and
‘A’ level.
• Teachers. One of the difficulties mentioned in the state
school system was in recruiting a teacher who speaks the
community language to a high standard, but whose English
is also good enough to be a qualified teacher.
• Materials. Several respondents noted the lack of
professionally produced materials, based on sound
pedagogy, especially for beginners.
• Sufficient learners to make a viable group.
Interestingly, despite the strong rhetoric of community
building in the responses to the questions on motivation and
advantages, one person noted that ‘There is also a suspicion
amongst community members about why you would want to
learn their language.’
When asked what they would like to see happen to improve the
teaching and learning of community languages, unsurprisingly,
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 83

the majority cited increased funding and access to funded

qualifications as important, but improved teacher training was
also a common theme, with three people suggesting CELTA
type qualifications for community language teachers or more
networking opportunities with other community language
teachers and with ESOL teachers.
Whilst it must be acknowledged that the results here are
from a small sample and it would be unwise to generalise, the
survey results certainly provide some insight into the current
situation. What is your experience? We are interested in your
views, whether they support or contradict the finding above
and we welcome letters on this to the journal.
84 v o i c e s f r o m c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Does adding Mathematics to English
language learners’ timetables
improve their acquisition of English?
Jenny Stacey, Chesterfield College/Sheffield Hallam University
This article is based on a presentation and proceedings
at the BSRLM (British Society for Research into Learning
Mathematics)/BERA (British Education Research Association)
conference, Durham, 2015, and was first published there.
The research was carried out for the dissertation phase of
a Master’s degree in Education.
This enquiry based project set out to find out if adult English
language learners, known as ESOL (English for Speakers of
Other Languages) learners in the UK, might benefit, in terms of
their acquisition of English, from studying maths. This research
has been conducted at a medium sized FE college in the East
Midlands where I teach. I evaluate this in two ways, firstly by
analysing learners’ results, and secondly by asking experienced
ESOL teachers to observe and reflect on an ESOL Maths
session. This project found a correlation between attending a
maths class and improved English language exam results over
5 cohorts of students. In addition, ESOL teachers noted many
and varied opportunities for English language learning in an
ESOL Maths class, with higher levels of learner participation
and confidence than seen in language classes. I recommend
that we offer ESOL Maths to ESOL learners, and that we
reassess maths teaching for all learners, ESOL and English
speakers, as a triad: conceptual understanding, procedural
competence and language acquisition.
Keywords: adult mathematics learners; ESOL; Further
Education College; language in mathematics; triad approach
Introduction
The learners involved in this project are all people who have
voluntarily signed up for ESOL Maths, and may have just
arrived in the UK, or been here for many years. They may have
opted to come to the UK for work or family reasons, or been
subjected to political or social persecution in their country
of origin. The learners are all over 16 years of age; most are
19 or over. The primary motivation for many of the learners
attending ESOL Maths classes is to improve their English, and
this can be for a number of reasons, including improving their
job prospects or helping their school aged children.
ESOL Maths learners form part of a number of wider
educationally-based communities, namely mathematics
learners in the UK, ESOL learners in the UK, and, globally,
those whose first language (L1) is not English who are learning
maths in English. They may come from many countries and
cultures which can be very different, both from the UK and
each other, in terms of the content of maths lessons and
assessments, mathematical symbols and language, and the
value placed on mathematics learning.
Methodology and methods
In order to ascertain whether adding ESOL Maths to ESOL
learners’ timetables has an impact on their acquisition of
English, I compared the results of ESOL learners who have
studied for maths qualifications with those who have not. This
was small scale quantitative analysis based on an ESOL intake
of approximately 130 learners each year, 11% to 18% of whom
enrol for ESOL Maths.
It should be borne in mind that this is a small scale
investigation based in one college which has one ESOL Maths
teacher, namely myself, although some higher level learners
do attend an English speakers maths class if it falls on a more
convenient day for the learner. Entry level English learners are
not encouraged to attend English speakers Entry level classes
as they are deemed to need specialist help. As such I examined
the results of the whole population of ESOL learners at this
college, of whom the ESOL Maths students can be seen as
a subset of the total population (Cohen, Manion & Morrison,
2000).
I chose to analyse the data to see if these observations can be
evidenced in some way by improved ESOL results, but in order
to triangulate this information ESOL colleagues were asked
to observe an ESOL Maths session and report back on their
findings. This mix of quantitative and qualitative analysis can
be seen as an opportunity for triangulation of data (Coben,
2003).
The analysis does not tell us why any correlation occurs,
highlighting the limitations of data analysis (Bell, 1993) and a
positivist approach (Stacey, 2013). It may be that the amount
of teacher contact time has an effect, or that adult ESOL
learners who opt for ESOL maths are more highly motivated
than those who do not. A correlation might also be for reasons
unrelated to ESOL Maths; that it may be that any subject
taught, from sport (Hately-Broad, 2006) to flower arranging,
could have the same effect, particularly if the learner has some
prior knowledge of the subject.
Observers were given three questions for consideration:
Firstly, can they see any advantages of ESOL Maths, where
the language is less overtly taught than in an ESOL class?
Secondly, do the students exhibit skills that they were unaware
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 85

of, or that surprise them for the level those students are at in 100
Percentage
their English? Finally, does it make the teachers reassess the 90 pass rate for all
learners’ language skills levels? The questions are open-ended 80 ESOL learners
to draw full responses (Ribbins, 2006), but can be seen to be 70 Percentage
60 pass rate for
connected to allow for corroboration (Richards, 2009). A Likert learners with
scale was included to discover strength of feeling (Bell, 1993). 50
% ESOL Maths
40
I asked observers to rank the usefulness of ESOL Maths in Percentage
30
improving English acquisition on a scale of 0 to 10, where 0 is pass rate for
20 learners without
‘of no use’, and 10 is ‘extremely useful’. 10 ESOL Maths

There is potential for any observer or interviewer to have an 0

2008/9 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 2012/13
impact on a situation and peoples’ responses, as observed in Academic years
other investigations, where observers become aware that they Figure 2 Percentage achievements of ESOL learners over 5 years
are an acknowledged presence in the room, and that this is
disturbing the normal flow in some way (Brown 2001). This is
known as the Hawthorne effect, and it might affect both myself Qualitative findings
as the teacher or the students in the ESOL Maths class.
Three of the four teachers who were able to observe classes
One of the negative issues with conducting this study myself were ESOL teachers, but the fourth was a Maths teacher.
is that the outcome might be affected by my involvement. For Interestingly the comments from the Maths teacher were
instance there could be an issue with learners and colleagues very similar to those of the ESOL teachers, and I have felt it
giving less than honest answers to the questions. This is known unnecessary to differentiate between the two, which will also
as the halo effect (Cohen et al., 2000), where the previous help to preserve the anonymity of the teachers involved.
knowledge of the participants affects their judgements.
All of the observers noted language teaching taking place in
the observed sessions. One teacher expressed surprise at “the
Quantitative findings amount of language that was used in Maths and therefore it
was a language lesson based on maths” and also said that the
The analysis of the data seems to clearly show a correlation session was “very interesting and definitely beneficial to the
between attending a maths class and English language learners as they were exposed to a different type of language
acquisition at my college, as the percentage of ESOL Maths use.”
learners with ESOL passes varies from 87.5% to 100%. This
compares with the performance of the group without maths Another was surprised by the level of English and fluidity
classes of between 62% and 84.5%. of the language use: “I was surprised by the good level of
English used by the students, the vocabulary was very fluid
There is a consistent positive correlation between opting for and the students’ understanding of maths on the whole was of
ESOL Maths and passing ESOL exams, as there is a minimum a very good standard”. The teachers also commented on the
of 10.5% and a maximum of 32% improvement in ESOL Maths opportunities available to learners to practise pronunciation,
students’ performance compared to the non-maths cohort such as in a place value recap session all learners practiced
(Figure 1). using the ‘th’ sound with tenths, hundredths and thousandths.
One commented that “time was given to reinforcing
100 pronunciation, spelling of numbers and vocabulary.”
Percentage of ESOL
90 Maths earners with
80 ESOL passes Three out of the four teachers when asked to rate the
70
60
Percentage of ESOL usefulness of maths sessions in improving English acquisition
Maths learners
% 50 without ESOL passes
on a simple Likert scale, where zero was ‘of no use’ and ten
40 was ‘extremely useful’, rated the usefulness at 10, extremely
30 useful. One teacher did not use the scale, and commented that
20
10
“It would be more useful if the group was not of such differing
0 levels, so language could be more easily structured”, that
2008–9 2009–10 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 “some of the language used was more advanced than might
Academic years be expected for some of the learners”, but did note that the
Figure 1 Percentage comparison of learning ESOL results with learners “were engaged and attentive”.
and without ESOL maths classes The positive response to set tasks was noted by all observers
In Figure 2 it can be seen that the impact on the cohort as a and surprise was expressed at the level of maths attempted
whole is low: and achieved during the sessions: One commented that
“maths skills…can build confidence” and “the confidence
ESOL learners gain in tackling mathematical problems will
allow them to gain confidence in learning other subjects”. It
seems that in this class we do not have an issue with maths
anxiety, as identified by many researchers. It may be that those
100
Percentage
90 pass rate for all
80 ESOL learners
70 Percentage
60 pass rate for
learners with
50
86 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
learners who opt for ESOL Maths classes are those who are
maths confident.
Observers commented on the increased level of participation
compared to ESOL classes, and how beneficial this was for
learners, as paired work “fostered greater communication in
English”. Even those with confidence issues “still participated”
in the paired work: “The shyest learner in the group from the
lowest level language class clearly…felt able to answer the
teacher because the focus was on maths not English”. Learners
“responded well and found the experience useful and relevant”,
even those “with strong educational backgrounds in maths”.
Observers noted that “learners clearly felt more confident and
more able to answer questions” and that the learners both
responded well to the tasks set and performed well in their
completion. There was “good interaction with resources/
activities…working individually or in pairs”.
Pair work involving verbal problem solving was taking place
between learners who would not normally speak to each
other during a session, one of whom had previously refused to
participate in paired work during ESOL sessions. One teacher
said “Student X does not speak in English, but spoke here with
other students she does not normally interact with”. Another
commented that the session gave “non-speakers” “a chance
to participate”. A learner with extremely low verbal language
skills was clearly prepared to attempt questions and to make
mistakes which had not been seen before. “Student Y really
tries and has a go, not seen that in an ESOL class” and “I could
see some students were very timid but these still participated”.
Observers were generally surprised to note the level of
language performance shown by the learners, and felt this
was improved compared to ESOL classes. One observer
noticed that “the focus is on maths where some learners who
may be weaker in language are able to do better” than in an
English class, as they are using other skills, not just English.
Two students performed consistently better, according to one
observer, than they would have done in an ESOL class in terms
of speaking and listening skills. All of the students seemed to
be performing at a “good level of English” according to one
observer.
Observers did not feel that any change to ESOL exam levels
set was needed, but some did feel more confident that learners
might achieve.
Conclusion and recommendations
Whilst caution is required due to the statistical insignificance
of the sample size (Cohen et al., 2000) the implication here
is that ESOL learners’ English acquisition might be further
enhanced by placing them in ESOL Maths classes, based
on their English language level. This adds to the current
knowledge in my college and perhaps elsewhere in the UK, and
might be useful when considering maths provision for ESOL
learners. It contrasts with a recent change of practice in the
USA (Kersaint, Thompson & Petkova, 2013), where current
thinking is that English language learners be placed in maths
classes according to their level of mathematics knowledge.
Observation of ESOL Maths classes did seem to cause
teachers to refine and extend their thinking about ESOL Maths
and its usefulness in developing language skills, which can
be seen as evidence of increased levels of language activity
in mathematics in many countries, including the UK (Brown,
2001; FitzSimons, 2002).
The observations seem to support the idea that although
mathematical language should be the focus of maths classes
(Barwell, 2002; Fletcher and Barr, 2009; Monaghan, 2009),
there is enough other language occurring for learners to benefit
in terms of English acquisition (Adler, 2001; Clarkson, 2009).
Observers noticed the importance of the teacher interface
with learners, and this supports the need for specialist maths
teachers to enable learners to make progress with their maths
(Brown, 2001; FitzSimons, 2002).
The benefit of resources developed for use with English
language learners benefitting all maths learners has been
previously examined (Adler, 2001), and I too have found
these resources useful with all maths learners, hence the
recommendation that we consider the importance of maths
language teaching in maths classes and move to a triad
approach: conceptual understanding, procedural competence
and language acquisition.
References
Adler, J. (2001). Teaching Mathematics in Multilingual
Classrooms.1st ed. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic
Publishers
Barwell, R. (2002). Understanding EAL issues in mathematics.
In: Leung, Constant (Ed.), Language and Additional/Second
Language Issues for School Education. 1st ed. (pp. 69–80). York:
NALDIC
Barwell, R. (Ed.) (2009). Multilingualism in Mathematics
Classrooms: Global Perspectives. 1st ed., Bristol: Multilingual
Matters.
Bell, J. (1993). Doing Your Research Project. 2nd ed.,
Buckingham, Open University Press.
Brown, T. (2001). Mathematics Education and Language.
Interpreting Hermeneutics and Post-Structuralism. 2nd ed.
Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Clarkson, P. C. (2009). Mathematics Teaching in Australian
Multilingual Classrooms: Developing an Approach to the Use
of Classroom Languages. In R. Barwell (Ed.), Multilingualism
in Mathematics Classrooms: Global Perspectives. 1st ed. (pp.
145–160). Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Coben, D. (Ed.) (2003). Adult Numeracy: review of research
and related literature. 1st ed. London: NRDC.
Cohen, L., Manion, L. & Morrison, K. (2000). Research
Methods in Education. 5th ed. London: Routledge Falmer.
Fitzsimons, G. E. (2002). What Counts as Mathematics?
Technologies of Power in Adult and Vocational Education. 1st ed.
Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 87

Fletcher, C. & Barr, V. (2009). Developing and Adapting

Resources. In Paton, A. & Wilkins, M. (Eds.), Teaching
Adult ESOL- principles and practice (pp. 161–187) 1st ed.
Maidenhead: OUP.
Hately-Broad, B. (2006). ESOL through Sport. In Herrington,
M. & Kendall, A. (Eds.). Insights from research and practice: A
handbook for literacy, numeracy and ESOL practitioners (pp.
423–428). Leicester: NIACE.
Kersaint, G., Thompson, D. R. & Petkova, M. (2013). Teaching
Mathematics to English Language Learners. 2nd ed. Abingdon,
Oxon: Routledge
Monaghan, F. (2009). Mapping the Mathematical Landscape.
In R. Barwell (Ed.), Multilingualism in Mathematics Classrooms:
Global Perspectives. 1st ed. (pp. 14–31). Bristol: Multilingual
Matters.
Ribbins, P (2006). Interviews in educational research.
Conversations with a purpose. In Briggs, A.R.J. and Coleman,
M. (Eds.), Research Methods in Educational Leadership and
Management. 2nd ed.(pp. 207–223). London: Sage.
Richards, L. (2009). Handling Qualitative Data: a practical
guide. 2nd ed. London: Sage Publications Ltd.

Jenny Stacey has taught GCSE, Functional Skills and ESOL

Maths to adults at Chesterfield College for over ten years,
and is the author of www.esolmaths.co.uk  In addition
to her membership of NATECLA, Jenny is a member of
the BSRLM (British Society for Research into Learning
Mathematics) and the ALM (Adults Learning Mathematics).
Her research interests are delivering maths to learners
whose first language is not English, and the maths anxiety
experienced by adult learners.
Jenny has worked on a number of freelance projects,
including the ESOL Maths material on the ESOL NEXUS
website for the British Council.
Email: stillknitting@gmail.com
88 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Practical ideas for embedding
numeracy in ESOL
Kathryn Aldridge-Morris
Introduction
This article is based on the workshop ‘Embedding Numeracy
in ESOL’, which I co-presented for the British Council at the
2015 NATECLA National Conference. Dan Raynor presented
the ESOL Nexus online self-access numeracy resources and
I showcased the low-tech classroom numeracy resources for
teachers of low level ESOL learners (the ESOL and numeracy
Teacher’s Pack). I described the approach to the materials’
development and outlined some of the principles that had
informed the resource design. A practical workshop followed,
during which I hoped participants would be able to bring to
bear any insights from hearing about this approach and design
process.
The formal aims of the workshop were to:
1. increase participants’ knowledge of some key mathematical
concepts underpinning the numeracy curriculum,
2. to build confidence in embedding numeracy tasks and
3. to explore and share innovative approaches to
contextualizing numeracy activities so that they are
meaningful to ESOL learners.
This article describes the approach taken to creating the
ESOL and Numeracy Teacher’s Pack and summarises some
of the innovative ideas on embedding numeracy in ESOL that
emerged from the workshop. The participants were Tina Boon,
Magda Molaei, Will Nash, Jenny Stacey, Sarah Cremer, Joanna
Baran, Donatella Mazzone and Helen Bjorkstrom.
What do we understand by ‘numeracy’?
Numeracy is a portmanteau of the words ‘numerical’ and
‘literacy’. It is functional maths. According to the TES,
‘Numeracy is usually defined as the ability to use maths at the
level needed to get by in everyday life.’ The Adult Numeracy
Core Curriculum states that:
Numeracy covers the ability to:
• understand and use mathematical information
• calculate and manipulate mathematical information
• interpret results and communicate mathematical
information.
In the National Numeracy Strategy it is defined as:
… a proficiency which involves confidence and
competence with numbers and measures. It requires an
understanding of the number system, a repertoire of
computational skills and an inclination and ability to solve
number problems in a variety of contexts. Numeracy also
demands practical understanding of he ways in which
information is gathered by counting and measuring, and is
presented in graphs, diagrams, charts and tables.
(DfEE, 1999: 4)
And Education Scotland (2015) describes numeracy outcomes
as being ‘those areas of the mathematics curriculum which are
necessary in understanding other aspects of learning…’
We are surrounded in our lives by numerical information.
Having a clear understanding of maths in everyday life is
socially empowering. My starting point for developing a
framework for the ‘ESOL and numeracy’ Teacher’s Pack
was the teaching of the language of numeracy. At this level,
it’s about building confidence in recognising numbers and
understanding what they represent in everyday contexts. It’s
then about understanding some of the key terminology of
numeracy – such as symbols, abbreviations (e.g. in measures)
and basic operations. While the learners are challenged to have
a go at some of the basic operations, the main aim at lower
levels is to concept check understanding of the language of the
numeracy; that is the focus of the activities.
Challenges of teaching numeracy
to ESOL learners
Participants discussed some of the specific challenges we
face teaching numeracy to ESOL learners. English has a wide
range of synonyms for expressing the core number operations
(addition, subtraction, division and multiplication) and the
language can be a barrier to understanding what is expected
in a maths problem.
There are also many different ways of presenting the same
information or data. A half could be expressed as a fraction,
a decimal, a percentage or in words. One participant pointed
out that learners often don’t know which to use in different
contexts and whether they are interchangeable.
Punctuation that is used when writing numbers can also be
problematic. In some currencies commas are used instead of
full-stops (for example, euros) and thousands are expressed
with full-stops and not commas. Learners may also be familiar
with reading punctuation and long numbers, but not know
how to verbalise them, for example the use ‘and’ when saying
numbers in their hundreds.
The group also described other challenges, specifically
those that arise when trying to address the needs of classes
containing a range of abilities, not only in terms of English
language but maths too. Some beginner ESOL classes had
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 89
maths and science graduates alongside learners with no formal
schooling. Learners from different backgrounds had learnt
maths in different ways and used different steps to calculate.
In an earlier workshop at the conference I’d heard one teacher
explain how it was often husbands who managed money and
household budgets, so her female learners lacked confidence
in this respect.
Teachers felt that embedding made sense at Entry 1/Entry
2 level, but that it ought to be taught separately at Entry 3
upwards. The resources that we developed for the British
Council could therefore be viewed as a first step.
Approach to resource design
As project coordinator I developed the basic framework
for the resource. This was underpinned by the principle of
contextualizing learning in the real-world tasks that require
learners to engage with numbers and the language of
numeracy. Learning aims encompass the development of
language skills as well as building confidence in calculating
mathematical information at a very basic level.
Catrin Ashton was commissioned to write the pack and our
first step was to compile a list of the mathematical concepts in
the Adult Numeracy Core Curriculum. We then brainstormed
everyday situations in which learners need to recognize,
use and say numbers and triangulated these with the formal
concepts. Using this approach we came up with some basic
ideas to work with, for example, using the context of reading
a bank statement to introduce learners to the language of
addition and subtraction and to provide opportunities for
solving real-life problems that require these basic number
operations.
Once the language of addition and subtraction has been
presented and practiced (for example, with a pelmanism
matching number sentences with the problems expressed in
words), understanding is concept checked with tasks such as:
Florence wants to know how much she spends on electricity
and gas.
Does she need to add or subtract? Tick (√) the correct one.
Write the sum: ————  ——  ————  ——  ————
Do the sum on your calculator.
Here we are checking that learners understand that ‘and’
means ‘add’ in this context, that learners can read a bank
statement to locate the correct information, and that they can
use a calculator (on their phone) to carry out the operation of
addition.
Adding and subtracting are at Entry 1 of the Numeracy Core
Curriculum and there are extension activities for learners
wanting to try out multiplication (E3) and division (L1).
Another example was to introduce fractions and percentages
in the context of reading supermarket offers and shopping
for bargains. Therefore the language work was foregrounded
and then there were differentiated tasks to put the maths
into practice. Working on the maths problems was very
much assessment for learning, in that it was testing learners’
understanding of the language of those maths problems that
had been expressed in words.
It is anticipated that within a beginner ESOL class, learners
might have very different levels of numeracy. This is
accommodated through differentiated activities and tasks
which practise the language of numeracy in addition to specific
numeracy skills. At the end of each lesson there are links to
the ESOL Nexus online numeracy modules, that teachers can
share with learners to consolidate their learning and foster
learner autonomy.
Level
If you want to contextualize numeracy in real-world tasks,
you’ll often find that you need to go beyond Entry 1 numeracy
level concepts (for example, E1 works with numbers up to 10,
E2 up to 100 and E3 up to 1000). On the other hand, concepts
deemed to be E1 in numeracy, such as stating what is the
heaviest of the lightest, requires the E3 level superlative to
express it. Our approach was to work with E1 level language
and use that, rather than numeracy levels, to define the overall
level of learning. The first lessons focus on recognizing
numbers and there is progression in the teacher’s pack towards
working with numbers. Some activities towards the end of the
teacher’s pack are best suited for learners at the end of an E1
course.
Practical workshop
I distributed the numeracy concepts that I’d extrapolated from
the adult numeracy curriculum to small groups. These were:
fractions, percentages, rounding, ratio, and conversion and I
included saying/spelling numbers. Participants were asked to
identify real-world practices for these calculations. The aim
was to consider the everyday situations which could be used
to contextualize the learning of target numeracy language and
concepts. Ideas were put on flip charts and presented to the
group to brainstorm further tasks and situations.
Contextualising numeracy tasks so that they are meaningful
1. Saying and spelling numbers
At Entry 1 of the Adult Numeracy Core Curriculum learners
are expected ‘to be able to read and understand information
given by numbers and symbols in simple graphical, numerical
and written material’. The group also considered the contexts
in which learners need to be able to say and write numbers.
As discussed earlier the immediate language needs of ESOL
learners means that teachers can’t be constrained by the levels
in the adult numeracy curriculum when designing tasks.
90 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

4. Although ratios are often comparing quantities of everyday

objects, they are not written with units of measurement, just
the whole number. Here’s an activity I designed following
the workshop. Write a ratio on a piece of paper along with a
product that is relevant in your learners’ lives e.g. bread dough,
and ask them to guess in pairs what ingredients the numbers
in the ratio represent. Learners can write their own ratios, say
what the numbers represent and challenge partners to guess
what they are cooking/constructing. This could work well as a
warmer activity for ESOL learners on vocational courses.

2. Rounding
The ideas that arose seemed to suggest that we do most of
our ‘rounding’ when we are dealing with money or time, and
we had some creative suggestions for contextualizing the
language learning, such as ‘anticipating change in shops.’ Many
retailers price goods at £X.99, and homework could be to use
mobile phones to take photos of examples of prices ending in
.99 that are spotted in local shops. Learners could challenge
their partners to round up the price in the following lesson.
At Entry 2 of the Adult Numeracy Core Curriculum, learners
are expected to be able to approximate by rounding to the
nearest 10. A sample activity is rounding numbers in pence
to the nearest 10. Rounding is linked to another mathematical
concept that is important for learners to build confidence
in – that of estimation. Once learners grasp the concept of
estimating, there are endless possibilities for competitive
activities in class, such as estimating the weight or length of
things, the distance from one place to another (use Google
Maps and find learners’ home countries and estimate how far
to the UK), time needed to complete an activity etc.

4. Fractions and percentages

The ideas included contexts for reading and understanding
fractions and percentages (such as in newspaper headlines
or on special offers – e.g. ½ price) through to situations in
which learners would be challenged to work with fractions or
percentages to problem solve ( e.g. sharing a bill or working out
which candidate won an election).

3. Ratio and proportion

Ratio and proportion occur in many everyday applications, and
participants identified household liquids (making up squash,
car wash etc.), beauty products and in construction contexts.
Learners will need to understand the concept of what ratios are
expressing and how they are written, as this will differ across
cultures. Ratios compare quantities and are written with a colon
in English, for example, 1:4. Ask learners how they would write
this in their first language because a colon can express division
in many countries and this could be read as a 1 divided by
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 n o n c o m m u n i t y l a n g ua g e l e a r n i n g 91
5. Decimals
In unit 2 of the ESOL and numeracy Teacher’s Pack, decimals
are introduced in the context of prices and one of the learning
aims is to raise awareness of different ways of showing place
value and writing prices in different languages. As an extension
activity, there is a worksheet with images of other objects that
have decimals (petrol pump, thermometer, digital scales) and
learners are asked what the numbers to the left and right of the
decimal place refer to.
Participants also brainstormed digital time and other financial
contexts where learners might need to read and understand
decimals and learning could be situated in real-world tasks.
‘Measuring’ appeared as well. Another important aspect to
measuring, is that of units of measurement. Sometimes these
are written in full, sometimes as abbreviations, sometimes as
metric and sometimes imperial. Teachers need to help to build
awareness of this range. In the UK we are fairly unique in that
we use both systems, but we can teach learners that they can
predict which one they are likely to find in certain contexts.
At the end of the workshop participants fed back that they’d
felt inspired by the process which had enabled them to
work creatively and collaboratively. They agreed that the
contextualizing of the numeracy learning, so that it was
meaningful to their learners, was key.
As ESOL teachers we are accustomed to identifying the
literacy practices that our learners engage with, in order to
develop meaningful language learning tasks. Our challenge
now is to consistently identify those practices which demand
an understanding of maths too and embed these in our classes.
Endnotes
The ESOL Nexus ‘ESOL and numeracy Teacher’s Pack’
(Entry 1+ with differentiated activities) is available at:
esol.britishcouncil.org/content/teachers/lessons-and-
activities/teaching-beginners/esol-and-numeracy
ESOL Nexus online activities for learners:
esol.britishcouncil.org/content/learners/skills/numeracy
References
Basic Skills Agency (2001) Adult Numeracy Core Curriculum.
London: DfES.
Education Scotland (2015) Teach in Scotland. Available from:
www.teachinscotland.org/ [accessed 23/06/15]
Hastings, S. (2006) Numeracy. Available from: www.tes.com/
article.aspx?storycode=2216489 [accessed 20 May 2015]
Kathryn Aldridge-Morris is an author and editor of ELT and
Modern Foreign Languages materials, and teaches refugees
and asylum seekers for a charity in Bristol.
Email: k.aldridgemorris@gmail.com
92 research digest Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
RESEARCH DIGEST
The future for teaching community
languages – a research perspective
Clare Wright, University of Reading
Fatih Bayram, University of Ordu
Fatih Bayram is funded by TUBITAK, The Scientific and
Technological Research Council of Turkey, REF: B.14.2.
TBT.0.06.01-21514107-020-155999
Community languages have traditionally been the Cinderella
of the language teaching world, in some ways mirroring a
lack of awareness of multilingualism in today’s society. The
need for good quality community language teaching is in
fact greater than ever, reflecting increasing demands from
multilingual families for maintaining their heritage languages
beyond the home, and thus gaining greater interest from
teachers, policy makers and researchers. According to the
recent Language Trends Survey (2014/2015) by the British
Council, mainstream languages such as Chinese, Spanish and
French show an increase in the number of students studying
these languages, as well as schools offering them, while
other community languages (such as Urdu, Polish, Gujarati,
Turkish, Portuguese among many others) are taught as only
extra-curricular subjects, or offered as examination subjects
to students who already speak them. The report underlines
the lack of progress in embedding community languages as
mainstream curriculum options; indeed recent debates among
examination boards highlight the critical lack of appropriate
examination provision at GCSE and A-level. Another British
Council survey (2013) highlights the significance of community
languages in the UK and their role in the UK’s future of trade,
security, diplomacy and cultural engagement. Meanwhile, the
evidence of numbers able to respond to that role is shown in
a report by the Department for Education (2014), noting that
the proportion of children in English primary schools with a
mother tongue other than English (EAL) was 18.7% in 2014,
and in secondary schools, 14.3%. Other popular media stories
report on EAL learners now overtaking white British children
in GCSEs and other examinations. Such reports and surveys
highlight the increasing need and demand for the teaching and
maintenance of community languages across the UK.
Often referred to as “community languages” within the UK
context – or anywhere where minority languages occur within
a majority language environment – non-majority languages
are now termed “heritage” languages in the wider context
of linguistic research. Teaching these heritage languages in
the UK is typically done in supplementary/complementary
schools which offer educational support not just for language
but also for faith and culture, and through other out-of-school
activities to children attending mainstream schools (Evans
and Gillan-Thomas 2015). This supplementary or out-of-
curriculum context makes it difficult to keep a reliable track
of how promising heritage language education is in those
environments and what can be done to make it more efficient.
University researchers are among those working with teachers
and families to gain increased understanding and reliable
evidence on such issues. Heritage language bilingualism (e.g.,
Lohndal et al. 2016; Rothman 2007; Treffers-Daller et al.
2015) has been a growing area of study within the study of
bilingualism, and bi/multilingual language acquisition, since
the 1990s (e.g. Polinsky 1997). The term “heritage language
speaker” has various definitions in the literature (e.g., Montrul
2008; Polinsky 2011; Rothman 2009); researchers agree that
while heritage speakers tend to be highly-proficient – even
native-like – users of the dominant majority language, they
should be regarded as native speakers of their heritage
language (although they may appear to perform across a wide
spectrum of proficiency in their heritage language, compared
to monolingual speakers of that language). This is because
heritage language speakers have been exposed to the family
language since birth (Rothman & Treffers-Daller 2014) and
they are thus different from most second language learners in
this regard. A growing body of research (e.g. Montrul 2012)
has also shown that pedagogical practices used in second
language teaching/learning classrooms would not fully apply
to the unique characteristics of heritage language acquisition.
A better pedagogical practice for heritage learners would
require taking into account their existing linguistic knowledge,
alongside a greater awareness of the varied psycholinguistic
and sociolinguistic factors that also contribute to their heritage
language learning and maintenance.
Some heritage language speakers grow up speaking both
the dominant and the heritage language from birth, in which
case they are simultaneous bilinguals. However, the majority
tend to live in a monolingual environment in early childhood,
and then become bilinguals when they enrol at school in the
majority language at age 4-6, in which case they are sequential
bilinguals. However, at this age language is still being acquired
at different rates, and thus it is possible that some heritage-
language speaking children starting school will not yet have
fully acquired all aspects of their family language. Typically,
the start of school leads to a significant decline of heritage
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 res e a r c h d i g e s t 93
language input and use, as the dominance of language use
shifts rapidly from heritage language to the majority societal
language. The effect of this, at least outwardly, may lead to
what on the surface appears to be different or “arrested”
development in the heritage language – that is, a lack of
convergence onto a monolingual variety of the heritage
language at age-appropriate levels.
Clearly, understanding and managing the complex mix
of factors that takes into account the varying degrees of
dominance and proficiency across heritage language learners
is demanding for parents and teachers in any setting, let alone
typical EAL settings. At the University of Reading, there are
two organisations focusing on questions to do with heritage
language acquisition, teaching and maintenance – the Centre
for Literacy and Multilingualism (CeLM) (http://www.
celmonline.org), and Bilingualism Matters @ Reading (www.
bilingualism-matters-reading.com), part of an international
network of Bilingualism Matters branches, set up originally
at Edinburgh University under Professor Antonella Sorace –
www.bilingualism-matters.ppls.ed.ac.uk). These groups of
researchers support local bilingual families, educators and
policy makers on issues relating to heritage, bilingual and
multi-lingual language learning and use, to ensure that the
outcomes of their research have a positive and lasting impact
on stakeholders in the public and private sectors. They conduct
workshops and offer one-to-one consultations with teachers
and families. One example of their activities was a workshop
called “Lost in Transmission? The role of attrition and input
in heritage language development” organised by CeLM at
Reading University in October 2015, highlighting recent
heritage language research from around the world (http://
www.celmonline.org/?page_id=187). Researchers at the
workshop showed that reduced exposure to input in a child’s
heritage language will affect several domains of grammatical
knowledge such as word order, agreement and verbal inflection,
as well as richness in vocabulary. Presented at the workshop, a
very interesting research study on Turkish heritage speakers in
the UK carried out by Dr. Michael Daller and his PhD student
Zehra Ongun, from Reading University’s Department of
English Language and Applied Linguistics, showed that there
is a positive relationship between parents’ attitude towards
heritage language maintenance and their children’s overall
IQ scores and vocabulary knowledge. This is one of several
studies highlighting the importance of language maintenance
amongst adult speakers of heritage languages – as crucial
as language maintenance amongst the younger population –
which plays a significant role in the young speakers’ attitudes
toward learning and maintaining their heritage language, and
their overall personal and academic achievement.
Another current research project by Prof. Jason Rothman and
Dr. Fatih Bayram, from the School of Psychology and Clinical
Language Sciences at Reading, looks at Turkish heritage
language speakers in the UK and Germany to understand how
the input young heritage speakers receive from adult speakers
of that language influences their competence and their ability
to use heritage language grammar. This research aims to get
to the heart of one of the key questions about the possible
causes of difficulties that heritage learners often show in
acquiring their heritage language – either (a) where certain
grammatical structures are missing or develop differently in
heritage language speakers’ grammars, regardless of those
structures existing in the input (Treffers-Daller et al. 2015),
or (b) there exists some kind of “Missing-Input Competence
Divergence” (Pascual y Cabo & Rothman 2012) where young
heritage speakers are indeed exposed to a type of input that is
not sufficient or rich enough for certain grammatical structures
to be acquired as they would be for monolingual speakers.
We believe it’s critical to set up well-evidenced conversations
on all aspects of heritage language acquisition, to inform
the quickly evolving social issues of today’s multilingual
globalising world, and we look forward to reporting back some
of our findings in Language Issues at a future date! Reading
researchers are also keen to work with teachers involved with
heritage speakers, and EAL learners – please contact us via our
website links if you are interested in finding out more.
References
British Council (2013) Languages for the future. Which languages
the UK needs most and why. London: British Council.
British Council (2015) Language Trends Survey. The state of
language learning in primary and secondary schools in England.
London: British Council
Daller, M. & Ongun, Z. (2015) Vocabulary Knowledge and
IQ Scores Among Turkish Heritage Speakers in the UK.
Workshop: Lost in Transmission: The Role of Attrition and
Input in Heritage Language Development. Reading University,
Reading, UK
Department for Education (2014) Statistical first release.
Schools, pupils and their characteristics: January 2014. London:
DfE.
Evans and Gillan-Thomas (2015) Supplementary Education.
Descriptive analysis of supplementary school pupils’
characteristics and attainment in seven local authorities in
England, 2007/08–2011/12 Paul Hamlyn Foundation. At
http://www.phf.org.uk/publications/supplementary-schools-
research-report/22 April 2016
Lohndal, T., Rothman, J., Kupisch, T. & Westergaard, M.
(2016, in press). Heritage Language Acquisition and Attrition:
What it Reveals and Why it is Important for Formal Linguistic
Theories.
Montrul, S. (2008) Incomplete acquisition in bilingualism.
Re-examining the age factor. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Montrul, S. (2012) Is the heritage language like a second
language? Roberts, Leah, Christina Lindqvist, Camilla Bardel
and Niclas Abrahamsson (eds.), EUROSLA Yearbook (12):
1–29
Cabo, Diego Pascual Y., and Jason Rothman. (2012) The
(Il) logical problem of heritage speaker bilingualism and
incomplete acquisition. Applied Linguistics 33(4): 450–455
Polinsky, M. (1997) American Russian: Language loss meets
language acquisition. In W. Browne et al., (Eds.), Formal
94 research digest Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

approaches to Slavic linguistics, (pp.370–407). Ann Arbor:

Michigan Slavic Publications.
Polinsky, M. (2011) Reanalysis in adult heritage language.
Studies in Second Language Acquisition 33(02): 305–328.
Polinsky, M., and Kagan. O (2007) Heritage Languages: In
the ‘Wild’ and in the Classroom. Languages and Linguistics
Compass 1: 368–295.
Pires, A. and Rothman, J. (2009) Disentangling sources of
incomplete acquisition: an explanation for competence
divergence across heritage grammars. International Journal of
Bilingualism 13 (2): 211–238.
Rothman, J. (2007) Heritage speaker competence differences,
language change and input type: Inflected infinitives in
heritage Brazilian Portuguese. International Journal of
Bilingualism 11: 359–389.
Rothman, J. (2009) Understanding the nature and outcomes
of early bilingualism: Romance languages as heritage
languages. International Journal of Bilingualism (13).2:
155–163.
Rothman, J, and Treffers-Daller. J. (2014) A prolegomenon
to the construct of the native speaker: heritage speaker
bilinguals are natives too!. Applied linguistics 35(1): 93–98.
Treffers-Daller, J., Daller, M., Furman, R. and Rothman, J.
(2015) Ultimate attainment in the use of collocations among
heritage speakers of Turkish in Germany and Turkish-
German returnees. Bilingualism Language and Cognition 19(3):
504–519
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 res e a r c h d i g e s t 95

This section of the journal introduces three exciting

research projects currently investigating language prac-
tices in communities and classrooms across the UK.
The TLANG project (2014–2018) is looking at how people
communicate multilingually across languages and cultures.
Four ‘superdiverse’ research sites have been chosen, where
research teams are investigating how communication occurs
(or fails) when people bring different histories and languages
into contact.
Multilingual Creativity is an umbrella term for a range of
projects and research studies across schools, arts/cultural
organisations and universities which are about engaging
positively with the reality of ‘plurilingualism’ in intensely
diverse contexts.
Multilingual digital storytelling is an approach to
intercultural communication and a means of nurturing
and reflecting multiliteracies in practice. This project has
investigated how a critical approach to multilingual digital
storytelling affects the learning and teaching of students in
mainstream and supplementary schools.
While two of the projects have worked predominantly with
children and young learners, the work is rich in messages for
people working with adults and young adults. In this edition
we offer short introductions to the three projects. In our
next edition (winter 2016) we plan to publish longer articles
with further analysis and reflections on project experiences
and findings.
Editors
96 research digest Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
The TLANG Project
This is a brief introduction to the TLANG project, with
information taken from the project website – http://
www.birmingham.ac.uk/generic/tlang/index.aspx by the
­editors on 30 May 2016
Did you know that:
• In superdiverse cities more than 300 languages and varieties
are spoken daily
• When students are encouraged to use the full range of their
language resources they learn more effectively than if they
are required to use only the target language
• When multilingual students use a mixed linguistic repertoire
this supports rather than hinders their learning
• Multilingual people normally ‘translanguage’ rather than
keeping their languages separate – that is, they make the best
use of their language resources
The aim of the TLANG project is to understand how people
communicate multilingually across diverse languages and
cultures. The project research teams are looking closely over
time at language practices in public and private settings in
four different research sites in Birmingham, Cardiff, Leeds,
and London and investigating how communication occurs
(or fails) when people bring different histories and languages
into contact.  change and which may be negotiable. In previous research
It is a four-year project (2014–2018), funded by the Arts and
Humanities Research Council (translating culture theme).
The outcomes are expected to impact on policy on economic
growth, migration, health and well-being, sport, cultural
heritage, and law, by informing the work of policy-makers and
public, private and third sector organisations.
TLANG is a collaboration between academic researchers,
non-academic partners, and community stakeholders. This
interdisciplinary research programme will develop new
understandings of multilingual interaction in cities in the UK,
and communicate these to policy-makers and communities
locally, nationally, and internationally. The Principal
Investigator for the project is Professor Angela Creese,
University of Birmingham. The other collaborating universities
are Birkbeck College, University of London, Cardiff University,
University of Leeds, The Open University and University
College London Institute of Education.
The four research sites
Four superdiverse wards in Birmingham, Cardiff, Leeds
and London are providing a range of sites in which TLANG
researchers will observe language in use in and beyond
institutional settings, making use of digital and online
technologies, and providing access to communicative
interactions in public, private, and digital spaces. 
Concepts and approach
A linguistic ethnographic approach enables the teams
to understand the role of multilingualism as a resource
where multiple repertoires are in play in translational
cities. The research team is interrogating and extending
current understandings of existing conceptual tools such as
‘translation’, ‘translanguaging’, and superdiversity’.
Translation
We take as a starting-point multilingual interactions in which
speakers deploy diverse signs for communication and meaning-
making. Such interactions occur in translation zones where no
discrete, single language or variety dominates, but speakers
make use of whatever linguistic resources are at their disposal.
As yet not enough is understood about interactions in these
zones of critical and creative engagement where translation
is the key to the creation of meaningful spaces of contact and
civic participation. The project focuses on communication
between and across diverse cultures in translation zones in
changing urban communities.
The project views ‘cultures’ not as fixed sets of practices
essential to ethnic groups, but rather as processes which
in multilingual communities researchers found that speakers
are not confined to using languages separately, but rather they
‘translanguage’ as they make meaning.
Translanguaging
When people ‘translanguage’ they make meaning
through linguistic signs accessed from diverse sources.
Translanguaging leads us away from a focus on ‘languages’
as distinct codes to a focus on the agency of individuals
engaged in creating, deploying, and interpreting signs for
communication. Translanguaging includes the full range of
linguistic performances of multilingual speakers, beyond the
simple alternation between languages, or ‘code-switching’.
A focus on translanguaging enables us to see how everyday
practices and identities are rooted in the trajectories of the
multiple communities to which individuals belong, and how
they develop and transform.
Superdiversity
Over the past decade or so changing immigration patterns
and variables have altered the composition, distribution, and
status of immigrant communities in Britain, Europe, and
elsewhere. The term ‘superdiversity’ has been coined to refer
to the meshing and interweaving of diversities, in which not
only ‘ethnicity’, but other variables intersect and influence the
highly differential composition, social location and trajectories
of various immigrant and post-immigration groups in the
twenty-first century.
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 res e a r c h d i g e s t 97

The four superdiverse wards

Stratford and New Town, London
Resident population in 2011 17,768
% born outside the UK 55%
% ethnic group not white British 79%
% main language not English or Welsh 37%
Main languages other than English/Welsh Bengali, Polish and Portuguese

Ladywood, Birmingham
Resident population in 2011 30,133
% born outside the UK 37%
% ethnic group not white British 60%
% main language not English or Welsh 37%
Main languages other than English/Welsh Chinese, Polish, Farsi, Arabic

Gipton and Harehills, Leeds

Resident population in 2011 27,078
% born outside the UK 34%
% ethnic group not white British 64%
% main language not English or Welsh 41%
Main languages other than English/Welsh Urdu, Bengali, Panjabi, Polish

Cathays, Cardiff
Resident population in 2011 19,870
% born outside the UK 24%
% ethnic group not white British 22%
% main language not English or Welsh 15%
Main languages other than English/Welsh Arabic, Polish, Greek, Malay

You can find more information about the projects, the
partners, and the events on the TLANG website. http://www.
birmingham.ac.uk/generic/tlang/index.aspx Go to the section
on Working Papers to download the papers which publish the
research findings.
A selection of the working papers
Creese, A., Baynham, M., and Trehan, K. (2016) Language,
Business and Superdiversity: An overview of four case studies
Blackledge, A., Creese A., and Hu, R. (2015) Voice and Social
Relations in a City Market
Baynham, M., Bradley, J., Callaghan, J., Hanusova, J., and
Simpson, J. (2015) Translanguaging business: Unpredictability
and precarity in superdiverse inner city Leeds
Zhu Hua, Li Wei, and Lyons, A. (2015) Translanguaging
business
Tagg, C. (2015). Language, Business and Superdiversity:
A Report on Social Media across Case Studies
Callaghan, J. (2015). Changing Landscapes: Gipton & Harehills
– a superdiverse inner city ward
McGlynn, C. (2015) Changing Landscapes: Stratford and New
Town, Newham
Tagg, C., Lyons, A., Hu, R., & Rock, F. (2016) The Ethics of
Digital Ethnography in a Team Project. Working Papers in
Translanguaging and Translation
Blackledge, A., Creese, A. & Hu, R. (2016) Protean Heritage,
Everyday Superdiversity. Working Papers in Translanguaging
and Translation
Simpson, J. (2016) Translanguaging in the contact zone:
Language use in superdiverse urban areas. Working Papers in
Translanguaging and Translation
The winter 2016 edition of Language Issues will bring you
more from the research projects and their findings.
98 research digest Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Multilingual creativity
Sam Holmes
There are now over one million pupils in UK schools who
speak English as an additional language (EAL). In intensely
diverse contexts such as London this has thrown up new hybrid
ways of using language. Rather than languages living neatly
side by side, they mix and mingle, with individuals drawing
on two or more languages at once as they communicate
and express themselves. This phenomenon is referred to
as “plurilingualism” in the Common European Framework
of Reference for Languages (Council of Europe, 2001). The
educational and creative potential of plurilingualism goes
largely untapped within mainstream schools and cultural
initiatives, which tend to channel young people into using one
language at a time. The goal may be multilingualism, but this is
pursued through monolingual learning experiences.
Multilingual Creativity is about engaging positively with the
reality of plurilingualism and is an umbrella term for a range
of projects and research studies across schools, arts/cultural
organisations and universities, which grapple with celebrating,
drawing a dividend from and further developing plurilinguistic
skills.  The Multilingual Creativity initiative is a collaboration
between a number of partner organisations, drawing on
projects undertaken as part of the Gulbenkian Foundation’s
‘Literature in Translation and Multilingualism’ programme,
as well as research carried out by the Centre for Language,
Discourse and Communication at King’s College London.
So far, this collaboration has resulted in the following
achievements:
1. The multilingual creativity report
www.multilingualcreativity.org.uk/s/multilingual-creativity-
report.pdf
This report presents findings from a review of current practice,
identifying five key principles associated with successful
projects in Multilingual Creativity:
1.1 Plurilingualism over monolingual usage
An openness to hybrid practices – the use of different
“languages” within the same utterance or activity.
1.2 Exuberant smatterings over fluency
“Bits of language” as opposed to “fluency” as a legitimate
goal in language learning.
1.3 Reflexive exploration over linguistic “common sense”
Participants’ own language practices are a focus of enquiry.
1.4 Collaborative endeavour over individualisation
Collaborative activities draw on the pooling of repertoires
within the group.
1.5 Investment over “immersion”
Genuine desire to participate is fostered, instead of a reliance
on “immersion” through the interdiction of English.
This review was sponsored by the Economic and Social
Research Council and carried out by Sam Holmes from
the Centre for Language Discourse and Communication,
King’s College London, in collaboration with the Gulbenkian
Foundation and the Free Word Centre.
2. The multilingual creativity website
www.multilingualcreativity.org.uk
This website collates projects, resources, research, events and
opportunities from across the emerging sector of  Multilingual
Creativity. It provides a hub where information can be shared,
promoting new developments and collaborations. The website
received start-up funding from the Gulbenkian Foundation
and is edited by contributors spanning different strands of
the sector.
3. The multilingual creativity events
Building on the research presented in the Multilingual
Creativity Report, the Cultural Institute at King’s and the Free
Word Centre have been hosting a series of events over the
2015-16 academic year, bringing together schools, libraries,
community organisations, academics and researchers, arts and
cultural organisations, arts practitioners, funding bodies, the
media and publishers. These events have focused on forging
key links, sharing knowledge and showcasing best practice in
projects and training, and they have also served as a scoping
exercise to identify further training needs across the sector.
More about the individual events can be found here:
https://www.freewordcentre.com/blog/2015/11/
multilingual-creativity-series/
Sam Holmes is a teacher and consultant in English as an
additional language (EAL) and is currently completing
a PhD at King’s College, London, investigating hybrid
language use by London schoolchildren.  Sam created the
Portuguese language course for Arsenal Football Club’s
Double Club scheme, curated the secondary school strand
of Translation Nation and is involved in training and
mentoring professional translators to deliver workshops
to children as part of Translators in Schools. He is currently
programming a series of events on Multilingual Creativity
in collaboration with King’s Cultural Institute and the Free
Word Centre.
Email: sam.holmes@kcl.ac.uk
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 res e a r c h d i g e s t 99
Engaging learners in Chinese
complementary schools:
a multilingual digital
storytelling project
Yu-Chiao Chung
Multilingual digital storytelling (MDST) is an approach to
intercultural communication and a means of nurturing and
reflecting multiliteracies in practice. Digital Storytelling brings
new possibilities by drawing on the affordances of the digital
medium for multimodal composition and for collaborative
and dialogic ways of working and sharing across boundaries
of home, school and community. Figure 1 illustrates the
ecological view of learning in MDST and its multidimensional,
integrated and inclusive nature. It provides a context for
language learning and for bridging languages as well as an
expanded and fresh approach to multiliteracies. MDST fits
in with a broader communication landscape and educational
context, offering young people a voice and equipping them
with the skills and confidence required for active citizenship.
Community of practice
Local Global
Autonomy
Language(s)
Critical
Multilingual digital
thinking
storytelling
Culture(s) Identity(ies)
Creativity
Student voice
Active citizenship
Figure 1 The broad context for MDST
(Anderson and Macleroy, 2016)
This introductory paper is based on the Critical Connection
project with specific reference to the Hua Hsia Chinese
School. The project (2012-14), funded by the Paul Hamlyn
Foundation, involved a collaboration between researchers
in the Department of Educational Studies at Goldsmiths,
University of London, and teachers working in mainstream
and community based complementary schools in and around
London as well as overseas (Algeria, Palestine and Taiwan).
The project investigated how a critical approach to multilingual
digital storytelling affects the learning and teaching of students
in mainstream and supplementary schools in and around
London as well as overseas. It also investigated the role digital
storytelling can play in developing multiliteracy skills, such
as working with digital media, applying multimodal design,
critical thinking and ongoing peer assessment as well as
collaborative skills.
A wide range of multilingual digital stories were created across
various genres: traditional tales; fantasy; history and culture;
personal interest and hobbies; personal, social and moral
issues, reflections on school, the local area and teenage life.
These were shared within classrooms and schools, with peers,
teachers, family and friends as well as young people all over the
world. Whilst a wide range of languages were involved in the
project (Arabic, Croatian, English, English as a second/foreign
language, French, German, Greek and Chinese Mandarin), this
article introduces a project which focussed on using Chinese
Mandarin at a complementary school in North London.
The Critical Connections project is a critical ethnographic
based study, linked to ecological, collaborative and multimodal
perspectives. Underpinning theories are multiliteracies,
creative and critical approaches to language learning focused
on meaningful tasks and learner agency.
Technology
A challenge for complementary schools generally is to
provide an engaging and meaningful learning experience for
their students most of whom have grown up in the UK. With
regard to pedagogy, the teaching of community languages has
historically been caught between mother tongue and foreign
language models, neither of which fully meet the needs of
students growing up in the British context (Anderson, 2008).
In Chinese complementary schools, it is challenging to actively
engage learners, to offer learners the chance to make sense
of Chinese culture on their own terms, to encourage the
development of pride in bilingual identity and, at the same
time, to support the professional development of teachers. In
other words, activating learner agency links to sense of self-
efficacy, identity investment (Norton, 2000) and motivation.
Hua Hsia Chinese School is based in North London. Most
students are British Born Chinese; some parents have a
Chinese background and can speak Mandarin Chinese. Some
students are from mixed families with only one parent having
a Chinese background. The other students are from western
families without any Chinese background. Hua Hsia Chinese
School had already integrated some use of technology into
its courses, but the idea of having students create and share
digital stories in bilingual Chinese-English was a new and
challenging step.
100 research digest Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016
Figure 2 demonstrates the community of practice: different
sites of learning, together forming an ecosystem which
supports the development of the child intellectually, culturally
and socially. The project set out to enhance the connections
between schools, communities and homes, providing a range
of different ways in which parents could support learners
linguistically and culturally, on the premise that student
motivation and learning would improve when parents were
involved and able to support.
Figure 2 Sites of Learning (Chung, 2016)
There has been a questioning of how Chinese culture should
be understood and presented to young people growing up in
the UK. Firstly, should the emphasis on cultural perspectives
and practices of the past be balanced by work on modern
popular culture? Secondly, how can young people be enabled
to interact with Chinese culture critically and creatively in
ways which relate to their lived experience and the need to
actively build harmonious mixed identities? (Kagan, 2005;
Curdt-Christiansen, 2008; Francis, Archer and Mau, 2009; Li
Wei and Wu, 2010, Cummins and Early, 2011).
The digital stories created by the pupils in Hua Hsia Chinese
School will be analysed to identify whether and how the
Critical Connections project has enabled students to explore
culture and identity on their own terms in flexible, critical
and non-essentialised ways. We also ask whether the project
enabled students from bilingual backgrounds to deepen their
understanding of their heritage culture.
Feedback from the teachers at Hua Hsia Chinese school will
be drawn on to demonstrate that, when teachers provide the
space, encouragement and support for students to envision and
create personal digital stories, the learning outcomes frequently
exceed expectations. The data also shows the importance of
professional development to help teachers make the shift from
a traditional to a more interactive student-centred approach.
The management perspective will also be discussed, including
the importance of headteacher support, good communication
with parents and the celebration of achievement.
References
Language Issues winter 2016 edition will publish a fuller paper
discussing the findings and conclusions drawn from the
Critical Connection project at Hua Hsia Chinese school.
Anderson, J. (2008) Towards integrated second language
teaching pedagogy for foreign and community/heritage
languages in multilingual Britain. In Language Learning
Journal, 36:1, 79-89
Anderson, J. and Macleroy, V. (eds) (2016) Multilingual Digital
Storytelling: Engaging creatively and critically with literacy.
Oxford: Routledge
Chung, Y-C. (2016) Crossing the school gates: Connecting
schools, communities and homes. In J. Anderson and V.
Macleroy (eds) Multilingual Digital Storytelling: Engaging
creatively and critically with literacy. (pp. 106-127). Oxford:
Routledge
Cummins, J. and Early, M. (eds) (2011) Identity Texts: the
Collaborative Creation of Power in Multilingual Schools. Stoke
on Trent: Trentham Books
Curdt-Christiansen, X.L. (2008) Reading the World Through
Words: Cultural Themes in Heritage Chinese Language
Textbooks, Language and Education, 22:2, 95-113
Francis, B., Archer, L. and Mau, A. (2009) Language as
capital, or language as identity? Chinese complementary
school pupils’ perspectives on the purposes and benefits
of complementary schools. In British Educational Research
Journal, 35:4, 519–538
Kagan, O. (2005) In Support of a Proficiency-Based Definition
of Heritage Language Learners: The Case of Russian.
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism 8:
2&3, 213-221
Li Wei and Wu, C-J. (2009) Polite Chinese children revisited;
creativity and use of codeswitching in the Chinese
complementary school classroom. In International Journal of
Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 12(2), 193-211
Norton, B. (2000) Identity and Language Learning: Gender,
Ethnicity and Educational Change. Harlow: Pearson Education
Ltd.
Dr. Yu-Chiao Chung is a researcher in the Department of
Educational Studies at Goldsmiths College, University of
London.  Her research interests include bilingualism and
biculturalism, multilingualism and multiculturalism,
creativity and e-learning in language teaching. She has
been working on three funded projects: ‘Creativity in the
Community Language Classroom’, ‘Critical Connections:
Multilingual digital storytelling’ and ‘Critical Connections II:
Moving forward with digital storytelling’. 
Email: y.chung@gold.ac.uk
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 reports and r e v i e w s 101
How to write ESOL materials
Kathryn Aldridge-Morris
Reviewed by Laura Plotnek-Jones
It’s well-known throughout the ESOL profession that the
availability of relevant, published materials is limited. Plucking
lessons wholesale from EFL coursebooks is often deemed
as inappropriate in our distinct area of English Language
Teaching and, aside from the extensive range of resources
provided by the British Council’s ESOL Nexus Project, the
often relied upon Skills for Life packs and a few photocopiable
resource books and other websites, publishers and materials
developers have largely neglected this area of ELT. As a result,
ESOL teachers (myself included) often spend hours devising
their own classroom materials to ensure their lessons are as
engaging and relevant as possible; but are we using our limited
time in the best way possible?
As a an ESOL teacher trainer and an experienced materials
writer, Kathryn Aldridge-Morris has spotted this trend and has
sought to help us long-suffering ESOL teachers out with a step
by step guide to materials writing.
Kathryn has broken the book down into a number of easy-
to-digest chapters, each one, in general, devoted to materials
writing in a different ESOL teaching context; general FE
and community education, voluntary one-to-one provision,
offender learning and low-level ESOL. She also includes a
background chapter which provides an overview of what it’s
like to teach in the ESOL context for those new to the sector
and one which differentiates between materials for EFL and
ESOL, in addition to a section on how to effectively embed
equality and diversity into your resources. Designing materials
for visits to museums and art galleries is also covered in a
separate unit.
Each chapter is filled with tasks and accompanying
commentaries to give the book a very practical feel, teaching
ideas relevant to the setting, useful case studies to contextualise
some of these ideas and recommended links to additional
resources online. Whilst reading the book you really get the
impression that Kathryn has both experienced these ESOL
contexts first hand and has carried out significant research to
gain a detailed understanding for the book.
The first chapter introduces the reader to the rich tapestry that
is the ESOL teaching and learning context. Describing ESOL as
‘more than just a language’ as its learners are in the classroom
for reasons of integration rather than simply wanting to learn
the language, it stresses the importance of designing materials
which meet the wider personal and social needs of students.
It also draws the reader’s attention to the ‘superdiversity’
of a typical ESOL classroom, with learners from countries
across the world and a broad range of cultural backgrounds,
with a variety of educational levels and expectations about
their learning journey. It touches on the issues of learners
with ‘spikey profiles’, mixed ability classes, the limitations of
teaching in poorly resourced education centres and addressing
the needs of the various ESOL stakeholders, from children and
parents to Job Centre Plus and employers. This first chapter
serves as a useful refresher to those who have been teaching in
the sector for a while but provides some essential background
information for teachers entering an ESOL classroom for the
first time.
The chapter on writing ESOL materials for FE and community
settings emphasises the importance of contextualising
language in a meaningful way to genuinely help learners settle
in the UK, focusing on the use of teaching materials that are
local to the learners and authentic, where at all possible. It
takes you through a step by step approach on how you would
transform an authentic text into a useful classroom resource,
providing tips for working with beginners, interesting case
studies on how Kathryn applied different approaches when
writing lesson plans for ESOL Nexus and a useful checklist to
refer to when you come to write your own materials.
As someone who teaches on a one-to-one basis a lot of the
time, I was particularly drawn to the chapter which focuses
on this area. It includes an interview conducted with Sophie
Johnstone from Merton Home Tutoring, a voluntary sector
organisation specialising in one-to-one provision.. In this
interview, Sophie takes us through the specific needs that
one-to-one learners often have, how resources in their own
home can be worked into materials for a lesson, the practical
considerations of teaching in a student’s home (e.g. will you
even have access to a table, let alone the internet!), the types
of activities that can be covered in a lesson and how to keep
resource writing down to a minimum.
I also found the section on writing digital materials for ESOL
of real interest. It focuses on writing interactive, self-access
resources and naturally draws comparisons between the issues
that might arise when creating a digital activity for an ESOL
group as opposed to an EFL class; a potential lack of digital
literacy being top of the list. Although this chapter doesn’t
introduce you to any specific authoring tools (but signposts you
to an alternative book you can buy in the same series), it does
include a lot of practical advice. Suggestions on how to produce
practice modules so learners can familiarise themselves with
specific language used in online exercises (such as ‘click’ and
‘drag’) are included. The chapter also emphasises the need
to ensure language used is graded and includes practical
examples on how to write easy-to-follow task instructions –
something that would be easy to overlook. Essential tips on
how to motivate learners whilst they work through an activity
using feedback and other scaffolding tools are discussed and
the reader is also introduced to different task types and their
corresponding level of difficulty (For example, matching tasks
versus type in activities). Finally, the chapter includes a useful
section on content to base your online activities on. Designing
online activities is something I haven’t dabbled with in the past,
102 reports and reviews Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016

but having read Kathryn’s advice, I feel like I’d have a good idea
of where to start now.
Overall, How to Write Effective ESOL materials doesn’t only
provide practical advice on materials design, but, for those new
to the sector or to teaching in general, its easy-to-digest tour
of the ESOL world is very insightful. Whether you’re working
in the mainstream FE sector, in a prison setting or as a one-
to-one tutor on a voluntary basis, I feel this book is definitely
worth the read. With a percentage of proceeds from sales
going to the Refugee Council, any purchases made are also
contributing to a great cause. I’m looking forward to putting
my new found knowledge of materials design into action over
the coming months!

Kathryn Aldridge-Morris is an author and editor of ELT

and Modern Foreign Languages materials, and teaches
refugees and asylum seekers for a charity in Bristol.
Email k.aldridgemorris@gmail.com
Language Issues 27.1  Summer 2016 reports and r e v i e w s 103

The Literacy for Active Citizenship

readers
Published by Learning Unlimited
Reviewed by Diana Tremayne
This review first appeared in English Teaching Professional,
Issue 101, November 2015
Although there are many readers available for learners of questions but some which allow for personal responses: ‘How
English, relatively few of these are suitable for ‘genuine’ did you feel when you went to your first ESOL class? Were
beginners and fewer still seem to address the issues and events you worried?’ Other activities include extending the stories
which learners are likely to encounter in their daily lives. The by working on role plays and matching tasks with pictures at
Literacy for Active Citizenship series of readers seeks to address Entry 1 and longer sentences at Entry 2.
this by including ‘stories about funny, personal and less typical
In many cases readers tend to be used for independent
aspects of everyday life in the UK.’ The readers have come
learning, but the extra resources give the option to make them
out of a two year project (Active Citizenship and English) led by
an integral part of lessons and to use them as a stimulus or
Learning Unlimited, which aimed to help non-EU women take
even a scaffold for learners to describe their own experiences.
an active part in UK life and also develop their English skills
The fact that many of the books have been written by learners
and confidence. There are now a total of twenty books in the
themselves is an effective way to demonstrate to students that
series; twelve published in 2014 and another eight released in
they too can become more fluent and confident with their own
the summer of 2015. They are aimed primarily at learners from
English and even higher level learners might be keen to use
Entry Level 1 and Entry Level 2 (A1 and A2 on the CEFR) and
them as a stimulus for writing longer personal narratives.
are differentiated so that there is a version of the stories at
each level. Like any set of books I found some that I enjoyed more
than others and I am sure that learners would find the same.
A distinctive feature of the series is that the stories have been
However, as a whole they are a very welcome addition to the
written and illustrated by learners and volunteers involved in
limited reading resources available for beginner ESOL learners
the project and this gives them a very personal dimension.
and I would certainly recommend them.
For example, in Halima’s first ESOL class we hear about the
feelings of excitement and worry a learner experiences on her Diana Tremayne
first day at college and the new friendship she makes. In the dianatremayne@gmail.com
Entry 2 version (Sorry, I don’t speak English), there is additional
vocabulary and a wider range of grammatical structures to Books from the 2015 series mentioned
stretch more confident learners. The Entry 2 story Peanuts and
in the review
Pollen! tells us about Clara’s invitation to a party and includes
references to peanut allergies and tongue twisters as well as No more cake!
expressing the awkwardness felt by those new to the UK, at Lee Yoon Teng
an appropriate level for the target audience. Other stories Illustrations by Karen Dudley 2015
(On the bus and Priority seats) make reference to disability and ISBN 978187292275
the assumptions we make about people, while the new title What’s wrong with me?
What’s wrong with me? introduces issues around health and Lee Yoon Teng
employment in an honest but reassuring way. Although some Illustrations by Karen Dudley 2015
of the topics may sound a little ‘worthy’ they contain lots of ISBN 9781872972282
humour which I am sure learners will be able to relate to their
own experiences. Most of the books are hand illustrated and
this fits the style of the stories themselves, making them seem
more personal. Endnote 
Each book has a list of key words and some questions and The Literacy for Active Citizenship series has won the 2016
activities at the back. In addition there are further downloadable ELTons award for Innovation in Learner Resources http://
activities available online which include tutor instructions englishagenda.britishcouncil.org/events/eltons/years-eltons/
which extend the vocabulary from the books and give useful eltons-winners-2016
suggestions for additional activities. One aspect which I
found especially positive was the focus on getting the reader
to consider their own experiences and feelings. For example,
for each text there are some straightforward comprehension
 ‘Literacy for Active Citizenship’
a unique series of 20 graded
ESOL/literacy readers for adults

s
y ja m a
S h e’ s g o t P in k p r -T ho m a s
th e X fa ct R en ne ll ow a y
o r!
Ni co la Pie
Va lo na
b y D ia
na G a
ter se ti on s
Ph oto gr ap Il lu st ra
Th
hs by Be n
Fro om e
e pa rty
The Lear ning
Unlim ited

H ea th
‘Lite racy for

a m p st ea d
The ‘Liter acy Activ e Citiz
for Activ e ensh ip’ serie
Citiz ensh ip’ s

H
of othe r lang serie s is for
uage s who adul t spea

Th e p a r ty
in Engl ish. are deve lopin kers
The serie s g their read
less typic al inclu des stori ing skills
yn n aspe cts of es abou t funn
Do ro thy Gl key word s, ever yday life y, pers onal
in the UK. and
Ha ssa n
com preh ensio Ther
Seco nd-h and cloth es and supp ortin n ques tions e are also
hs by Ay se Ilh am Sa di
g activ ities , disc ussio
n ques tions
Ph oto gr ap
. Thes e all
know ledg e
and voca bula aim to help an d Ro se
The dog ry for adul build impo
rtant Illu str ati on Ad es
’s din ner The Learning Unlimite
d ‘Literacy for Active
ts settli ng
in the UK. s by Sa lly
Ther e are Ha nc ox
Se con d-h an d clo the
Citizensh ip’ series two vers ions
The ‘Literacy for Active for each story
The Learni ng Unlimi Citizens hip’ series is

s
ted ‘Litera cy for for adult speakers – Entry 1 and
Active Citizen ship’ of other languag es who Title s in this Entry 2 +.
series are developi ng their serie s:
The ‘Litera cy for reading skills

Th e do g’ s di nn
Active Citizen ship’ in English. The series
includes stories about

fu l
series is for adult funny, persona l and Entr y 1
of other langua

Be care ay!
less typical aspects of

er
speake rs
in English . The
ges who are develo
series includ es
ping their readin
g skills key words, compreh
everyda y life in the UK.
There are also Doro thy Glyn n Hampstead Heath Entr y 2 +
stories about funny, ension question s, discussio Why not visit
less typica l aspect person al and and supporti ng activities n question s
Illust ratio ns by Hugo Luck
Paul ’s coat

u s
s of everyd ay life . These all aim to help Ham pste ad
Dudly ey Hea th?

o
in the UK. There are also
Dor oth y Gly nn build

y
key words , compr knowled ge and vocabula importan t Luck y! Seco nd-h and

t
ehensi on questio

a
ry for adults settling cloth es

h
ns, discus sion questio

w
and suppo rting in the UK. The part y The dog’ s
activit ies. These
knowle dge and all aim to help
ns
Illu stra tion s by On the bus
dinn er
vocab ulary for build import ant
adults settling in Mar ian a
There are two versions
Lud ford Hali ma’s first
Pean uts and
polle n!
M ad u
the UK. for each story – Entry ESO L Prior ity seat
En um a
1 and Entry 2 +. class s
Sorr y, I don’
Titles in this series:
ey
go Du dl
There are two version t spea k Engl
ish
ns by Hu
s for each story
– Entry 1 and Entry
2 +. Entr y 1
io
Ill us tr at
Titles in this series: Entr y 2 +
1
Entr y 1
Hampste ad Heath
Paul’s coat
Why not visit Hampste
ad Heath? En tr y
Entr y 2 + Second-h and clothes
Hamps tead Heath Lucky Lucky!
Why not visit Hamps The dog’s dinner A Learnin g
Unlimit ed
Paul’s coat tead Heath? The party
For more informa
Learnin g Unlimit tion about
© Learnin g
Unlimit ed
publica tion
June 2014
Lucky Lucky! Secon d-hand clothes Peanuts and pollen! www.le arning ed, please see
On the bus unlimit ed.co
The party The dog’s dinner Halima’s first ESOL class Priority seats
En tr y 2+
Action s co-fina
Peanu ts and pollen Sorry, I don’t speak for the Integra nced by the Europe
On the bus ! English tion of Third
‘Worki ng togethe
an Fund
Countr y Nation
Halima ’s first ESOL Priority seats r to manag
e migrat ion’ als
class

k
Sorry, I don’t speak

’t spea
English

spe ak Eng lish S or r y, I d o n

So rr y, I do n’tEn tr y 1 English N o m o re
A Learning Unlimited
publication
© Learning Unlimited

bus
June 2014

ca k e!
For more information
about
Learning Unlimited,
A Learning Unlimited please see
’ serieswww.learning unlimited.co

the ane Ch elo ul

© Learning Unlimited publicatio n
e Citize nship
For more informatio June 2014
acy for Activ
hee n & Tin hin
Unlim ited ‘Liter
n
Learning Unlimited, about Actions co-financed
The Learn ing ers

On
is for adult speak ‘Working
please see by the European Fund

Na zm a Sha Le e Yo on
www.lear ningunlim for the Integration of
nship ’ series
dle y
ited.co Third Country Nationals
y
it z k a n c o x by Ka ren Du Ten g
for Activ e Citize readi ng skills
together to manage
migration’
The ‘Litera cy devel oping their En tr y 1
Sav Illu str ati on
Actions co-finance

Illu str ati ons

for the Integratio
d by the European
ages who are perso nal and
t funny,
Fund

y H
of other langu s by Ka ren
n of Third Country

fou
es storie s abou
‘Working together Nationals
also
S a ll
to manage migration’
includ are
Fou in Engli sh. The
series
ts of every day
life in the UK.
There
Du dle y
s by
al aspec discu ssion quest ions
less typic ions,
n rehen sion quest build impo rtant
r a t io
key word s, comp all aim to help
activi ties. These
st and suppo rting adult s settlin
g in the UK.
Il lu vocab ulary for

‘Lovely readers,
know ledge and
s
– Entry 1 and Entry
2 +. Entr y 2+
each story
er s versio ns for
There are two this series :
En tr y 1
Titles in
lls Entr y 2+

looking forward to
d Entr y 2 +
al an
al so Entr y 1 ?
Hamp stead Heath
Why not visit
tio ns t clothe s
Hamp stead Heath Seco nd-ha nd
rt an r
m po Paul’ s coat The dog’s dinne

handing these out’

K. polle n!
eU Lucky Lucky ! Pean uts and
The party Priori ty seats
y 2+
.
On the bus speak Engli sh
En tr Sorry, I don’t
ESOL class
Halim a’s first

y 2+ th ?

(ESOL tutor, 2015)

H ea
te ad
am ps ot he s d publicat ion
cl A Learning Unlimite d June 2014
ha nd nn er © Learning Unlimite
di
og ’s po lle n!
d
ts an at s is h
tion about
For more informa d, please see
ity se k En gl Learning Unlimiteimited.c o
ri or ea www.lea rningunl
t sp
do n’ ced by the Europea
n Fund

y1
ls
Actions co-finan of Third Country Nationa

Entr Ent r y 2+
on n’
for the Integrati to manage migratio
‘Workin g together

n
ca tio
ite d
pu bli 20 14
Un lim ite d Jun
arn ing Un lim
e
En tr y 1
ng
ea rni

Two versions of each story - Entry 1 and Entry 2+ -

• Stories written by ESOL learners and volunteer befrienders on Learning Unlimited’s
Active Citizenship and ESOL (ACE) project - covering funny, personal and less typical
aspects of everyday life in the UK.
• Each book includes key words, comprehension and
discussion questions as well as supporting activities
+ additional free downloadable activities on the
Learning Unlimited website.
• For more information, to place an order, or to
download the free supporting activities, please see www.learningunlimited.co
www.learningunlimited.co/resources/acereaders 020 7911 5561

lu_advert_v3.indd 1 06/11/2015 13:20

Language Issues
NATECLA National Centre
South and City College Birmingham
Cole Bank Road
Birmingham  B28 8ES

www.natecla.org.uk