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Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge

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32 East 57th Street, New York, ny 10022, USA

296 Beaconsheld Parade, Middle Park, Melbourne 3206, Australia

© Cambridge University Press 1980

First published 1980

Printed in Great Britain at

The Alden Press, Oxford

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Cicero, Marcus Tullius
Cicero.—(Cambridge classical texts and commentaries).
1. Cicero, Marcus Tullius—Correspondence
I. Bailey, David Roy Shackleton II. Series
876'.oi PA6297.A2 80-40390
ISBN o 521 23053 5
Preface page vii

Abbreviations ix





Addenda 255

Concordances 259

Indices 261







A translation of these letters has been published in the

Penguin Classics series (Cicero's letters to friends, vol. n, 1978).
Unlike my translations of the the rest of the correspondence,
this was made before I began work on the edition. Discrep¬
ancies are mostly due to second thoughts.
Once again I have to thank Professor C. O. Brink for
reading and helpfully commenting on the work in type¬
script and the Cambridge University Press for devoted
labour lavished on this volume and its nine predecessors.
Also I am again indebted to the Department of the Classics
in Harvard for some financial support.

Cambridge, Mass. D.R.S.B.

July 1980

The following may be noted:
A. = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero's letters to Atticus
(Cambridge, 1964-70)
Botermann, Soldaten = H. Botermann, Die Soldaten und die
romische Politik, etc. (Zetemata 46, 1968)
Broughton = T. R. S. Broughton, The magistrates of the
Roman Republic (New York, 1951-60). References, unless
otherwise stated, are to vol. n
Brunt, Manpower = P. A. Brunt, Italian manpower (Oxford,
Cicero — D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero (London, 1971)
Constans = Cicer on, correspondance, vols. 1-111 (Bude, 1934-50)
F. = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero. Epistulae ad familiares
(Cambridge, 1977)
Gruen, Last generation = E. S. Gruen, The last generation of
the Roman Republic (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974)
How = W. W. How, Cicero, select letters (Oxford, 1926)
Kasten = H. Kasten, Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem, etc.,
(Munich, 1976)
Kiihner-Holzweissig = R. Kiihner and F. Holzweissig,
AusfUhrliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache: Elementar-,
Formen- und Wortlehre2 (Hanover, 1912)
K. -S. = R. Kiihner and C. Stegmann, AusfUhrliche Gram¬
matik der lateinischen Sprache: Satzlehre3 (Leverkusen, 1955)
L. -S.-J. = Liddell-Scott-Jones, Greek-English Lexicon9
Magie = D. Magie, Roman rule in Asia Minor (Princeton,
Mommsen, St. = T. Mommsen, Romisches StaatsrechC
(Leipzig, 1887-8)
Mommsen, Str. = T. Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht
(Leipzig, 1899)


Moricca = U. Moricca, Cicero. Epistularum ad Quintum

fratrem libri tres (Paravia, 1954); Epistularum ad M. Brutum
liber nonus (Paravia, 1955)
Muller = C. F. W. Mulier, Ciceronis scripta, m. (Teubner,
Miinzer, Adelsparteien = F. Miinzer, Romische Adelsparteien
und Adelsfamilien (Stuttgart, 1920)
Neue-Wagener = F. Neue and C. Wagener, Formenlehre der
lateinischen Sprache3 (Leipzig, 1902-5)
Otto, Sprichwbrter = A. Otto, Die Sprichworter und sprichwdrt-
lichen Redensarten der Romer (Leipzig, 1890)

Propertiana — D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Propertiana (Cam¬

bridge, 1956)
RE = Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopadie

Rostovtzeff, Hellenistic world = M. RostovtzefF, Social and

economic history of the Hellenistic world2 (Oxford, 1957)

SB1 = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, ‘Notes on Cicero, Ad

fratrem’, Journ. Rom. Stud. 45 (1955), 34-8
SB2 = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, ‘Emendations of Cicero, Ad
Quintum fratrem and Ad Brutum’, Proc. Cam. Phil. Soc. 7
(1961), 1-7
Schulze, Eigennamen — W. Schulze, fur Geschichte lateinischer
Eigennamen, Gbtt. Abh., phil.-hist. Kl. v, 6 (1904)

Shuckburgh = E. S. Shuckburgh, The letters of Cicero

(London, 1899-1900)
Sternkopf, Entersuchungen = W. Sternkopf, ‘Untersuchungen
zu den Briefen Ciceros Ad Qidntum fratrem’, Hermes 39
(i904), 383-418
Stockton = D. Stockton, Thirty-five letters of Cicero (Oxford,
Studies = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Two Studies in Roman
Nomenclature (American Classical Studies no. 3, 1976)


Sumner, Orators — G. V. Sumner, The orators in Cicero's

Brutus (Toronto, 1973)
Thes. — Thesaurus linguae Latinae
Treggiari, Freedmen = S. Treggiari, Roman freedmen during the
late Republic (Oxford, 1969)
T.-P. = R. Y. Tyrrell and L. G. Purser, The correspondence
of Cicero213 (Dublin, 1904-33)
Watt = W. S. Watt, Ciceronis epistulae ad Quintum fratrem, etc.
(Oxford Classical Text, 1958)


Born in the family home at Arpinum between 105 and 102,1 2

Q. Tullius Cicero shared his brother’s education and kept
him company on his travels in Greece and Asia (79-77). No
more is heard of Quintus until 70 or thereabouts, when he
married a lady several years older than himself, the sister of
his brother’s life-long friend T. Pomponius (Atticus). Marcus
is said to have made the match. It was not a success for the
principals, but it lasted about twenty-five years and in 67
produced its only known child, Q. Cicero junior.
Though no orator, Quintus had political ambitions. He
will have begun his cursus honorum as Quaestor, perhaps in 692
and doubtless with Marcus’ encouragement and support,
which could have been in part a reward for his amenability
in his choice of a wife. The next step was the Plebeian
Aedileship in 65, the office held by his brother four years
previously. The Praetorship duly followed in 62. As Consul
in 63, Marcus may have presided over the elections. This
turned out to be the final stage of Quintus’ political career.
Any hopes of a Consulship were doomed by the decline in
Marcus’ political fortunes and the Civil War.
Quintus’ proconsular province was Asia, an important and
attractive post. He governed there for the unusually long
period of three years, longer than he himself desired. On his
brother’s showing his administration was a model of probity
and beneficence, marred by chronic irascibility and undue
reliance on a confidential slave, Statius, whom he manu¬
mitted in defiance of Marcus’ wishes. His return to Rome in
58 was overclouded by Marcus’ exile and abortive threats of

1 For source-references see Miinzer’s article on Q. Cicero in RE.

2 Miinzer (RE viia. 1287.58) seems to put the Quaestorship in 68 (cf.
Broughton, 139). But if Quintus was expected back from a quaestorian
province in November of that year, he will have gone out as Quaestor
in the spring of the previous one.


a prosecution, presumably de repetundis. But he took a leading

part in the campaign for Marcus’ restoration, sometimes at
great personal risk. Shortly after that event, in 56, Pompey
as Director of Corn Supplies made Quintus his Legate and
stationed him for several months in Sardinia. A longer
absence began in the spring of 54, when he joined Caesar, a
friend of his early years, as Legate in Gaul, in time to take
part in the second British expedition. In the winter of 54-53
he held an independent command in modern Belgium.
Caesar in his Commentaries does ample justice to Quintus’ epic
defence of his headquarters against the insurgent Nervii,
qualified, however, by criticism of a subsequent piece of
negligence which nearly ended in a military disaster.
Quintus was probably glad to leave Gaul in 52 in order to
take yet another Legateship under his brother in Cilicia. His
service had not brought him the riches he had expected nor
yet the favour of his commander-in-chief and brother
officers; so at least one of them told Marcus several years later
(Att. 220 (xi.g).2). Quintus’ ferocious comments on Hirtius
and Pansa in Fam. 352 (xvi.27).2, though characteristic of
his style, fit in with this chance piece of information.
Contributing military and administrative experience
which Marcus conspicuously lacked, Quintus gave valuable
help in Cilicia, which does not seem to have been too
generously acknowledged. The brothers returned to Italy in
the autumn of 50 and left again some six months later to join
Pompey’s forces in Greece. After the republican defeat at
Pharsalia, a violent quarrel broke out between them, and
they went separate ways, Marcus back to Italy while
Quintus remained in the East. In the autumn of 47 both
returned to Rome by Caesar’s permission. The quarrel was
nominally reconciled. The rest of Quintus’ career was
uneventful, until it ended in the Proscriptions of 43.
Quintus shared his brother’s cultural and literary interests,
specializing in poetry, a sphere in which Marcus acknow¬
ledged his superiority ((L/r. 24 (ni-4).4). He worked both in


epic and tragedy, adapting in the latter from Greek originals;

the quality may be judged from the rapidity of their com¬
position { 25 (hi.5).7). He is found contemplating a
history in 16 (11.12)4, but his only known prose work,
if its authenticity be granted, is the Commentariolum petitionis.
The Annales of Att. 36 (11.16)4 maY well have been verse.
As traditionally represented, the relationship between the
two Ciceros was one of life-long affection and harmony,
broken only by occasional fits of irritability on the part of the
younger and by one serious but temporary falling-out. The
truth, to be deduced from the elder’s correspondence with
Atticus (sometimes interlinearly), was otherwise. The quarrel
in 48 had origins reaching far back into the past, and the
reconciliation was only superficial. For details I must refer
to my biography, from which I quote this summary: ‘The
deplorable marriage, which Marcus Cicero had made and
striven to keep in being for his own reasons, friction over
Statius, disappointments in Gaul, untoward incidents in
Cilicia, Quintus’ strange passivity in the early months of the
Civil War-all this and much more of which we are not
informed may have gone to nourish an ulcer in Quintus’
mind: the mind of a small man, irritable, querulous, and
weak; a severe magistrate, who spoiled his son and let him¬
self be run by a slave; a good man in a battle or a riot, but
a rabbit in front of his wife; ambitious, but inhibited by a
distrust of his talents, which were not of the first order, and
handicapped by the unlucky accident of birth, which had
made him a bigger man’s younger brother.’1
Nothing of this comes out in the extant ‘Letters to Brother
Quintus’, except in 2 (1.2), which reveals friction and dis¬
satisfaction with some aspects of Quintus’ record in Asia.
This letter and its precursor, which is not really a private
letter at all, belong to 60-59. They are followed by two
letters from exile, the first particularly lacrimose. The rest of
the series date from the end of 57 to the end of 54, during
1 Cicero, 184.


which period the two were on uniformly excellent terms.

Cicero’s tone is generally relaxed and cheerful, and he writes
with a freedom he could use to no other correspondent except

The friendship between Cicero and M. Brutus (Q. Servilius
Caepio Brutus), which began in the late fifties with Atticus’
encouragement, may make the subject of a separate study.
The interest of their extant correspondence is historical
rather than personal. Apart from a few letters of recommen¬
dation in the Ad familiares collection, it falls within a period
of four months, March/April-July 43, when both writers
were heavily preoccupied with public concerns. Such private
items as crop up are self-explanatory, lacking ulterior
In August 44 Brutus and his brother-in-law Cassius sailed
for the East, leaving the tripartite power-struggle between
Antony, Octavian, and the Senate to work itself out in their
absence. They may ostensibly have been proceeding to their
allotted provinces of Crete and Cyrene, but their departure
looked more like a retirement into exile (cf. Att. 372
(xiv.ig).i; 373 (xiv. 18).4). If any of the sequel was already
in their minds, they do not seem to have spoken of it to
Cicero. By the following spring, however, Cassius had
won control over the entire armies of the East, taking the
Caesarian Dolabella and the anti-Caesarian Caecilius Bassus
in easy stride. Brutus for his part spent some time in Athens,
but in December the outgoing governor of Macedonia, Q,.
Hortensius, who happened to be his cousin by adoption
handed the province over to him instead of to the lawful
successor, Antony’s brother Gaius - lawful insofar as the
decree of an intimidated Senate conferred legality. Joined


by a number of distinguished young republicans on the spot,

including Cicero’s son, Brutus soon made himself master of
the province and the troops in the area, capturing C.
Antonius himself in Apollonia. Meanwhile the war in Italy
was nearing its crisis. Antony’s forces besieging D. Brutus in
Mutina were threatened by three republican armies under
the two Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, and Octavian.
So matters stood when the extant correspondence began
about the end of March1 with a letter from Cicero (Letter i).
Its opening words (‘the crisis is thought to be upon us’) set the
tone. Letter 2, from Brutus, written from Dyrrachium on
1 April, covers a variety of topics, including his perplexity as
to what should be done with C. Antonius and a request for
reinforcements in men and money. Cicero’s next letter (3)
of 11 April reflects continuing anxiety about the military
outcome, but is mainly taken up with a senatorial wrangle
between the writer and P. Servilius Isauricus. Letter 4 of
12 April is Cicero’s answer to Letter 2, written in haste
during his morning levee. The most important item (§4) is
an unequivocal rejection of Brutus’ request for reinforce¬
ments. This letter is followed by another (5), written after a
meeting of the Senate on 13 April at which a communication
from Brutus and another from C. Antonius (brought by
Atticus’ brother (?)-in-law, the former Caesarian Pilius
Celer) were read out. Antonius’ assumption of the title ‘pro
consule’, despite the Senate’s cancellation of his appointment
on 20 December 44, and the mildness of Brutus’ language
with respect to his prisoner so outraged Cicero and like-
minded Senators that they professed to think Brutus’ letter
a forgery, though that was clearly not Cicero’s real opinion.
Hence a lengthy remonstrance. The beginning of Letter 6 of
20 April, in reply to a lost letter of Brutus, has disappeared.
Most of what remains presses home the message, salutaris
severitas vincit inanem speciem clementiae. Shortly afterwards the
' On the dates of this and other letters see the introductory notes in
the Commentary.


news of the republican victory at Forum Gallorum reached

Rome, making a greater day for Cicero than the Immortal
Nones. His solemn exultation is movingly expressed in
Letter 7, which ends with another admonition: the three
brothers Antonii are all in the same galley. Further tidings
from the scene of battle - the second victory at Mutina, the
death of both Consuls, Antony’s flight - produced the brief
Letter 8. Letter 9 of 5 May reports a Senate meeting on
27 April. The first half concerns the question (already out
of date, had Cicero known it) whether Brutus should follow
Dolabella into Asia, the second envisages a Pontificate for
Cicero’s son, now one of Brutus’ most distinguished officers.
Letter 10 of c. 7 May is Brutus’ reply to Letter 7. From
defence of his conduct towards C. Antpnius it passes to a
counter-offensive, reproving Cicero for unwise and excessive
advancement of Octavian. The end is missing. Within a few
days of despatching it Brutus and his army set out eastwards
from Dyrrachium along the via Egnatia towards the Cher¬
sonese. Letter 11 of 15 May, despatched from camp en route,
also lacks its opening. What remains is an outspoken develop¬
ment of the view put forward in Letter 10, taking Cicero to
task for the honours granted Octavian and warning him
that the young man’s ambition might extend even to one of
the vacant Consulships. Presumably the writer thought that
after the rout of Antony Octavian could and should have
been cut down to size - perhaps he said so in the missing
part of the letter. Another letter (12) from Brutus, written
in camp ad imam Candaviam, deals with private matters,
including Cicero junior’s priesthood (answering Letter 9);
and Letter 13 from Cicero is commendaticia. The extant part
of Letter 14, generally dated c. 20 May but probably written
about ten days earlier, replies to a lost letter of Brutus’,
ending with a reference to a mutiny in Brutus’ army. It had
been drastically put down, and the soldiers in the zeal of
recovered loyalty had tried to do away not only with their
ringleaders but with the alleged instigator, C. Antonius - for


which Cicero commends them. Letters 15 and 16 from

Cicero and Brutus respectively are commendaticiae. In an
important letter (17) of mid June Cicero writes of his anxiety
about the situation in Rome and his doubts about Octavian.
For the first time he appeals to Brutus to return to Italy and
to urge Cassius to do the same. The conclusion of Letter 18,
a condolence on the death of Brutus’ wife Porcia, returns to
the point: ‘We are waiting for you and your army, failing
which it seems hardly likely that we shall preserve our
liberties, even if all else goes as we desire’ (i.e. militarily).
A letter from Brutus (19) about vacancies in the priestly
colleges is followed by another (20) of 1 July, an appeal for
Cicero’s good offices in protecting the children of M. Lepidus
and the writer’s half-sister Junia from the consequences of
their father’s anticipated junction with Antony, which had
in fact already taken place. Letter 21 from Cicero, written
about the same time or shortly afterwards, might have been
a rejoinder. Lepidus had been declared an enemy of Rome
on 30 June and Cicero, who had been approached by Junia
and her mother on behalf of the children, defends his refusal
of their plea, winding up with yet another appeal to Brutus
to come to Italy at the earliest possible moment. Letter 22
of 14 July, largely concerned with priesthoods, is even more
urgent: ‘Come to our aid in the Gods’ name, and lose no
time.’ In a long letter (23) a little later in the same month,
after an opening section on the virtues and talents of young
Messalla Corvinus, Cicero sets himself to answer the criticism
levelled at him in Letter 11. Then follows the usual appeal
for a speedy return to Italy. The last paragraph is an
assurance that after all and at whatever cost in consistency
he is doing all he can for Brutus’ young nephews. Last in the
authentic series is Letter 24 of 27 July. The themes are
mostly familiar: the urgent need for Brutus’ presence, gloomy
prognostications about Octavian, stringency in the public
finances, care for Lepidus’ children: ‘For there shall never
be any matter on which I shall not speak and act in accord-


ance with what I take to be your wish and concern, even at

the hazard of my life.’


The Cicero-Brutus collection as a whole, first impugned by

a Cambridge scholar, John Tunstall, in 1741 and for a long
while generally believed to be spurious, is now universally
accepted as genuine. During the last century controversy has
mainly been limited to the two long letters of similar content,
25 (24 (1.16): Brutus to Cicero) and 26 (25 (1.17): Brutus to
Atticus), arraigning Cicero for his encouragement of
Octavian’s ambition - rhetorical ‘blow-ups’, so to speak, of
the view expressed in 11 (12) and 12 (14) (they are therefore
of little historical importance, apart from the poor impression
they give of Brutus’ intellect and personality). In recent
decades little has been heard of the problem of their authenti¬
city, but there is a prevailing disposition to take it for
Plutarch refers to them in his lives of Cicero (45) and
Brutus (22).2 Elsewhere, however, he implies that some
extant letters attributed to Brutus were forgeries, and in one
instance at least he was himself in doubt: Brut. 53 cpepgTod


yvqcncov ecttIv. In two MSS one or both of them are found

apart from the rest of the collection: Bodleianus Canonicus
Lat. 244 and Bodleianus 197. The former has them after Ad

1 As by Moricca in his preface, referring to the entire series: ‘Quare

nunc igitur tam solido fundamento rationes nituntur eorum qui veras
esse epistulas docent, ut, si quis adhuc in contrariam partem disputaturus
prodiret, is quidem stultus, immo sanitate vacans, merito atque optimo
iure putaretur.’ Less aggressively Kasten (p. 166): ‘Heute bezweifelt
niemand mehr ihre Echtheit.’
2 See note on 26 (25).4.


familiares, the latter has 26 (25 (1.16)) only, between Somnium

Scipionis and an ars metrica.
O. E. Schmidt1 produced six reasons for declaring them
apocryphal: (1) the use of the name ‘Octavius’ for Caesar’s
heir;2 (2) poverty of thought; (3) the impossibility, as
he contended, of fitting them chronologically into the series;
(4) their political tendency as ‘Schmahbriefe’ against
Octavian; (5) linguistic grounds: most of the linguistic
objections raised against the collection refer to these two
letters; and their periodic style is in contrast to the style of
Brutus’ genuine letters; (6) their separate appearances in
the two Oxford MSS.
Some of these arguments are more substantial than others,
but their total force has been found insufficient to establish
the case in an unfavourable climate of sentiment. It would
serve no good purpose to go over this ground afresh. Attention
should rather be directed to a different sort of evidence,
which Schmidt left unnoticed. In the letter to Atticus the
first paragraph gives the forger away. Cicero is said by
‘Brutus’ to have vilified Brutus’ friend Casca for participating
in Caesar’s murder. He implies that Cicero had called Casca
an assassin [sicarius), thus reprobating the glorious deed
(pulcherrimum factum vituperabit). Nothing is heard elsewhere
of a quarrel between Cicero and Casca. In November 44
Atticus had written to the former that Casca’s forthcoming
entry into office as Tribune would test Octavian’s attitude
to the ‘liberators’, and Cicero made the same point to
Oppius.3 Casca reappears in the following year, when on 25
July Brutus’ mother invited Cicero to her house for a
conference. He found Casca and two other friends of Brutus’
already there.4 The quarrel, if there was one, had presumably
been made up.
‘Mirari autem satis non possum, Ciceronem Caesaris
necem obiecisse Cascae; et id tamen Bruti verba declarant.’
■ Neue Jahrb. 129 (1884), 63088 2 See note on 25 (24).6.
3 Att. 426 (xvi.i5).3- 4 Ad Brut. 24 (26).1.


Manutius’ words were recalled by P. Meyer,i but the point

he made never had its proper impact on the controversy. For
it is frankly unbelievable that Cicero ever used the language
ascribed to him. All his many public and private references
to the Ides of March strike the same note of admiration for
the glorious deed (pulcherrimum factuml)2 and its heroic
authors (heroes, divini viri). His only criticisms are that Antony
was allowed to survive and that the conspirators failed to
follow up their achievement. He was no more capable of
applying the opprobrious term sicarius to one of that noble
company than was John Milton of flinging ‘regicide’ at a
fellow-Cromwellian who had voted for the King’s execution.
It would be almost if not quite as implausible to suggest that
the story was a fabrication. Brutus knew Cicero better than
that. On the other hand, the author of a rhetorical exercise,
with only a superficial knowledge of sources, might well fail
to realize that he was giving himself away. A pseudo-Sallust
hit upon a similar motif in the Invectiva in Tullium', qui tibi
ante optimates videbantur, eosdem dementes ac furiosos vocas.
Vatinii causam agis, de Sestio male existimas, Bibulum petulantissi-
mis verbis laedis (4.7). Once it had occurred to our forger, the
choice of Casca, known from 24 (26). 1 as a friend of Brutus
in Rome at the time, was easily made. The term sicarius
would naturally suggest itself. The forger had doubtless read
the Second Philippic, in which Cicero admits that if Caesar’s
slayers were not liberators and saviours they were worse than
assassins.3 He may have known that Antony applied the
word to Trebonius,4 and have read it in a letter of Cicero to
Cassius, Fam. 345 (xii.3).i.
Nothing else in the document is quite so damning as this,
but further suspicious phenomena are not lacking. In the
passage I have been dealing with ‘Brutus’ takes occasion to
remark that he and his associates do not boast every hour

1 Untersuchung iiber die Frage der Echtheit des Briefwechsels Cicero ad Brutum
(Stuttgart, 1881), 103.
2 Fam. 345 (xii.3).i. 3 Phil. 11.31 plus quam sicarios. 4 Phil, xm.23.


about the Ides of March as Cicero does about the Nones of

December. Any Roman in the first century a.d. would have
learned in school that Cicero lauded his Consulship to
excess; cf. Plut. Cic. 24, Quint. Inst, xi.1.24, and, again
significantly, ps.-Sall. Invect. 6f. For the forger then, an
obvious way to go. But it is highly improbable that in 43
Cicero was trying his friends’ patience in this fashion. His
letters of the period do nothing to suggest it and even in the
Philippics the Catilinarian affair gets only a few passing
The charge in §2 that Cicero appeared to be afraid, not of
tyranny, but of Antony (cf. 25 (24).7 non dominum fugisse sed
amiciorem dominum quaesisse videberis) is inconsistent with the
admission in §1 that Cicero’s opposition to Antony was
offered voluntarily and did not arise out of any previous
ill-will between them (cf. 25 (24) .4 quod autem tibi cum
Antonio privatim odium? . . . bono domino potuimus Antonio
tolerare nostram fortunam). Of course, this could be put down
to Brutus’ excited state of mind.
§3 alludes to the unsuccessful attempt made by Flavius to
get Atticus’ support for a republican party fund!1 A forger
would know of this from Cornelius Nepos’ biography of
Atticus, an obvious source, and be sure to drag it in.
The forger has left two more tracks in §5. ego vero iam iis
artibus nihil tribuo quibus Ciceronem scio instructissimum esse. By
artibus, as the next sentence shows, is meant philosophy.
Brutus was a devoted student of the subject, like his uncle
Cato, and his works on Virtue and other such themes were
highly commended by Cicero.2 But for this writer philosophy
is Cicero’s department, not his own, and Cicero’s unsatis¬
factory political performance lets him dismiss it out of hand
as void of value. The real Brutus needed more than that to
disenchant him, but it may be that the forger had his last
words in mind: d> xArjliov dpeTrj, Aoyos ap’ fjcrQa k.t.A.
quanto autem magis illo callere videtur Philippus, qui privigno
1 A. 1, 53. 2 Acad. 1.12, with Reid’s note.


minus tribuit quam Cicero, qui alieno tribuat! Brutus would surely
have known and remembered that in the same session of the
Senate at which Cicero proposed imperium for Octavian,
Philippus had proposed a statue.1 His impersonator over¬
looked this, but knew what was well known, that Philippus
at first mistrusted his stepson, advised him not to accept his
inheritance, and declined to call him Caesar; but that was
a year or so before.2
The companion piece, 25 (24 (1.16)), offers no such
handles, apart from the inconsistency noticed above. But the
two productions are so much alike that they stand and fall


Apart from the general likelihood that Cicero’s letters other

than those to Atticus were published in their several collec¬
tions by Tiro,3 evidence as to when and how these two first
appeared is lacking. A citation in Diomedes from Book
11 (381.26 epistularum secundo ad fratrem) indicates the existence
of the collection in the late fourth century, probably in its
present form. A number of fragments of lost letters to Brutus
are quoted by Quintilian (and two by Isidore) without
book-reference (on Plutarch in this connexion see above);
but the size of the collection in antiquity is known from
citations in Servius and Nonius from its first, seventh, eighth,
and ninth Books, the last coming from our ‘Book 1’.4
The first five letters of our Brutus series, formerly known
as 11.1-5, survive only in Cratander’s edition of 1528. The
remainder and the whole correspondence with Quintus have

1 Ad Brut. 23 (23).7.
2 Att. 366 (xiv. 12).2, 390 (xv. 12).2, 415 (xvi.i4).2; Nic. Damasc. Vit.
Caes. 18 etc. (RE x.280.46).
3 See F. 1, 23k 4 See Watt pp. i64ff.


come down in the same MSS as the letters to Atticus.1 They

were also in Gratander’s codex,2 but not in the Tornesianus
In both collections the letters are arranged in chronological
sequence, generally correct.
What has already been said of their editors need not be
repeated here. The most recent edition of any importance,
W. S. Watt’s Oxford Text of 1958, made a notable advance.
It unites meticulous scholarship with balanced critical
judgement, and I owe it much.

1 On these see A. 1, yyfT. 2 Ibid. 1, 85ff.

3 Ibid. 1, 93ff.


E = Ambrosian us E 14 inf. (saec. xiv)

G = Parisinus ‘Nouv. Fonds’ 16248 (saec. xiv-xv)
H = Landianus 8 (saec. xiv-xv); raro (numquam ubi cum G consentit)
N = Laurentianus (ex Conv. Suppr.) 49 (saec. xiv-xv)
V = Palatinus Lat. 1510 (saec. xv)
0 = Taurinensis Lat. 495 (saec. xv); raro (numquam ubi cum V
consentit) citatus
R = Parisinus Lat. 8538 (anno 1419 scriptus)
P = Parisinus Lat. 8536 (saec. xv); raro (numquam ubi cum R
consentit) citatus
Z = consensus codicum EGNVR, aut omnium aut plurimorum
M = Mediceus 49.18 (anno 1393 scriptus)
b = Berolinensis (ex bibi. Hamiltoniana) 168 (saec. xv)
d = Laurentianus (ex bibi, aedilium) 217 (saec. xv)
m = Berolinensis (ex bibi. Hamiltoniana) 166 (anno 1408 scriptus)
s = Urbinas 322 (saec. xv)
8 = consensus codicum bdms
A = consensus codicis M cum bdms, aut omnibus aut tribus

Q = consensus Z et codicis M = archetypum omnium quos supra sunt

C = lectiones margini editionis Cratandrinae (1528) adscriptae

Crat. = lectiones in textu eiusdem editionis primum prolatae

Lamb. marg. = lectiones margini alterius editionis Lambinianae (1572-3)
S' = lectiones hic illic citatae sive ex codicibus deterioribus, ut vid., sive
ex editionibus Cratandrina antiquioribus sive originis incertae

De codicis M correctionibus vide A. 1, 80. A Salutato et Nicolo illatarum

(M2 et M3) paucissimas, Bruni coniecturas (M4) ubi visum est citavi


i (i.i)

Scr. Romae (?) ex. an. 60 aut in. an. gg


1 Etsi non dubitabam quin hanc epistulam multi nuntii, fama

denique esset ipsa sua celeritate superatura tuque ante ab
aliis auditurus esses annum tertium accessisse desiderio
nostro et labori tuo, tamen existimavi a me quoque tibi huius
molestiae nuntium perferri oportere, nam superioribus 5
litteris non unis sed pluribus, cum iam ab aliis desperata res
esset, tamen tibi ego spem maturae decessionis adferebam,
non solum ut quam diutissime te iucunda opinione oblec¬
tarem sed etiam quia tanta adhibebatur et a nobis et a
praetoribus contentio ut rem posse confici non diffiderem. I0
2 Nunc, quoniam ita accidit ut neque praetores suis opibus
neque nos nostro studio quicquam proficere possemus, est
omnino difficile non graviter id ferre, sed tamen nostros
animos maximis in rebus et gerendis et sustinendis exercitatos
frangi et debilitari molestia non oportet. <et) quoniam ea 5
molestissime ferre homines debent quae ipsorum culpa con¬
tracta sunt, est quiddam in hac re mihi molestius ferendum
quam tibi, factum est enim mea culpa, contra quam tu
mecum et proficiscens et per litteras egeras, ut priore anno
non succederetur, quod ego, dum sociorum saluti consulo, 10
dum impudentiae non nullorum negotiatorum resisto, dum
nostram gloriam tua virtute augeri expeto, feci non sapienter,

Ep. 1] salutationem demptis parvulis variationibus ita in hac epistularum serie

praebent GVA: omittunt cett. 1, 1 multorum litterae post nuntii excidisse
putavit Ernesti 2, 5 et add. Manutius 10 sociorum saluti 2: sal- soc-
HA 11 impudentiae bd: impru- fi 12 expeto HOP5: -ecto £(?),
NVR: -edito GM


praesertim cum id commiserim ut ille alter annus etiam

tertium posset adducere.
3 Quod quoniam peccatum meum esse confiteor, est
sapientiae atque humanitatis tuae curare et perficere ut hoc
minus sapienter a me provisum diligentia tua corrigatur, ac
si te ipse vehementius ad omnis partis bene audiendi excitaris,
non ut cum aliis sed ut tecum iam ipse certes, si omnem 5
tuam mentem, curam, cogitationem ad excellentis in omnibus
rebus laudis cupiditatem incitaris, mihi crede, unus annus
additus labori tuo multorum annorum laetitiam nobis,
gloriam vero etiam posteris nostris adferet.
4 Quapropter hoc te primum rogo, ne contrahas ac demittas
animum neve te obrui tamquam fluctu sic magnitudine
negoti sinas contraque erigas ac resistas sive etiam ultro
occurras negotiis; neque enim eius modi partem rei publicae
geris in qua fortuna dominetur, sed in qua plurimum ratio 5
possit et diligentia, quod si tibi bellum aliquod magnum et
periculosum administranti prorogatum imperium viderem,
tremerem animo quod eodem tempore esse intellegerem
5 etiam fortunae potestatem in nos prorogatam, nunc vero ea
pars tibi rei publicae commissa est in qua aut nullam aut
perexiguam partem fortuna tenet et quae mihi tota in tua
virtute ac moderatione animi posita esse videatur, nullas, ut
opinor, insidias hostium, nullam proeli dimicationem, nullam 5
defectionem sociorum, nullam inopiam stipendi aut rei
frumentariae, nullam seditionem exercitus pertimescimus;
quae persaepe sapientissimis viris acciderunt, ut, quem ad
modum gubernatores optimi vim tempestatis, sic illi impetum
fortunae superare non possent, tibi data est summa pax, 10
summa tranquillitas, ita tamen ut ea dormientem guberna¬
torem vel obruere, vigilantem etiam delectare possit.

3, 4 ipso Schiitz 6 ad] et de M: et ms excellentis Ernesti: -ntem

Q: -ndi Watt in app. 7 rebus] generibus Watt in app., coll. Acad. i. 12,
Off. i.i 16 9 gloriam GN, M(?) bd: im(m)o EVRms 4, 1 demittas
EGVM: dim- HNRS 5, 3 teneat Lambinus 9-10 impetum fortunae
2: f- i- A


6 Constat enim ea provincia primum ex eo genere sociorum

quod est ex hominum omni genere humanissimum, deinde
ex eo genere civium qui aut quod publicani sunt nos summa
necessitudine attingunt aut quod ita negotiantur ut locupletes
sint nostri consulatus beneficio se incolumis fortunas habere 5
7 arbitrantur, at enim inter hos ipsos exsistunt graves contro¬
versiae, multae nascuntur iniuriae, magnae contentiones
consequuntur, quasi vero ego id putem, non te aliquantum
negoti sustinere! intellego permagnum esse negotium et
maximi consili, sed memento consili me hoc esse negotium 5
magis aliquanto quam fortunae putare, quid est enim negoti
continere eos quibus praesis, si te ipse contineas? id autem
sit magnum et difficile ceteris, sicut est difficillimum: tibi et
fuit hoc semper facillimum et vero esse debuit, cuius natura
talis est ut etiam sine doctrina videatur moderata esse 10
potuisse, ea autem adhibita doctrina est quae vel vitiosissi¬
mam naturam excolere possit, tu cum pecuniae, cum
voluptati, cum omnium rerum cupiditati resistes, ut facis,
erit, credo, periculum ne improbum negotiatorem, paulo
cupidiorem publicanum comprimere non possis! nam Graeci 15
quidem sic te ita viventem intuebuntur ut quendam ex
annalium memoria aut etiam de caelo divinum hominem
esse in provinciam delapsum putent.
8 Atque haec nunc non ut facias sed ut te facere et fecisse
gaudeas scribo, praeclarum est enim summo cum imperio
fuisse in Asia biennium sic ut nullum te signum, nulla
pictura, nullum vas, nulla vestis, nullum mancipium, nulla
forma cuiusquam, nulla condicio pecuniae, quibus rebus 5
abundat ista provincia, ab summa integritate continentiaque
9 deduxerit, quid autem reperiri tam eximium aut tam
expetendum potest quam istam virtutem, moderationem
animi, temperantiam non latere in tenebris neque esse

7, 5 me VEms: mei GNRMbd 7 ipsum Es 12 excolere s': accol-

A: attoll- Zr posset Madvig 13 voluptatis Wesenberg 8, 3
biennium Ursinus: tri- Q


abditam, sed in luce Asiae, in oculis clarissimae provinciae

atque in auribus omnium gentium ac nationum esse positam ? 5
non itineribus tuis perterreri homines, non sumptu exhauriri,
non adventu commoveri ? esse, quocumque veneris, et
publice et privatim maximam laetitiam, cum urbs custodem,
non tyrannum, domus hospitem, non expilatorem recepisse
videatur? 10
10 His autem in rebus iam te usus ipse profecto erudivit
nequaquam satis esse ipsum has te habere virtutes, sed esse
circumspiciendum diligenter ut in hac custodia provinciae
non te unum sed omnis ministros imperi tui sociis et civibus
et rei publicae praestare videare. quamquam legatos habes 5
eos qui ipsi per se habituri sint rationem dignitatis tuae, de
quibus honore et dignitate et aetate praestat Tubero, quem
ego arbitror, praesertim cum scribat historiam, multos ex
suis annalibus posse deligere quos velit et possit imitari.
Al(l)ienus autem noster est cum animo et benevolentia tum 10
vero etiam imitatione vivendi, nam quid ego de Gratidio
dicam? quem certo scio ita laborare de existimatione sua ut
propter amorem in nos fraternum etiam de nostra laboret.
11 quaestorem habes non tuo iudicio delectum sed eum quem
sors dedit, hunc oportet et sua sponte esse moderatum et tuis
institutis ac praeceptis obtemperare, quorum si quis forte
esset sordidior, ferres eatenus quoad per se neglegeret eas
leges quibus esset adstrictus, non ut ea potestate quam tu ad 5
dignitatem permisisses ad quaestum uteretur, neque enim
mihi sane placet, praesertim cum hi mores tantum iam ad
nimiam lenitatem et ad ambitionem incubuerint, scrutari te
omnis sordis, excutere unum quemque eorum, sed, quanta
sit in quoque fides, tantum cuique committere. 10
Atque [inter nos] eos quos tibi comites et adiutores

io, 2 esse (prius) s': est Q has te s: haste m: hasce Q: abste R

6 tuae s': su(a)e Q 10 Allienus Corradus: ali- Q est Manutius:
et GNV, M(?)bd: om. ERms 12 certo JV: -te Q 13 propter C:
-rea Q de nostra C: demonstrare Q 11, 8 leuitatem Pm
II inter nos (sic GJVRM (sed i- nos hes. N): i- hos EV8) removi


negotiorum publicorum dedit ipsa res publica dumtaxat finibus

12 iis praestabis quos ante praescripsi, quos vero aut ex domes¬
ticis convictionibus aut in necessariis apparitionibus tecum
esse voluisti, qui quasi ex cohorte praetoris appellari solent,
horum non modo facta sed etiam dicta omnia praestanda
nobis sunt, sed habes eos tecum quos possis recte facientis 5
facile diligere, minus consulentis existimationi tuae facillime
coercere, a quibus, rudis cum esses, videtur potuisse tua
liberalitas decipi (nam ut quisque est vir optimus, ita
difficillime esse alios improbos suspicatur); nunc vero tertius
hic annus habeat integritatem eandem quam superiores, 10
13 cautiorem autem ac diligentiorem. sint aures tuae quae id
quod audiunt existimentur audire, non in quas ficte et
simulate quaestus causa insusurretur, sit anulus tuus non ut
vas aliquod sed tamquam ipse tu, non minister alienae
voluntatis sed testis tuae, accensus sit eo numero quo eum 5
maiores nostri esse voluerunt, qui hoc non in benefici loco
sed in laboris ac muneris non temere nisi libertis suis defere¬
bant, quibus illi quidem non multo secus ac servis impera¬
bant. sit lictor non suae sed tuae lenitatis apparitor,
maioraque praeferant fasces illi ac secures dignitatis insignia 10
quam potestatis, toti denique sit provinciae cognitum tibi
omnium quibus praesis salutem, liberos, famam, fortunas
esse carissimas, denique haec opinio sit, non modo iis qui
aliquid acceperint sed iis etiam qui dederint te inimicum, si
id cognoveris, futurum; neque vero quisquam dabit cum 15
erit hoc perspectum, nihil per eos qui simulant se apud te
14 multum posse abs te solere impetrari, nec tamen haec oratio
mea est eius modi ut te in tuos aut durum esse nimium aut
suspiciosum velim, nam si quis est eorum qui tibi bienni

13 praestabis P8: -it Q 12, 2 convictionibus Victorius: conuinc- vel

coniunc- Q in scripsi: ex Q apparitionibus s': apparat- QC
11 cautionem Faernus (et Lambinus) autem Lambinus (ac om.): etiam ac
Q: etiam Faernus 13, 5 accensus 0: -essus Q 9 suae (saevitiae)
Ursinus 12-13 fortunas esse 8: e- f- Q


spatio numquam in suspicionem avaritiae venerit, ut ego

Caesium et Chaerippum et Labeonem et audio et quia 5
cognovi existimo, nihil est quod non et iis et si quis est alius
eiusdem modi et committi et credi rectissime putem, sed si
quis est in quo iam offenderis, de quo aliquid senseris, huic
nihil credideris, nullam partem existimationis tuae com¬
miseris. 10
15 In provincia vero ipsa si quem es nactus qui in tuam
familiaritatem penitus intrarit, qui nobis ante fuerit ignotus,
huic quantum credendum sit vide; non quin possint multi
esse provinciales viri boni, sed hoc sperare licet, iudicare
periculosum est. multis enim simulationum involucris tegitur 5
et quasi velis quibusdam obtenditur unius cuiusque natura;
frons, oculi, vultus persaepe mentiuntur, oratio vero saepis¬
sime. quam ob rem qui potes reperire ex eo genere hominum
qui pecuniae cupiditate adducti careant iis rebus omnibus a
quibus nos divulsi esse non possumus, te autem, alienum 10
hominem, ament ex animo ac non sui commodi causa
simulent? mihi quidem permagnum videtur, praesertim si
idem homines privatum non fere quemquam, praetores
semper omnis amant, quo ex genere si quem forte tui
cognosti amantiorem (fieri enim potuit) quam temporis, 15
hunc vero ad tuum numerum libenter adscribito; sin autem
id non perspicies, nullum genus erit in familiaritate
cavendum magis, propterea quod et omnis vias pecuniae
norunt et omnia pecuniae causa faciunt et, quicum victuri
non sunt, eius existimationi consulere non curant. 20
16 Atque etiam e Graecis ipsis diligenter cavendae sunt
quaedam familiaritates praeter hominum perpaucorum si
qui sunt vetere Graecia digni; nunc vero fallaces sunt per¬
multi et leves et diuturna servitute ad nimiam adsentationem

14, 5 et {ante audio) GHA: ee JV: om. EVR 15, 8 potest VR: -es (eos)
Constans homines vel hominum (homines) Tyrrell 14 quem Rcorr.:
quidem fi 17 genus erit EGA: e- g- NVR 16, 1 e] in Boot 3
nunc Ernesti dubitanter: sic fi


eruditi, quos ego universos adhiberi liberaliter, optimum 5

quemque hospitio amicitiaque coniungi dico oportere:
nimiae familiaritates eorum neque (honestae neque) iam
fideles sunt, non enim audent adversari nostris voluntatibus
et [non] invident non nostris solum verum etiam suis.
17 Iam qui in eius modi rebus in quibus vereor etiam ne
durior sim cautus esse velim ac diligens, quo me animo in
servis esse censes? quos quidem cum omnibus in locis tum
praecipue in provinciis regere debemus, quo de genere multa
praecipi possunt, sed hoc et brevissimum est et facillime 5
teneri potest, ut ita se gerant in istis Asiaticis itineribus ut si
iter Appia via faceres, neve interesse quicquam putent utrum
Trallis an Formias venerint, ac si quis est ex servis egregie
fidelis, sit in domesticis rebus et privatis: quae res ad officium
imperi tui atque ad aliquam partem rei publicae pertinebunt, 10
de iis rebus ne quid attingat, multa enim quae recte committi
servis fidelibus possunt tamen sermonis et vituperationis
vitandae causa committenda non sunt.
18 Sed nescio quo pacto ad praecipiendi rationem delapsa est
oratio mea, cum id mihi propositum initio non fuisset; quid
enim ei praecipiam quem ego in hoc praesertim genere
intellegam prudentia non esse inferiorem quam me, usu vero
etiam superiorem ? sed tamen si ad ea quae faceres auctoritas 5
accederet mea, tibi ipsi illa putavi fore iucundiora. qua re
sint haec fundamenta dignitatis tuae: tua primum integritas
et continentia, deinde omnium qui tecum sunt pudor,
delectus in familiaritatibus et provincialium hominum et
Graecorum percautus et diligens, familiae gravis et constans 10
19 disciplina, quae cum honesta sint in his privatis nostris
cottidianisque rationibus, in tanto imperio, tam depravatis
moribus, tam corruptrice provincia divina videantur necesse

6 amicitiaque s': -i(a)eque Q: usu post -iaeque add.. Castiglioni, alia alii
7 honestae neque vel sim. addendum coni. Watt iam Ernesti: tam Q
9 et inuident non b: et non i- non EGHNk: et uero i- non 0: et non i- PV
17, 3 seruos VP 18, 9 delectus Hbs: dii- Q


Haec institutio atque haec disciplina potest sustinere in 5

rebus statuendis et decernendis eam severitatem qua tu in iis
rebus usus es ex quibus non nullas simultates cum magna
mea laetitia susceptas habemus; nisi forte me Paeoni nescio
cuius, hominis ne Graeci quidem ac Mysi aut Phrygis potius,
querelis moveri putas aut Tusceni, hominis furiosi ac sordidi, 10
vocibus, cuius tu ex impurissimis faucibus inhonestissimam
20 cupiditatem eripuisti summa cum aequitate, haec et cetera
plena severitatis quae statuisti in ista provincia non facile
sine summa integritate sustineremus, qua re sit summa in
hire dicendo severitas, dum modo ea ne varietur gratia sed
conservetur aequabilis, sed tamen parvi refert abs te ipso ius 5
dici aequaliter et diligenter nisi idem ab iis fiet quibus tu
eius muneris aliquam partem concesseris, ac mihi quidem
videtur non sane magna varietas esse negotiorum in admini¬
stranda Asia, sed ea tota iuris dictione maxime sustineri, in
qua scientiae, praesertim provincialis, ratio ipsa expedita 10
est: constantia est adhibenda et gravitas, quae resistat non
solum gratiae verum etiam suspicioni.
21 Adiungenda etiam est facilitas in audiendo, lenitas in
decernendo, in satis faciendo ac disputando diligentia, his
rebus nuper G. Octavius iucundissimus fuit, apud quem
pr<ox>imus lictor quievit, tacuit accensus, quotiens quisque
voluit dixit et quam voluit diu; quibus ille rebus fortasse 5
nimis lenis videretur, nisi haec lenitas illam severitatem
tueretur, cogebantur Sullani homines quae per vim et metum
abstulerant reddere; qui in magistratibus iniuriose decre¬
verant, eodem ipsis privatis erat iure parendum, haec illius
severitas acerba videretur, nisi multis condimentis humani- 10
tatis mitigaretur.

19, 6 qua £7?5: quam GNVM tu Zj: tuis A 9 ac] at s'

11 inhonestissimam 1 R: hon-TiG.A A 20, 1 sedante haec excidisse suspicor
3 sustinebimus s' 5 abs GAA: a EVR 6 aequabiliter OP 9
dictione 17?5: -nis EGNM sustineri] cont-Lamb, tnarg. 21,1 etiam
est EGA: est et- NVRs 3 C. s': Cn. fi 4 proximus Orelli: primus fi
quievit Pantagathus: qui fuit fi accensus 5: -ensu vel -essu fi


22 Quod si haec lenitas grata Romae est, ubi tanta adrogantia

est, tam immoderata libertas, tam infinita hominum licentia,
denique tot magistratus, tot auxilia, tanta vis <populi>,
tanta senatus auctoritas, quam iucunda tandem praetoris
comitas in Asia potest esse! in qua tanta multitudo civium, 5
tanta sociorum, tot urbes, tot civitates unius hominis nutum
intuentur, ubi nullum auxilium est, nulla conquestio, nullus
senatus, nulla contio, qua re permagni hominis est et cum
ipsa natura moderati tum vero etiam doctrina atque opti¬
marum artium studiis eruditi sic se adhiberein tanta potestate 10
ut nulla alia potestas ab iis quibus is praesit desideretur,
23 <ut est) Cyrus ille a Xenophonte non ad historiae fidem
scriptus sed ad effigiem iusti imperi, cuius summa gravitas ab
illo philosopho cum singulari comitate coniungitur. quos
quidem libros non sine causa noster ille Africanus de manibus
ponere non solebat, nullum est enim praetermissum in iis 5
officium diligentis et moderati imperi; eaque si sic coluit ille
qui privatus futurus numquam fuit, quonam modo retinenda
sunt iis quibus imperium ita datum est ut redderent et ab iis
legibus datum est ad quas revertendum est?
24 Ac mihi quidem videntur huc omnia esse referenda iis qui
praesunt aliis, ut ii qui erunt in eorum imperio sint quam
beatissimi, quod tibi et esse antiquissimum et ab initio fuisse,
ut primum Asiam attigisti, constanti fama atque omnium
sermone celebratum est. est autem non modo eius qui sociis 5
et civibus sed etiam eius qui servis, qui mutis pecudibus
praesit eorum quibus praesit commodis utilitatique servire.
25 cuius quidem generis constare inter omnis video abs te
summam adhiberi diligentiam: nullum aes alienum novum
contrahi civitatibus, vetere autem magno et gravi multas abs
te esse liberatas; urbis compluris dirutas ac paene'desertas, in

22, 3 populi add. Ernesti 8 permagni G: cum p- Q 23, 1 ut est

addidi 2 scriptus (est) Ursinus 24, 3 et esse Manutius: esse et
EVPdms: esset GM: esse NRb 4 constanti VVesenberg: -ante Q
6 eius GMA: om. EVR 25, 4 dirutas EAC: -uptas 2


quibus unam Ioniae nobilissimam, alteram Cariae, Samum 5

et Halicarnassum, per te esse recreatas; nullas esse in oppidis
seditiones, nullas discordias; provideri abs te ut civitates
optimatium consiliis administrentur; sublata Mysiae latro¬
cinia, caedis multis locis repressas, pacem tota provincia
constitutam, neque solum illa itinerum atque agrorum sed 10
multo etiam plura et maiora oppidorum et fanorum latro¬
cinia esse depulsa; remotam a fama et a fortunis et ab otio
locupletum illam acerbissimam ministram praetorum avari¬
tiae, calumniam; sumptus et tributa civitatum ab omnibus
qui earum civitatum fines incolant tolerari aequaliter; 15
facillimos esse aditus ad te, patere auris tuas querelis omnium,
nullius inopiam ac solitudinem non modo illo populari
accessu ac tribunali sed ne domo quidem et cubiculo esse
exclusam tuo; toto denique imperio nihil acerbum esse, nihil
crudele, atque omnia plena clementiae, mansuetudinis, 20
26 Quantum vero illud est beneficium tuum quod iniquo et
gravi vectigali aedilicio cum magnis nostris simultatibus
Asiam liberasti! etenim si unus homo nobilis queritur palam
te, quod edixeris ne ad ludos pecuniae decernerentur, HS cc
sibi eripuisse, quanta tandem pecunia penderetur si omnium 5
nomine quicumque Romae ludos facerent (quod erat iam
institutum) erogaretur? quamquam has querelas hominum
nostrorum illo consilio oppressimus (quod in Asia nescio
quonam modo, Romae quidem non mediocri cum admira¬
tione laudatur), quod, cum ad templum monumentumque 10
nostrum civitates pecunias decrevissent, cumque id et pro
meis magnis meritis et pro tuis maximis beneficiis summa
sua voluntate fecissent, nominatimque lex exciperet ut ad

5 cariae M corr.: ciar- vel cyar- Z: cirr- vel tyr(r)- A 11 fanorum

Victorius: furto- EGJVA: furta R: furta et V: fanorum furta et Lambinus
13 locupletium GMd 15 aequaliter QC: -abiliter <, 17
sol(1)icitudinem Mbd 18 et GJVA: tua et EVR 19 imperio NVRA:
in imp- EG, fort, recte 26, 2 aedilicio (Hotomanus) cum Lunemann:
-iciorum Q 3 etenim H: enim Q


templum et monumentum capere liceret, cumque id quod

dabatur non esset interiturum sed in ornamentis templi 15
luturum, ut non mihi potius quam populo Romano ac dis
immortalibus datum videretur, tamen id in quo erat dignitas,
erat lex, erat eorum qui faciebant voluntas accipiendum non
putavi cum aliis de causis tum etiam ut animo aequiore
ferrent ii quibus nec deberetur nec liceret. 20
27 Quapropter incumbe toto animo et studio omni in eam
rationem qua adhuc usus es, ut eos quos tuae fidei potesta¬
tique senatus populusque Romanus commisit et credidit
diligas et omni ratione tueare et esse quam beatissimos velis,
quod si te sors Afris aut Hispanis aut Gallis praefecisset, 5
immanibus ac barbaris nationibus, tamen esset humanitatis
tuae consulere eorum commodis et utilitati salutique servire;
cum vero ei generi hominum praesimus non modo in quo
ipsa sit sed etiam a quo ad alios pervenisse putetur humanitas,
certe iis eam potissimum tribuere debemus a quibus accepi- 10
28 mus. non enim me hoc iam dicere pudebit, praesertim in ea
vita atque iis rebus gestis in quibus non potest residere
inertiae aut levitatis ulla suspicio, nos ea quae consecuti
simus iis studiis et artibus esse adeptos quae sint nobis
Graeciae monumentis disciplinisque tradita, qua re praeter 5
communem fidem quae omnibus debetur, praeterea nos isti
hominum generi praecipue debere videmur ut, quorum
praeceptis sumus eruditi, apud eos ipsos quod ab iis didiceri¬
mus velimus expromere.
29 Atque ille quidem princeps ingeni et doctrinae Plato tum
denique fore beatas res publicas putavit si aut docti ac
sapientes homines eas regere coepissent aut ii qui regerent
omne suum studium in doctrina et sapientia collocarent,
hanc coniunctionem videlicet potestatis et sapientiae saluti 5

27, 3-4 et.. .et. . .et Facciolati: et. . .et. . .ut fi: et.. .ut. . .ut Schtitz
9 ipso Reiz 28, 2 atque ER§: atque in GNVM 4 simus scripsi:
sumus fi sunt Wesenberg 5 traditae P 8 simus s' 29, 2 ac
Z: et Mms: aut Nbd 4 et EGJVA: ac VR collocarent Ernesti (qui
‘-are etiam potuit’): -assent fi


censuit civitatibus esse posse, quod fortasse aliquando

universae rei publicae nostrae, nunc quidem profecto isti
provinciae contigit, ut is in ea summam potestatem haberet
cui in doctrina, cui in virtute atque humanitate percipienda
30 plurimum (positum ) a pueritia studi fuisset et temporis, qua 10
re cura ut hic annus qui ad laborem tuum accessit idem ad
salutem Asiae prorogatus esse videatur, quoniam in te
retinendo fuit Asia felicior quam nos in deducendo, perfice
ut laetitia provinciae desiderium nostrum leniatur, etenim si 5
in promerendo ut tibi tanti honores haberentur quanti haud
scio an nemini fuisti omnium diligentissimus, multo maiorem
31 in his honoribus tuendis adhibere diligentiam debes, equidem
de isto genere honorum quid sentirem scripsi ad te ante,
semper eos putavi, si vulgares essent, vilis, si temporis causa
constituerentur, levis; si vero, id quod ita factum est, meritis
tuis tribuerentur, existimabam multam tibi in his honoribus 5
tuendis operam esse ponendam, qua re quoniam in istis
urbibus cum summo imperio et potestate versaris in quibus
tuas virtutes consecratas et in deorum numero collocatas
vides, in omnibus rebus quas statues, quas decernes, quas
ages, quid tantis hominum opinionibus, tantis de te iudiciis, 10
tantis honoribus debeas cogitabis, id autem erit eius modi ut
consulas omnibus, ut medeare incommodis hominum,
provideas saluti, ut te parentem Asiae et dici et haberi velis.
32 Atque huic tuae voluntati ac diligentiae difficultatem
magnam adferunt publicani, quibus si adversamur, ordinem
de nobis optime meritum et per nos cum re publica coniun-
ctum et a nobis et a re publica diiungemus; sin autem omnibus
in rebus obsequemur, funditus eos perire patiemur quorum 5
non modo saluti sed etiam commodis consulere debemus,
haec est una, si vere cogitare volumus, in toto imperio tuo

8 ea EPs: eam GNVA: ca R 10 positum (sed post temporis) Lambinus,

qui etiam collocatum 30, 3 quoniam(que) Faernus: (et) quoniam
Crat. 32, 1 atqui Baiter 4 diiungemus (diu in-M) £7?A: disiung-
GNVs 6 consulere debemus Rs: -lemus Q


difficultas, nam esse abstinentem, continere omnis cupiditates,

suos coercere, iuris aequabilem tenere rationem, (diligentem >
te in rebus cognoscendis, facilem in hominibus audiendis 10

admittendisque praebere praeclarum magis est quam diffi¬

cile. non est enim positum in labore aliquo sed in quadam
33 inductione animi et voluntate, illa causa publicanorum
quantam acerbitatem adferat sociis intelleximus ex civibus
qui nuper in portoriis Italiae tollendis non tam de portorio
quam de non nullis iniuriis portitorum querebantur, qua re
non ignoro quid sociis accidat in ultimis terris, cum audierim 5
in Italia querelas civium, hic te ita versari ut et publicanis
satis facias, praesertim publicis male redemptis, et socios
perire non sinas divinae cuiusdam virtutis esse videtur, id
est tuae.
Ac primum Graecis id quod acerbissimum est, quod sunt 10

vectigales, non ita acerbum videri debet, propterea quod sine

imperio populi Romani suis institutis per se ipsi ita fuerunt,
nomen autem publicani aspernari non possunt, qui pendere
ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint quod iis aequaliter
Sulla discripserat, non esse autem leniores in exigendis 15
vectigalibus Graecos quam nostros publicanos hinc intellegi
potest quod Caunii nuper omnibusque ex insulis quae erant
a Sulla Rhodiis attributae confugerunt ad senatum, nobis ut
potius vectigal quam Rhodiis penderent, qua re nomen
publicani neque ii debent horrere qui semper vectigales 20
fuerunt, neque ii aspernari qui per se pendere vectigal non
34 potuerunt, neque ii recusare qui postulaverunt, simul et illud
Asia cogitet, nullam ab se neque belli externi neque domesti¬
carum discordiarum calamitatem afuturam fuisse, si hoc
imperio non teneretur; id autem imperium cum retineri sine
vectigalibus nullo modo possit, aequo animo parte aliqua 5

9 tuos Watt in app. 9-10 diligentem. . .facilem in scripsi: facilem. . .

in Q 10 te] se Petreius 33, 10 est Manutius (est et iam (): et Q
15 discripserat Buecheler: desc- fi 17 Caunii s': -ni fi omnibusque
scripsi: omnes qui (que jV) fi: omnesque Victorius 34, 2 ab GNA:


suorum fructuum pacem sibi sempiternam redimat atque

35 otium, quod si genus ipsum et nomen publicani non iniquo
animo sustinebunt, poterunt iis consilio et prudentia tua
reliqua videri mitiora, possunt in pactionibus faciendis non
legem spectare censoriam sed potius commoditatem confici¬
endi negoti et liberationem molestiae, potes etiam tu id 5
facere, quod et fecisti egregie et facis, ut commemores quanta
sit in publicanis dignitas, quantum nos illi ordini debeamus,
ut remoto imperio ac vi potestatis et fascium publicanos cum
Graecis gratia atque auctoritate coniungas [sed] et ab iis de
quibus optime tu meritus es et qui tibi omnia debent hoc 10
petas, ut facilitate sua nos eam necessitudinem quae est nobis
cum publicanis obtinere et conservare patiantur.
36 Sed quid ego te haec hortor quae tu non modo facere potes
tua sponte sine cuiusquam praeceptis sed etiam magna iam
ex parte perfecisti? non enim desistunt nobis agere cottidie
gratias honestissimae et maximae societates, quod quidem
mihi idcirco iucundius est quod idem faciunt Graeci, difficile 5
est autem ea quae commodis utilitate (que) et prope natura
diversa sunt voluntate coniungere. at ea quidem quae supra
scripta sunt non ut te instituerem scripsi (neque enim
prudentia tua cuiusquam praecepta desiderat), sed me in
scribendo commemoratio tuae virtutis delectavit, quamquam 10
in his litteris longior fui quam aut vellem aut quam me
putavi fore.
37 Unum est quod tibi ego praecipere non desinam neque te
patiar, quantum erit in me, cum exceptione laudari, omnes
enim qui istinc veniunt ita de tua virtute, integritate, humani¬
tate commemorant ut in tuis summis laudibus excipiant
unam iracundiam, quod vitium cum in hac privata cottidi- 5
anaque vita levis esse animi atque infirmi videtur, tum vero
nihil est tam deforme quam ad summum imperium etiam

35, 9 et Kahnt: sed et EJVRA: sed GVs 36, 6 utilitateque scripsi:

-tate Q ii quam (ait.) removit s' 37, 2 laudari -are Q
6 uideatur N6


acerbitatem naturae adiungere. qua re illud non suscipiam

ut quae de iracundia dici solent a doctissimis hominibus
ea nunc tibi exponam, cum et nimis longus esse nolim et ex IO

multorum scriptis ea facile possis cognoscere: illud, quod est

epistulae proprium, ut is ad quem scribitur de iis rebus quas
ignorat certior fiat, praetermittendum esse non puto.
38 Sic ad nos omnes fere deferunt: nihil, cum absit iracundia,
dicere solent te fieri posse iucundius; sed cum te alicuius
improbitas perversitasque commoverit, sic te animo incitari
ut ab omnibus tua desideretur humanitas, qua re quoniam in
eam rationem vitae nos non tam cupiditas quaedam gloriae 5
quam res ipsa ac fortuna deduxit ut sempiternus sermo
hominum de nobis futurus sit, caveamus, quantum efficere
et consequi possumus, ut ne quod in nobis insigne vitium
fuisse dicatur, neque ego nunc hoc contendo, quod fortasse
cum in omni natura tum iam in nostra aetate difficile est, 10

mutare animum et, si quid est penitus insitum moribus, id

subito evellere, sed te illud admoneo ut, si hoc plane vitare
non potes, quod ante occupatur animus ab iracundia quam
providere ratio potuit ne occuparetur, ut te ante compares
cottidieque meditere resistendum esse iracundiae, cumque !5
ea maxime animum moveat tum tibi esse diligentissime
linguam continendam; quae quidem mihi virtus interdum
non minor videtur quam omnino non irasci, nam illud est
non solum gravitatis sed non numquam etiam lentitudinis;
moderari vero et animo et orationi cum sis iratus, aut etiam 20

tacere et tenere in sua potestate motum animi et dolorem,

etsi non est perfectae sapientiae, tamen est non mediocris
39 Atque in hoc genere multo te esse iam commodiorem
mitioremque nuntiant, nullae tuae vehementiores animi
concitationes, nulla maledicta ad nos, nullae contumeliae

38, 2 dicere solent om. s 12 plane ‘Ernesti aut eius operae’ (Watt):
plene fi 17-18 interdum non R. Klotz: non in- fi 19 lenitudinis
RbC 39, 1 anne atqui ? iam GA: om. 2


perferuntur, quae cum abhorrent a litteris, ab humanitate,

tum vero contraria sunt imperio ac dignitati, nam si implaca- 5
biles iracundiae sunt, summa est acerbitas; sin autem exora¬
biles, summa levitas, quae tamen ut in malis acerbitati
40 anteponenda est. sed quoniam primus annus habuit de hac
reprehensione plurimum sermonis, credo propterea quod tibi
hominum iniuriae, quod avaritia, quod insolentia praeter
opinionem accidebat et intolerabilis videbatur, secundus
autem multo levior(em ), quod et consuetudo et ratio et, ut 5
ego arbitror, meae quoque litterae te patientiorem leniorem-
que fecerunt, tertius annus ita debet esse emendatus ut ne
minimam quidem rem quisquam possit ullam reprehendere.
41 Ac iam hoc loco non hortatione neque praeceptis sed
precibus tecum fraternis ago, totum ut animum, curam
cogitationemque tuam ponas in omnium laude undique
colligenda, quod si [in] mediocris tantum sermonis ac
praedicationis nostrae res essent, nihil abs te eximium, nihil 5
praeter aliorum consuetudinem postularetur, nunc vero
propter earum rerum in quibus versati sumus splendorem et
magnitudinem, nisi summam laudem ex ista provincia
adsequimur, vix videmur summam vituperationem posse
vitare, ea nostra ratio est ut omnes boni cum faveant tum 10
etiam omnem a nobis diligentiam virtutemque et postulent
et exspectent, omnes autem improbi, quod cum iis bellum
sempiternum suscepimus, vel minima re ad reprehendendum
42 contenti esse videantur, qua re quoniam eius modi theatrum
totius Asiae virtutibus tuis est datum, celebritate refertissi¬
mum, magnitudine amplissimum, iudicio eruditissimum,
natura autem ita resonans ut usque Romam significationes

4 (atque) ab Wesenberg 5-8 nam si. . .anteponenda est citat Ammian.

xxviiii.40. 6 sunt HN, Ammian.: sint Q 40, 3 iniuri(a)e GNVA: -ria
ER auaritia 2?.y:-i(a)e Q insolentia EGV5: -ti(a)e HNRM 5
leviorem Madvig: lenior (leuior Pms) Q: melior Watt 41, 4 si mediocris
tantum Sedgwick: si in mediocri statu Q 11 omnem a nobis EGA: a
n- o- NVR 42, 2 totius Asiae removit Manutius Asiae. . .datum C:
asiae Rs: om. Q


vocesque referantur, contende, quaeso, atque elabora non 5

modo ut his rebus dignus fuisse sed etiam ut illa omnia tuis
43 artibus superasse videare; et quoniam mihi casus urbanam
in magistratibus administrationem rei publicae, tibi provin¬
cialem dedit, [et] si mea pars nemini cedit, fac ut tua ceteros
vincat, simul et illud cogita, nos non de reliqua et sperata
gloria iam laborare sed de parta dimicare, quae quidem non 5
tam expetenda nobis fuit quam tuenda est.
Ac si mihi quicquam esset abs te separatum, nihil amplius
desiderarem hoc statu qui mihi iam partus est. nunc vero sic
res sese habet ut, nisi omnia tua facta atque dicta nostris
rebus istinc respondeant, ego me tantis meis laboribus 10
tantisque periculis, quorum tu omnium particeps fuisti, nihil
consecutum putem, quod si ut amplissimum nomen conse¬
queremur unus praeter ceteros adiuvisti, certe idem ut id
retineamus praeter ceteros elaborabis, non est tibi his solis
utendum existimationibus ac iudiciis qui nunc sunt hominum 15
sed iis etiam qui futuri sunt; quamquam illorum erit verius
44 iudicium, obtrectatione et malevolentia liberatum, denique
etiam illud debes cogitare, non te tibi soli gloriam quaerere;
quod si esset, tamen non neglegeres, praesertim cum
amplissimis monumentis consecrare voluisses memoriam
nominis tui. sed ea tibi est communicanda mecum, prodenda 5
liberis nostris, in qua cavendum est ne, si neglegentior fueris,
(non ) tibi parum consuluisse sed etiam tuis invidisse videaris.
45 Atque haec non eo dicuntur ut te oratio mea dormientem
excitasse sed potius ut currentem incitasse videatur, facies
enim perpetuo quae fecisti, ut omnes aequitatem tuam,
temperantiam, severitatem integritatemque laudarent, sed
me quaedam tenet propter singularem amorem infinita in te 5
aviditas gloriae, quamquam illud existimo, cum iam tibi

43> 3 et removit Faernus 12 putem VRbs: om. EGNMdm 14 solis

GJVA: solum EVRb 44, 2 etiam illud GNM: i- e- £F/?8 5 tibi
est 2: est t- PA 6 qua] quo Face io!ati 7 non scripsi: non solum s:
om. Q 45; 3 quae] fort, quod 6 quamquam HVRbd: quam EGNMms


Asia sicuti uni cuique sua domus nota esse debeat, cum ad
tuam summam prudentiam tantus usus accesserit, nihil esse
quod ad laudem attineat quod non tu optime perspicias et
tibi non sine cuiusquam hortatione in mentem veniat 10
cottidie. sed ego quia, cum tua lego, te audire, et quia, cum
ad te scribo, tecum loqui videor, idcirco et tua longissima
quaque epistula maxime delector et ipse in scribendo sum
saepe longior.
46 Illud te ad extremum et oro et hortor ut, tamquam poetae
boni et actores industrii solent, sic tu in extrema parte et
conclusione muneris ac negoti tui diligentissimus sis, ut hic
tertius annus imperi tui ftamquam tertiusf perfectissimus
atque ornatissimus fuisse videatur, id facillime facies si me, 5
cui semper uni magis quam universis placere voluisti, tecum
semper esse putabis et omnibus iis rebus quas dices et facies
Reliquum est ut te orem ut valetudini tuae, si me et tuos
omnis valere vis, diligentissime servias. 10

2 (1.2)

Scr. Romae inter viii Kal. JVov. et iv Id. Dec. an. gg


i Statius ad me venit a.d. viii Kal. Nov. eius adventus, quod

ita scripsisti, direptum iri te a tuis dum is abesset, molestus
mihi fuit; quod autem exspectationem sui concursumque
eum qui erat futurus si una tecum decederet neque antea
visus esset sustulit, id mihi non incommode visum est 5
accidisse, exhaustus est enim sermo hominum et multae
emissae iam eius modi voces, ‘ocAA’ ocie! xiva epeoxa pEyav’;
quae te absente confecta esse laetor.

11 ego quia Wesenberg: ego qui Q et quia Q: et qui Hbs

46, 4 tertius] t- actus s': anne ultimus actus ? 10 seruias. uale M1dms
Ep. 2] 1, 2 iri te Victorius: iri Mcorr.: te N: erit Q 3 sui Schiitz: tui Q


2 Quod autem idcirco a te missus est mihi ut se purgaret, id

necesse minime fuit, primum enim numquam ille mihi fuit
suspectus, neque ego quae ad te de illo scripsi scripsi meo
iudicio; sed cum ratio salusque omnium nostrum qui ad rem
publicam accedimus non veritate solum sed etiam fama 5
niteretur, sermones ad te aliorum semper, non mea iudicia
perscripsi, qui quidem quam frequentes essent et quam
graves adventu suo Statius ipse cognovit, etenim intervenit
non nullorum querelis quae apud me de illo ipso habebantur
et sentire potuit sermones iniquorum in suum potissimum 10
nomen erumpere.
3 Quod autem me maxime movere solebat, cum audiebam
illum plus apud te posse quam gravitas istius aetatis, imperi,
prudentiae postularet - quam multos enim mecum egisse
putas ut se Statio commendarem, quam multa autem ipsum
&9sA6os mecum in sermone ita posuisse, ‘id mihi non placuit’, 5
‘monui’, ‘suasi’, ‘deterrui’ ? quibus in rebus etiam si fidelitas
summa est (quod prorsus credo, quoniam tu ita iudicas),
tamen species ipsa tam gratiosi liberti aut servi dignitatem
habere nullam potest, atque hoc sic habeto (nihil enim nec
temere dicere nec astute reticere debeo), materiam omnem 10
sermonum eorum qui de te detrahere velint Statium dedisse;
antea tantum intellegi potuisse iratos tuae (se)veritati esse
non nullos, hoc manumisso iratis quod loquerentur non
4 Nunc respondebo ad eas epistulas quas mihi reddidit L.
Caesius, cui, quoniam ita te velle intellego, nullo loco deero;
quarum altera est de Blaundeno Zeuxide, quem scribis
certissimum matricidam tibi a me intime commendari, qua
de re et de hoc genere toto, ne forte me in Graecos tam 5

3, 2 istius Victorius: illius fi 5 dcpeAcos Victorius: aacpcxAcos GRA: om.

EHJVV posuisse Wesenberg: potu- fi: protulisse Victorius 9 enim
M4: tamen fi 12 severitati s': uer- fi 4, 2 cui bs: qui fi 3
Blaundeno Tyrrell: blain- vel blayn- vel sim. S: blainde A: Planindeno C:
Blaudeno Manutius


ambitiosum factum esse mirere, pauca cognosce, ego cum

Graecorum querelas nimium valere sentirem propter homi¬
num ingenia ad fallendum parata, quoscumque de te queri
audivi quacumque potui ratione placavi, primum Dionys-
<opol )itas, qui erant inimicissimi, lenivi; quorum principem io
Hermippum non solum sermone meo sed etiam familiaritate
devinxi, ego Apamensem Hephaestium, ego levissimum
hominem, Megaristum Antandrium, ego Niciam Smyrnaeum,
ego nugas maximas omni mea comitate sum complexus,
Nymphonem etiam Colophonium, quae feci omnia, 15
non quo me aut hi homines aut tota natio delectaret,
pertaesum est levitatis, adsentationis, animorum non officiis
sed temporibus servientium.
5 Sed ut ad Zeuxim revertar, cum is de M. Cascelli sermone
secum habito, quae tu scribis, ea ipsa loqueretur, obstiti eius
sermoni et hominem in familiaritatem recepi, tua autem quae
fuerit cupiditas tanta nescio, quod scribis cupisse te, quoniam
Smyrnae duos Mysos insuisses in culleum, simile in superiore 5
parte provinciae edere exemplum severitatis tuae et idcirco
Zeuxim elicere omni ratione voluisse, quem adductum in
iudicium fortasse an dimitti non oportuerit, conquiri vero et
elici blanditiis, ut tu scribis, ad iudicium necesse non fuit,
eum praesertim hominem quem ego et ex suis civibus et ex 10
multis aliis cottidie magis cognosco nobiliorem esse prope
quam civitatem suam.
6 At enim Graecis solis indulgeo. quid? L. Caecilium nonne
omni ratione placavi? quem hominem! qua ira, quo spiritu!
quem denique praeter Tuscenium, cuius causa sanari non
potest, non mitigavi? ecce supra caput homo levis ac
sordidus sed tamen equestri censu, Catienus! etiam is 5
lenietur, cuius tu in patrem quod fuisti asperior non repre-

9-10 Dionysopolitas Ursinus: -ysitas fi 10 inimicissimi G: -imi mei fi

12 Hephaestium Orelli: (et) ephesium vel sim. fi 14—15 sum com¬
plexus Z: c- sum A 15 nymphonem Z: -ph(-f-)ontem A 5, 7 elicere
AU: eligere fi quem Z bcl: ultra quem Mms 8 an GNVA: om. Elis
oportuerat A/4 6, 3 tuscennium AGVA 5 censu Victorius: incessu fi


hendo. certo scio te enim fecisse cum causa, sed quid opus
fuit eius modi litteris quas ad ipsum misisti? illum crucem
sibi ipsum constituere, ex qua tu eum ante detraxisses; te
curaturum fumo ut combureretur plaudente tota provincia. 10
quid vero ad C. Fabium nescio quem (nam eam quoque
epistulam T. Catienus circumgestat), renuntiari tibi
Licinium plagiarium cum suo pullo miluino tributa exigere?
deinde rogas Fabium ut et patrem et filium vivos comburat,
si possit; si minus, ad te mittat uti iudicio comburantur, hae 15
litterae abs te per iocum missae ad C. Fabium, si modo sunt
tuae, cum leguntur, invidiosam atrocitatem verborum habent.
7 Ac si omnium mearum litterarum praecepta repetes,
intelleges esse nihil a me nisi orationis acerbitatem et
iracundiam et, si forte, raro litterarum missarum indiligen¬
tiam reprehensam, quibus quidem in rebus si apud te plus
auctoritas mea quam tua sive natura paulo acrior sive 5
quaedam dulcedo iracundiae sive dicendi sal facetiaeque
valuissent, nihil sane esset quod nos paeniteret. et mediocri
me dolore putas adfici cum audiam qua sit existimatione
Vergilius, qua tuus vicinus, C. Octavius? nam si te interiori¬
bus vicinis tuis, Ciliciensi et Syriaco, anteponis, valde 10
magnum facis! atque is dolor est quod, cum ii quos nominavi
te innocentia non vincant, vincunt tamen artificio benevo¬
lentiae colligendae, qui neque Cyrum Xenophontis neque
Agesilaum noverint, quorum regum summo imperio nemo
umquam verbum ullum asperius audivit. 15
8 Sed haec a principio tibi praecipiens quantum profecerim
non ignoro, nunc tamen decedens, id quod mihi iam facere
videris, relinque, quaeso, quam iucundissimam memoriam

7 enim post certe (sic) R, post scio N 10 fumo] vivus Housman ap. Watt:
fumo Ursinus: in furno Wesenberg 11 quem 2: quam A 12
renuntiari EVR: -re G7VA 15 h(a)e vel hee vel hec Q: eae Baiter
7, 1 mearum Pb: mecum Q litterarum praecepta "Zms: p- 1 - NMbd
9 (C.) Vergilius Orelli C. (G.)] Gn. ER 10 Ciliciensi Manutius:
-censi Q 11 magnum "Zbd: -ni Mms 14 (in) summo Crat.: summo
(in) Manutius


tui. successorem habes perblandum; cetera valde illius

adventu tua requirentur, in litteris mittendis (saepe ad te 5
scripsi) nimium te exorabilem praebuisti, tolle omnis, si
potes, iniquas, tolle inusitatas, tolle contrarias. Statius mihi
narravit scriptas ad te solere adferri, a se legi, et si iniquae
sint fieri te certiorem; ante quam vero ipse ad te venisset,
nullum delectum litterarum fuisse, ex eo esse volumina 10
9 selectarum epistularum quae reprehendi solerent, hoc de
genere nihil te nunc quidem moneo (sero est enim, ac scire
potes multa me varie diligenterque monuisse); illud tamen
quod Theopompo mandavi cum essem admonitus ab ipso,
vide per homines amantis tui, quod est facile, ut haec genera 5
tollantur epistularum: primum iniquarum, deinde contra¬
riarum, tum absurde et inusitate scriptarum, postremo in
aliquem contumeliosarum, atque ego haec tam esse quam
audio non puto; et si sunt occupationibus tuis minus
animadversa, nunc perspice et purga, legi epistulam quam 10
ipse scripsisse Sulla nomenclator dictus est, non probandam;
legi non nullas iracundas.
IO Sed tempore ipso de epistulis, nam cum hanc paginam
tenerem, L. Flavius, praetor designatus, ad me venit, homo
mihi valde familiaris, is mihi te ad procuratores suos litteras
misisse, quae mihi visae sunt iniquissimae, ne quid de bonis
quae L. Octavi Nasonis fuissent, cui L. Flavius heres est, 5
deminuerent ante quam C. Fundanio pecuniam solvissent,
itemque misisse ad Apollonidensis ne de bonis quae Octavi
fuissent deminui paterentur prius quam Fundanio debitum
solutum esset, haec mihi veri similia non videntur, sunt enim
a prudentia tua remotissima, ne deminuat heres? quid si 10
infitiatur? quid si omnino non debet? quid? praetor solet

8, 4 anne ceterum ? 5 (ut) saepe s' 6 exorabilem Corradus: inex- Q

8 ad te EVRms: a te GJVMbd: ad se Orelli a EVRms: ad GNMbd: ab s'
9 sint] essent Wesenberg 10, 2 texerem Boot 5 L. I: om. A
6, 8, 10, 11, 5 dimin- codd. plerique 10-11 quid si inf- M corr.: quod si
inf-110: quod sibi inf- Q 11 debet GJVRbd: -tur VMms


iudicare deberi? quid? ego Fundanio non cupio, non amicus

sum, non misericordia moveor? nemo magis, sed vis iuris
eius modi est quibusdam in rebus ut nihil sit loci gratiae,
atque ita mihi dicebat Flavius scriptum in ea epistula quam 15
tuam esse dicebat, te aut quasi amicis tuis gratias acturum
11 aut quasi inimicis incommodaturum, quid multa? ferebat id
graviter, vehementer mecum querebatur orabatque ut ad te
quam diligentissime scriberem, quod facio et te prorsus
vehementer etiam atque etiam rogo ut et procuratoribus
Flavi remittas de deminuendo et Apollonidensibus ne quid 5
praescribas, quod contra Flavium sit, amplius, et Flavi causa
et scilicet Pompei facies omnia, nolo me dius fidius ex tua
iniuria in illum tibi liberalem me videri; sed et te oro ut tu
ipse auctoritatem et monumentum aliquod decreti aut
litterarum tuarum relinquas quod sit ad Flavi rem et ad 10
causam accommodatum, fert enim graviter homo et mei
observantissimus et sui iuris dignitatisque retinens se apud
te neque amicitia nec iure valuisse, et, ut opinor, Flavi
aliquando rem et Pompeius et Caesar tibi commendarunt et
ipse ad te scripserat Flavius et ego certe, qua re si ulla res est 15
quam tibi me petente faciendam putes, haec ea sit. si me
amas, cura, elabora, perfice ut Flavius et tibi et mihi quam
maximas gratias agat, hoc te ita rogo ut maiore studio rogare
non possim.
12 Quod ad me de Hermia scribis mihi mehercule valde
molestum fuit, litteras ad te parum fraterne scripseram, quas
oratione Diodoti, Luculli liberti, commotus, de pactione
statim quod audieram, iracundius scripseram et revocare
cupiebam, huic tu epistulae non fraterne scriptae fraterne 5
debes ignoscere.
13 De Censorino, Antonio, Cassiis, Scaevola, te ab iis diligi,

13 vis Mueller: uia Q 17 incommodaturum VRC-. incommoda lat-

(-dulat- N, -dum lat- ms) GNA 11, 1-2 id graviter scripsi: g- id Q: g-
Watt: g- et Lamb. marg. 8 sed et] sed Faernus: sed id R. Klotz 16
petente (pot- G) hoc loco GV: post faciendum HR A: post putes jV


ut scribis, vehementer gaudeo, cetera luerunt in eadem

epistula graviora quam vellem, ‘opOocv tccv vauv’ et ‘atra^
Oavelv’. maiora ista erunt, meae obiurgationes fuerunt
amoris plenissimae. tcluaet sunt non nulla, sed tamen 5
mediocria et parva potius, ego te numquam ulla in re
dignum minima reprehensione putassem, cum te sanctissime
gereres, nisi inimicos multos haberemus, quae ad te aliqua
(cum ad)monitione aut obiurgatione scripsi, scripsi propter
diligentiam cautionis meae, in qua et maneo et manebo et 10
idem ut facias non desistam rogare.
14 Attalus Hypaepenus mecum egit ut se ne impedires quo
minus quod ad Q_. Publici statuam decretum est erogaretur,
quod ego te et rogo et admoneo ne talis viri tamque nostri
necessari honorem minui per te aut impediri velis, praeterea
Aesopi, nostri [tragoedi] familiaris, Licinus servus tibi notus 5
aufugit, is Athenis apud Patronem Epicureum pro libero
fuit, inde in Asiam venit, postea Plato quidam Sardianus,
Epicureus, qui Athenis solet esse multum et qui tum Athenis
fuerat cum Licinus eo venisset [et], cum eum fugitivum esse
postea ex Aesopi litteris cognosset, hominem comprehendit 10
et in custodiam Ephesi tradidit; sed in publicamne an in
pistrinum, non satis ex litteris eius intellegere potuimus, tu,
quoquo modo est, quoniam Ephesi est, hominem investiges
velim summaque diligentia vel (Romam mittas vel) tecum
deducas, noli spectare quanti homo sit. parvi enim preti est 15
qui tam nihili sit. sed tanto dolore Aesopus est adfectus

13, 4 erunt] erant Tuns tali: removit Wesenberg 5 quae sunt] questus
sum Wesenberg (anne quae questus sum sunt ?): quae removit Watt {'fort,
ortum ex quaere’) 9 cum hic add. Orelli,postte Lambinus admonitione
S': mon- Q 11 ut (tu) s': anne <tu) ut vel (te) ut ? 14, 1 Hypae¬
penus Orelli: hyphemenus vel sim. Q 2 Publicii statuam Schtitz:
publiceni stat- GJVA: publice instat- HVR 5 tragoedi removit Orelli:
ante nostri transp. s' 5 et 9 Licinus Torrentius: -nius Q 9 et removit
Manutius 11 -ne an Lambinus: an Ps: uel Q 14 Romam mittas
vel add. Wesenberg 16 tam nihili Manutius: iam nihil Q


propter servi scelus et audaciam ut nihil ei gratius facere

possis quam si illum per te reciperarit.
15 Nunc ea cognosce quae maxime exoptas, rem publicam
funditus amisimus, adeo ut (C. ) Cato, adulescens nullius
consili sed tamen civis Romanus et Cato, vix vivus effugerit
quod, cum Gabinium de ambitu vellet postulare neque
praetores diebus aliquot adiri possent vel potestatem sui 5
facerent, in contionem ascendit et Pompeium ‘privatum
dictatorem’ appellavit, propius nihil est factum quam ut
occideretur, ex hoc qui sit status totius rei publicae videre
16 Nostrae tamen causae non videntur homines defuturi.
mirandum in modum profitentur, offerunt se, pollicentur,
equidem cum spe sum maxima tum maiore etiam animo:
spe, ut superiores fore nos confidam; animo, ut in hac re
publica ne casum quidem ullum pertimescam, sed tamen se 5
res sic habet: si diem nobis dixerit, tota Italia concurret, ut
multiplicata gloria discedamus; sin autem vi agere conabitur,
spero fore studiis non solum amicorum sed etiam alienorum
ut vi resistamus, omnes et se et suos amicos, clientis, libertos,
servos, pecunias denique suas pollicentur, nostra antiqua 10
manus bonorum ardet [et] studio nostri atque amore, si qui
antea aut alieniores fuerant aut languidiores, nunc horum
regum odio se cum bonis coniungunt. Pompeius omnia
pollicetur et Caesar; quibus ego ita credo ut nihil de mea
comparatione deminuam, tribuni pl. designati sunt nobis 15
amici, consules se optime ostendunt, praetores habemus
amicissimos et acerrimos civis, Domitium, Nigidium,
Memmium, Lentulum; bonos etiam alios, sed hos singularis.

15, 2 G. add. Orelli 3 effugerit Lamb. marg.: -ret fi 4 gabinium

GVs: -num ENRA 6 ascendit EJVA: esc- G: desc- VR priuatum
Ns: -us fi 16, 3 sum s': summa fi animo s': -ma fi 4 spe, ut
A. Klotz: sperent fi confidam R. Klotz: -ant fi 5 pertimescam
S': -ant fi 11 et removit Manutius 12 aut (ait.) Pbms: et fi
15 deminuam Manutius: dim- fi 17 acerrimos M corr.: acerbissimos
fi 18 sed hos 1.: om. A


qua re magnum animum fac habeas et spem bonam, de

singulis tamen rebus quae cottidie gerentur faciam te crebro 20

3 (i-3)
Scr. Thessalonicae Id. Iun. an. 58


1 Mi frater, mi frater, mi frater, tune id veritus es ne ego

iracundia aliqua adductus pueros ad te sine litteris miserim
aut etiam ne te videre noluerim? ego tibi irascerer? tibi ego
possem irasci? scilicet; tu enim me adflixisti, tui me inimici,
tua me invidia ac non ego te misere perdidi, meus ille 5
laudatus consulatus mihi te, liberos, patriam, fortunas, tibi
velim ne quid eripuerit praeter unum me. sed certe a te mihi
omnia semper honesta et iucunda ceciderunt, a me tibi
luctus meae calamitatis, metus tuae, desiderium, maeror,
solitudo, ego te videre noluerim? immo vero me a te videri 10
nolui, non enim vidisses fratrem tuum, non eum quem
reliqueras, non eum quem noras, non eum quem flens
flentem, prosequentem proficiscens dimiseras, ne vestigium
quidem eius nec simulacrum sed quandam effigiem spirantis
mortui. 15
Atque utinam me mortuum prius vidisses aut audisses,
utinam te non solum vitae sed etiam dignitatis meae super-
2 stitem reliquissem! sed testor omnis deos me hac una voce a
morte esse revocatum, quod omnes in mea vita partem
aliquam tuae vitae repositam esse dicebant, qua in re peccavi
scelerateque feci, nam si occidissem, mors ipsa meam
pietatem amoremque in te facile defenderet: nunc commisi 5

19 animum fac 2: fac an- A 20 gerentur scripsi: geran- Q

Ep. 3] 1, 3 noluerim G: uo- Q 8 acciderunt Lamb. marg. 2, 3 in
C: om. Q


ut vivo me carei'es, vivo me aliis indigeres, mea vox in

domesticis periculis potissimum occideret, quae saepe
alienissimis praesidio fuisset.
Nam quod ad te pueri sine litteris venerunt, quoniam
vides non fuisse iracundiae causam, certe pigritia fuit et 10
3 quaedam infinita vis lacrimarum et dolorum, haec ipsa me
quo fletu putas scripsisse? eodem quo te legere certo scio, an
ego possum aut non cogitare aliquando de te aut umquam
sine lacrimis cogitare? cum enim te desidero, fratrem solum
desidero ? ego vero suavitate [prope] fratrem, (aetate > prope 5
aequalem, obsequio filium, consilio parentem, quid mihi
sine te umquam aut tibi sine me iucundum fuit? quid quod
eodem tempore desidero filiam? qua pietate, qua modestia,
quo ingenio! effigiem oris, sermonis, animi mei. quod filium
venustissimum mihique dulcissimum? quem ego ferus ac 10
ferreus e complexu dimisi meo, sapientiorem puerum quam
vellem; sentiebat enim miser iam quid ageretur, quid vero
(quod) tuum filium, [quid] imaginem tuam, quem meus
Cicero et amabat ut fratrem et iam ut maiorem fratrem
verebatur? quid quod mulierem miserrimam, fidelissimam 15
coniugem, me prosequi non sum passus, ut esset quae
reliquias communis calamitatis, communis liberos tueretur?
4 Sed tamen, quoquo modo potui, scripsi et dedi litteras ad
te Philogono, liberto tuo, quas credo tibi postea redditas
esse; in quibus idem te hortor et rogo quod pueri tibi verbis
meis nuntiarunt, ut Romam protinus pergas et properes,
primum enim te (in) praesidio esse volui, si qui essent 5
inimici quorum crudelitas nondum esset nostra calamitate
satiata; deinde congressus nostri lamentationem pertimui,

6 uiuo me (prius) 2: me u- A 10 iracundiam Lambimus causam 2:

-sa A: in causa Larnb. marg. (melius causae) 11 dolorum EPS: dolor
£2 3, 2 certo GJV: -te EVRLs 5 fratrem aetate Lambimus: prope
fratrem fi 9 quod Wesemberg: quid fi: quid quod Lamb marg.
12-13 quid vero quod Watt im app.: quod u- fi: quid v- Wesemberg
13 quid removit Schiitz tuam Mamutius: meam fi quem P: quam fi
14 et iam Em: etiam fi 4, 5 in add. Madvig


digressum vero non tulissem atque etiam id ipsum quod tu

scribis metuebam, ne a me distrahi non posses, his de causis
hoc maximum malum quod te non vidi, quo nihil amantis- io
simis et coniunctissimis fratribus acerbius ac miserius videtur
accidere potuisse, minus acerbum, minus miserum fuit quam
fuisset cum congressio tum vero digressio nostra.
5 Nunc, si potes, id quod ego qui tibi semper fortis videbar
non possum, erige te et confirma, si qua subeunda dimicatio
erit, spero, si quid mea spes habet auctoritatis, tibi et
integritatem tuam et amorem in te civitatis et aliquid etiam
misericordiam nostri praesidi laturum, sin eris ab isto 5
periculo vacuus, ages scilicet si quid agere posse de nobis
putabis, de quo scribunt ad me quidem multi multa et se
sperare demonstrant, sed ego quid sperem non dispicio, cum
inimici plurimum valeant, amici partim deseruerint me,
partim etiam prodiderint; qui in meo reditu fortasse repre- 10
hensionem sui sceleris pertimescunt, sed ista qualia sint tu
velim perspicias mihique declares, ego tamen, quam diu tibi
opus erit, si quid periculi subeundum videbis, vivam; diutius
in hac vita esse non possum, neque enim tantum virium
habet ulla aut prudentia aut doctrina ut tantum dolorem 15
6 possit sustinere, scio fuisse et honestius moriendi tempus et
utilius, sed non hoc solum, multa alia praetermisi; quae si
queri velim praeterita, nihil agam nisi ut augeam dolorem
tuum, indicem stultitiam meam, illud quidem nec faciendum
est nec fieri potest, me diutius quam aut tuum tempus aut 5
firma spes postulabit in tam misera tamque turpi vita com¬
morari, ut, qui modo fratre fuerim, liberis, coniuge, copiis,
genere ipso pecuniae beatissimus, dignitate, auctoritate,
existimatione, gratia non inferior quam qui umquam fuerunt
amplissimi, is nunc in hac tam adflicta perditaque fortuna 10
neque me neque meos lugere diutius possim.

11 ac miserius EVRms: mis- GNMbd: miseriusve Buecheler 5, 6 agere

GNVA: agi ER: agere te Wesenberg 8 quid EVR: quod GNA
sperent Koch dispicio Em: des- Q 11 pertimescunt HNP: -cant Q


7 Qua re quid ad me scripsisti de permutatione? quasi vero

nunc me non tuae facultates sustineant; qua in re ipsa video
miser et sentio quid sceleris admiserim, cum de visceribus
tuis et fili tui satis facturus sis quibus debes, ego acceptam ex
aerario pecuniam tuo nomine frustra dissiparim, sed tamen 5
et M. Antonio quantum tu scripseras (et) Caepioni tantun-
dem solutum est. mihi ad id quod cogito fioc quod habeo
satis est. sive enim restituimur sive desperamur, nihil
amplius opus est.
Tu, si forte quid erit molestiae, te ad Crassum et ad 10
8 Calidium conferas censeo, quantum Hortensio credendum
sit nescio, me summa simulatione amoris summaque
adsiduitate cottidiana sceleratissime insidiosissimeque tracta¬
vit adiuncto Q. Arrio. quorum ego consiliis, promissis,
praeceptis destitutus in hanc calamitatem incidi, sed haec 5
occultabis, ne quid obsint; illud caveto (et eo puto per
Pomponium fovendum tibi esse ipsum Hortensium), ne ille
versus, qui in te erat collatus cum aedilitatem petebas, de
lege Aurelia, falso testimonio confirmetur, nihil enim tam
timeo quam ne, cum intellegant homines quantum miseri- 10
cordiae nobis tuae preces et tua salus adlatura sit, oppugnent
9 te vehementius. Messallam tui studiosum esse arbitror.
Pompeium etiam simulatorem puto, sed haec utinam (ne)
experiare! quod precarer deos nisi meas preces audire
desissent. verum tamen precor ut his infinitis nostris malis
contenti sint, in quibus non modo tamen nullius inest peccati 5
infamia sed omnis dolor est quod optime factis poena maxima
est constituta.
IO Filiam meam et tuam Ciceronemque nostrum quid ego,
mi frater, tibi commendem? quin illud maereo quod tibi non
minorem dolorem illorum orbitas adferet quam mihi, sed te

7, 1 quid s: quod Q 3 cum (tu) Wesenberg 6 et add. Lambinus

6-7 tantundem Pbd: -tidem Q 8, 4 Q,. Lamb, rnarg.: quoque Q
10 anne intellegent ? 9, 2 simulaturum Pluygers ne add. Baiter: non s'
5 tamen non modo Lamb. marg. 10, 3 afferet EHV: -erret GJVRMdm:
-ert bs


incolumi orbi non erunt, reliqua ita mihi salus aliqua detur
potestasque in patria moriendi ut me lacrimae non sinunt 5
scribere! etiam Terentiam velim tueare mihique de omnibus
rebus rescribas, sis fortis quoad rei natura patiatur.

Id. Iun. Thessalonicae.

4 (i-4)

Scr. Thessalonicae c. Non. Sext. an. 58


1 Amabo te, mi frater, ne, si uno meo facto et tu et omnes mei

corruistis, improbitati et sceleri meo potius quam impru¬
dentiae miseriaeque adsignes. nullum est meum peccatum
nisi quod iis credidi a quibus nefas putarem esse me decipi
aut etiam quibus ne id expedire quidem arbitrabar, intimus, 5
proximus, familiarissimus quisque aut sibi pertimuit aut mihi
invidit, ita mihi nihil misero praeter fidem amicorum,
cautum meum consilium, (de)fuit.
2 Quod si te satis innocentia tua et misericordia hominum
vindicat hoc tempore a molestia, perspicis profecto ecquae-
nam nobis spes salutis relinquatur, nam me Pomponius et
Sestius et Piso noster adhuc Thessalonicae retinuerunt, cum
longius discedere propter nescio quos motus vetarent, verum 5
ego magis exitum illorum litteris quam spe certa exspecta¬
bam. nam quid sperem potentissimo inimico, dominatione
3 obtrectatorum, infidelibus amicis, plurimis invidis? de novis

7 rebus om. HV 8 Thessalonica Orelli

Ep. 4] 1, 1 ne si AT: nisi Vs: nisi si QC facto RA: fato 2 3
miseriaeque cod. Faerni: mieq; EJVR: misericordiaeque GVA 4
putaram V\ -abam Ernesti 8 (aut) cautum Frederking defuit
Malaespina: fuit Q 2, 2 perspicies Frederking 2-3 ecquaenam s':
et q- Q, ut solent 5 verum] quorum Watt in app. 3, 1 de nouis GV:
denot(i)us EHJVRA


autem tribunis pl. est ille quidem in me officiosissimus

Sestius et (spero) Curtius, Milo, Fadius, Atilius, sed valde
adversante Clodio, qui etiam privatus eadem manu poterit
contiones concitare, deinde etiam intercessor parabitur. 5
4 Haec mihi proficiscenti non proponebantur, sed saepe
triduo summa cum gloria dicebar esse rediturus, ‘quid tu
igitur?’ inquies, quid? multa convenerunt quae mentem
exturbarent meam: subita defectio Pompei, alienatio
consulum, etiam praetorum, timor publicanorum, (ser- 5
vorum) arma, lacrimae meorum me ad mortem ire pro¬
hibuerunt, quod certe et ad honestatem (tuendam) et ad
effugiendos intolerabilis dolores fuit aptissimum, sed de hoc
scripsi ad te in ea epistula quam Phaethonti dedi.
Nunc tu, quoniam in tantum luctum (et) laborem 10
detrusus es quantum nemo umquam [a], si levare potest
communem causam misericordia hominum, scilicet incredi¬
bile quiddam adsequeris; sin plane occidimus, me miserum!
ego omnibus meis exitio fuero, quibus ante dedecori non
eram. 15
5 Sed tu, ut ante ad te scripsi, perspice rem et pertempta et
ad me, ut tempora nostra non ut amor tuus fert, vere
perscribe, ego vitam, quoad aut putabo tua interesse aut ad
spem servandam esse, retinebo, tu nobis amicissimum
Sestium cognosces, credo tua causa velle Lentulum, qui erit 5
consul, quamquam sunt facta verbis difficiliora, tu et quid
opus sit et quid sit videbis.
Omnino si tuam solitudinem communemque calamitatem

3 (ut) spero s' Atilius scripsi: gratidius Q: Fabricius Manutius

4, 5-6 servorum addidi, Clodi {post arma) Buecheler, latronum (post
arma) T.-P. 7 tuendam exempli causa addidi 9 Phaethonti s':
phet(h)onti vel sim. Q 10 laboremque VPbs: et laborem cod. Faerni
11 a removit s': anne antea ? si s': se Q releuare ER 12 miseri¬
cordia E: -i(a)e Q 5, 2 uera C 3 quoad aut Hs: quo aut Q:
quoad P: quo autem N putabo aut Lambinus ad removere voluit
Constans, removit Watt 5 uelle GVbd: uel ENRMms 6 sunt EVPb:
sed non GNM: om. R quid ENR: quod GVA


nemo despexerit, aut per te aliquid confici aut nullo modo

poterit; sin te quoque inimici vexare coeperint, ne cessaris, io
non enim gladiis tecum sed litibus agetur, verum haec absint
velim, te oro ut ad me de omnibus (rebus) rescribas et in me
animi aut potius consili minus putes esse quam antea, amoris
vero et offici non minus.

5 (n.i)

Scr. Romae paulo ante xvi Kal. Ian. an. 57


I Epistulam quam legisti mane dederam; sed fecit humaniter

Licinius quod ad me misso senatu vesperi venit, ut si quid
esset actum ad te, si mihi videretur, perscriberem.
Senatus fuit frequentior quam putabamus esse posse mense
Decembri sub dies festos, consulares nos fuimus et duo con- 5
sules designati, P. Servilius, M. Lucullus, Lepidus, Volcacius,
Glabrio; praetorii sane frequentes, fuimus omnino ad cc.
commorat exspectationem Lupus; egit causam agri Campani
sane accurate, auditus est magno silentio, materiam rei non
ignoras, nihil ex nostris actionibus praetermisit; fuerunt non 10
nulli aculei in Caesarem, contumeliae in Gellium, expostu¬
lationes cum absente Pompeio, causa sero perorata sententias
se rogaturum negavit, ne quod onus simultatis nobis impone¬
ret; ex superiorum temporum conviciis et ex praesenti
silentio quid senatus sentiret se intellegere dixit, senatum 15

9 dispexerit G test. Constans et Moricca 11 tecum Manutius: mecum

Q: ut m- Schiltz agetur s': ageretur Q 12 rebus add. Orelli
13 aut potius Gulielmius: p- aut Q
Ep. 5] 1, 2 fort. Licinus 4 putaramus Wesenberg 6-7 et duo consules
designati (et omisso) post Glabrio ponere voluit Schiltz 7 praetori (i) Z:
-tor A 12 sero A: om. Z 15 senatum Watt: -us Z: om. A rem
satis involutam ita enucleate exposuit Watt: ‘permutatione foliorum in archetypo
factum est ut post dixit (senatus) haec sequantur: 1. omnes [Ep. 6.3, v. 11]


I[coepit dimittere, tum Marcellinus ‘noli’ inquit ‘ex taciturni¬

tate nostra, Lupe, quid aut probemus hoc tempore aut
improbemus iudicare. ego, quod ad me attinet, itemque
arbitror ceteros, idcirco taceo quod non existimo, cum
2 Pompeius absit, causam agri Campani agi convenire.’ tum 20

ille se senatum negavit tenere. Racilius surrexit et de iudiciis

referre coepit; Marcellinum quidem primum rogavit, is cum
graviter de Clodianis incendiis, trucidationibus, lapidationi¬
bus questus esset, sententiam dixit ut ipse iudices [per] 5
praetor urbanus sortiretur, iudicum sortitione facta comitia
haberentur; qui iudicia impedisset, eum contra rem publi¬
cam esse facturum, approbata valde sententia C. Cato
contra dixit et Cassius maxima acclamatione senatus, cum
comitia iudiciis anteferrent. Philippus adsensit Lentulo. 10
3 postea Racilius de privatis me primum sententiam rogavit,
multa feci verba de toto furore latrocinioque P. Clodi.
tamquam reum accusavi multis et secundis admurmurationi¬
bus cuncti senatus, orationem meam collaudavit satis multis
verbis non mehercule indiserte Vetus Antistius, isque 5
iudiciorum causam suscepit antiquissimamque se habiturum
dixit, ibatur in eam sententiam, tum Clodius rogatus diem
dicendo eximere coepit, furebat a Racilio se contumaciter

. . .ipsius Milo [Ep. 7.4, v. 11]; 2. coepit [Ep. 5.1, v. 16]. . .cupiant \Ep.
6.3, v. 11]; 3. &(JuptAoc(piav [Ep. 9.1, v. 1]. . .iacentem [Ep. 10.2, v. 4]
4. copiis [Ep. 7.4, v. 11]. . .exiturus [Ep. 8.2, v. 8]; 5. a.d. viii e.q.s. [Ep.
10.2, v. 5]; verum ordinem 2, 1,4, 3, 5 restituit [ed.] Rom[ana] nisi quod 3 post
revertamur [Ep. 13.2, v. 17] conlocavit; hunc errorem parum feliciter corrigere
conatus est Man[utius] (quem secuti sunt edd. usque ad Or[elli]* 2), correxit
Mommsen [Zeitschr. f. die Altertumswiss. 2 (1844), 593 sqq., 3 (1845),
779 sq. (= Ges. Schr. vii. 13 sqq.)]; denique pauca emendavit Slernkopf
[Untersuchungen, 384 sqq.]’ 16 noli FS: nobili GJVM: nob(i)lis RP
2, 6 praetor urbanus (i.e. pr. urb.) Manutius: per praetorem urbanum
fi: per se praetor urbanus Sternkopf 9 Cassius] Caninius conieci 10
anteferrent Orelli: -rret fi Philippus adsentit (sic) Lentulo citat
Diomedes (G.L.K. i.381.26) 3, 5 Vetus Anton. Augustinus-, seuerus fi
8 dicendo s: -di fiC: calumnia dicendi vel d- c- Sjogren


urbaneque vexatum, deinde eius operae repente a Graeco¬

stasi et gradibus clamorem satis magnum sustulerunt, opinor, io
in Q. Sextilium et amicos Milonis incitatae, eo metu iniecto
repente magna querimonia omnium discessimus.
Habes acta unius diei; reliqua, ut arbitror, in mensem
Ianuarium reicientur. de tribunis pl. longe optimum
Racilium habemus; videtur etiam Antistius amicus nobis 15
fore, nam Plancius totus noster est.
Fac, si me amas, ut considerate diligenterque naviges de
mense Decembri.

6 (11.2)

Scr. Romae xiv Kal. Febr. an. 56


I Non occupatione, qua eram sane impeditus, sed parvula

lippitudine adductus sum ut dictarem hanc epistulam et non,
ut ad te soleo, ipse scriberem, et primum me tibi excuso in
eo ipso in quo te accuso, me enim nemo adhuc rogavit num
quid in Sardiniam velim, te puto saepe habere qui num quid 5
Romam velis quaerant.
Quod ad me (de) Lentuli et Sesti nomine scripsisti,
locutus sum cum Cincio, quo modo res se habet, non est
facillima, sed habet profecto quiddam Sardinia appositum
ad recordationem praeteritae memoriae, nam ut ille 10
Gracchus augur, postea quam in istam provinciam venit,
recordatus est quid sibi in campo Martio comitia consulum
habenti contra auspicia accidisset, sic tu mihi videris in
Sardinia de forma Numisiana et de nominibus Pomponianis

9 inurbaneque 0, cod. Faerni 9-10 Graecostasi s': -co statio fi

Ep. 6] 1, 1 qua fi: quanquam C 4-5 num (nun s) quid Al2s: nunc
inquit fi 5 vellem s' num VR: nunc GNM 7 de add.
Manutius 12-13 consulum habenti Victorius-, -libus -tibus fi 14
pompeianis 8


in otio recogitasse, sed ego adhuc emi nihil. Gulleonis auctio 15

facta est; Tusculano emptor nemo fuit, si condicio valde
2 bona fuerit, fortassis non amittam, de aedificatione tua
Gyrum urgere non cesso, spero eum in officio fore, sed omnia
sunt tardiora propter furiosae aedilitatis exspectationem, nam
comitia sine mora futura videntur; edicta sunt <in ) a.d. xi
Kal. Febr. te tamen sollicitum esse nolo, omne genus a nobis 5
cautionis adhibebitur.
3 De rege Alexandrino factum est senatus consultum cum
multitudine eum reduci periculosum rei publicae videri,
reliqua cum esset in senatu contentio Lentulusne an Pom¬
peius reduceret, obtinere causam Lentulus videbatur, in ea
re nos et officio erga Lentulum mirifice et voluntati Pompei 5
praeclare satis fecimus; sed per obtrectatores Lentuli
calumnia extracta est. consecuti sunt dies comitiales, per
quos senatus haberi non poterat, quid futurum sit latrocinio
tribunorum non divino, sed tamen suspicor per vim roga¬
tionem Caninium perlaturum, in ea re Pompeius quid velit 10
non dispicio; familiares eius quid cupiant || omnes vident,
creditores vero regis aperte pecunias suppeditant contra
Lentulum, sine dubio res a Lentulo remota videtur esse cum
magno meo dolore, quamquam multa fecit qua re, si fas
esset, iure ei suscensere possemus. 15
4 Tu, si ista expedieris, velim quam primum bona et certa
tempestate conscendas ad meque venias, innumerabiles enim
res sunt in quibus te cottidie in omni genere desiderem, tui
nostrique valent.

xiiii Kal. Febr.

17 fortasse s' omittam ms 2, 4 in add. Wescnberg 3, 9-10 rog¬

ationem N: -ne fi 11 dispicio s': des- fi 11 post cupiant sequuntur
in codd. dpqnAatptocv sqq. (Ep. 9.1, v. 1)vide ad Ep. 5.1 4, 1 ita bs
expedieris Constans: -diri tibi G: -diri (?) AI: -disti V: -dito/?: -dit A8
2 conscendas s: conte- R: uenire conte- GVbd: commendas NMm

7 (IL3) i

7 (n-3)

Scr. Romae prid. Id. Febr. (d. xv Kal. Mart.) an. 56


1 Scripsi ad te antea superiora, nunc cognosce postea quae sint

acta, [a] Kal. Febr. legationes in Id. Febr. reiciebantur; eo
die res confecta non est. a.d. mi Non. Febr. Milo adfuit, ei
Pompeius advocatus venit, dixit M. Marcellus a me rogatus,
honeste discessimus, prodicta dies est in vii Id. Febr. interim 5
reiectis legationibus in Idus referebatur de provinciis
quaestorum et de ornandis praetoribus; sed res multis
querelis de re publica interponendis nulla transacta est. C.
Cato legem promulgavit de imperio Lentuli abrogando,
vestitum filius mutavit. 10
2 A.d. vii Id. Febr. Milo adfuit, dixit Pompeius, sive voluit,
nam ut surrexit, operae Clodianae clamorem sustulerunt,
idque ei perpetua oratione contigit, non modo ut acclama¬
tione sed ut convicio et maledictis impediretur, qui ut
peroravit (nam in eo sane fortis fuit, non est deterritus, dixit 5
omnia atque interdum etiam silentio, cum auctoritate
pervicerat) - sed ut peroravit, surrexit Clodius, ei tantus
clamor a nostris (placuerat enim referre gratiam) ut neque
mente nec lingua neque ore consisteret, ea res acta est, cum
hora sexta vix Pompeius perorasset, usque ad horam 10
octavam, cum omnia maledicta, versus denique obscenissimi
in Clodium et Clodiam dicerentur, ille furens et exsanguis
interrogabat suos in clamore ipso quis esset qui plebem fame
necaret: respondebant operae ‘Pompeius’, quis Alexandriani
ire cuperet: respondebant ‘Pompeius’, quem ire vellent: 15
respondebant ‘Crassum’ (is aderat tum Miloni, animo non

Ep. 7] 1, 2 a removit Sternkopf 4 M. EGVs: enim R: om. JVA 5

prodicta Drakenborch: -ducta fi vii vel mi fi: vm Manutius 2, 1
vii vel mi fi: viii Manutius 7 pervicerat Watt: peregerat fi: perfreg-
Gulielmius 11 denique fiC: etiam E 16 post Miloni distinxi (post
tum vulg.)


amico), hora fere nona quasi signo dato Clodiani nostros

consputare coeperunt, exarsit dolor, urgere illi ut loco nos
moverent, factus est a nostris impetus, fuga operarum,
eiectus de rostris Clodius, ac nos quoque tum fugimus, ne 20
quid in turba, senatus vocatus in curiam. Pompeius domum;
neque ego tamen in senatum, ne aut de tantis rebus tacerem
aut in Pompeio defendendo (nam is carpebatur a Bibulo,
Curione, Favonio, Servilio filio) animos bonorum virorum
offenderem, res in posterum dilata est. Clodius in Quirinalia 25
prodixit diem.
3 A.d. vi Id. Febr. senatus ad Apollinis fuit, ut Pompeius
adesset, acta res est graviter a Pompeio, eo die nihil perfectum
est. a.d. v Id. Febr. senatus ad Apollinis, senatus consultum
factum est ea quae facta essent a.d. vn Id. Febr. contra rem
publicam esse facta, eo die Cato vehementer est in Pompeium 5
invectus et eum oratione perpetua tamquam reum accusavit;
de me multa me invito cum mea summa laude dixit, cum
illius in me perfidiam increparet, auditus est magno silentio
malevolorum, respondit ei vehementer Pompeius Crassumque
descripsit dixitque aperte se munitiorem ad custodiendam 10
vitam suam fore quam Africanus fuisset, quem C. Carbo
4 Itaque magnae mihi res iam moveri videbantur, nam
Pompeius haec intellegit nobiscumque communicat, insidias
vitae suae fieri, C. Catonem a Crasso sustentari, Clodio
pecuniam suppeditari, utrumque et ab eo et a Curione,
Bibulo, ceterisque suis obtrectatoribus confirmari; vehe- 5
menter esse providendum ne opprimatur, contionario illo
populo a se prope alienato, nobilitate inimica, non aequo
senatu, iuventute improba, itaque se comparat; homines ex
agris accersit. operas autem suas Clodius confirmat; manus
ad Quirinalia paratur, in ea multo sumus superiores ipsius 10

25 dilata EN: del- GVPA: dii del- R 26 prodixit EGM: -duxit

NVR5 3, 1 vi vel in fi: vn Manutius 3 v Tuns tali: vi vel m fi
4 vn Sjogren: vi vel m fi: vm Manutius 11 carbo M corr.: cato fi


7 (ii.3) 5 ad quintum fratrem

Milo(nis) || copiis, sed magna manus ex Piceno et Gallia

exspectatur, ut etiam Catonis rogationibus de Milone et
Lentulo resistamus.
5 A.d. mi Id. Febr. Sestius ab indice Cn. Nerio Pupinia de
ambitu est postulatus et eodem die a quodam M. Tullio de
vi. is erat aeger, domum, ut debuimus, ad eum statim
venimus eique nos totos tradidimus idque fecimus praeter
hominum opinionem, qui nos ei iure suscensere putabant, ut 5
humanissimi gratissimique et ipsi et omnibus videremur;
itaque faciemus, sed idem Nerius index edidit [ad] adligatos
Cn. Lentulum Vatiam et C. Cornelium Stel. eodem die
senatus consultum factum est ut sodalitates decuriatique
discederent lexque de iis ferretur, ut qui non discessissent ea 10
poena quae est de vi tenerentur.
6 A.d. m Id. Febr. dixi pro Bestia de ambitu apud praetorem
Cn. Domitium in foro medio maximo conventu incidique in
eum locum in dicendo cum Sestius multis in templo Castoris
vulneribus acceptis subsidio Bestiae servatus esset, hic
TrpocoKovoiiriaaiJiriv quid(d )am Euxodpcos de iis quae in 5
Sestium apparabantur crimina et eum ornavi veris laudibus
magno adsensu omnium, res homini fuit vehementer grata,
quae tibi eo scribo quod me de retinenda Sesti gratia litteris
saepe monuisti.
7 Prid. Id. Febr. haec scripsi ante lucem, eo die apud
Pomponium in eius nuptiis eram cenaturus.
Cetera sunt in rebus nostris cuius modi tu mihi fere
diffidenti praedicabas, plena dignitatis et gratiae; quae
quidem tua, mi frater, patientia, virtute, pietate, suavitate 5
etiam tibi mihique sunt restituta.

4, 11 Milonis Sternkopf: milo fi post milo sequuntur in codd. coepit

dimittere sqq. (vide ad Ep. 5.1) 5, 1 de P: om. fi 2 ambitus V
7 alligatos Turnebus: ad leg- NR: ad alleg- fi 8 Stel. scripsi, auctore
Constans (Sta. et): staei G: stacci jV: statim V: sta R: ista ei A eodem
A: eo (ero R) 2 6, 1 m s': 1111 fi 5 quiddam Victorius: quidam fi
7, 3 cuius Manulius-. huius fi 5 patientia GjVA: pat- prudentia V:
prud- pat- R


Domus tibi ad lacum Pisonis jLucinianaf conducta est;

sed, ut spero, paucis mensibus post Kal. Quint, in tuam
commigrabis, tuam in Carinis mundi habitatores Lamiae
conduxerunt. 10
A te post illam Ulbiensem epistulam nullas litteras accepi,
quid agas et ut te oblectes scire cupio maximeque te ipsum
videre quam primum.
Cura, mi frater, ut valeas et, quamquam est hiems, tamen
Sardiniam istam esse cogites. 15

xv Kal. Mart.

8 (11.4)

Scr. Romae medio m. Mart. an. $6


I Sestius noster absolutus est a.d. 11 Id. Mart, et, quod vehe¬
menter interfuit rei publicae, nullam videri in eius modi
causa dissensionem esse, omnibus sententiis absolutus est.
illud quod tibi curae saepe esse intellexeram, ne cui iniquo
relinqueremus vituperandi locum, qui nos ingratos esse 5
diceret nisi illius perversitatem quibusdam in rebus quam
humanissime ferremus, scito hoc nos in eo iudicio consecutos
esse ut omnium gratissimi iudicaremur. nam defendendo
moroso homini cumulatissime satis fecimus et, id quod ille
maxime cupiebat, Vatinium, a quo palam oppugnabatur, 10
arbitratu nostro concidimus dis hominibusque plaudentibus,
quin etiam Paullus noster, cum testis productus esset in

7 lacum Jordan: lucum Q Liciniana Manutius, vulg.: Lucceiana Orelli

9 Lamiae Manutius: cami (a) e Q 11 Ulbiensem Mommsen (Olb- s'):
uib- C: uib(i)entem vel iubentem Q
Ep. 8] 1, 1 11] v G 8 nam in defendendo HVs 9 homini anon. ap.
Verburgium: -ne Q


Sestium, confirmavit se nomen Vatini delaturum si Macer

Licinius cunctaretur, et Macer ab Sesti subselliis surrexit ac
se illi non defuturum adfirmavit. quid quaeris? homo 15
petulans et audax [Vatinius] valde perturbatus debilitatusque
2 Quintus, filius tuus, puer optimus, eruditur egregie, hoc
nunc magis animum adverto quod Tyrannio docet apud me.
domus utriusque nostrum aedificatur strenue, redemptori tuo
dimidium pecuniae curavi, spero nos ante hiemem contuber¬
nalis fore, de nostra Tullia tui mehercule amantissima spero 5
cum Grassipede nos confecisse, (sed ) dies erant duo qui post
Latinas habentur religiosi (ceterum confectum erat Latiar),
(et) erat exiturus. 11

9 (ii.5(4-3-7))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Mart. an. 56

(marcus quinto fratri salutem )

1(3) * * * diJupiAacpiav autem illam quam tu soles dicere bono

modo desidero, sic prorsus ut advenientem excipiam libenter,
latentem etiam nunc non excitem, tribus locis aedifico,
reliqua reconcinno, vivo paulo liberalius quam solebam,
opus erat, si te haberem, paulisper fabris locum dares, sed 5
et haec, ut spero, brevi inter nos communicabimus.
2(4) Res autem Romanae sese sic habent, consul est egregius
Lentulus non impediente collega, sic, inquam, bonus ut
meliorem non viderim, dies comitialis exemit omnis; nam
etiam Latinae instaurantur, nec tamen deerant suppli-

16 Vatinius removit Baiter 2, 1 filius removit Manutius 2 tyrannio

vel tir- Z: tr- A 6 sed add. Sternkopf 7 ceterum s': -ro QC
8 et add. Sternkopf post exiturus sequuntur in codd. a. d. vm sqq. (vide
ad. Ep. 5.1) finem ep. excidisse suspicatus est Watt
Ep. 9] novam ep. constituit Rauschen. excidisse videntur ad sex versus 5 dares
scripsi: -em Q 6 et om. V

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 9 (11.5(4.3-7)) 3(5)
3(5) cationes. sic legibus perniciosissimis obsistitur, maxime 5
Catonis; cui tamen egregie imposuit Milo noster, nam ille
vindex gladiatorum et bestiariorum emerat de Cosconio et
Pomponio bestiarios nec sine iis armatis umquam in publico
fuerat, hos alere non poterat, itaque vix tenebat, sensit Milo. 5
dedit cuidam non familiari negotium qui sine suspicione
emeret eam familiam a Catone, quae simul atque abducta
est, Racilius, qui unus est hoc tempore tribunus pl., rem
patefecit eosque homines sibi emptos esse dixit (sic enim
placuerat) et tabulam proscripsit se familiam Catonianam 10
venditurum, in eam tabulam magni risus consequebantur.
Hunc igitur Catonem Lentulus a legibus removit et eos
qui de Caesare monstra promulgarunt, quibus intercederet
nemo, nam quod de Pompeio Caninius agit sane quam
refrixit, neque enim res probatur et Pompeius noster in 15
amicitia P. Lentuli vituperatur, et hercule non est idem; nam
apud perditissimam illam atque infimam faecem populi
propter Milonem suboffendit et boni multa ab eo desiderant,
multa reprehendunt. Marcellinus autem hoc uno mihi
quidem non satis facit quod eum nimis aspere tractat, 20
quamquam id senatu non invito facit; quo ego me libentius
a curia et ab omni parte rei publicae subtraho.
4(6) In iudiciis ii sumus qui fuimus, domus celebratur ita ut
cum maxime, unum accidit (im)prudentia Milonis in com¬
modum de Sex. Cloelio, quem neque hoc tempore neque ab
imbecillis accusatoribus mihi placuit accusari, ei tres
sententiae deterrimo in consilio defuerunt, itaque hominem 5
populus revocat et retrahatur necesse est. non enim ferunt
homines et, quia cum apud suos diceret paene damnatus est,

3, 1 sic S': id Q: ita Wesenberg 2 egregie s': -iam Q, num recte

(.sc. plagam vel sim.) ? 10 tabula Pareus,fort. recte 11 in removit Boot
4, 2 imprudentia s': pr- Q 2-3 incommodum anon. ap. Verburgium: -do
(-de G) Q 3 Cloelio Gruter: c(o)elio vel caelio vel cecilio Q: Clodio
Manutius, vulg. 4 ei 2: et A 5 deterrimo Bentivoglio: -m(a)e Q
6 ferunt s': fue- Q 7 cum F(.?)5: tum GRM: om. N

9 (ii.5 (4-3-7)) 5 (7) i ad quintum fratrem
vident damnatum, ea ipsa in re Pompei offensio nobis
obstitit, senatorum enim urna copiose absolvit, equitum
adaequavit, tribuni aerarii condemnarunt, sed hoc incom- 10
modum consolantur cottidianae damnationes inimicorum,
in quibus me perlibente Sevius adlisus est, ceteri conciduntur.
C. Cato contionatus est comitia haberi non siturum si sibi
cum populo dies agendi essent exempti. Appius a Caesare
nondum redierat. 15
5(7) Tuas mirifice litteras exspecto; atque adhuc clausum mare
fuisse scio, sed quosdam venisse tamen Ostiam dicebant qui
te unice laudarent plurimique in provincia fieri dicerent,
eosdem aiebant nuntiare te prima navigatione transmis¬
surum. id cupio et, quamquam te ipsum scilicet maxime, 5
tamen etiam litteras tuas ante exspecto.
Mi frater, vale.

10 (11.6(5))

Scr. Romae vel in itinere in 'Anagninum v Id. Apr. an. 56


I Dederam ad te litteras antea quibus erat scriptum Tulliam

nostram Crassipedi prid. (Non.) Apr. esse desponsam,
ceteraque de re publica privataque perscripseram, postea
sunt haec acta: Non. Apr. senatus consulto Pompeio pecunia
decreta in rem frumentariam ad HS fccccj. sed eodem die 5
vehementer actum de agro Campano clamore senatus prope
contionali, acriorem causam inopia pecuniae faciebat et

8 iri post damnatum addendum esse suspicatus est Schiitz 11 inimicorum

VRs: munito- GJVA 12 seruius R 13 est (se) Lambinus
14 cum populo s': a p- Q: p- R (teste Moricca): ad populum Wesenberg
5, 1 atqui Baiter 2 Ostiam Sternkopf: (h)ostia vel sim. fi: Olbia Manutius
4 eosdem ZC: eodem AI: iidem 6
Ep. 10] 1, 2 Non. : idus V: om. Q 4 non(as) apriles fi 7 con¬
tionali s': -nalem Z: -nem A


2 annonae caritas, non praetermittam ne illud quidem: M.

Furium Flaccum, equitem Romanum, hominem nequam,
Capitolini et Mercuriales de collegio eiecerunt praesentem
ad pedes unius cuiusque iacentem. |
A.d. viii Id. Apr. sponsalia Crassipedi praebui, huic 5
convivio puer optimus, Quintus tuus meusque, quod
perleviter commotus fuerat, defuit, a.d. vi Id. Apr. veni ad
Quintum eumque vidi plane integrum, multumque is mecum
sermonem habuit et perhumanum de discordiis mulierum
nostrarum, quid quaeris? nihil festivius. Pomponia autem 10
etiam de te questa est. sed haec coram agemus.
3 A puero ut discessi, in aream tuam veni, res agebatur
multis structoribus. Longilium redemptorem cohortatus
sum; (f)idem mihi faciebat se velle nobis placere, domus
erit egregia (magis enim cerni iam poterat quam quantum
ex forma iudicabamus); itemque nostra celeriter aedifica- 5
Eo die cenavi apud Crassipedem. cenatus in hortos ad
Pompeium lectica latus sum. luci eum convenire non
potueram quod afuerat; videre autem volebam quod eram
postridie Roma exiturus et quod ille in Sardiniam iter 10
habebat, hominem conveni et ab eo petivi ut quam primum
te nobis redderet; statim dixit, erat autem iturus, ut aiebat,
a.d. in Id. Apr. ut aut flabronef aut Pisis conscenderet, tu,
mi frater, simul et ille venerit, primam navigationem, dum
modo idonea tempestas sit, ne omiseris. 15
4 A.d. v Id. Apr. ante lucem hanc epistulam dictaveram
conscripseramque in itinere, ut eo die apud T. Titium in
Anagnino manerem, postridie autem in Laterio cogitabam,
inde, cum in Arpinati quinque dies fuissem, ire in Pompe-

2, 4 iacentem s': -tis QC post iacentis sequuntur in codd. copiis sqq. (vide
ad Ep. 5.1) 7 vi RA: iii 2 8 eumque E8: eum R: et que(m)
GNVM 3, 3 fidem Victorius: i- Q 8 luci eum pe/lucieum 2: luceium NA
13 Salebrone Wesseling: Scalab- Philipp 14 et Q: ut H5 4, 1 v N:
11 Q dictaveram om. Mms 2 scripseramque Gbd 3 anagnino
I: ag- A


ianum, rediens aspicere Cumanum, ut, quoniam in Non. 5

Mai. Miloni dies prodic<t)a est, prid. Non. Romae essem
teque, mi carissime et suavissime frater, ad eam diem, ut
sperabam, viderem, aedificationem Arcani ad tuum
adventum sustentari placebat.
Fac, mi frater, ut valeas quam primumque venias. 10

11 (11.7(6))

Scr. Romae paulo post Id. Mai. an. j6


1 O litteras mihi tuas iucundissimas exspectatas, ac primo

quidem cum desiderio, nunc vero etiam cum timore! atque
has scito litteras me solas accepisse post illas quas tuus nauta
attulit Ulbia datas.
Sed cetera, ut scribis, praesenti sermoni reserventur; hoc 5
tamen non queo differre: Id. Mai. senatus frequens divinus
fuit in supplicatione Gabinio deneganda, adiurat Procilius
hoc nemini accidisse, foris valde plauditur, mihi cum sua
sponte iucundum tum iucundius quod me absente, est enim
eiAiKpivES iudicium, sine oppugnatione, sine gratia nostra. 10
2 (ab)eram autem quod Idibus et postridie fuerat dictum de
agro Campano actum iri, ut est actum, in hac causa mihi
aqua haeret, sed plura quam constitueram, coram enim.
Vale, mi optime et optatissime frater, et advola, idem te
pueri nostri rogant. 5
Illud scilicet: cenabis cum veneris.

6 prodicta Victorius: -dita fi

Ep. 11] 1, 1 ac removit Lamb. marg. 4 Ulbia Mommsen (Ol- s'): uibia
vel sim. fiC 9 est enim] etenim Mommsen 11 aberam autem quod
Sternkopf: eram (erat 5) ante quod fi: erat, ante quod Mommsen: erat,
quod autem Watt in app. 2, 2 ut] non M2ms, Mommsen: nihil Watt in
app. 6 (nobiscum) cum Boot


12 (11.9(8))

Scr. in Tusculano vel Formiano c. m. Mai. an. 56, ut vid.


1 Tu metuis ne me interpelles? primum, si in isto essem, tu

scis quid sit interpellare otiantem. sed mehercule mihi docere
videris istius generis humanitatem, qua quidem ego nihil
utor abs te. tu vero ut me et appelles et interpelles et oblo-
quare et colloquare velim, quid enim mihi suavius? non me- 5
hercule quisquam poucto-ttcctoktos libentius sua recentia
poemata legit quam ego te audio quacumque de re, publica
privata, rustica urbana, sed mea factum est insulsa verecundia
ut te proficiscens non tollerem, opposuisti semel av<av>Ti-
(A)ektov causam, Ciceronis nostri valetudinem:, conticui. 10
„2 . . .
iterum Cicerones: quievi^ nup£ mihi lucunditatis plena
.... ,
epistula hoc adspersit molestiae, quod videris ne mihi
molestus esses veritus esse atque etiam nunc vereri» litigarem
tecum, si fas esset; sed mehercule, istuc si umquam suspicatus
ero - nihil dicam aliud nisi verebor ne quando ego tibi, cum 5
sum una, molestus sim. video te ingemuisse, sic fit: ‘ei Seiv’
ecpricras’ - numquam enim dicam ‘ISpaaas.’
Marium autem nostrum in lecticam mehercule coniecis-
sem - non illam regis Ptolomaei Asicianam; memini enim,
cum hominem portarem ad Baias Neapoli octaphoro 10
Asiciano machaerophoris centum sequentibus, miros risus

Ep. 12] 1, 1 essem ms: -es N: -ent Q 2 otiantem. sed scripsi: antea
(ivel ante a) te is Q 3 uideris b: -ebis Q 8 mea GNms: in ea
VRMbd insulsa s, cod. Faerni: infusa Q 9-10 dvavTiAeKTOV
Victorius: ccvtiektov GRMm: om. HNVbds 10 conticui s: -uit Q
11 Cicerones Manutius: ceteri omnes Q 2, 2 molesti(a)e VPMms
{silet R): mode- GNbd 4 si unquam Xj: sum q- JVA suspicatus X:
-turus A 6-7 si 5e1v’ Ecpqaaj Watt, praeeuntibus Sternkopf (EAdArjCTas)
et Rothstein (eAe^ocs) : £t S' ev aia E^qcras vel sim. GRAC: om. HNV
7 ESpaaas Gurlitt: Ia Traaas vel sim. GRAC: om. HNV 10 portarent
Buecheler 11 macha(e)rophoris X: machatro- A
12 (11.9(8)) 3 AD QUINTUM FRATREM

nos edere cum ille ignarus sui comitatus repente aperuit

lecticam et paene ille timore, ego risu corrui, hunc, ut dico,
certe sustulissem, ut aliquando subtilitatem veteris urbani¬
tatis et humanissimi sermonis attingerem, sed hominem 15
infirmum in villam apertam ac ne rudem quidem etiam nunc
3 invitare nolui, hoc vero mihi peculiare fuerit, hic etiam isto
frui; nam illorum praediorum scito mihi vicinum Marium
lumen esse, apud Anicium vide(bi)mus ut paratum sit. nos
enim ita philologi sumus ut vel cum fabris habitare possimus,
habemus hanc philosophiam non ab Hymetto sed ab Arce 5
4 nostra. Marius et valetudine est et natura imbecillior, de
interpellatione, tantum sumam a vobis temporis ad scriben¬
dum quantum dabitis, utinam nihil detis, ut potius vestra
iniuria quam ignavia mea cessem!
De re publica nimium te laborare doleo et meliorem civem 5
esse quam Philoctetam, qui accepta iniuria ea spectacula
quaerebat quae tibi acerba esse video, amabo te, advola;
consolabor te et omnem abstergebo dolorem, et adduc, si me
amas, Marium, sed approperate, hortus domi est.

*3 (n-8(7))

Scr. Romae paulo post iii Id. Febr. an. 55


I Placiturum tibi esse librum 11 suspicabar, tam valde placuisse

quam scribis valde gaudeo, quod me admones de fnon
curantiaf suadesque ut meminerim Iovis orationem quae est

13 hunc Manutius: tunc Q 3, 3 videbimus s': -emus Q 5 habemus

S': -eremus Q Hymetto s': ymet(t)o vel sim. Q 5-6 Arce nostra
scripsi: araxira vel sim. IC: araysira A: arce Yupla Tunstall 4,2
tantum s': tamen fi
Ep. 13] U 1 librum 06: 1 vel L. fi 11 vel u vel n Q: meum F6: secun¬
dum s' 2-3 non curantia pro mala interpretatione voc. alicuius Graeci
habuit Orelli: ccSiacpopia Sternkopf: nostra Urania Faernus

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 13 (11.8(7)) 2

in extremo illo libro, ego vero memini et illa omnia mihi

magis scripsi quam ceteris. 5
2 Sed tamen postridie quam tu es profectus multa nocte cum
Vibullio veni ad Pompeium; cumque ego egissem de istis
operibus atque inscriptionibus, per mihi benigne respondit,
magnam spem attulit, cum Crasso se dixit loqui velle mihique
ut idem facerem suasit. Crassum consulem ex senatu domum 5
reduxi, suscepit rem dixitque esse quod Clodius hoc tempore
cuperet per se et per Pompeium consequi; putare se, si ego
eum non impedirem, posse me adipisci sine contentione quod
vellem, totum ei negotium permisi meque in eius potestate
dixi fore, interfuit huic sermoni P. Crassus adulescens, nostri, 10
ut scis, studiosissimus, illud autem quod cupit Clodius est
legatio aliqua (si minus per senatum, per populum) libera
aut Byzantium aut (ad) Brogitarum aut utrumque, plena
res nummorum, quod ego non nimium laboro, etiam si
minus adsequor quod volo. Pompeius tamen cum Crasso 15
locutus est. videntur negotium suscepisse, si perficiunt,
optime; si minus, ad nostrum Iovem revertamur.
3 A.d. ni Id. Febr. senatus consultum est factum de ambitu
in Afrani sententiam, quam ego dixeram cum tu adesses, sed
magno cum gemitu senatus consules non sunt persecuti eorum
sententias qui, Afranio cum essent adsensi, addiderunt ut
praetores ita crearentur ut dies sexaginta privati essent, eo die 5
Catonem plane repudiarunt, quid multa? tenent omnia
idque ita omnis intellegere volunt.

2, 6 suscepit EN: -pi GVRE 9 uellem Es: uel(l)im A 13 ad add.

Manutius 3, 1 in G'A: vi NVR 2 (contra) quam Schiitz: (in) q-
Kayser 7 ita (esse) Koch


14 (

Scr. in. m. Febr. an. 54


1 Epistulam hanc convicio efflagitarunt codicilli tui. nam res

quidem ipsa et is dies quo tu es profectus nihil mihi ad
scribendum argumenti sane dabat, sed quem ad modum coram
cum sumus sermo nobis deesse non solet, sic epistulae nostrae
debent interdum alucinari. 5
2 Tenediorum igitur libertas securi Tenedia praecisa est,
cum eos praeter me et Bibulum et Calidium et Favonium
nemo defenderet, de te a Mag(net)i(bu)s ab Sipylo mentio
est honorifica facta, cum te unum dicerent postulationi L.
Sesti Pansae restitisse, reliquis diebus si quid erit quod te 5
scire opus sit, aut etiam si nihil erit, tamen scribam cottidie
aliquid, prid. Id. neque tibi neque Pomponio deero.
3 Lucreti poemata ut scribis ita sunt, multis luminibus
ingeni, multae tamen artis, sed cum veneris, virum te putabo
si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris; hominem non putabo.

15 (11.i I (io))

Scr. Romae c. Id. Febr. an. 54


I Gaudeo tibi iucundas esse meas litteras, nec tamen habuissem

scribendi nunc quidem ullum argumentum nisi tuas accepis¬
sem. nam prid. Id., cum Appius senatum infrequentem
coegisset, tantum fuit frigus ut pipulo [convicio] coactus sit

Ep. 14] 1, 5 (h)al(l)urinari GjVA: uatic- VR 2,3 a G:om.Q Mag¬

netibus Victorius: magis fi 3, 2 (non) multis Ernesti: (non) multae
Bergk: alii alia 2-3 putabo, (si. . . ;) si Sallusti Housman
Ep. 15] L 4 pipulo Tyrrell: populi fi convicio removit Housman

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 15 (il.ll(io)) 2

2 nos dimittere, de Commageno, quod rem totam discusseram, 5

mirifice mihi et per se et per Pomponium blanditur Appius,
videt enim, hoc genere dicendi si utar in ceteris, Februarium
sterilem futurum; eumque lusi iocose satis, neque solum illud
extorsi oppidulum quod erat positum in Euphrati Zeugmate 5
sed praeterea togam sum eius praetextam, quam erat adeptus
3 Caesare consule, magno hominum risu cavillatus, ‘quod
vult’ inquam ‘renovari honores eosdem, quo minus togam
praetextam quotannis interpolet decernendum nihil censeo,
vos autem homines nobiles, qui Burrenum praetextatum non
ferebatis, Commagenum feretis?’ genus vides et locum 5
iocandi. multa dixi in ignobilem regem, quibus totus est
explosus, quo genere commotus, ut dixi, Appius totum me
amplexatur, nihil est enim facilius quam reliqua discutere,
sed non faciam ut illum offendam,

‘ne imploret fidem 10

Iovis Hospitalis, Graios omnis convocet,’

per quos mecum in gratiam rediit.

4 Theopompo satis faciemus, de Caesare, fugerat me ad te
scribere, video enim quas tu litteras exspectaris, sed ille
scripsit ad Balbum fasciculum illum epistularum in quo
fuerat mea et Balbi totum sibi aqua madidum redditum esse,
ut ne illud quidem sciat, meam fuisse aliquam epistulam. 5
sed ex Balbi epistula pauca verba intellexerat, ad quae
rescripsit his verbis: ‘de Cicerone te video quiddam scripsisse
quod ego non intellexi, quantum autem coniectura conseque¬
bar, id erat eius modi ut magis optandum quam sperandum
5 putarem.’ itaque postea misi ad Caesarem eodem illo 10
exemplo litteras, iocum autem illius de sua egestate ne sis

2, 1 discusseram s': -at fiC 5 (eius) erat, positum Wesenberg

Euphrate HP Ms zeumate vel sim. Z: et eugm- RA 3, 2 renovari
Orelli: -re fi 4 burrenum V: Busrenum C: (qui)bus r(h)enum GA:
birretum R: Burrhinum olim ego (vide comm.) 10 imploret 8: -em fi
5, 2 iocum s': lo- fi


aspernatus; ad quem ego rescripsi nihil esse quod posthac

arcae nostrae fiducia conturbaret lusique in eo genere et
familiariter et cum dignitate, amor autem eius erga nos 5
perfertur omnium nuntiis singularis, litterae quidem ad id
quod exspectas fere cum tuo redditu iungentur.
Reliqua singulorum dierum scribemus ad te, si modo
tabellarios tu praebebis, quamquam eius modi frigus
impendebat ut summo in periculo esset [ne] Appius ne aedes 10

16 (11.12(11))

Scr. Romae xvi Kal. Mart. an. 54


1 Risi nivem atram teque hilari animo esse et prompto ad

iocandum valde me iuvat. de Pompeio adsentior tibi, vel tu
potius mihi, nam, ut scis, iam pridem istum canto Caesarem,
mihi crede, in sinu est neque ego' discingor.
2 Cognosce nunc Idus: decimus erat Caelio dies. Domitius
ad numerum iudices non habuit, vereor ne homo taeter et
ferus, Pola Servius, ad accusationem veniat, nam noster
Caelius valde oppugnatur a gente Clodia, certi nihil est
adhuc, sed veremur. 5
Eodem igitur die Tyriis est senatus datus frequens,
frequentes contra Syriaci publicani, vehementer vexatus
Gabinius, exagitati tamen a Domitio publicani quod eum
essent cum equis prosecuti, (a )t noster Lamia paulo ferocius,
cum Domitius dixisset ‘vestra culpa haec acciderunt, equites 10

10 summo in periculo scripsi: -mum periculum fi Appius ne scripsi:

ne appius ne fi: ne appio suae 8, vulg.
Ep. 16] 1, 4 discingor Z: dist(r)ing(u)or RA 2, 2 ad numerum
iudices Z: i- ad n- A 6 tyriis Z: tyrrus M: syriis 5 8 tamen] etiam
Madvig 9 at (anne ac.3): C(aius) fi: grauis R, Constans(!): removit
Manutius: L. Manutius curis secundis, vulg.

AD QUINTUM FRATREM l6 (ii. I2(ll)) 3

Romani, dissolute enim iudicatis’, ‘nos iudicamus, vos

laudatis’ inquit, actum est eo die nihil, nox diremit.
3 Comitialibus diebus qui Quirinalia sequuntur Appius
interpretatur non impediri se lege Pupia quo minus habeat
senatum et, quod Gabinia sanctum sit, etiam cogi ex Kal.
Febr. usque ad Kal. Mart, legatis senatum cottidie dare, ita
putantur detrudi comitia in mensem Martium, sed tamen 5
his comitialibus tribuni pl. de Gabinio se acturos esse dicunt.
Omnia colligo ut novi scribam aliquid ad te, sed, ut vides,
4 res me ipsa deficit, itaque ad Callisthenem et ad Philistum
redeo, in quibus te video volutatum. Callisthenes quidem
vulgare et not(h)um negotium, quem ad modum aliquot
Graeci locuti sunt. Siculus ille capitalis; creber, acutus,
brevis, paene pusillus Thucydides, sed utros eius habueris 5
libros (duo enim sunt corpora) an utrosque nescio, me magis
‘De Dionysio’ delectat, ipse est enim veterator magnus et
perfamiliaris Philisto Dionysius, sed quod adscribis, adgre-
derisne ad historiam, me auctore potes, et quoniam tabellarios
subministras, hodierni diei res gestas Lupercalibus habebis. 10
Oblecta te cum Cicerone nostro quam bellissime.

17 (11.13(12))

Scr. in Cumano vel Pompeiano m. Mai. an. 54

(marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i Duas adhuc a te accepi epistulas, [quarum] alteram in ipso

discessu nostro, alteram Arimino datam, pluris quas scribis
te dedisse non acceperam.

3, 4 dare Faernus: dari Q 4, 2 Callisthenes Murteus-, -nis Q

3 nothum scripsi-, notum Q 4 Siculus Victorius: secutus Q 7 operis
titulum agnovit Victorius 8-9 sed. . .potes de interpungendi ratione vide
comm. 8 quod ascribis C: quo ad (vel quoad) sc- Q
Ep. 17] novam ep. constituit Manutius: cum superiore coniungunt codd. 1, 1
quarum removendum coni. Ernesti: earum Lambinus 2 quas s': quam fi

17 (11.13(12)) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM

Ego me in Cumano et Pompeiano, praeter quam quod

sine te, ceterum satis commode oblectabam, et eram in 5
isdem locis usque ad Kal. Iun. futurus, scribebam illa quae
dixeram ttoAitikc(, spissum sane opus et operosum, sed si ex
sententia successerit, bene erit opera posita; sin minus, in
illud ipsum mare deiciemus quod spectantes scribimus,
adgrediemur alia, quoniam quiescere non possumus. 10
2 Tua mandata persequar diligenter et in adiungendis
hominibus et in quibusdam non alienandis, maximae vero
mihi curae erit ut Ciceronem tuum nostrumque videam
scilicet cottidie sed inspiciam quid discat quam saepissime;
et nisi ille contemnet, etiam magistrum me ei profitebor, 5
cuius rei non nullam consuetudinem nactus sum in hoc
horum dierum otio Cicerone nostro minore producendo.
3 Tu, quem ad modum scribis (quod etiam si non scriberes
facere te diligentissime tamen sciebam), facies scilicet ut mea
mandata digeras, persequare, conficias, ego, cum Romam
venero, nullum praetermittam Caesaris tabellarium cui
litteras ad te non dem. his diebus ignosces; cui darem fuit 5
nemo ante hunc M. Orfium, equitem Romanum, nostrum
et per (se) necessarium et quod est ex municipio Atellano,
quod scis esse in fide nostra, itaque eum tibi commendo in
maiorem modum, hominem domi splendidum, gratiosum
etiam extra domum, quem fac ut tua liberalitate tibi obliges. 10
est tribunus militum in exercitu vestro, gratum hominem
observantemque cognosces.
Trebatium ut valde ames vehementer te rogo.

5 oblectabam Manutius: -bar Q 2, 1 et in /?: et Q 2 in removit

M corr. 2-3 uero mihi 2: m- u- A 4 scilicet NRS: sil- vel si 1- EVM:
om. G sed (et) s' 5 contem(p)net GNVMbd: -nat ERms 3, 5 his
diebus (ignosces) cui vulg. 7 per (se) necessarium Baiter: per (se)
perne- Wesenberg

AD QUINTUM FRATREM l8 (11.14(13)) I

18 (11.14(13))

Scr. Romae in. m. Iun. an. 54


1 A.d. mi Non. Iun., quo die Romam veni, accepi tuas litteras
datas Placentia, deinde alteras postridie datas Blandenone
cum Caesaris litteris refertis omni officio, diligentia, suavitate,
sunt ista quidem magna, vel potius maxima; habent enim
vim magnam ad gloriam et ad summam dignitatem, sed, 5
mihi crede quem nosti, quod in istis rebus ego plurimi
aestimo, id iam habeo, te scilicet primum tam inservientem
communi dignitati, deinde Caesaris tantum in me amorem,
quem omnibus iis honoribus quos me a se exspectare vult
antepono, litterae vero eius una datae cum tuis, quarum 10
initium est quam suavis ei tuus adventus fuerit et recordatio
veteris amoris, deinde se effecturum ut ego in medio dolore
ac desiderio tui te, cum a me abesses, potissimum secum esse
laetarer, incredibiliter delectarunt.
2 Qua re facis tu quidem fraterne quod me hortaris, sed
mehercule currentem nunc quidem, ut omnia mea studia in
istum unum conferam, ego vero ardenti quidem studio, ac
fortasse efficiam quod saepe viatoribus cum properant
evenit, ut, si serius quam voluerint forte surrexerint, proper- 5
ando etiam citius quam si de nocte vigilassent perveniant quo
velint; sic ego, quoniam in isto homine colendo tam indor¬
mivi diu te mehercule saepe excitante, cursu corrigam
tarditatem cum equis tum vero, quoniam tu scribis poema
ab eo nostrum probari, quadrigis poeticis, modo mihi date 10
Britanniam quam pingam coloribus tuis, penicillo meo. sed

Ep. 18] 1. 2 placentia Z: -i(a)e A blanden(n)on(n)e fi: Laude

Nonis Sigonius: a (ab Sternkopf) Laude ad Nonum Schiche: Laude una
Boot 4 quidem 5: q- vel fi 10 una Z: un(a)e GA 14 (me)
delectarunt Orelli 2, 3 ego VR: eo EGNA ac] hoc s' 9 cum
bd: tum fi uero M4: uiris fiC: viris vel Purser tu Orelli: ut fi:
om. s'

l8 (11.14(13)) 3 AD QUINTUM FRATREM

quid ago? quod mihi tempus, Romae praesertim, ut iste me

rogat, manenti, vacuum ostenditur? sed videro, fortasse
enim, ut fit, vincet unus amor omnis difficultates.
3 Trebatium quod ad se miserim persalse et humaniter
etiam gratias mihi agit, negat enim in tanta multitudine
eorum qui una essent quemquam fuisse qui vadimonium
concipere posset. M. Curtio tribunatum ab eo petivi (nam
Domitius se derideri putasset, si esset a me rogatus; hoc enim 5
est eius cottidianum, se ne tribunum militum quidem facere,
etiam in senatu lusit Appium collegam propterea isse ad
Caesarem ut aliquem tribunatum auferret), sed in alterum
annum, id et Curtius ita volebat.
4 Tu quem ad modum me censes oportere esse et in re
publica et in nostris inimicitiis, ita et esse et fore, oricula
5 infima scito molliorem, res Romanae se sic habebant: erat
non nulla spes comitiorum sed incerta, erat aliqua suspicio
dictaturae, ne ea quidem certa, summum otium forense sed
senescentis magis civitatis quam acquiescentis, sententia
autem nostra in senatu eius modi magis ut alii nobis adsenti- 5
antur quam nosmetipsi. ‘tcuccO©’ otAtihoov ttoAepos E^EpyajETca.’

19 (11.15(14))

Scr. Romae ex. m. Qiiint. an. 34

(marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i Calamo et atramento temperato, charta etiam dentata res

agetur, scribis enim te meas litteras superiores vix legere
potuisse, in quo nihil eorum, mi frater, fuit quae putas, neque
enim occupatus eram neque perturbatus nec iratus alicui.

14 unus Z: tuus A 3, 1 perhumaniter Lamb. marg. 2 etiam HPb :

e- gratiam EGNRM: gr- e- V 4 M. Curtio] hinc incipit nova ep. in 9 et] enim Mueller 4, 1 et om. NRbd 5,3 ne GNA: nec VR
Ep. 19] novam ep. constituit Manutius: cum superiore coniungunt codd. 1, t
bono post calamo add. Wesenberg: num Cnidio ?

AD QUINTUM FRATREM ig (11.15(14)) 2

sed hoc facio semper ut, quicumque calamus in manus meas 5

venerit, eo sic utar tamquam bono.
2 Verum attende nunc, mi optime et suavissime frater, ad
ea dum rescribo quae tu in hac eadem brevi epistula
TrpaynonriKcos valde scripsisti, de quo petis ut ad te nihil
occultans, nihil dissimulans, nihil tibi indulgens ingenue
fraterneque rescribam, id est, utrum (ad )voles, ut dixera- 5
mus, (an) ad expediendum te, si causa sit, commorere: si,
mi Quinte, parva aliqua res esset in qua sciscitarere quid
vellem, tamen, cum tibi permissurus essem ut faceres quod
velles, ego ipse quid vellem ostenderem, in hac vero re
* * * hoc profecto quaeris, cuius modi illum annum qui 10
sequitur exspectem, plane aut tranquillum nobis aut certe
munitissimum; quod cottidie domus, quod forum, quod
theatri significationes declarant, nec labor, ut quondam,
conscientia copiarum nostrarum, quod Caesaris, quod
Pompei gratiam tenemus, haec me ut confidam faciunt, sin 15
aliquis erumpet amentis hominis furor, omnia sunt ad eum
frangendum expedita.
3 Haec ita sentio, iudico, ad te explorate scribo; dubitare te
non adsentatorie sed fraterne veto, qua re [si] suavitatis
equidem nostrae fruendae causa cuperem te ad id tempus
venire quod dixeras, sed illud malo tamen quod putas magis
e (re) tua. illa etiam magni aestimo [me], dpupiAaqnccv 5
illam tuam et explicationem debitorum tuorum, illud quidem

6-2, 1 bono, uerum 8: bono uiro fiC 2, 4 ingenue Boot: genuine vel
gemine GNRAC: germane s: om. HV: yvr|cncos Watt in app. 5 advoles
Schtitz: uoles fi: avo- vel evo- Watt in app. 5-6 dixeramus Lamb. marg.:
-rimus fi: -ras Wesenberg 6 an add. Manutius 7 sciscitarere P:
-reris j: -rer HNRVA: -ret G 10 post re lacunam statui 11 aut
plane Wesenberg aut certe E: et c- fi 13 labor, ut quondam scripsi:
laborant quod mea fi: alii alia, velut (est tibi) laborandum de mea Wesenberg
14 mira est consensio Lamb. marg. (pro mea conscientia): mea confidentia
Wesenberg 3, 2 si removit M corr. 4 magis (esse) Lambinus 5 e re
tua Lambinus: etiam fi: removit Wesenberg magni G: -nia M: -na R5:
-nam V: -no jV me removit Lambinus 6 et om. Mms explica¬
tionem Schtitz: exspectat- fi

19 (11.15(14)) 4 AD Q,uintum fratrem

sic habeto, nihil nobis expeditis, si valebimus, fore fortu¬

natius. parva sunt quae desunt pro nostris quidem moribus
et ea sunt ad explicandum expeditissima, modo valeamus.
4 Ambitus redit immanis, numquam fuit par. Id. Quint,
faenus fuit bessibus ex triente coitione Memmi et consulum
cum Domitio, hanc Scaurus unus <vix potest) vincere.
Messalla flaccet, non dico 0ttep(3oA&s; vel HS centiens consti¬
tuunt in praerogativa pronuntiare, res ardet invidia. 5
tribunicii candidati compromiserunt HS quingenis in
singulos apud M. Catonem depositis petere eius arbitratu, ut
qui contra fecisset ab eo condemnaretur, quae quidem
comitia si gratuita fuerint, ut putantur, plus unus Cato
potuerit quam omnes leges omnesque iudices. 10

20 (11.16(15))

Scr. Romae ex. m. Sext. an. 54

(marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i Cum a me litteras librari manu acceperis, ne paulum

(quidem) me oti habuisse iudicato, cum autem mea,
paulum, sic enim habeto, numquam me a causis et iudiciis
districtiorem fuisse, atque id anni tempore gravissimo et
caloribus maximis, sed haec, quoniam tu ita praescribis, 5

8 pro Orelli: quo fi 4, 1 rediit Watt in app. par. Idib. Victorius:

paridi fi: par 5 1-2 Quint, faenus Victorius: quin(c)tanus Z: qui
ne tantus A 2 bessibus ex triente Victorius: s = ex = = vel sz ex zz
vel sim. fi memmi(i) vel (m)ennii Z: memini HA et consulum
Purser: est quo fi 3 vix potest add. Watt in app.: studet Madvig:
vult Constans 4 UTTEp(3oAiKcos Lambinus 4-5 consituerunt 4
5 praerogativam Budaeus 6 quingenis Budaeus ex Att. go (iv.ig).y: D
C: qu(a)e fi 8 quae quidem 4■ qu(a)eque fi 10 potuerit Faernus:
fu- fi omnesque Z: omnes Hbd: que M: quam ms
Ep. 20] novam ep. constituit Lambinus: cum superiore coniungunt codd. 1, 2
quidem add. Crat.

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 20 (11.16(15)) 2 3

ferenda sunt, neque committendum ut aut spei aut cogita¬

tioni vestrae ego videar defuisse, praesertim cum, si id
difficilius fuerit, tamen ex hoc labore magnam gratiam
magnamque dignitatem sim collecturus, itaque, ut tibi
placet, damus operam ne cuius animum offendamus atque 10
ut etiam ab iis ipsis qui nos cum Caesare tam coniunctos
dolent diligamur, ab aequis vero aut etiam a propensis in
2 hanc partem vehementer et colamur et amemur, de ambitu
cum atrocissime ageretur in senatu multos dies, quod ita
erant progressi candidati consulares ut non esset ferendum,
in senatu non fui. statui ad nullam medicinam rei publicae
sine magno praesidio accedere. 5
3 Quo die haec scripsi Drusus erat de praevaricatione a
tribunis aerariis absolutus in summa quattuor sententiis,
cum senatores et equites damnassent. ego eodem die post
meridiem Vatinium eram defensurus; ea res facilis est.
comitia in mensem Septembrem reiecta sunt. Scauri 5
iudicium statim exercebitur, cui nos non deerimus.
‘luvSeiTrvous’ 2o<poi<Aeous, quamquam a te (f)actam
fabellam video esse festive, nullo modo probavi.
4 Venio nunc ad id quod nescio an primum esse debuerit, o
iucundas mihi tuas de Britannia litteras! timebam Oceanum,
timebam litus insulae; reliqua non equidem contemno,
sed plus habent tamen spei quam timoris magisque sum
sollicitatus exspectatione ea quam metu, te vero uttoOectiv 5

scribendi egregiam habere video, quos tu situs, quas naturas

rerum et locorum, quos mores, quas gentis, quas pugnas,
quem vero ipsum imperatorem habes! ego te libenter, ut
rogas, quibus rebus vis, adiuvabo et tibi versus quos rogas,
hoc est Athenas noctuam, mittam. 10

13 et colamur Manutius: exc- fi 2, 3-4 ferendum in P: inf- fi

3, 2 aerariis A/4: -i(i) fi 4 eram Lambinus: ade- fi 7 factam
Buecheler: ac- fi 8 nullo] anne bono ? 4, 10 hoc... noctuam
fiC: yAaOx’ els ’A0f|vas s', edd. plerique

20 (11.16(15)) 5 AD QUINTUM fratrem

5 Sed heus tu! celari videor a te. quo modo nam, mi frater,
de nostris versibus Caesar? nam primum librum se legisse
scripsit ad me ante, et prima sic ut neget se ne Graeca quidem
meliora legisse; reliqua ad quendam locum paflupoTEpa (hoc
enim utitur verbo), dic mihi verum: num aut res eum aut 5
XapocKTqp non delectat? nihil est quod vereare. ego enim ne
pilo quidem minus me amabo, has de re <piAaAf)6«s et, ut
soles [scribere], fraterne.

21 (iii.i)

Scr. partim in Arpinati partim Romae m. Sept. an. 54


I Ego ex magnis caloribus (non enim meminimus maiores) in

Arpinati summa cum amoenitate fluminis me refeci ludorum
diebus, Philotimo tribulibus commendatis.
In Arcano a.d. mi Id. Sept. fui. ibi Mescidium cum
Philoxeno aquamque, quam ii ducebant non longe a villa, 5
belle sane fluentem vidi, praesertim maxima siccitate,
uberioremque aliquanto sese collecturos esse dicebant, apud
Herum recte erat.
In Maniliano offendi Diphilum Diphilo tardiorem, sed
tamen nihil ei restabat praeter balnearia et ambulationem 10
et aviarium, villa mihi valde placuit propterea quod
summam dignitatem pavimentata porticus habebat, quod
mihi nunc denique apparuit postea quam et ipsa tota patet
et columnae politae sunt, totum in eo est, quod mihi erit

5, 1 quonam modo s2, Lamb. marg.,fort. recte mi P: mini fi 5

utitur s': utimur fi 7 me] te Brink, per litteras hac G: hc JV: ac
EVRA et ut Crat.: et tu fi: ut tu Rms: et ut tu Constans 8 scribere
removi: scribe 4
Ep. 21] 1, 2 (tum salubritate) fluminis Ernesti, coll. Leg. ii.3, fort, recte
4 mescidium vel sim. Z: in exc- A 8 fort. Herium 12 pauimentata
GAC: -enta HVRs: -enti JV


curae, tectorium ut concinnum sit. pavimenta recte fieri 15

videbantur; cameras quasdam non probavi mutarique iussi.
2 Quo loco in porticu te scribere aiunt ut atriolum fiat, mihi
ut est magis placebat, neque enim satis loci videbatur esse
atriolo neque fere solet nisi in iis aedificiis fieri in quibus est
atrium maius nec habere poterat adiuncta cubicula et eius
modi membra, nunc hoc vel honestae testudinis vel valde 5
boni aestivi locum obtinebit, tu tamen si aliter sentis,
rescribe quam primum.
In balneariis assa in alterum apodyteri angulum promovi
propterea quod ita erant posita ut eorum vaporarium [ex
quo ignis erumpit] esset subiectum cubiculi <s). subgrande 10
cubiculum autem et hibernum alt(er)um valde probavi
quod et ampla erant et loco posita ambulationis uno latere,
eo quod est proximum balneariis, columnas neque rectas
neque e regione Diphilus collocarat; eas scilicet demolietur,
aliquando perpendiculo et linea discet uti. omnino spero 15
paucis mensibus opus Diphili perfectum fore, curat enim
diligentissime Caesius, qui tum mecum fuit.
3 Ex eo loco recta Vitularia via profecti sumus in Fufidianum
fundum, quem tibi proximis nundinis Arpini de Fufidio
HS ccciooo cio emeramus, ego locum aestate umbrosiorem
vidi numquam, permultis locis aquam profluentem et eam
uberem, quid quaeris? iugera l prati Caesius irrigaturum 5
facile te arbitrabatur; equidem hoc quod melius intellego
adfirmo, mirifica suavitate te villam habiturum piscina et
salientibus additis, palaestra et silva fvirdicataf. fundum

2, 3 neque ms: om. fi 5 honest(a)e ZC: -tate GA 6 aestivi

Turne bus: -uum fi: -vi cubiculi Constans: fort, -vi cenaculi 9-10
ex. . .erumpit removit Scaliger 10 cubiculis Manutius: -li fi: -lo cod.
Faerni 11 autem] aestivum Ernesti, fort, recte 11 alterum Lehmann:
altum fi 3, 2 nundinis Schiitz: nuntiis fi 3 cio removit Manutius
4 profluentem GRms: perf- Mbd: ref- V: f- JV: anne profluentem
habentem ? 7 te Rms: om. fi 8 pro uir (i)dicata multa nec probabilia


audio te nunc tBobilianumf velle retinere, de eo quid

videatur ipse constitues. Caesius aiebat aqua dempta et eius io
aquae iure constituto et servitute fundo illi imposita tamen
nos pretium servare posse si vendere vellemus. Mescidium
mecum habui, is sese ternis nummis in pedem tecum trans¬
egisse dicebat, sese autem mensum pedibus aiebat passuum
iiicio. mihi plus visum est; sed praestabo sumptum nusquam 15
melius posse poni. Cilionem arcessieram Venafro, sed eo ipso
die quattuor eius conservos et discipulos Venafri cuniculus
4 Id. Sept, in Laterio fui. viam perspexi; quae mihi ita
placuit ut opus publicum videretur esse, praeter cl passuum
(sum enim ipse mensus) ab eo ponticulo qui est ad Fur(r )inae,
Satricum versus, eo loco pulvis non glarea iniecta est (id
mutabitur) et ea viae pars valde acclivis est; sed intellexi 5
aliter duci non potuisse, praesertim cum tu neque per
Lucustae neque Varronis velles ducere, ille viam ante suum
fundum probe munierat; Lucusta non attigerat, quem ego
Romae adgrediar, et, ut arbitror, commovebo, et simul M.
Taurum, quem tibi audio promisisse, qui nunc Romae erat, 10
de aqua per fundum eius ducenda rogabo.
5 Nicephorum, vilicum tuum, sane probavi quaesivique ex
eo ecquid ei de illa aedificatiuncula Laterii de qua mecum
locutus es mandavisses, tum is mihi respondit se ipsum eius

9 nunc s': hunc fi bobil(l)ianum (bouill- JV) fi: Bovillanum

Lambinus: fort. Babul(l)ianum vel Babuleianum retinere Victorius:
resin- vel sim. fi: rescindereC: redimere s' 10 Caesius Manutius: cali-
bus fi: Calvus s': Camillus Purser aiebat s': al(l)ebat fi 12 seruare
posse si uendere s corr. : seruari posses si uidere fi 13 habui, is sese
(se ms) NVRms: -uisse se GMbd 14 passuum Hds: pessuum vel pes s- fi
15 iiicio {vel m milibus) Victorius: m i(dus) vel ni diis fi 4, 2 passus
Manutius 3 Furrinae scripsi: furi- fi 4 id Orelli: et fi: at Iunius
7 uarronis fi: per u- R ille viam scripsi: uel uinum fi: Velu- C: Varro
viam Wesenberg 8 probe Lamb. marg.: prope fiC munierat PC:
minue- 26: minus e- A 9 m. GNbd: inde VR: non Mms 5, 2
ecquid s': et q- GA: equidem N: quid VR 3 tum is GN: frumis (?)
M: feninis vel sim. 6: om. VR


operis HS xvi conductorem fuisse, sed te postea multa

addidisse ad opus, nihil ad pretium; itaque id se omisisse. 5
mihi mehercule valde placet te illa ut constitueras addere;
quamquam ea villa quae nunc est tamquam philosopha
videtur esse quae obiurget ceterarum villarum insaniam,
verum tamen illud additum delectabit, topiarium laudavi,
ita omnia convestivit hedera, qua basim villae, qua inter-
6 columnia ambulationis, ut denique illi palliati topiariam 10
facere videantur et hederam vendere, iam d-rroburripicp nihil
alsius, nihil muscosius.
Habes fere de rebus rusticis, urbanam expolitionem urget
7 ille quidem [et] Philotimus et Cincius, sed etiam ipse crebro
interviso, quod est facile factu, quam ob rem ea te cura
liberatum volo.
De Cicerone quod me semper rogas, ignosco equidem tibi
sed tu quoque mihi velim ignoscas; non enim concedo tibi 5
plus ut illum ames quam ipse amo. atque utinam his diebus
in Arpinati, quod et ipse cupierat et ego non minus, mecum
fuisset! quod ad Pomponiam, si tibi videtur, scribas velim,
cum aliquo exibimus eat nobiscum puerumque (e)ducat.
clamores efficiam si eum mecum habuero otiosus; nam 10
8 Romae respirandi non est locus, id me scis antea gratis tibi
esse pollicitum, quid nunc putas, tanta mihi abs te mercede
proposita ?
Venio nunc ad tuas litteras, quas pluribus epistulis accepi
dum sum in Arpinati; nam mihi uno die tres sunt redditae 5
et quidem, ut videbantur, eodem abs te datae tempore, una
pluribus verbis, in qua primum erat quod antiquior dies in
tuis fuisset adscripta litteris quam in Caesaris: id facit
Oppius non numquam necessario ut, cum tabellarios consti-

6 constitueras Ernesti: -ebas Q 7 philosopha Faernus: -phia Q

13 alsius ENA: altius VR: assius GC 6, 2 et removit Watt, qui etiam
urgent illi quidem et in app. 3 factu Vbs: -um Q 7, 3 utinam
E: -am mihi Q 6 educat Orelli: du- Q 7 otiosus Lambinus: -um Q
8, 6 oppius M4: ap- Q


tuerit mittere litterasque a nobis acceperit, aliqua re nova

impediatur et necessario serius quam constituerat mittat,
neque nos datis iam epistulis diem commutari curamus.
9 Scribis de Caesaris summo in nos amore: hunc et tu
fovebis et nos quibuscumque poterimus rebus augebimus, de
Pompeio et facio diligenter et faciam quod mones, quod tibi
mea permissio mansionis tuae grata est, id ego summo meo
dolore et desiderio tamen ex parte gaudeo, in Hippodamo 5
et non nullis aliis arcessendis quid cogites non intellego, nemo
istorum est quin abs te munus fundi suburbani instar exspec¬
tet. Trebatium vero meum quod isto admisceas nihil est. ego
illum ad Caesarem misi, qui mihi iam satis fecit; si ipsi
minus, praestare nihil debeo teque item ab eo vindico et 10
libero, quod scribis te a Caesare cottidie plus diligi, immor¬
taliter gaudeo. Balbum vero, qui est istius rei, quem ad
modum scribis, adiutor, in oculis fero. Trebonium meum a
te amari teque ab illo pergaudeo.
IO De tribunatu quod scribis, ego vero nominatim petivi
Curtio et mihi ipse Caesar nominatim Curtio paratum esse
perscripsit meamque in rogando verecundiam obiurgavit. si
cui praeterea petiero, id quod etiam Oppio dixi ut ad illum
scriberet, facile patiar mihi negari, quoniam illi qui mihi 5
molesti sunt sibi negari a me non facile patiuntur, ego
Curtium, id quod ipsi dixi, non modo rogatione sed etiam
testimonio tuo diligo, quod litteris tuis studium illius in
salutem nostram facile perspexi.
De Britannicis rebus cognovi ex tuis litteris nihil esse nec 10
quod metuamus nec quod gaudeamus, de publicis negotiis,
quae vis ad te Tironem scribere, neglegentius ad te ante
scribebam quod omnia minima maxima ad Caesarem mitti

9 mutare s: commutare Lamb. marg. curamus Orelli: curemus fi

9, 5 (aliqua) ex Lambinus Hippodamo Schiitz: -mis fi 7 quin abs
S': qui non abs P: qui nos fi munus P: minus fi 10, 3 rescripsit
E, fort, recte 5 mihi (ait.) Victorius: sibi fi: removit Manutius 6 a P:
om. fi


11 Rescripsi epistulae maximae, audi nunc de minuscula, in

qua primum est de Clodi ad Caesarem litteris; in quo
Caesaris consilium probo, quod tibi amantissime petenti
veniam non dedit uti ullum ad illam furiam verbum rescri¬
beret. alterum est de Calventi Mari oratione: quod scribis 5
tibi placere me ad eam rescribere, miror, praesertim cum
illam nemo lecturus sit si ego nihil rescripsero, meam in
illum pueri omnes tamquam dictata perdiscant, libros meos
[omnis] quos exspectas incohavi, sed conficere non possum
his diebus, orationes efflagitatas pro Scauro et pro Plancio 10
absolvi, poema ad Caesarem quod institueram incidi, tibi
quod rogas, quoniam ipsi fontes iam sitiunt, si quid habebo
spati, scribam.
12 Venio ad tertiam. Balbum quod ais mature Romam bene
comitatum esse venturum mecumque adsidue usque ad Id.
Mai. futurum, id mihi pergratum perque iucundum. quod
me in eadem epistula, sicut saepe antea, cohortaris ad
ambitionem et ad laborem, faciam equidem; sed quando 5
vivemus ?
13 Quarta epistula mihi reddita est Id. Sept., quam a.d. mi
Id. Sext. ex Britannia dederas, in ea nihil sane erat novi
praeter Erigonam (quam si ab Oppio accepero, scribam ad
te quid sentiam, nec dubito quin mihi placitura sit) et, quod
(paene) praeterii, de eo quem scripsisti de Milonis plausu 5
scripsisse ad Caesarem, ego vero facile patior ita Caesarem
existimare, illum quam maximum fuisse plausum, et prorsus
ita fuit; et tamen ille plausus qui illi datur quodam modo
nobis videtur dari.
14 Reddita etiam mihi est pervetus epistula sed sero adlata,

11, 1 ad minusculam Lambinus 3 petenti Rb: -ndi QC 5 oratione

P: orna- QC 6 placere me (placerem G: me om. R) ad eam rescribere
2: -re(m) eadem in re scribere(m) A miror transposui: post scribis Q
9 omnis (‘ex praeced. omnes’ Watt) ante meos VR: removit s' 10 pro
plancio Pms: pia- vel pro la- Q 11 institueram 'LbdC: composu-
Mms: componere institueram Wesenberg 13, 3 appio RMms 5
paene add. Wesenberg scripsisti 2: scribis isti A


in qua de aede Telluris et de porticu Catuli me admones,

fit utrumque diligenter, ad Telluris quidem etiam tuam
statuam locavi, item de hortis me quod admones, nec fui
umquam valde cupidus et nunc domus suppeditat mihi 5
hortorum amoenitatem.
Romam cum venissem a.d. xm Kal. Oct., absolutum
offendi in aedibus tuis tectum, quod supra conclavia non
placuerat tibi esse multorum fastigiorum, id nunc honeste
vergit in tectum inferioris porticus. 10
Cicero noster dum ego absum non cessavit apud rhetorem,
de eius eruditione quod labores nihil est, quoniam ingenium
eius nosti, studium ego video, cetera eius suscipio, ut me
putem praestare debere.
15 Gabinium tres adhuc factiones postulant: L. Lentulus,
flaminis filius, qui iam de maiestate postulavit; Ti. Nero cum
bonis subscriptoribus; C. Memmius tribunus pl. cum L.
Capitone, ad urbem accessit a.d. xii Kal. Oct.; nihil turpius
nec desertius, sed his iudiciis nihil audeo confidere, quod 5
Cato non valebat, adhuc de pecuniis repetundis non erat
postulatus. Pompeius a me valde contendit de reditu in
gratiam, sed adhuc nihil profecit nec, si ullam partem
libertatis tenebo, proficiet, tuas litteras vehementer exspecto.
16 quod scribis te audisse in candidatorum consularium coitione
me interfuisse, id falsum est. eius modi enim pactiones in ea
coitione factae sunt, quas postea Memmius patefecit, ut
nemo bonus interesse debuerit, et simul mihi committendum
non fuit ut iis coitionibus interessem quibus Messalla 5
excluderetur, cui quidem vehementer satis facio rebus
omnibus; ut arbitror, etiam Memmio. Domitio ipsi multa
iam feci quae voluit quaeque a me petivit. Scaurum bene¬
ficio defensionis valde obligavi, adhuc erat valde incertum et
quando comitia et qui consules futuri essent. 10

14, 3 ad Zr: ac vel at A 4 quod me admones VR: q- adm- me P 11

absum Victorius: adsum Q 12 quoniam {tu) Wesenberg 13 {sic)
suscipio Wesenberg 15, 2 Ti. Manutius: tit(i)us Q 16, 5 coitionibus
S': caut- QC

AD QUINT UM FRATREM 21 (ill.l) 17

17 Gum hanc iam epistulam complicarem, tabellarii a vobis

venerunt a.d. xi Kal., septimo vicesimo die. o me sollicitum!
quantum ego dolui in Caesaris suavissimis litteris! sed quo
erant suaviores, eo maiorem dolorem illius ille casus adfere-
bat. sed ad tuas venio litteras, primum tuam remansionem 5
etiam atque etiam probo, praesertim cum, ut scribis, cum
Caesare communicaris. Oppium miror quicquam cum
18 Publio; mihi enim non placuerat, quod inferiore epistula
scribis me Id. Sept. Pompeio legatum iri, id ego non audivi
scripsique ad Caesarem (neque) Vibullium [Caesaris]
mandata de mea mansione ad Pompeium pertulisse nec [ad]
Oppium, quo consilio? quamquam Oppium ego tenui, quod 5
priores partes Vibulli erant; cum eo enim coram Caesar
egerat, ad Oppium scripserat, ego vero nullas Seu-repas

cppovTiSas habere possum in Caesaris rebus, ille mihi

secundum te et liberos nostros ita est ut sit paene par. videor
id iudicio facere (iam enim debeo), sed tamen amore sum 10
19 Cum scripsissem haec infima quae sunt mea manu, venit
ad nos Cicero tuus ad cenam, cum Pomponia foris cenaret,
dedit mihi epistulam legendam tuam quam paulo ante
acceperat, Aristophaneo modo valde mehercule et suavem
et gravem, qua sum admodum delectatus, dedit etiam 5
alteram illam mihi, qua iubes eum mihi esse adfixum
tamquam magistro, quam illum epistulae illae delectarunt,-
quam me! nihil puero illo suavius, nihil nostri amantius, hoc
inter cenam Tironi dictavi, ne mirere alia manu esse.
20 Annali pergratae litterae tuae fuerunt, quod et curares de
se diligenter et tamen consilio se verissimo iuvares. P.

17, 2 septimo Bardt: sept. septembr(es) Q 4 anne maiorem (mihi) ?

18, 1 inferiore Pluygers: inte- fi: in priore Schiche 3 Caesarem neque
Madvig: -remque V: -rem fi Caesaris removi: eius Boot 4 ad
removit Madvig 5 consilio (nescio) Crat., fort, recte 6 Vibulli
Manutius: bibul(l)i fi Caesar Manutius: -re fi 19, 2 foris s':
foras fi 4 fort. Aristoteleo 8 hoc] h(a)ec JVms 20, 2 se
verissimo Manutius: seuer- fi iuuares H: iura- Q

Servilius pater, ex litteris quas sibi a Caesare missas esse

dicebat, significat valde te sibi gratum fecisse quod de sua
voluntate erga Caesarem humanissime diligentissimeque 5
locutus esses.
21 Cum Romam ex Arpinati revertissem, dictum mihi est
Hippodamum ad te profectum esse, non possum scribere me
miratum esse illum tam inhumaniter fecisse ut sine meis
litteris ad te proficisceretur; illud scribo, mihi molestum
fuisse, iam enim diu cogitaveram ex eo quod tu ad me 5
scripseras ut, si quid esset quod ad te diligentius perferri
vellem, illi darem, quod mehercule hisce litteris quas vulgo
ad te mitto nihil fere scribo quod, si in alicuius manus
inciderit, moleste ferendum sit. (nunc) Minucio me et
Salvio et Labeoni reservabam. Labeo aut tarde proficiscetur 10
aut hic manebit. Hippodamus ne num quid vellem quidem
22 T. Pinarius amabilis ad me de te litteras mittit, se maxime
litteris, sermonibus, cenis denique tuis delectari, is homo
semper me delectavit fraterque eius mecum est multum, qua
re, uti instituisti, complectere adulescentem.
23 Quod multos dies epistulam in manibus habui propter
commorationem tabellariorum, ideo multa coniecta sunt,
aliud alio tempore, velut hoc: T. Anicius mihi saepe iam
dixit sese tibi suburbanum si quod invenisset non dubita¬
turum esse emere, in eius sermone ego utrumque soleo 5
admirari, et te de suburbano emendo cum ad illum scribas
non modo ad me non scribere sed etiam aliam in sententiam
[de suburbano] scribere, et cum ad illum scribas nihil te
recordari [de se] de ep(ist)ulis illis quas in Tusculano eius
tu mihi ostendisti, nihil de praeceptis Epicharmi, yvcoOi Trw$ 10
aAAcp K6)(pr|Tai, totum denique vultum, sermonem, animum

4 te Z: de te A 21,9 nunc addidi 11 numquid velim (n- vellem

Manulius) quidem Lambinus: nunc quidem quid vel(l)im Q 22, 1
pinarius P: pinn- Q 23, 2 coniecta Madvig 6 et te GNs: ecce
L/?A 8 de suburbano removit Alanutius g de se removit Hervagius
epistulis s': epu- Q


eius, quem ad modum conicio, quasi *. sed haec tu videris.

24 de suburbano cura ut sciam quid velis et simul ne quid ille
turbet vide.
Quid praeterea? quid? etiam. Gabinius a.d. mi Kal. Oct.
noctu in urbem introierat et hodie hora vm, cum edicto C.
Alfi de maiestate eum adesse oporteret, concursu magno et 5
odio universi populi paene adflictus est. nihil illo turpius;
proximus est tamen Piso, itaque mirificum embolium cogito
in secundum librum meorum temporum includere, dicentem
Apollinem in concilio deorum qualis reditus duorum
imperatorum futurus esset, quorum alter exercitum perdi- 10
disset, alter vendidisset.
25 Ex Britannia Caesar ad me Kal. Sept. dedit litteras, quas
ego accepi a.d. mi Kal. Oct., satis commodas de Britannicis
rebus, quibus, ne admirer quod a te nullas acceperim,
scribit se sine te fuisse cum ad mare accesserit, ad eas ego ei
litteras nihil rescripsi, ne gratulandi quidem causa, propter 5
eius luctum.
Te oro etiam atque etiam, mi frater, ut valeas.

22 (111.2)

Scr. Romae v Id. Oct. an. 54

(marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i A.d. vi Id. Oct. Salvius Ostiam vesperi navi profectus erat

cum iis rebus quas tibi domo mitti volueras, eodem die
Gabinium ad populum luculente calefecerat Memmius, sic
ut Calidio verbum facere pro eo non licuerit, postridie autem

12 dedidicisse (Wesenberg) vel curopE|Jia0r)KEVoa (T.-P.) addere possis

24, 4 introierat Wesenberg: -ierit Q: -iuit s et removit Wesenberg
7 est tamen 2: t- est A E|Ji(3oAiov (sic) ed. Romana 8 librum
removit Manutius temporum Mueller: libro- Q 10 exercitum P:
-us Q
Ep. 22] novam ep. constituit 4• cum superiore coniungunt codd. 1, 1 vi] 111


eius diei qui erat tum futurus cum haec scribebam ante 5
lucem, apud Catonem erat divinatio in Gabinium futura
inter Memmium et Ti. Neronem et C. L. Antonios M. f.
putabamus fore ut Memmio daretur, etsi erat Neronis
mira contentio, quid quaeris? probe premitur, nisi noster
Pompeius dis hominibusque invitis negotium everterit. 10
2 Cognosce nunc hominis audaciam et aliquid in re publica
perdita delectare, cum Gabinius quacumque veniebat
triumphum se postulare dixisset subitoque bonus imperator
noctu in urbem hostium plenam invasisset, in senatum se non
committebat, jinterimf ipso decimo die, quo eum oportebat 5
hostiarum numerum et militum renuntiare, irrepsit summa
infrequentia, cum vellet exire, a consulibus retentus est.
introducti publicani, homo undique fatius etf, cum a me
maxime vulneraretur, non tulit et me trementi voce exsulem
appellavit, hic (o di! nihil umquam honorificentius nobis 10
accidit) consurrexit senatus cum clamore ad unum, sic ut ad
corpus eius accederet; pari clamore atque impetu publicani,
quid quaeris? omnes tamquam tu esses ita fuerunt, nihil
hominum sermone foris clarius, ego tamen (me ) teneo ab
accusando, vix mehercule sed tamen teneo, vel quod nolo 15
cum Pompeio pugnare (satis est quod instat de Milone) vel
quod iudices nullos habemus, dwreuyiaa formido, addo
etiam malevolentiam hominum et timeo ne illi me accusante
aliquid accedat; nec despero rem et sine me et non nihil per
me confici posse. 20

7 tiberium M<: t~ in M: T. 26 C.L. vel cl. 2: ct cl M: C. et

L. M corr.: C. ms: om. bd antonios M corr.: -ius (-ium Gs) fi m. J\f:
meos M. fi 2, 2 delectare s: -ret fi 4 plenam Koch: plane fi
5 interim] inde primo (-mum debui) conieci 6 hostiarum fi: hostium
JVms: hostium occisorum Wesenberg inrepsit C: in re h(a)esit fi
8 atius vel acius NV, M(?): a (ac G) tuis GR8: actus P: multa coniecta,
velut exagitatus (Wesenberg), laceratus (Mueller), saucius (Tyrrell) et] est
et R. Klotz: removit Manutius 14 me ante teneo add. Wesenberg, post
t- Lambinus 16 uel IC: id A 19 accedat Schiitz: accidat fi et
non 2: non A


3 De ambitu postulati sunt omnes qui consulatum petunt: a

Memmio Domitius, a Q. Acutio, bono et erudito adulescente,
Memmius, a Q. Pompeio Messalla, a Triario Scaurus, magna
res in motu est, propterea quod aut hominum aut legum
interitus ostenditur, opera datur ut iudicia ne fiant, res 5
videtur spectare ad interregnum, consules comitia habere
cupiunt; rei nolunt, et maxime Memmius, quod Caesaris
adventu se sperat futurum consulem; sed mirum in modum
iacet. Domitius cum Messalla certus esse videbatur. Scaurus
refrixerat. Appius sine lege curiata confirmat se Lentulo 10
nostro successurum, qui quidem mirificus illo die, quod
paene praeterii, fuit in Gabinium, accusavit maiestatis.
nomina data, cum ille verbum nullum.
Habes forensia, domi recte est. ipsa domus a redemptoribus
tractatur non indiligenter. 15

23 (ni.3)
Scr. Romae xii Kal. JVov. an. 54

{marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i Occupationum mearum tibi signum sit librari manus, diem

scito esse nullum quo die non dicam pro reo. ita, quicquid
conficio aut cogito, in ambulationis tempus fere confero.
Negotia se nostra sic habent, domestica vero ut volumus,
valent pueri, studiose discunt, diligenter docentur, et nos et 5
inter se amant, expolitiones utriusque nostrum sunt in
manibus, sed tua ad perfectum iam res rustica Arcani et
Laterii, praeterea de aqua, de via nihil praetermisi quadam
epistula quin enucleate ad te perscriberem, sed me illa cura

3, 9 iacet Victorius-, ta- fi 12 praeterii P: -teri Q 14 est Wesenberg:

et Q
Ep. 23] novam ep. constit. M3 4 1, 7 sed tua paene ad tectum Lambinus:
et tua perfecta vel tua paene p- Wesenberg 8 de aqua s': ad ea qua Q


sollicitat angitque vehementer quod dierum iam amplius io

quadraginta intervallo nihil a te, nihil a Caesare, nihil ex
istis locis non modo litterarum sed ne rumoris quidem
adfluxit. me autem iam et mare istuc et terra sollicitat neque
desino, ut fit in amore, ea quae minime volo cogitare, qua
re non equidem iam te rogo ut ad me de te, de rebis istis 15
scribas (numquam enim, cum potes, praetermittis), sed hoc
te scire volo, nihil fere umquam me sic exspectasse ut, cum
haec scribebam, tuas litteras.
2 Nunc cognosce ea quae sunt in re publica, comitiorum
cottidie singuli dies tolluntur obnuntiationibus magna
voluntate bonorum omnium; tanta invidia sunt consules
propter suspicionem pactorum a candidatis praemiorum,
candidati consulares quattuor omnes rei. causae sunt diffi- 5
ciles, sed enitemur ut Messalla noster salvus sit, quod est
etiam cum reliquorum salute coniunctum. Gabinium de
ambitu reum fecit P. Sulla subscribente privigno Memmio,
fratre Caecilio, Sulla filio, contra dixit L. Torquatus
3 omnibusque libentibus non obtinuit, quaeris quid fiat de 10
Gabinio: sciemus de maiestate triduo; quo quidem in
iudicio odio premitur omnium generum, maxime testibus
laeditur, accusatoribus frigidissimis utitur, consilium varium,
quaesitor gravis et firmus Alfius, Pompeius vehemens in 5
iudicibus rogandis, quid futurum sit nescio, locum tamen illi
in civitate non video, animum praebeo ad illius perniciem
moderatum, ad rerum eventum lenissimum.
4 Habes fere de omnibus rebus, unum illud addam: Cicero
tuus nosterque summo studio est Paeoni sui rhetoris, hominis,
opinor, valde exercitati et boni, sed nostrum instituendi
genus esse paulo eruditius et OsTiKcoTepov non ignoras, qua
re neque ego impediri Ciceronis iter atque illam disciplinam 5
volo et ipse puer magis illo declamatorio genere duci et

10 sollicitat angitque Nbd: sollicita tan- Mm: sollicitat tan- "Zs

2, 9 Sulla Manutius: -l(a)e Q 3, 4 laeditur Pluygers: caed- Q 6 illi
Victorius: illum Q 4, 2 summe studiosus est Wesenberg 6 declama¬
torio F8: clama- ENRMC: damna- G


delectari videtur, in quo quoniam ipsi quoque fuimus,

patiamur illum ire nostris itineribus, eodem enim perven¬
turum esse confidimus; sed tamen, si nobiscum eum rus
aliquo eduxerimus, in hanc nostram rationem consuetudi- 10
nemque inducemus, magna enim nobis a te proposita merces
est, quam certe nostra culpa numquam minus adsequemur.
Quibus in locis et qua spe hiematurus sis ad me quam
diligentissime scribas velim.

24 (111.4)

Scr. Romae ix Kal. JVov. an. 54


1 Gabinius absolutus est. omnino nihil accusatore Lentulo

subscriptoribusque eius infantius, nihil illo consilio sordidius;
sed tamen nisi incredibilis contentio preces Pompei, dicta¬
turae etiam rumor plenus timoris fuisset, ipsi Lentulo non
respondisset, qui tamen illo accusatore illoque consilio 5
sententiis condemnatus sit <x)xxir cum lxx tulissent, est
omnino tam gravi fama hoc iudicium ut videatur reliquis
iudiciis periturus et maxime de pecuniis repetundis, sed
vides nullam esse rem publicam, nullum senatum, nulla
iudicia, nullam in ullo nostrum dignitatem, quid plura? de 10
iudicibus duo praetorii sederunt, Domitius Calvinus (is
aperte absolvit ut omnes viderent) et Cato (is diribitis
tabellis de circulo se subduxit et Pompeio primus nuntiavit).
2 Aiunt non nulli, ut Sallustius, me oportuisse accusare, his

8 patimur Wesenberg: fort, patiemur

Ep. 24] 1, 3 precesque ms: et preces R 5 tamen s': tum fi 6 sit]
est R. Klotz xxxii Manutius: xxu fi 10 iudicia NPms: iudicia
nulla inuidia Q ullo NPbd: nu- fi nostrum s: -ram m: -ro HN:
-ro nostram Q post plura distinxi (post iudicibus vulg.) 12 Cato]
multis suspectum, sed ut nunc vid., iniuria diribitis Ferrarius: diruptis fi:
diremptis Sigonius 2, 1 ut P: autem fi: etiam Wesenberg: ut Cn. Purser

24 (in.4) 3 AD quintum fratrem

ego iudicibus committerem? quid essem, si me agente esset

elapsus? sed me alia moverunt: non putasset sibi Pompeius
de illius salute sed de sua dignitate mecum esse certamen, in
urbem introisset, ad inimicitias res venisset; cum Aesernino 5
Samnite Pacideianus comparatus viderer, auriculam fortasse
mordicus abstulisset, cum Clodio quidem certe redisset in
gratiam, ego vero meum consilium, si praesertim tu non
improbas, vehementer approbo, ille cum a me [in] singulari¬
bus meis studiis ornatus esset cumque ego illi nihil deberem, 10
ille mihi omnia, tamen in re publica me a se dissentientem
non tulit (nihil dicam gravius) et minus potens eo tempore
quid in me florentem posset ostendit; nunc, cum ego ne
curem quidem multum posse, res quidem publica certe nihil
possit, unus ille omnia possit, cum illo ipso contenderem? 15
sic enim faciendum fuisset, non existimo te putare id mihi
3 suscipiendum fuisse, ‘alterutrum’ inquit idem Sallustius,
‘defendisses idque Pompeio contendenti dedisses’ (etenim
vehementer orabat), lepidum amicum Sallustium, qui mihi
aut inimicitias putet periculosas subeundas fuisse aut
infamiam sempiternam! ego vero hac mediocritate delector, 5
ac mihi illud iucundum est quod, cum testimonium secun¬
dum fidem et religionem gravissime dixissem, reus [se] dixit,
si in civitate licuisset sibi esse, mihi se satis facturum, neque
me quicquam interrogavit.
4 De versibus quos tibi a me scribi vis, deest mihi quidem
opera sed abest etiam evOoucnacrpos, qui non modo tempus
sed etiam animum vacuum ab omni cura desiderat, non
enim sumus omnino sine cura venientis anni, etsi sumus sine
timore, simul et illud (sine ulla mehercule ironia loquor): 5
tibi istius generis in scribendo priores partis tribuo quam

6 comparatus GJV8C: cum (vel quom) pa- EHVRM 9 in Q: cum m:

tum s: removit Victorius 3, 1 alterutrum GA: -erum utrum NVR:
-erum igitur Iunius 2 (aut accusasses aut) defendisses Lamb. marg.
7 se removit M4 4, 2 sed. . . EvOoucriacrpos hic posui: post desiderat Q
abest A/J: habes Q qui scripsi: quae Q


5 De bibliotheca tua Graeca supplenda, libris commutandis,

Latinis comparandis, valde velim ista confici, praesertim
cum ad meum quoque usum spectent, sed ego mihi ipsi ista
per quem agam non habeo, neque enim venalia sunt, quae
quidem placeant, et confici nisi per hominem et peritum et 5
diligentem non possunt. Chrysippo tamen imperabo et cum
Tyrannione loquar, de fisco quid egerit Scipio quaeram;
quod videbitur rectum esse curabo, de Ascanione tu vero
quod voles facies; me nihil interpono, de suburbano quod
non properas laudo, ut habeas hortor. 10
6 Haec scripsi a.d. vim Kal. Nov., quo die ludi committe¬
bantur, in Tusculanum proficiscens ducensque mecum
Ciceronem meum in ludum discendi, non lusionis, ea re non
longius, quod vellem, quod Pomptino ad triumphum a.d.
mi Non. Nov. volebam adesse, etenim erit nescio quid 5
negotioli, nam Cato et Servilius praetores prohibituros se
minantur, nec quid possint scio; ille enim et Appium
consulem secum habebit et praetores et tribunos pl. sed
minantur tamen in primisque ’'Aprj -rrveoov Q. Scaevola.
Cura, mi suavissime et carissime frater, ut valeas. 10

25 (iii-5(5-7))
Scr. in Tusculano ex. m. Oct. aut in. m. Nov. an. 54


I Quod quaeris quid de illis libris egerim quos cum essem in

Cumano scribere institui, non cessavi neque cesso, sed saepe
iam scribendi totum consilium rationemque mutavi, nam
iam duobus factis libris, in quibus novendialibus feriis quae

6, 4 quod [prius) Lallemand: quam Q: quamquam Ernesti: quom

Wesenberg 5 mi G: m (11 JV) Q 9Q.J: que ERA: om. GNV
Ep. 25] 1, 4 factis P: facilis GRMC: facili’ E: feci AF5 feriis 2: his
f- FA: iis f- s'

25 (ni-5(5—7)) 2 AD quintum fratrem

fuerunt Tuditano et Aquilio consulibus sermo est a me 5

institutus Africani paulo ante mortem et Laeli, Phili, Manili,
<P. Rutili), Q. Tuberonis, et Laeli generorum, Fanni et
Scaevolae, sermo autem in novem et dies et libros distributus
de optimo statu civitatis et de optimo cive (sane texebatur
opus luculente hominumque dignitas aliquantum orationi 10
ponderis adferebat), ii libri cum in Tusculano mihi legerentur
audiente Sallustio, admonitus sum ab illo multo maiore
auctoritate illis de rebus dici posse si ipse loquerer de re
publica, praesertim cum essem non Heraclides Ponticus sed
consularis et is qui in maximis versatus in re publica rebus 15
essem; quae tam antiquis hominibus attribuerem, ea visum
iri ficta esse; oratorum sermonem in illis nostris libris, quod
esset de ratione dicendi, belle a me removisse, ad eos tamen
rettulisse quos ipse vidissem; Aristotelem denique quae de re
publica et praestanti viro scribat ipsum loqui. 20
2 Commovi(t) me, et eo magis quod maximos motus nostrae
civitatis attingere non poteram, quod erant inferiores quam
illorum aetas qui loquebantur, ego autem id ipsum tum eram
secutus, ne in nostra tempora incurrens offenderem quem¬
piam. nunc et id vitabo et loquar ipse tecum et tamen illa 5
quae institueram ad te, si Romam venero, mittam, puto
enim te existimaturum a me illos libros non sine aliquo meo
stomacho esse relictos.
3 Caesaris amore quem ad me perscripsit unice delector;
promissis iis quae ostendit non valde pendeo. nec sitio
honores nec desidero gloriam magisque eius voluntatis
perpetuitatem quam promissorum exitum exspecto, vivo

5 a me s': tamen Q 6 Manilii Manutius: manli(i) Q 7 P. Rutili

hic add. Wesenberg, post Tuberonis (ut in Att. 89 (iv.i6).2) Constans Q_.
Manutius: que Q 16-17 uisum iri ficta M4: uisu(m) mirifica Q
17 oratorium Lambinus 17-18 quod... dicendi fort, removendum
quod esset] qui essent Wesenberg 18 a me £: ea me GJVA: me VR
20 praestanti Wesenberg: -nte Q 2, 1 commovit s': -oui Q 5 ipse
jVPs: et i- EGRA 8 relictos redditos Mms

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 25 (111.5(5-7)) 4

tamen in ea ambitione et labore quasi id quod non postulo 5

4 Quod me de versibus faciendis rogas, incredibile est, mi
frater, quam egeam tempore, nec sane satis commoveor
animo ad ea quae vis canenda, ocuttooteis vero et ea quae ipse
ego ne cogitando quidem consequor tu, qui omnis isto
eloquendi et exprimendi genere superasti, a me petis? 5
facerem tamen ut possem, sed, quod te minime fugit, opus
est ad poema quadam animi alacritate, quam plane mihi
tempora eripiunt, abduco equidem me ab omni rei publicae
cura dedoque litteris, sed tamen indicabo tibi quod me-
hercule in primis te celatum volebam, angor, mi suavissime 10

frater, angor nullam esse rem publicam, nulla iudicia,

nostrumque hoc tempus aetatis, quod in illa auctoritate
senatoria florere debe<ba)t, aut forensi labore iactari aut
domesticis litteris sustentari, illud vero quod a puero
adamaram, ‘ttoAAov dpiorEUEiv kou uTT£ipo)(os I'npievai dAAcov’, 15
totum occidisse, inimicos a me partim non oppugnatos,
partim etiam esse defensos, meum non modo animum sed ne
odium quidem esse liberum, unumque ex omnibus Caesarem
esse inventum qui me tantum quantum ego vellem amaret,
aut etiam, sicut alii putant, hunc unum esse qui (a me 20

amari) vellet, quorum tamen nihil est eius modi ut ego me

non multa consolatione cottidie leniam: sed illa erit con¬
solatio maxima, si una erimus, nunc ad illa vel gravissimum
accedit desiderium tui.
5 Gabinium si, ut Pansa putat oportuisse, defendissem,
concidissem, qui illum oderunt (ii sunt toti ordines), propter
quem oderunt, me ipsum odisse coepissent, tenui me, ut

3, 5 quasi Ursinus: quam Q: tamq- P 4, 3 dpnTCOTEis C: AMFltOGIC

GRM: dixrrooTis 8: om. EHNV: mira et inutilia coniecerunt et ea C: ad
ea Q: anne et alia ? 8 equidem me 2: eq- M: me eq- 8 13
debebat Manutius: debet Q 15 ttoAAov P: -Acov GRA 20-1 a me
amari addidi 22 non multa Crat.: m- non Q 5, 1 oportuisse
EVRms: -et GNMbd 3 ut 5: ut me GNA: ut ue EVR

25 (m.5 (5—7)) 6 AD QUINTUM FRATREM

puto, egregie, tantum ut facerem quantum (faciendum)

omnes viderent; et in omni summa, ut mones, valde me ad 5
otium pacemque converto.
6 De libris Tyrannio est cessator; Chrysippo dicam, sed res
operosa est et hominis perdiligentis, sentio ipse, qui in
summo studio nihil adsequor. de Latinis vero quo me
vertam nescio; ita mendose et scribuntur et veneunt, sed
tamen, quod heri poterit, non neglegam. fCrebriusf, ut ante 5
ad te scripsi, Romae est et, quod valde iuvat, omnia debere
tibi renuntiat, ab aerario puto confectum esse dum absum.
7 Quattuor tragoedias sedecim diebus absolvisse cum scribas,
(111.6) tu quicquam ab alio mutuaris? et f-rrAeosI quaeris, cum
Electram et Troadas scripseris? cessator esse noli et illud
‘yvcoOi crEca/Tov’ noli putare ad adrogantiam minuendam
solum esse dictum verum etiam ut bona nostra norimus. sed 5
et istas et Erigonam mihi velim mittas, habes (ad) duas
epistulas proximas.
8 Romae et maxime in Appia ad Martis mira proluvies.
(m.7.1) Crassipedis ambulatio ablata, horti, tabernae plurimae.
magna vis aquae usque ad piscinam publicam, viget illud

4 faciendum add. Watt in app. 5 uiderunt V, fort, recte 6, 2 qui

in EHVPms: quin GNMbd: qui R 3-4 me uertam HA: uertam me
(me om. N) Z 4 anne mendosi ? et scribuntur] exsc- Boot
ueneunt JVVbds: ueniunt EGRMm 5 G. Rebilus Orelli, fort, recte
6-7 quod valde iuvat, omnia debere tibi scripsi: qui omnia adnuat (sic
1.C: adunat RM: adiurat 5) debere tibi ualde fi 7 renuntiat: s': -ant
fi: -avit Constans ab] de Boot 7, 1 novam in fi ep. cum superiore coniunctarn
esse vidit Manutius (te) cum Lambinus 2 TTAGOC GM: NAGOC R:
kAeos 8: Xp£0<; C: om. HNV: eAeos Watt (-ov iam Fritzsche): fTAEOVTas
conieci 3 Troadas Wesenberg: -dam JVPs: trodam fi: Troada s': Troilum
Eritzsche: Aeropam Buecheler: Procrim Watt in app. 5 uerum etiam
ES: uetat iam fi 6 istas s': -am fiC ad add. Victorius 8, 1
novam in fi ep. cum superioribus coniunctarn esse vidit Manutius in
Wesenberg: et GA: om. I ad s': a GNA: et VR proluuies
luu- Mm: illuu- s 2 crassipedis ATT: -des GRA

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 25 (111.5(5-7)) 9
f|Mar’ omopivcp, ote Aa(3poTorrou xeei OSoop
Zeus, ote Sr] p’ avSpEcrcri KOTEcraapEVOS xaVTrf|vq.
cadit enim in absolutionem Gabini:
oi ptr| eIv ayopfj ctkoAiocs xpivcocn 0E|aicrras,
ek 8e 8h<r)v EAacrcocn, Oecov ottiv ouk aAEyovTEs.
9 sed haec non curare decrevi. Romam cum venero, quae
perspexero scribam ad te et maxime de dictatura, et ad
Labienum et ad Ligurium litteras dabo.
Hanc scripsi ante lucem ad lychnuchum ligneolum, qui
mihi erat periucundus quod eum te aiebant, cum esses Sami, 5
curasse faciendum.
Vale, mi suavissime et optime frater.

26 (111.6(8))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Nov. an. 54

(marcus quinto fratri salutem)

i Superiori epistulae quod respondeam nihil est, quae plena

stomachi et querelarum est, quo in genere alteram quoque
te scribis pridie Labeoni dedisse, qui adhuc non venerat,
delevit enim mihi omnem molestiam recentior epistula,
tantum te et moneo et rogo ut in istis molestiis et laboribus 5
et desideriis recordere consilium nostrum quod fuerit
profectionis tuae, non enim commoda quaedam sequebamur
parva ac mediocria, quid enim erat quod discessu nostro
emendum putaremus? praesidium firmissimum petebamus
ex optimi et potentissimi viri benevolentia ad omnem statum 10

7 absolutionem HN8: adso- GM: so- VR gabini N: garirni vel

garrini Q 9, 4 lucem j: om. Q 5 quod H: quidem fi esses
Sami, curasse Victorius: esses anligurasse vel sim. fi
Ep. 26] 1, 1 quod Manutius: quid fi 3 Labeoni £iehen: labieno fi:
tabellario Labieni Schiche (melius L- t-) qui Zr: quia A: quae
Rauschen, vulg. 8 ac] anne aut ? 9 petebamus EHNP-. petab- V:
putab- RA: om. G

26 (ill.6(8)) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM

nostrae dignitatis, plura ponuntur in spe quam in pecuniis;

(qua relicta) reliqua ad iacturam struentur, qua re, si
crebro referes animum tuum ad rationem et veteris consili
nostri et spei, facilius istos militiae labores ceteraque quae te
olfendunt feres, et tamen cum voles depones, sed eius rei 15
maturitas nequedum venit et tamen iam appropinquat.
2 Etiam illud te admoneo, ne quid ullis litteris committas
quod, si prolatum sit, moleste feramus, multa sunt quae ego
nescire malo quam cum aliquo periculo fieri certior, plura
ad te vacuo animo scribam cum, ut spero, se Cicero meus
belle habebit, tu velim cures ut sciam quibus nos dare 5
oporteat eas quas ad te deinde litteras mittemus, Caesarisne
tabellariis, ut is ad te protinus mittat, an Labieni, ubi enim
isti sint Nervii et quam longe absint nescio.
3 De virtute et gravitate Caesaris, quam in summo dolore
adhibuisset, magnam ex epistula tua cepi voluptatem, quod
me institutum ad illum poema iubes perficere, etsi distentus
cum opera tum animo sum multo magis, tamen quoniam ex
epistula quam ad te miseram cognovit Caesar me aliquid 5
esse exorsum, revertar ad institutum idque perficiam his
supplicationum otiosis diebus, quibus Messallam iam
nostrum reliquosque molestia levatos vehementer gaudeo;
eumque quod certum consulem cum Domitio numeratis nihil
a nostra opinione dissentitis, ego Messallam Caesari prae- 10
stabo, sed Memmius in adventu Caesaris habet spem, in quo
illum puto errare; hic quidem friget. Scaurum autem iam
pridem Pompeius abiecit.
4 Res prolatae, ad interregnum comitia adducta, rumor
dictatoris iniucundus bonis, mihi etiam magis quae loquun¬
tur. sed tota res et timetur et refrigescit. Pompeius plane se

11 in pecuniis A: petimus IC 1 2 qua relicta addidi struentur

m: seru- RA: reseru- IC 2, 8 sint s': sunt fi 3, 2 adhibuisset AU:
-em fi cepi Lamb, marg.: acc- fi 9 consulem r: -es fi 11
aduentu Nbd: -um fi 4, 2 dictatoris AU: delat-fiC mihi P: me fi:
metu Nbd

AD QUINTUM FRATREM 26 (ill.6(8)) 5

negat velle; antea milii ipse non negabat. Hirrus auctor fore
videtur (o di, quam ineptus, quam se ipse amans sine rivali!). 5
Grassum Iunianum, hominem mihi deditum, per me deter¬
ruit. velit nolit scire difficile est; Hirro tamen agente nolle
se non probabit, aliud hoc tempore de re publica nihil
loquebantur; agebatur quidem certe nihil.
5 Serrani, Domiti fili, funus perluctuosum fuit a.d. vm Kal.
Dec. laudavit pater scripto meo.
6 Nunc de Milone: Pompeius ei nihil tribuit et omnia
Guttae dicitque se perfecturum ut in illum Caesar incumbat,
hoc horret Milo nec iniuria; et si ille dictator factus sit, paene
diffidit, intercessorem dictaturae si iuverit manu et praesidio
suo, Pompeium metuit inimicum; si non iuverit, timet ne per 5
vim perferatur, ludos apparat magnificentissimos, sic,
inquam, ut nemo sumptuosiores, stulte bis terque, (vel quia)
non postulatos vel quia munus magnificum dederat vel quia
facultates non erant, vel magis quam ter, quia potuerat
magistrum se, non aedilem, putare. 10
Omnia fere scripsi, cura, mi carissime frater, ut valeas.

27 (111.7(9))

Scr. Romae m. Dec. an. 54


I De Gabinio nihil fuit faciendum istorum quae (a te sa)ne

amantissime cogitata sunt; ‘tote poi ya.vox’! feci summa

4 Hirrus Victorius: hirpus Q auctor Hervagius: -tus Q 7 Hirro

Victorius: hirrio vel sim. Q 5, 1 Serrani Domitii Mtinzer: -ni domestici
ZcC: -nido mestitii Mrn: -ni domestici mestitii bd vm] mi ER
6, 2 gutt(a)e 2: gut(a)e A: Cottae Iioffa in illum Lambinus: in illo Q: illo
Ernesti 7 vel quia addidi 8 postulatos C: -tus Q 9 magis quam
ter scripsi: quia magister (-tri E: -ter non erat V) uel Q
Ep. 27] nova ep. in NVs: in cett. cum superiore coniuncta 1, 1 quae s': que
Q a te sane A. Klotz: ne Q: a te Baiter: sane Sjogren

27 (111.7(9)) 2 AD quintum fratrem

cum gravitate, ut omnes sentiunt, et summa cum lenitate

quae feci, illum neque ursi neque levavi, testis vehemens fui,
praeterea quievi, exitum iudici foedum et perniciosum 5
lenissime tuli; quod quidem bonum mihi nunc denique
redundat, ut his malis rei publicae licentiaque audacium,
qua ante rumpebar, nunc ne movear quidem, nihil est enim
2 perditius his hominibus, his temporibus, itaque ex re publica
quoniam nihil iam voluptatis capi potest, cur stomacher
nescio, litterae me et studia nostra et otium villaeque
delectant maximeque pueri nostri, angit unus Milo; sed
velim finem adferat consulatus, in quo enitar non minus 5
quam sum enisus in nostro, tuque istinc, quod facis, adiu-
vabis. de quo cetera, nisi plane vis eripuerit, recte sunt; de
re familiari timeo. ‘6 Se pocIvetcu ovket’ ccvektcos’, qui ludos
tccco| comparet, cuius in hoc uno (in)considerantiam et
ego sustinebo ut potero et tu ut possis est tuorum nervorum. 10
3 De motu temporum venientis anni, nihil te intellegere
volueram domestici timoris sed de communi rei publicae
statu, in quo etiam si nihil procuro, tamen nihil curare vix
possum, quam autem te velim cautum esse in scribendo ex
hoc conicito quod ego ad te ne haec quidem scribo quae 5
palam in re publica turbantur, ne cuiusquam animum meae
litterae interceptae offendant, qua re domestica cura te
levatum volo; in re publica scio quam sollicitus esse soleas.
Video Messallam nostrum consulem, si per interregem,
sine iudicio; si per dictatorem, tamen sine periculo, odi nihil 10
habet, Hortensi calor multum valebit, Gabini absolutio lex
impunitatis putatur, ev Trapepyco: de dictatore tamen actum
adhuc nihil est. Pompeius abest, Appius miscet, Hirrus parat,

3 sentiunt Manutius: -iant fi 6 leuissime R 8 dirumpebar Lamb,

marg. ne Zr: om. A 2, 3 me s': me(a)e fi 5 in s: et fi 9
CCC7 GM: ccc vel ccc F/?8: ccccioooo Wesenberg inconsiderantiam
Manutius-. considerant iam fi: peTEGOpiav vel afiAEVjdav Orelli 10 et tu
N(?)VR: tu et Gbd: tu Mrns Nerviorum Pluygers 3, 3 curare
EGNbd\ -asse VRMms 8 re A: om. Z 13 Hirrus Manutius: hircius
vel sim. fi

AD OUINTUM FRATREM 27 (111.7(9)) 4

multi intercessores numerantur, populus non curat, principes

nolunt, ego quiesco. 15
4 De mancipiis quod mihi polliceris, valde te amo et sum
equidem, uti scribis, et Romae et (in) praediis infrequens,
sed cave, amabo, quicquam quod ad meum commodum
attineat, nisi maximo tuo commodo et maxima tua facultate,
mi frater, cogitaris. 5
5 De epistula Vatini risi, sed me ab eo ita observari sci(t)o
ut eius ista odia non sorbeam solum sed etiam concoquam.
6 Quod me hortaris ut absolvam, habeo absolutum suave,
mihi quidem uti videtur, ettos ad Caesarem; sed quaero
locupletem tabellarium, ne accidat quod Erigonae tuae, cui
7 soli Caesare imperatore iter ex Gallia tutum non fuit, quid
si canem tam bonum non haberet?
(Quid?) deturbem aedificium? quod quidem mihi
cottidie magis placet, in primisque inferior porticus et eius
conclavia fiunt recte, de Arcano, Caesaris opus est (elegantia) 5
vel mehercule etiam elegantioris alicuius, imagines enim
istae et palaestra et piscina et nilus multorum Philotimorum
est, non Diphilorum. sed et ipsi ea adibimus et mittemus et
8 De Felicis testamento tum magis querare, si scias, quas
enim tabulas se putavit obsignare, in quibus in uncia
firmissimum (locum) tenes, vero (lapsus est per errorem et

4, 1 mihi ' nihil Mms 2 in add. s' 5, 1 scito scripsi:

scio fi 6, 3 neC:om.Q accidat Victorius: -ipiat fiC Erigonae
tuae C: ergo ne tue (vel nactue vel sim.) Z: e(r)go nactus A cui
Victorius: quod fiC 4 soli ZC: si A tutum s: totum fi 7, m2
quid si scripsi: quid? si vulg. 2 canem tam iniuria suspectum vel
mutatum 2-3 haberet? (quid?) deturbem scripsi: -rem (ita fi),
deturbem vulg. 5 elegantia add. Watt 7 nilus ZC: nil iis (vel his) A:
in hiis R 8 adibimus Manutius: adhibemus fi 8, 1 de felicis R:
de fil- Z: deficilis vel diff- A querare GNbd: querere Mms: queras R:
-res V quas Zbd: duas Mms 2 uncia scripsi: -iis fi: singulis unciis
Tyrrell 3 (locum) tenes (tenemus Tyrrell), (eas) vero Wesenberg

27 (111.7(9)) 9 AD OUINTUM fratrem

suum et tSicuraef servi) non obsignavit; quas noluit, eas

obsignavit. &AA’ olpoo^Tco, nos modo valeamus. 5
9 Ciceronem et ut rogas amo et ut meretur et debeo, dimitto
autem a me et ut a magistris ne abducam et quod mater
tporcia non| discedit, sine qua edacitatem pueri pertimesco,
sed sumus una tamen valde multum.
Rescripsi ad omnia, mi suavissime et optime frater, vale. 5

4 Sicurae vix sanum: fort. Scurrae 9, 1 et (et ut s) debeo A: d- 2

3 porcia non] pr(idie) Non. Gurlitt, peiora alii: anne propriam (domum) ?
5 mi JVb: mihi fi



I (I (ili))

Scr. Romae c. Kal. Apr. an. 43


1 Cum haec scribebam, res existimabatur in extremum

adducta discrimen, tristes enim de Bruto nostro litterae
nuntiique adferebantur. me quidem non maxime conturba¬
bant. his enim exercitibus ducibusque quos habemus nullo
modo poteram diffidere, neque adsentiebar maiori parti 5
hominum; fidem enim consulum non condemnabam, quae
suspecta vehementer erat, desiderabam non nullis in rebus
prudentiam et celeritatem, qua si essent usi, iam pridem rem
(publicam) reciperassemus. non enim ignoras quanta
momenta sint in re publica temporum et quid intersit idem 10
illud utrum ante an post decernatur, suscipiatur, agatur,
omnia quae severe decreta sunt hoc tumultu, si aut quo die
dixi sententiam perfecta essent et non in diem ex die dilata
aut quo ex tempore suscepta sunt ut agerentur non tardata
et procrastinata, bellum iam nullum haberemus. 15
2 Omnia, Brute, praestiti rei publicae quae praestare debuit
is qui esset (in) eo quo ego sum gradu senatus populique
iudicio collocatus, nec illa modo quae nimirum sola ab
homine (tenui) sunt postulanda, fidem, vigilantiam, patriae
caritatem; ea sunt enim quae nemo est qui non praestare 5
debeat, ego autem ei qui sententiam dicat in principibus de

De Epp. 1-5 vide quae praefatus sum, p. 14.

Ep. 1] 1, 9 publicam add. Patricius 2, 2 in hic add. Lambinus, post sum
Sternkopf 4 tenui addidi

i (i(n.i)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM

re publica puto etiam prudentiam esse praestandam, nec me,

cum mihi tantum sumpserim ut gubernacula rei publicae
prehenderem, minus putarim reprehendendum si inutiliter
aliquid senatui suaserim quam si infideliter. 11
3 Acta quae sint quaeque agantur scio perscribi ad te
diligenter, ex me autem illud est quod te velim habere
cognitum, meum quidem animum in acie esse neque
respectum ullum quaerere nisi me utilitas civitatis forte
converterit, maioris autem partis animi te Cassiumque 5
respiciunt, quam ob rem ita te para, Brute, ut intellegas aut,
si hoc tempore bene res gesta sit, tibi meliorem rem publicam
esse faciendam aut, si quid offensum sit, per te esse eandem

2 (3(n-3))

Ser. Dyrrachii Kal. Apr. an. 43


1 Litteras tuas valde exspecto, quas scripsisti post nuntios

nostrarum rerum et de morte Treboni, non enim dubito quin
mihi consilium tuum explices, indigno scelere et civem opti¬
mum amisimus et provinciae possessione pulsi sumus, quam
(neque ) reciperare facile est neque minus turpe aut flagitio- 5
sum erit (si) potest reciperari.
2 Antonius adhuc est nobiscum, sed me dius fidius et moveor
hominis precibus et timeo ne illum aliquorum furor excipiat,
plane aestuo, quod si scirem quid tibi placeret, sine sollici¬
tudine essem; id enim optimum esse persuasum esset mihi,
qua re quam primum fac me certiorem quid tibi placeat. 5

3,3 acieLambinus:-emCrat. 5 maioris.. .partisRuete: -res. .. -tes Crat.

Ep. 2] 1, 5 neque addidi reciperare Lamb, marg.: -ari Crat., post quod
neque addere voluit Orelli, non Watt 6 si potest scripsi: p- Crat.: post
Sigonius: si non potest Watt in app. 2, 2 eripiat Clark

AD M. BRUTUM 2 (3(n.3)) 3
3 Cassius noster Syriam, legiones Syriacas habet, ultro
quidem a Murco et a Marcio et ab exercitu ipso accersitus.
ego scripsi ad Tertiam sororem et matrem ne prius ederent
hoc quod optime ac felicissime gessit Cassius quam tuum
consilium cognovissent tibique visum esset. 5
4 Legi orationes duas tuas, quarum altera Kal. Ian. usus es,
altera de litteris meis, quae habita est abs te contra Calenum,
non scilicet hoc exspectas, dum eas laudem, nescio animi an
ingeni tui maior in his libellis laus contineatur, iam concedo
ut vel Philippici vocentur, quod tu quadam epistula iocans 5
5 Duabus rebus egemus, Cicero, pecunia et supplemento,
quarum altera potest abs te expediri, ut aliqua pars militum
istinc mittatur nobis vel secreto consilio adversus Pansam
vel actione in senatu; altera quo magis est necessaria, neque
meo exercitui magis quam reliquorum, hoc magis doleo 5
Asiam || nos amisisse; quam sic vexari a Dolabella audio ut
iam non videatur crudelissimum eius facinus interfectio
Treboni. Vetus Antistius me tamen pecunia sublevavit.
6 Cicero, filius tuus, sic mihi se probat industria, patientia,
labore, animi magnitudine, omni denique officio ut prorsus
numquam dimittere videatur cogitationem cuius sit filius,
qua re, quoniam efficere non possum ut pluris facias eum qui
tibi est carissimus, illud tribue iudicio meo ut tibi persuadeas 5
non fore illi abutendum gloria tua ut adipiscatur honores

Kal. Apr. Dyrrachio.

3, 1 et post Syriam add. Middleton, ac Wesenberg 4, 1-2 usus es et quae

remota velim 3 non scripsi: nunc Crat. 5, 4 quo Streng: quae Chat.
6 Asiam* at in Asiam, sqq. (Ep. 4.3) Crat. (vide ad Ep. 3.3) 6 quam
Sigonius: quem Crat. 6, 8 Dyrrachio Sigonius: Chara- Crat.

3 (2(n.2)) I AD M. BRUTUM

3 (2(11.2))

Scr. Romae Hi Id. Apr. an. 43


1 Planci animum in rem publicam egregium, legiones, auxilia,

copias ex litteris eius quarum exemplum tibi missum arbitror
perspicere potuisti. Lepidi, tui necessari, qui secundum
fratrem adfinis habet quos oderit proximos, levitatem et
inconstantiam animumque semper inimicum rei publicae 5
iam credo tibi ex tuorum litteris esse perspectum.
2 Nos exspectatio sollicitat * * * , quae est omnis iam in
extremum adducta discrimen, est enim spes omnis in Bruto
expediendo, de quo vehementer timebamus.
3 Ego hic cum homine furioso satis habeo negoti, Servilio;
quem tuli diutius quam dignitas mea patiebatur, sed tuli rei
publicae causa, ne darem perditis civibus hominem parum
sanum illum quidem sed tamen nobilem quo concurrerent;
quod faciunt nihilo minus, sed eum alienandum a re publica 5
non putabam, finem feci eius ferendi; coeperat enim esse
tanta insolentia ut neminem liberum duceret, in Planci vero
causa exarsit incredibili dolore mecumque per biduum ita
contendit et a me ita fractus est ut eum in perpetuum
modestiorem sperem fore, atque in hac contentione ipsa, cum 10
maxime res ageretur, a.d. v Id. Apr. litterae mihi in senatu
redditae sunt a Lentulo nostro de Cassio, de legionibus, de
Syria, quas statim cum recitavissem, cecidit Servilius, com¬
plures praeterea; sunt enim insignes aliquot qui improbissime
sentiunt, sed acerbissime tulit Servilius adsensum esse mihi 15
de Planco, magnum illud monstrum in re publica est, sed
diu, || mihi crede, non erit.

<iii) Id. Apr.

Ep. 3] 2, 1 ‘excidisse videtur velut de re Mutinensi’ Watt 3 expediendo

Sigonius: -nda Crat. 3, 17 diu scripsi: quo Crat. in Cratandri cod. post
quo secuta sunt nos amisisse (Ep. 2 (in Cratandri serie 3).5). . .semel cepit
(Ep. 4.3). errorem foliorum permutatione exortum sustulit Sigonius 18 m add.

AD M. BRUTUM 4 (4(11.4)) i

4 (4(11.4))

Scr. Romae prid. Id. Apr. an. 43


1 Datis mane a.d. 111 Id. Apr. Scaptio litteris eodem die tuas
accepi Kal. Apr. Dyrrachio datas vesperi, itaque mane prid.
Id. Apr., cum a Scaptio certior factus essem non esse eos
profectos quibus pridie dederam et statim ire, hoc paululum
exaravi ipsa in turba matutinae salutationis. 5
2 De Cassio laetor et rei publicae gratulor, mihi etiam qui
repugnante et irascente Pansa sententiam dixerim ut
Dolabellam bello Cassius persequeretur, et quidem audacter
dicebam sine nostro senatus consulto iam illud eum bellum
gerere, de te etiam dixi tum quae dicenda putavi, haec ad 5
te oratio perferetur, quoniam te video delectari Philippicis
3 Quod me de Antonio consulis, quoad Bruti exitum cogno-
rimus custodiendum puto, ex his litteris quas mihi misisti,
Dolabella Asiam vexare videtur et in ea se gerere taeterrime,
compluribus autem scripsisti Dolabellam a Rhodiis esse
exclusum; qui si ad Rhodum accessit, videtur mihi Asiam 5
reliquisse, id si ita est, istic tibi censeo commorandum; sin
eam semel cepit, || a t(e) in Asiam censeo persequendum,
nihil mihi videris hoc tempore melius acturus.
4 Quod egere te duabus necessariis rebus scribis, supple¬
mento et pecunia, difficile consilium est. non enim mihi
occurrunt facultates quibus uti te posse videam praeter illas
quas senatus decrevit, ut pecunias a civitatibus mutuas
sumeres, de supplemento autem non video quid fieri possit, 5
tantum enim abest ut Pansa de exercitu suo aut dilectu tibi
aliquid tribuat ut etiam moleste ferat tam multos ad te ire

Ep. 4] 1, 1 ni Sigonius: vi Crat. 4 dederat Middleton: -am Crat., vulg.

3, 7 cepit mihi crede sqq. (Ep. 3.3) Crat. a te scripsi: at Crat.: statim
T.-P. 4, 6 dilectu Lambinus: delecto Crat.

4 (4(n.4)) 5 AD M. BRUTUM

voluntarios, quo modo equidem credo, quod his rebus quae

in Italia decernuntur nullas copias nimis magnas esse
arbitretur, quo modo autem multi suspicantur, (quod) ne 10
te quidem nimis firmum esse velit; quod ego non suspicor.
5 Quod scribis te ad Tertiam sororem (et matrem) scrip¬
sisse ut ne prius ederent ea quae gesta a Cassio essent quam
mihi visum esset, video te veritum esse id quod verendum
fuit, ne animi partium Caesaris, quo modo etiam nunc
[partes] appellantur, vehementer commoverentur, sed ante 5
quam tuas litteras accepimus, audita res erat et pervulgata,
tui etiam tabellarii ad multos familiaris tuos litteras attule¬
rant. qua re neque supprimenda res erat, praesertim cum id
fieri non posset, neque, si posset, non divulgandam potius
quam occultandam putaremus. 10
6 De Cicerone meo et, si tantum est in eo quantum scribis,
tantum scilicet quantum debeo gaudeo et, si quod amas eum
eo maiora facis, id ipsum incredibiliter gaudeo, a te eum

5 (5(n-5))
Scr. Romae xviii (?) Kal. Mai. an. 43


I Quae litterae tuo nomine recitatae sint Id. Apr. in senatu

eodemque tempore Antoni credo ad te scripsisse tuos,
quorum ego nemini concedo, sed nihil necesse erat eadem
omnis; illud necesse, me ad te scribere quid sentirem tota de
constitutione huius belli et quo iudicio essem quaque 5

10 quod add. Lambinus 5, 1 et matrem add. Wesenberg 4 quo modo]

quoniam Orelli 5 partes removit Watt: anne <hae> p-.? 6, 1-2 et
si (bis) Victorius: etsi Crat.
Ep. 5] 1, 1 sint Lambinus: sunt Crat. 4post necesse distinxi (post scribere

5(5(n-5)) 2
Voluntas mea, Brute, de summa re publica semper eadem
fuit quae tua, ratio quibusdam in rebus (non enim omnibus)
paulo fortasse vehementior. scis mihi semper placuisse non
rege solum sed regno liberari rem publicam; tu lenius, io
immortali omnino cum tua laude, sed quid melius fuerit
magno dolore sensimus, magno periculo sentimus, recenti
illo tempore tu omnia ad pacem, quae oratione confici non
poterat, ego omnia ad libertatem, qua sine pax nulla est.
pacem ipsam bello atque armis effici posse arbitrabar, studia 15
non deerant arma poscentium, quorum repressimus impetum
2 ardoremque restinximus, itaque res in eum locum venerat ut,
nisi Caesari Octaviano deus quidam illam mentem dedisset,
in potestatem perditissimi hominis et turpissimi M. Antoni
veniendum fu(er)it; quocum vides hoc tempore ipso quod
sit quantumque certamen, id profecto nullum esset, nisi tum 5
conservatus esset Antonius.
Sed haec omitto; res enim a te gesta memorabilis et paene
caelestis repellit omnis reprehensiones, quippe quae ne laude
quidem satis idonea adfici possit, exstitisti nuper vultu
severo; exercitum, copias, legiones idoneas per te brevi 10
tempore comparasti, di immortales! qui ille nuntius, quae
illae litterae, quae laetitia senatus, quae alacritas civitatis
erat! nihil umquam vidi tam omnium consensione laudatum,
erat exspectatio reliquiarum Antoni, quem equitatu legioni¬
busque magna ex parte spoliaras; ea quoque habuit exitum 15
optabilem, nam tuae litterae quae recitatae in senatu sunt
et imperatoris et militum virtutem et industriam tuorum, in
quibus Ciceronis mei, declarant, quod si tuis placuisset de
his litteris referri et nisi in tempus turbulentissimum post
discessum Pansae consulis incidissent, honos quoque iustus et 20
debitus dis immortalibus decretus esset.
3 Ecce tibi Id. Apr. advolat mane Celer Pil(i)us, qui vir, di

14 poterat Patricius: -ant Crat. qua sine pax Timpanaro: quae

sine pace Crat. 2, 4 fuerit Sigonius: fuit Crat. 3, 1 Celer Boot:
c- Crat. Pilius Ruete: Pilus Crat.

5 (5(n-5)) 4
boni, quam gravis, quam constans, quam bonarum in re
publica partium! hic epistulas adfert duas, unam tuo nomine,
alteram Antoni, dat Servilio tribuno pl., ille Cornuto,
recitantur in senatu, ‘antonius pro consule’: magna 5
admiratio, ut si esset recitatum ‘dolabella imperator’ ;

a quo quidem venerant tabellarii, sed nemo Pili similis qui

proferre litteras auderet aut magistratibus reddere, tuae
recitantur, breves illae quidem sed in Antonium admodum
lenes, vehementer admiratus senatus, mihi autem non erat 10
explicatum quid agerem, falsas dicerem? quid si tu eas
4 approbasses? confirmarem? non erat dignitatis tuae, itaque
ille dies silentio, postridie autem, cum sermo increb(r )uisset
Pil(i )usque oculos vehementius hominum offendisset, natum
omnino est principium a me. de pro consule Antonio multa.
Sestius causae non defuit post me, cum quanto suum filium, 5
quanto meum in periculo futurum diceret, si contra pro
consule arma tulissent, nosti hominem; causae non defuit,
dixerunt etiam alii. Labeo vero noster nec signum tuum in
epistula nec diem appositum nec te scripsisse ad tuos, ut
soleres, hoc cogere volebat, falsas litteras esse, et, si quaeris, 10
5 Nunc tuum est consilium, Brute, de toto genere belli,
video te lenitate delectari et eum putare fructum esse
maximum; praeclare quidem, sed aliis rebus, aliis temporibus
locus esse solet debetque clementiae, nunc quid agitur,
Brute? templis deorum immortalium imminet hominum 5
egentium et perditorum spes, nec quicquam aliud decernitur
hoc bello nisi utrum simus necne, cui parcimus aut quid
agimus? his ergo consulimus quibus victoribus vestigium
nostrum nullum relinquetur? nam quid interest inter

5 pro consule scripsi: procos. Crat. 12 erant Lehmann 4, 2

increbruisset Sigonius: -buisset Crat. 3 Piliusque Rue te: Pilu- Crat.
4 pro consule scripsi: proc- Crat. 5 defuit. Post mecum Crat.: corr.
Sigonius 6-7 pro consule scripsi: proconsulem Crat. 7 fort, causae,
(inquam) 5, 2 anne (victoriae) fructum? 4 agitur Sigonius: agatur

AD M. BRUTUM 5 (5(n.5)) 6
Dolabellam et quemvis Antoniorum trium? quorum si cui 10
parcimus, duri fuimus in Dolabella, haec ut ita sentiret
senatus populusque Romanus, etsi res ipsa cogebat, tamen
maxima ex parte nostro consilio atque auctoritate perfectum
est. tu si hanc rationem non probas, tuam sententiam defen¬
dam, non relinquam meam, neque dissolutum a te quicquam 15
homines exspectant nec crudele, huius rei moderatio facilis
est, ut in duces vehemens sis, in milites liberalis.
6 Ciceronem meum, mi Brute, velim quam plurimum tecum
habeas, virtutis disciplinam meliorem reperiet nullam quam
contemplationem atque imitationem tui.

x(v>m Kal. Mai.

6 (8(1.2a))

Scr. Romae xii (?) Kal. Mai. an.


1 * * * te benevolentiam exercitus equitumque expertum

vehementer gaudeo, de Dolabella, ut scribis, si quid habes
novi, facies me certiorem; in quo delector me ante providisse
ut tuum iudicium liberum esset cum Dolabella belli gerendi,
id valde pertinuit, ut ego tum intellegebam, ad rem publi- 5
cam, ut nunc iudico, ad dignitatem tuam.
2 Quod scribis me maximo animo egisse ut insectarer
Antonios idque laudas, credo ita videri tibi, sed illam
distinctionem tuam nullo pacto probo; scribis enim acrius
prohibenda bella civilia esse quam in superatos iracundiam

10 Antoniorum Victorius: -onianorum Crat. 6, 4 xvm Gurlitt: xm

Crat.: xvi Sigonius
Ep. 6] novam ep., cuius initium periit, agnovit Gurlitt: cum Ep. 14 coniungunt
codd. 1, 2 habebis cod. Faerni 5 id Z: et id A ut EPV5 (et ut s):
om. GNM 2, 1 maximo fi: magno Ems animo s: otio fi: odio
Manutius egisse fi: feci- E: gessi- II: id egi- Becher

6 (8(1.20)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM

exercendam, vehementer a te, Brute, dissentio; nec clemen- 5

tiae tuae concedo, sed salutaris severitas vincit inanem
speciem clementiae, quod si clementes esse volumus, num-
quam deerunt bella civilia, sed de hoc tu videris, de me possum
idem quod Plautinus pater in Trinummo: ‘mihi quidem
3 aetas acta ferme est: tua istuc refert maxime.’ opprimemini, 10
mihi crede, Brute, nisi providetis, neque enim populum
semper eundem habebitis neque senatum neque senatus
ducem, haec ex oraculo Apollinis Pythi edita tibi puta, nihil
potest esse verius. 5

xii Kal. Mai.

7 (9 (i-3))
Scr. Romae c. xi Kal. Mai. an. 43


1 Nostrae res meliore loco videbantur, scripta enim ad te certo

scio quae gesta sint, qualis tibi saepe scripsi consules, tales
exstiterunt. Caesaris vero pueri mirifica indoles virtutis,
utinam tam facile eum florentem et honoribus et gratia
regere ac tenere possimus quam facile adhuc tenuimus! est 5
omnino illud difficilius, sed tamen non diffidimus, persuasum
est enim adulescenti, et maxime per me, eius opera nos esse
salvos; et certe, nisi is Antonium ab urbe avertisset, perissent
2 Triduo vero aut quadriduo ante hanc rem pulcherrimam
timore quodam perculsa civitas tota ad te se cum coniugibus
et liberis effundebat, eadem recreata a.d. xii Kal. Mai. te

6-7 salutaris. . .clementiae citat Ammian. xxix.5.24 6 severitas Q:

rigor vel uigor codd. Ammiani 10 est ferme codd. Plautini 3, 2
providetis Q: -eris JV: -eritis bs 3 senatus X: -ti A 6 xii xmi
EMms: xv Schmidt
Ep. 7] 1, 1 certo GVA: -te ENR 2 sint GVPMbd: sunt ENRms

7 (9(x-3)) 3
huc venire quam se ad te ire malebat, quo quidem die
magnorum meorum laborum multarumque vigiliarum 5
fructum cepi maximum, si modo est aliquis fructus ex solida
veraque gloria, nam tantae multitudinis quantam capit urbs
nostra concursus est ad me factus, a qua usque in Capitolium
deductus, maximo clamore atque plausu in rostris collocatus
sum. nihil est in me inane, neque enim debet; sed tamen 10
omnium ordinum consensus, gratiarum actio gratulatioque
me commovet propterea quod popularem esse in populi
3 salute praeclarum est. sed haec te malo ab aliis.
Me velim de tuis rebus consiliisque facias diligentissime
certiorem illudque consideres, ne tua liberalitas dissolutior
videatur, sic sentit senatus, sic populus Romanus, nullos
umquam hostis digniores omni supplicio fuisse quam eos 5
civis qui hoc bello contra patriam arma ceperunt, quos
quidem ego omnibus sententiis ulciscor et persequor omnibus
bonis approbantibus, tu quid de hac re sentias, tui iudici est.
ego sic sentio, trium fratrum unam et eandem esse causam.

8 (10 (1.3a))

Scr. Romae v (?) Kal. Mai. an. 43


Consules duos, bonos quidem sed dumtaxat bonos consules,

amisimus. Hirtius quidem in ipsa victoria occidit, cum paucis
diebus ante magno proelio vicisset, nam Pansa fugerat
vulneribus acceptis quae ferre non potuit, reliquias hostium

2, 6 fructum P5: om. Q 8 a qua C: ea cum Q 9 et postea reductus

post deductus addendum suspicati sunt T.-P., mox Clark 12 popularem
esse EN: p- me e- GRA: me p- e- V
Ep. 8] novam ep. constituit Ruete: cum priore coniungunt codd. 1 duo EG
(illos) quidem Schmidt quidem... consules om. VR 3 ante magno
proelio Wesenberg: m- p- a- Q

9 i'3^-5)) 1
Brutus persequitur et Caesar, hostes autem omnes iudicati 5
qui M. Antoni sectam secuti sunt, itaque id senatus consul¬
tum plerique interpretantur etiam ad tuos sive captivos sive
dediticios pertinere, equidem nihil disserui durius cum
nominatim de C. Antonio decernerem, quod ita statueram,
a te cognoscere causam eius senatum oportere. 10

v Kal. Mai.

9 (13 (i-5))
Scr. Romae iii Non. Mai. an. 43


1 A.d. v Kal. Mai., cum de iis qui hostes iudicati sunt bello
persequendis sententiae dicerentur, dixit Servilius et cetera
de Ventidio et ut Cassius persequeretur Dolabellam, cui cum
essem adsensus, decrevi hoc amplius, ut tu, si arbitrarere
utile exque re publica esse, persequerere bello Dolabellam; 5
si minus id commodo rei publicae facere posses sive non
existimares ex re publica esse, ut in isdem locis exercitum
contineres, nihil honorificentius potuit facere senatus quam
ut tuum esset iudicium quid maxime conducere rei publicae
tibi videretur, equidem sic sentio, si manum habet, si castra, 10
si ubi consistat uspiam Dolabella, ad fidem et ad dignitatem
2 tuam pertinere eum persequi, de Cassi nostri copiis nihil
sciebamus, neque enim ab ipso ullae litterae neque nunti¬
abatur quicquam quod pro certo haberemus, quanto opere
autem intersit opprimi Dolabellam profecto intellegis, cum
ut sceleris poenas persolvat tum ne sit quo se latronum duces 5
ex Mutinensi fuga conferant, atque hoc mihi iam ante

6 itaque] atque Watt in app. 11 v Schmidt: quinto R: x fi

Ep. 9] U 2 et cetera fi: etiam 8 4 arbitrarere EPA: -trare Z 10
tibi £i?8: sibi GJVVM 2, 6 ante bs: in te fi

AD M. BRUTUM 9 (i3(!-5)) 3
placuisse potes ex superioribus meis litteris recordari, quam¬
quam tum et fugae portus erat in tuis castris et subsidium
salutis in tuo exercitu, quo magis nunc liberati, ut spero,
periculis in Dolabella opprimendo occupati esse debemus, io
sed haec cogitabis diligentius, statues sapienter, facies nos
quid constitueris et quid agas, si tibi videbitur, certiores.
3 Ciceronem nostrum in vestrum collegium cooptari volo,
existimo omnino absentium rationem sacerdotum comitiis
posse haberi; nam et factum est antea. Gaius enim Marius,
cum in Cappadocia esset, lege Domitia factus est augur nec
quo minus id postea liceret ulla lex sanxit, est etiam in lege 5
Iulia, quae lex est de sacerdotiis proxima, his verbis: ‘qui
petet cuiusve ratio habebitur’, aperte indicat posse rationem
haberi etiam non petentis, hac de re scripsi ad eum ut tuo
iudicio uteretur sicut in rebus omnibus, tibi autem statuen¬
dum est de Domitio, de Catone nostro, sed quamvis liceat 10
absentis rationem haberi, tamen omnia sunt praesentibus
faciliora, quod si statueris in Asiam tibi eundum, nulla erit
4 ad comitia nostros accersendi facultas, omnino Pansa vivo
celeriora omnia putabamus, statim enim collegam sibi
subrogavisset; deinde ante praetoria sacerdotum comitia
fuissent, nunc per auspicia longam moram video, dum enim
unus erit patricius magistratus, auspicia ad patres redire non 5
possunt, magna sane perturbatio, tu tota de re quid sentias
velim me facias certiorem.

ni Non. Mai.

11 haec Q: hoc EP 12 quid {prius) HNR\ quod EGVA 3, 3 et 2:

etiam A 7 indicat ENRb: iud- GVPMC 8 pet(pot-GF)entis fi:
praesen- 5 9 autem (idem) Schelle 4, 1 post omnino dist. fi, Sjogren
4 fuissent EP5: -sse ut R: -sse GJVV, M (?)

IO (11(1.4)) 1 AD M. BRUTUM

IO (n (1.4))

Scr. Dyrrachii c. Non. Mai. an. 43


1 Quanta sim laetitia adfectus cognitis rebus Bruti nostri et

consulum facilius est tibi existimare quam mihi scribere, cum
alia laudo et gaudeo accidisse tum quod Bruti eruptio non
solum ipsi salutaris fuit sed etiam maximo ad victoriam
adiumento. 5
2 Quod scribis mihi trium Antoniorum unam atque eandem
causam esse, quid ego sentiam mei iudici esse, statuo nihil
nisi hoc, senatus aut populi Romani iudicium esse de iis
civibus qui pugnantes non interierint, ‘at hoc ipsum’ inquies
‘inique facis qui hostilis animi in rem publicam homines 5
civis appelles’, immo iustissime. quod enim nondum senatus
censuit nec populus Romanus iussit, id adroganter non
praeiudico neque revoco ad arbitrium meum, illud quidem
non muto quod ei quem me occidere res non coegit neque
crudeliter quicquam eripui neque dissolute quicquam remisi 10

habuique in mea potestate quoad bellum fuit.

Multo equidem honestius iudico magisque quod conducere
possit rei publicae miserorum fortunam non insectari quam
infinite tribuere potentibus quae cupiditatem et adrogantiam
3 incendere possint, qua in re, Cicero, vir optime ac fortissime
mihique merito et meo nomine et rei publicae carissime,
nimis credere videris spei tuae, statimque, ut quisque aliquid
recte fecerit, omnia dare ac permittere, quasi non liceat
traduci ad mala consilia corruptum largitionibus animum, 5
quae tua est humanitas, aequo animo te moneri patieris,
praesertim de communi salute, facies tamen quod tibi visum
fuerit, etiam ego, cum me docueris * * *.

Ep. 10] 2, 11 quoad ERb: quod ad GNVM 12 equidem C: q- Q

12-13 conducere... rei publicae M2: concedere. . .res publica Q
14 petentibus Rms 3, 4 liqueat Madvig: libeat Mueller 8 folio
archetypi deperdito huius ep. finem sequentisque initium excidisse vidit Schmidt
AD M. BRUTUM II (l2(l.4(2)) I

II (l2 (1.4a))

Scr. in castris Id. Mai an. 43


1 * * * nunc, Cicero, nunc agendum est ne frustra oppressum

esse Antonium gavisi simus neu semper primi cuiusque mali
excidendi (cura) causa sit ut aliud renascatur illo peius.
2 nihil iam neque opinantibus aut patientibus nobis adversi
evenire potest in quo non cum omnium culpa tum praecipue
tua futura sit, cuius tantam auctoritatem senatus ac populus
Romanus non solum esse patitur sed etiam cupit quanta
maxima in libera civitate unius esse potest, quam tu non 5
solum bene sentiendo sed etiam prudenter tueri debes;
prudentia porro, quae tibi superest, nulla abs te desideratur
nisi modus in tribuendis honoribus, alia omnia sic adsunt ut
cum quolibet antiquorum comparari possint tuae virtutes,
unum hoc (a) grato animo liberalique profectum, cautiorem 10
ac moderatiorem liberalitatem desiderant, nihil enim senatus
cuiquam dare debet quod male cogitantibus exemplo aut
praesidio sit. itaque timeo de consulatu, ne Caesar tuus
altius se escendisse putet decretis tuis quam inde, si consul
3 factus sit, escensurum, quod si Antonius ab alio relictum 15
regni instrumentum occasionem regnandi habuit, quonam
animo fore putas si quis auctore non tyranno interfecto sed
ipso senatu putet se imperia quaelibet concupiscere posse?
qua re tum et felicitatem et providentiam laudabo tuam cum 5
exploratum habere coepero Caesarem honoribus quos
acceperit extraordinariis fore contentum, ‘alienae igitur’

Ep. 11] novam ep. initio carentem constituit Schmidt: cum superiore coniungunt
codd. 1, 1 (hoc) agendum Lambinus: caue- Becher 3 cura add.
Becher 2, 5 maxima 6: -me Q 6 prudenter (agendo) s' 10 a
add. Lambinus profectum (culpant) (reprehendunt mallem) Sedgwick
12 exemplo V: -lum Q 14 escendisse scripsi: ext(exc- G)en- GJVRM:
ascen- EF6 15 escensurum EG: es censurus R: excessurum V:
assens- N: descens- A: ascens- Manutius
ii (12(1.40)) 4 AD M- brutum

inquies ‘culpae me reum subicies?’ prorsus alienae, si

provideri potuit ne exsisteret, quod utinam inspectare posses
timorem de illo meum! 11
4 His litteris scriptis consulem te factum audivimus, tum
vero incipiam proponere mihi rem publicam iustam et iam
suis nitentem viribus si istuc videro.
Filius valet et in Macedoniam cum equitatu praemissus
est. 5

Id. Mai. ex castris.

12 (14 (1.6))

Scr. in castris ad imam Candaviam xiv Kal. Iun. an. 43


1 Noli exspectare dum tibi gratias agam, iam pridem hoc ex

nostra necessitudine, quae ad summam benevolentiam
pervenit, sublatum esse debet.
Filius tuus a me abest, in Macedonia congrediemur, iussus
est enim Ambracia ducere equites per Thessaliam, scripsi ad 5
eum ut mihi Heracleam occurreret, cum eum videro,
quoniam nobis permittis, communiter constituemus de
reditu eius ad petitionem aut commendatione honoris.
2 Tibi Glycona, medicum Pansae, qui sororem Achilleos
nostri in matrimonio habet, diligentissime commendo,
audimus eum venisse in suspicionem Torquato de morte
Pansae custodirique ut parricidam, nihil minus credendum
est. quis enim maiorem calamitatem morte Pansae accepit? 5
praeterea est modestus homo et frugi, quem ne utilitas

3, 8 alienae om. H: (non) al- Lehmann 9 posses Wesenberg: possis fi

4, 2 et iam Es: etiam fi
Ep. 12] 1, 5 scripsi Z: et s- A 8 commendatione scripsi: -onem fi
2, 1 Glycona Crat.: clyc- vel sim. fi

AD M. BRUTUM I2(l4(l.6)) 3

quidem videatur impulsura fuisse ad facinus, rogo te, et

quidem valde rogo (nam Achilleus noster non minus quam
aequum est laborat), eripias eum ex custodia conservesque.
hoc ego ad meum officium privatarum rerum aeque atque 10
ullam aliam rem pertinere arbitror.
3 Cum has ad te scriberem litteras, a Satrio, legato C.
Treboni, reddita est epistula mihi a Tillio et Deiotaro
Dolabellam caesum fugatumque esse. Graecam epistulam
tibi misi Cicerei cuiusdam ad Satrium missam.
4 Flavius noster de controversia quam habet cum Dyrrachi¬
nis hereditariam sumpsit te iudicem; rogo te, Cicero, et
Flavius rogat rem conficias, quin ei qui Flavium fecit
heredem pecuniam debuerit civitas non est dubium; neque
Dyrrachini infitiantur, sed sibi donatum aes alienum a 5
Caesare dicunt, noli pati a necessariis tuis necessario meo
iniuriam fieri.

xiiii Kal. Iun. ex castris ad imam Candaviam.

13(6 (1.1))
Scr. Romae c. Id. Mai. an. 43


I L. Clodius, tribunus pl. designatus, valde me diligit vel, ut

£|i<pariKcoT£pov dicam, valde me amat, quod cum mihi ita
persuasum sit, non dubito (bene enim me nosti) quin illum
quoque iudices a me amari, nihil enim mihi minus hominis
videtur quam non respondere in amore iis a quibus provocere. 5
is mihi visus est suspicari, nec sine magno quidem dolore,

3, 2 treboni(i) ERS: -nio V: tribuno (-ni N) GJVM 4, 4 civ- pec-

deb- 6 8 xiiii A: xvn Z: xvim V
Ep. 13] 1, 1-2 L. Clodius. . .amat citat Nonius 682 Lindsay ‘ex libro viiii
ad Brutum’ 1 L.] Lucilius Noni codd. 2 dicam Nonius-, om. Q
4 a Z: et a A

13 (6(l.l)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM

aliquid a suis vel per suos potius iniquos ad te esse delatum

quo tuus animus a se esset alienior.
Non soleo, mi Brute, quod tibi notum esse arbitror, temere
adfirmare de altero (est enim periculosum propter occultas 10
hominum voluntates multiplicisque naturas): Clodi animum
perspectum habeo, cognitum, iudicatum. multa eius indicia,
sed ad scribendum non necessaria; volo enim testimonium
hoc tibi videri potius quam epistulam, auctus Antoni
beneficio est (eius ipsius benefici magna pars a te est); itaque 15
2 eum salvis nobis vellet salvum, in eum autem locum rem
adductam intellegit (est enim, ut scis, minime stultus) ut
utrique salvi esse non possint; itaque nos mavult, de te vero
amicissime et loquitur et sentit, qua re si quis secus ad te de
eo scripsit aut si coram locutus est, peto a te etiam atque 5
etiam mihi ut potius credas, qui et facilius iudicare possum
quam ille nescio quis et te plus diligo. Clodium tibi amicissi¬
mum existima civemque talem qualis et prudentissimus et
fortuna optima esse debet.

14 (7 (1.2))

Scr. Romae med. vel ex. m. Mai. an. 43


I Scripta et obsignata iam epistula litterae mihi redditae sunt

a te plenae rerum novarum, maximeque mirabile Dolabellam
quinque cohortis misisse in Chersonesum, adeone copiis
abundat ut is qui ex Asia fugere dicebatur Europam appetere
conetur? quinque autem cohortibus quidnam se facturum 5

7 anne tuis ? iniquos QC: inimicos Vbd 11 Clodi] et cl- M: at cl-

Af4: sed cl- Baiter 12 indicia HNV5: iud- EGRM 13 nolo Watt
16 eum G8: cum (quom H, quon V) Q
Ep. 14] 1, 2 mirabiles VP: -le est R. Klotz

AD M. BRUTUM 14 (7(1.2)) 2
arbitratus est, cum tu feof quinque legiones, optimum
equitatum, maxima auxilia haberes ? quas quidem cohortis
spero iam tuas esse, quoniam latro ille tam fuit demens.
2 tuum consilium vehementer laudo quod non prius exercitum
Apollonia Dyrrachioque movisti quam de Antoni fuga
audisti, Bruti eruptione, populi Romani victoria, itaque quod
scribis post ea statuisse te ducere exercitum in Chersonesum
nec pati sceleratissimo hosti ludibrio esse imperium populi 5
Romani, facis ex tua dignitate et ex re publica.
3 Quod scribis de seditione quae facta est in legione quarta
de(cima fraude) C. Antoni, (sed in bonam partem accipies)
magis mihi probatur militum severitas quam tua * *'*.

15 (16 (1.8))

Scr. Romae m. Mai. aut Iun. (?) an. 43


1 Multos tibi commendavi et commendem necesse est.

optimus enim quisque vir et civis maxime sequitur tuum
iudicium tibique omnes fortes viri navare operam et studium
volunt, nec quisquam est quin ita existimet, meam apud te
2 et auctoritatem et gratiam valere plurimum, sed C. Nasen- 5
nium, municipem Suessanum, tibi ita commendo ut nemi¬
nem diligentius. Cretensi bello Metello imperatore octavum
principem duxit, postea in re familiari occupatus fuit; hoc
tempore cum rei publicae partibus tum tua excellenti 5

6 eo om. Crat.\ eo loco Wesenberg: tecum Mueller: contra Watt in app.

2, i tuum Z: et t- A 4 postea edd. plerique 3, 2 decima fraude Madvig
(fraude iam K. F. Hermann): de fi: decima et de f- Watt in app. C.
Antoni (sic Hermann) sed Watt: catoniis fiC:anto-5 3 tua (clementia)
Wesenberg finem excidisse agnovit Gurlitt (vide ad Ep. 6)
Ep. 15] 1, 1 commendavi fi: -dabo C: -do s' 3 nauare £7?F5: dare
GNM 2, 3 (is) Cretensi Wesenberg octauum Ebms: -110 in
GNMd: optauium in V: in R
16 (ig^-iO) 1 AD M. BRUTUM

dignitate commotus voluit per te aliquid auctoritatis

adsumere. fortem virum, Brute, tibi commendo, frugi
hominem et, si quid ad rem pertinet, etiam locupletem,
pergratum mihi erit si eum ita tractaris ut merito tuo mihi
gratias agere possit. io

16 (19 (i-”))
Scr. in castris m. Iun. an. 43


1 Veteris Antisti talis animus est in rem publicam ut non

dubitem quin et in Caesare et Antonio se praestaturus fuerit
acerrimum propugnatorem communis libertatis, si occasioni
potuisset occurrere, nam qui in Achaia congressus cum
Dolabella milites atque equites habente quodvis adire 5
periculum ex insidiis paratissimi ad omnia latronis maluerit
quam videri aut coactus esse pecuniam dare aut libenter
dedisse homini nequissimo atque improbissimo, is nobis
ultro et pollicitus est et dedit HS|xx| ex sua pecunia et, quod
multo carius est, se ipsum obtulit et coniunxit. 10
2 Huic persuadere cupi (i )mus ut imperator in castris
remaneret remque publicam defenderet, statuit id sibi (non
faciendum), quoniam exercitum dimisisset, statim vero
rediturum ad nos confirmavit legatione suscepta, nisi
praetorum comitia habituri essent consules, nam illi ita 5
sentienti de re publica magno opere auctor fui ne differret
tempus petitionis suae, cuius factum omnibus gratum esse

6 uoluit EVRC: ual- GNAld: ualeat bms

Ep. 16] 1, 1 rem p. EVRAI: re p. GNPbs: r. p. dm 2 et in Antonio
Lamb. marg. 4 cum Gurlitt: P. Q: cum P. Wesenberg 9 HS xx. m:
•xx. HS sestertia (sext-).xx. Q: sestertia mm Schmidt 2, 1 cupiimus
Victorius: cupimus QC: -iuimus R: c(o)epimus 8 2 (sed) statuit
T.-P. 2-3 non faciendum addidi: non licere Wesenberg

AD M. BRUTUM 17 (l8(l.I0) I

debet qui modo iudicant hunc exercitum esse rei publicae,

tibi tanto gratius quanto maiore et animo gloriaque liber¬
tatem nostram defendis et dignitate, si contigerit nostris 10
consiliis exitus quem optamus, perfuncturus es.
Ego etiam, mi Cicero, proprie familiariterque te rogo ut
Veterem ames velisque esse quam amplissimum, qui etsi
nulla re deterreri a proposito potest, tamen excitari tuis
laudibus indulgentiaque poterit quo magis amplexetur ac 15
tueatur iudicium suum, id mihi gratissimum erit.

17 (18 (1.10))

Scr. Romae ante iv Id. Iun. an. 43


1 Nullas adhuc a te litteras habebamus, ne famam quidem

quae declararet te cognita senatus auctoritate in Italiam
adducere exercitum; quod ut faceres idque maturares magno
opere desiderabat res publica, ingravescit enim in dies
intestinum malum nec externis hostibus magis quam 5
domesticis laboramus, qui erant omnino ab initio belli sed
facilius frangebantur, erectior senatus erat non sententiis
solum nostris sed etiam cohortationibus excitatus, erat in
senatu satis vehemens et acer Pansa cum in ceteros huius
generis tum maxime in socerum; cui consuli non animus ab 10
2 initio, non fides ad extremum defuit, bellum ad Mutinam
gerebatur nihil ut in Caesare reprehenderes, non nulla in
Hirtio, huius belli fortuna ‘ut in secundis fluxa, ut in adversis
bona’, erat victrix res publica caesis Antoni copiis, ipso
expulso, (a) Bruto deinde ita multa peccata ut quodam 5

8 esse ERbms: e- debet VAld: e- debere GN 11 perfruiturus Manutius

12 etiam (atque etiam) Weisks 16 id EV: et GJVA: om. P
Ep. 17] 1, 9 ceteris Ndms 2, 2 (ita) gerebatur Wesenberg 5 a
Bruto 4 '■ bruto Q: -ti s, vulg.

17 (l8(l.I0)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM

modo victoria excideret e manibus; perterritos, inermis,

saucios non sunt nostri duces persecuti, datumque Lepido
tempus est in quo levitatem eius saepe perspectam maioribus
in malis experiremur.
Sunt exercitus boni sed rudes Bruti et Planci, sunt fidelis- 10
3 sima et maxima auxilia Gallorum, sed Caesarem meis consi¬
liis adhuc gubernatum, praeclara ipsum indole admirabilique
constantia, improbissimis litteris quidam fallacibusque
interpretibus ac nuntiis impulerunt in spem certissimam
consulatus, quod simul atque sensi, neque ego illum 5
absentem litteris monere destiti nec accusare praesentis eius
necessarios qui eius cupiditati suffragari videbantur nec in
senatu sceleratissimorum consiliorum fontis aperire dubitavi,
nec vero ulla in re memini aut senatum meliorem aut
magistratus, numquam enim in honore extraordinario 10
potentis hominis vel potentissimi potius, quando quidem
potentia iam in vi posita est et armis, accidit ut nemo
tribunus pl., nemo alio (in) magistratu, nemo privatus
auctor exsisteret, sed in hac constantia atque virtute erat
tamen sollicita civitas, illudimur enim, Brute, tum militum 15
deliciis, tum imperatorum insolentia, tantum quisque se
in re publica posse postulat quantum habet virium, non
ratio, non modus, non lex, non mos, non officium valet, non
iudicium, non existimatio civium, non posteritatis vere¬
cundia. 20
4 Haec ego multo ante prospiciens fugiebam ex Italia tum
cum me vestrorum edictorum fama revocavit, incitavisti
vero tu me, Brute, Veliae, quamquam enim dolebam in eam
me urbem ire quam tu fugeres qui eam liberavisses, quod
mihi quoque quondam acciderat periculo simili, casu 5
tristiore, perrexi tamen Romamque perveni nulloque
praesidio quatefeci Antonium contraque eius arma nefanda

3, 8 fontes. . .dubitaui EVR5: fortes. . .dubitant GNM 13 in add.

T.-P. 16 imperatorum EGN: -oris VRE 4, 6 perrexi VPms: pro
re exi R: perspexi EGNMbd

AD M. BRUTUM 17 (l8(l.Io)) 5

praesidia quae oblata sunt Caesaris consilio et auctoritate

firmavi, qui si steterit <f )ide mihique paruerit, satis videmur
habituri praesidi; sin autem impiorum consilia plus valuerint 10
quam nostra aut imbecillitas aetatis non potuerit gravitatem
rerum sustinere, spes omnis est in te.
Quam ob rem advola, obsecro, atque eam rem publicam,
quam virtute atque animi magnitudine magis quam eventis
rerum liberavisti, exitu libera, omnis omnium concursus 15
5 ad te futurus est. hortare idem per litteras Cassium, spes
libertatis nusquam nisi in vestrorum castrorum principiis est.
firmos omnino et duces habemus ab occidente et exercitus,
hoc adulescentis praesidium equidem adhuc firmum esse
confido, sed ita multi labefactant ut ne moveatur interdum 5
Habes totum rei publicae statum, qui quidem tum erat
cum has litteras dabam, velim deinceps meliora sint; sin
aliter fuerit (quod di omen avertant!), rei publicae vicem
dolebo, quae immortalis esse debe<b)at; mihi quidem 10
quantulum reliqui est!

18 (17 (i-9))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Iun., ut vid., an. 43


I Fungerer eo officio quo tu functus es in meo luctu teque per

litteras consolarer, nisi scirem iis remediis quibus meum
dolorem tum levasses te in tuo non egere; ac velim facilius
quam mihi nunc tibi tute medeare. est autem alienum tanto

9 fideBuecheler: idem Q 15 exitu Q: exercitu Studemund: 5, 2

principiis EGNMdmC: pr(a)esidiis VRbs 10 debebat Lambinus:
debeat Q: debet R
Ep. 18] 1, 1 fungerer eo Crat.: funereo Q: fungerer H8 teque EG NA:
te HVR 3 tum GNVMd: tuum R: tu Pbms: om. E in tuo om. GMd
4 quam Z: q- in tuo GA: q- tunc s'

18 (i7(j-9)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM

viro quantus es tu, quod alteri praeceperit, id ipsum facere 5

non posse, me quidem cum rationes quas collegeras tum
auctoritas tua a nimio maerore deterruit, cum enim mollius
tibi ferre viderer quam deceret virum, praesertim eum qui
alios consolari soleret, accusasti me per litteras gravioribus
2 verbis quam tua consuetudo ferebat, itaque iudicium tuum 10
magni aestimans idque veritus me ipse collegi et ea quae
didiceram, legeram, acceperam graviora duxi tua auctoritate
Ac mihi tum, Brute, officio solum erat et naturae, tibi 5
nunc populo et scaenae, ut dicitur, serviendum est. nam cum
in te non solum exercitus tui sed omnium civium ac paene
gentium coniecti oculi sint, minime decet propter quem
fortiores ceteri sumus eum ipsum animo debilitatum videri,
quam ob rem accepisti tu quidem dolorem (id enim amisisti 10
cui simile in terris nihil fuit), et est dolendum in tam gravi
vulnere, ne id ipsum, carere omni sensu doloris, sit miserius
quam dolere; sed ut modice, ceteris utile est, tibi necesse est.
3 Scriberem plura nisi ad te haec ipsa nimis multa essent,
nos te tuumque exercitum exspectamus, sine quo, ut reliqua
ex sententia succedant, vix satis liberi videmur fore, de tota
re publica plura scribam et fortasse iam certiora iis litteris
quas Veteri nostro cogitabam dare. 5

J9 (15 (1.7))

Scr. in castris m. Mai. aut lun. an. 43


i L. Bibulus quam carus mihi esse debeat nemo melius

iudicare potest quam tu, cuius tantae pro re publica conten-

5 quantus EbmsC: quam (ex que (?) corr. in M) GNMd: ut VR

1 a (om. m) nimio EN6: animo GVR,M(?) 2, 2 (a)estimans EGR
M: ext- HI P: exist- N5 13 ita ante tibi addere voluit Wesenberg, sic Becher

AD M. BRUTUM *9 (i5(i-7)) 2

tiones sollicitudinesque fuerunt, itaque vel ipsius virtus vel

nostra necessitudo debet conciliare te illi, quo minus multa
mihi scribenda esse arbitror, voluntas enim te movere debet 5
nostra, si modo iusta est aut pro officio necessario suscipitur,
in Pansae locum petere constituit, eam nominationem a te
petimus, neque coniunctiori dare beneficium quam nos tibi
sumus neque digniorem nominare potes quam Bibulus.
2 De Domitio et Apuleio quid attinet me scribere, cum ipsi
per se tibi commendatissimi sint? Apuleium vero tu tua
auctoritate sustinere debes, sed Apuleius in sua epistula
celebrabitur. Bibulum noli dimittere e sinu tuo, tantum iam
virum ex quanto, crede mihi, potest evadere qui nostris 5
fautorum respondeat laudibus.

20 (21 (1.13))

Scr. in castris Kal. Quint, an. 43


I De M. Lepido vereri me cogit reliquorum timor, qui si

eripuerit se nobis, quod velim temere atque iniuriose de illo
suspicati sint homines, oro atque obsecro te, Cicero, neces¬
situdinem nostram tuamque in me benevolentiam obtestans,
sororis meae liberos obliviscaris esse Lepidi filios meque iis 5
in patris locum successisse existimes, hoc si a te impetro,
nihil profecto dubitabis pro iis suscipere, aliter alii cum suis
vivunt: nihil ego possum in sororis meae liberis facere quo
possit expleri voluntas mea aut officium, quid vero aut mihi
tribuere boni possunt, si modo digni sumus quibus aliquid 10

Ep. 19] 1, 7 in] is s': is in Lamb. marg. 9 sumus Rms: simus Q

Bibulus Q: sit b- V: bibulum Pbd: -lus est Watt in app. 2, 5-6 nostris
fautorum scripsi', uestris paucorum Q.
Ep. 20] 1, 4 in me £F/?8: om. GNM obtestans Q: ostent- 8 8
liberis QC: -ros 4 10 digni sumus Rms: -ni simus vel -nissimus Q

20 (2l(l.I3)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM

tribuatur, aut ego matri ac sorori puerisque illis praestaturus

sum, si nihil valuerit apud te reliquumque senatum contra
patrem Lepidum Brutus avunculus?
2 Scribere multa ad te neque possum prae sollicitudine ac
stomacho neque debeo, nam si in tanta re tamque necessaria
verbis mihi opus est ad te excitandum et confirmandum,
nulla spes est facturum te quod volo et quod oportet, qua re
noli exspectare longas preces; intuere me ipsum, qui hoc a 5
te, vel a Cicerone, coniunctissimo homine, privatim vel a
consulari, tali viro, remota necessitudine privata, debeo
impetrare, quid sis facturus velim mihi quam primum

Kal. Quint, ex castris. 10

21 (20 (1.12))

Scr. Romae parte priore m. Quint, an. 43


I Etsi daturus eram Messallae Corvino continuo litteras, tamen

Veterem nostrum ad te sine litteris meis venire nolui.
Maximo in discrimine res publica, Brute, versatur
victoresque rursus decertare cogimur; id accidit M. Lepidi
scelere et amentia, quo tempore cum multa propter eam 5
curam quam pro re publica suscepi graviter ferrem, tum
nihil tuli gravius quam me non posse matris tuae precibus
cedere, non sororis; nam tibi, quod mihi plurimi est, facile me
satis facturum arbitrabar, nullo enim modo poterat causa
Lepidi distingui ab Antonio omniumque iudicio etiam durior 10
erat quod, cum honoribus amplissimis a senatu esset Lepidus
ornatus tum etiam paucis ante diebus praeclaras litteras ad

2, 5-6 a te om. ERs: certe Boot 7 tali om. Gd

Ep. 21] i, 10 Antonii Lambinus

AD M. BRUTUM 21 (20(l.I2)) 2

senatum misisset, repente non solum recepit reliquias

hostium sed bellum acerrime terra marique gerit, cuius
exitus qui futurus sit incertum est. ita cum rogamur ut 15
misericordiam liberis eius impertiamus, nihil adfertur quo
minus summa supplicia, si (quod Iuppiter omen avertat!)
pater puerorum vicerit, subeunda nobis sint.
2 Nec vero me fugit quam sit acerbum parentum scelera
filiorum poenis lui. sed hoc praeclare legibus comparatum
est, ut caritas liberorum amiciores parentis rei publicae
redderet, itaque Lepidus crudelis in liberos, non is qui
Lepidum hostem iudicat. atque ille si armis positis de vi 5
damnatus esset, quo in iudicio certe defensionem non
haberet, eandem calamitatem subirent liberi bonis publi¬
catis. quamquam, quod tua mater et soror deprecatur pro
pueris, id ipsum et multa alia crudeliora nobis omnibus
Lepidus, Antonius, reliqui hostes denuntiant. 10
Itaque maximam spem hoc tempore habemus in te atque
exercitu tuo. cum ad rem publicam summam tum ad
gloriam et dignitatem tuam vehementer pertinet te, ut ante
scripsi, in Italiam venire quam primum, eget enim vehe¬
menter cum viribus tuis tum etiam consilio res publica. 15
3 Veterem pro eius erga te benevolentia singularique officio
libenter ex tuis litteris complexus sum eumque cum tui tum
rei publicae studiosissimum amantissimumque cognovi.
Ciceronem meum propediem, ut spero, videbo, tecum enim
illum et te in Italiam celeriter esse venturum confido. 5

14 acerrimum Hms 16 impertiamus EHRA: -amur GNVP 2, 10

et antonius V reliqui E: -uit GM: -uique N: et reliqui f7?5 12
rem p. Q: rei p. Vbs: r. p. dm 3, 5 et te removit Manutius

22 (22(1.14)) I AD M. BRUTUM

22 (22 (1.14))

Scr. Romae prid. (?) Id. Quint, an. 43


1 Breves litterae tuae — breves dico? immo nullae, tribusne

versiculis his temporibus Brutus ad me? nihil scripsisses
potius, et requiris meas! quis umquam ad te tuorum sine
meis venit? quae autem epistula non pondus habuit? quae
si ad te perlatae non sunt, ne domesticas quidem tuas 5
perlatas arbitror. Ciceroni scribis te longiorem daturum
epistulam, recte id quidem; sed haec quoque debuit esse
plenior, ego autem, cum ad me de Ciceronis abs te discessu
scripsisses, statim extrusi tabellarios litterasque ad Ciceronem
ut, etiam si in Italiam venisset, ad te rediret; nihil enim mihi 10
iucundius, nihil illi honestius, quamquam aliquotiens ei
scripseram sacerdotum comitia mea summa contentione in
alterum annum esse reiecta, quod ego cum Ciceronis causa
elaboravi tum Domiti, Catonis, Lentuli, Bibul(i ali)orum;
quod ad te etiam scripseram, sed videlicet, cum illam pusillam 15
epistulam tuam ad me dabas, nondum erat tibi id notum.
2 Qua re omni studio a te, mi Brute, contendo ut Ciceronem
meum ne dimittas tecumque deducas; quod ipsum, si rem
publicam, cui susceptus es, respicis, tibi iam iamque facien¬
dum est. renatum enim bellum est, idque non parvum,
scelere Lepidi, exercitus autem Caesaris, qui erat optimus, 5
non modo nihil prodest sed etiam cogit exercitum tuum
flagitari; qui si Italiam attigerit, erit civis nemo, quem
quidem civem appellari fas sit, qui se non in tua castra con¬
ferat. etsi Brutum praeclare cum Planco coniunctum
habemus, sed non ignoras quam sint incerti et animi 10

Ep. 22] 1, 2 scripsisses Lamb, marg.: -em Q 14 elaboraui Y: la- A

Bibuli, aliorum T.-P.: bibulorum Q 2, 2 deducas Q: ducas Rb
4 parvum Gulielmius: -uo Q 10-n et animi hominum Lambinus:
a- h- et Q

AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) I

hominum infecti partibus et exitus proeliorum, quin etiam si,

ut spero, vicerimus, tamen magnam gubernationem tui
consili tuaeque auctoritatis res desiderabit, subveni igitur,
per deos, idque quam primum, tibique persuade non te
Idibus Martiis, quibus servitutem a tuis civibus depulisti, 15
plus profuisse patriae quam, si mature veneris, profuturum.

11 Id. Quint.

23 (23 (1.15))
Scr. Romae m. Qiiint. an. 43


1 Messallam habes, quibus igitur litteris tam accurate scriptis

adsequi possum subtilius ut explicem quae gerantur quaeque
sint in re publica quam tibi is exponet qui et optime omnia
novit et elegantissime expedire et deferre ad te potest? cave
enim existimes, Brute (quamquam non necesse est ea me ad 5
te quae tibi nota sunt scribere; sed tamen tantam omnium
laudum excellentiam non queo silentio praeterire), cave
putes probitate, constantia, cura, studio rei publicae quic-
quam illi esse simile, ut eloquentia, qua mirabiliter excellit,
vix in eo locum ad laudandum habere videatur, quamquam 10
in hac ipsa sapientiae plus apparet; ita gravi iudicio multaque
arte se exercuit in (se >verissimo genere dicendi, tanta autem
industria est tantumque evigilat in studio ut non maxima
ingenio, quod in eo summum est, gratia habenda videatur.
2 Sed provehor amore, non enim id propositum est huic
epistulae Messallam ut laudem, praesertim ad Brutum, cui

13 fort, res (p(ublica)) 15 depulisti Ernesti, coli. Ep. 23.4: rep(p)- Q

17 11 ENA: 2° (sic) R: v G: om. VP
Ep. 23] 1, 6 sunt EN5: sint GVRM 11 sapientiae Faernus: -tia Q
12 severissimo Clark: uer- Q 13 uigilat GN

23 (23(1.15)) 3 AD M- brutum

et virtus illius non minus quam mihi nota est et haec ipsa
studia quae laudo notiora, quem cum a me dimittens
graviter ferrem, hoc levabar uno, quod ad te tamquam ad 5
alterum me proficiscens et officio fungebatur et laudem
maximam sequebatur, sed haec hactenus.
3 Venio nunc longo sane intervallo ad quandam epistulam
qua mihi multa tribuens unum reprehendebas quod in
honoribus decernendis essem nimius et tamquam prodigus,
tu hoc, alius fortasse quod in animadversione poenaque
durior, nisi forte utrumque tu. quod si ita est, utriusque rei 5
meum iudicium studeo tibi esse notissimum, neque solum
ut Solonis dictum usurpem, qui et sapiens unus fuit ex
septem et legum scriptor solus ex septem: is rem publicam
contineri duabus rebus dixit, praemio et poena, est scilicet
utriusque rei modus, sicut reliquarum, et quaedam in 10
4 utroque genere mediocritas, sed non tanta de re propositum
est hoc loco disputare; quid ego autem secutus hoc bello sim
in sententiis dicendis aperire non alienum puto.
Post interitum Caesaris et vestras memorabilis Idus
Martias, Brute, quid ego praetermissum a vobis quantamque 5
impendere rei publicae tempestatem dixerim non es oblitus,
magna pestis erat depulsa per vos, magna populi Romani
macula deleta, vobis vero parta divina gloria, sed instru¬
mentum regni delatum ad Lepidum et Antonium, quorum
alter inconstantior, alter impurior, uterque pacem metuens, 10
inimicus otio, his ardentibus perturbandae rei publicae
cupiditate quod opponi posset praesidium non habebamus,
erexerat enim se civitas in retinenda libertate consentiens;
5 <sed> nos tum nimis acres <visi>, vos fortasse sapientius
excessistis urbe ea quam liberaratis, Italiae sua vobis studia
profitenti remisistis, itaque cum teneri urbem a parricidis

3, 5 forte Crat.: -tasse Q 6 studeo QC: cupio Ems 7 sapiens

unus Z5: -ntissimus M 4, 12 praesidio (sed mox, semisomnus ut vid.,
praesidium) non carebamus Schmidt 13 enim (nondum) Gurlitt
5, 1 sed addidi visi addidi 2 liberaratis EVR,M(?): -erarastis
M2:-eraueratis jV: -erastis GS

AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) 6

viderem nec te in ea nec Cassium tuto esse posse eamque

armis oppressam ab Antonio, mihi quoque ipsi esse exceden- 5
dum putavi, taetrum enim spectaculum oppressa ab impiis
civitas opitulandi potestate praecisa, sed animus idem qui
semper infixus in patriae caritate discessum ab eius periculis
ferre non potuit, itaque in medio Achaico cursu cum etesi¬
arum diebus auster me in Italiam quasi dissuasor mei 10
consili rettulisset, te vidi VVliae, doluique vehementer,
cedebas enim, Brute, cedebas, quoniam Stoici nostri negant
6 fugere sapientis. Romam ut veni, statim me obtuli Antoni
sceleri atque dementiae, quem cum in me incitavissem,
consilia inire coepi Brutina plane (vestri enim haec sunt
propria sanguinis) rei publicae liberandae.
Longa sunt quae restant, (mihi) praetereunda; sunt enim 5
de me. tantum dico, Caesarem hunc adulescentem, per quem
adhuc sumus, si verum fateri volumus, fluxisse ex fonte
7 consiliorum meorum, huic habiti a me honores nulli quidem,
Brute, nisi debiti, nulli nisi necessarii, ut enim primum
libertatem revocare coepimus, cum se nondum ne Decimi
quidem Bruti divina virtus ita commovisset ut iam id scire
possemus atque omne praesidium esset in puero qui a cervici- 5
bus nostris avertisset Antonium, quis honos ei non fuit
decernendus? quamquam ego illi tum verborum laudem
tribui eamque modicam, decrevi etiam imperium, quod
quamquam videbatur illi aetati honorificum, tamen erat
exercitum habenti necessarium, quid enim est sine imperio 10
exercitus? statuam Philippus decrevit, celeritatem petitionis
primo Servius, post maiorem etiam Servilius, nihil tum
nimium videbatur.
8 Sed nescio quo modo facilius in timore benigni quam in
victoria grati reperiuntur. ego enim D. Bruto liberato, cum
laetissimus ille civitati dies illuxisset idemque casu Bruti
natalis esset, decrevi ut in fastis ad eum diem Bruti nomen
adscriberetur, in eoque sum maiorum exemplum secutus, qui 5

8 eius EVR5: eis GNM 12 vestri s' 6, 5 mihi addidi: et Pius

23 (23(1.15)) 9 AD M- brutum

hunc honorem mulieri Larentiae tribuerunt, cui vos ponti¬

fices ad aram in Velabro sacrificium facere soletis, quod
ego cum dabam Bruto, notam esse in fastis gratissimae
victoriae sempiternam volebam, atque illo die cognovi paulo
pluris in senatu malevolos esse quam gratos, eos per ipsos 10
dies effudi, si ita vis, honores in mortuos, Hirtium et Pansam,
Aquilam etiam, quod quis reprehendet, nisi qui deposito
9 metu praeteriti periculi fuerit oblitus? accedebat ad benefici
memoriam gratam ratio illa quae etiam posteris esset
salutaris: exstare enim volebam in crudelissimos hostis
monumenta odi publici sempiterna, suspicor illud tibi minus
probari, quod a tuis familiaribus, optimis illis quidem viris 5
sed in re publica rudibus, non probabatur, quod ut ovanti
introire Caesari liceret decreverim, ego autem (sed erro
fortasse, nec tamen is sum ut mea me maxime delectent)
nihil mihi videor hoc bello sensisse prudentius, cur autem ita
sit aperiendum non est, ne magis videar providus fuisse 10
quam gratus, hoc ipsum nimium, qua re alia videamus. D.
Bruto decrevi honores, decrevi L. Planco, praeclara illa
quidem ingenia quae gloria invitantur; sed senatus etiam
sapiens qui, qua quemque re putat, modo honesta, ad rem
publicam iuvandam posse adduci, hac utitur, at in Lepido 15
reprehendimur, cui cum statuam in rostris statuissemus, idem
illam evertimus, nos illum honore studuimus a furore
revocare: vicit amentia levissimi hominis nostram pruden¬
tiam. nec tamen tantum in statuenda Lepidi statua factum
est mali quantum in evertenda boni. 20
IO Satis multa de honoribus, nunc de poena pauca dicenda
sunt, intellexi enim ex tuis saepe litteris te in iis quos bello
devicisti clementiam tuam velle laudari, existimo equidem
nihil a te nisi sapienter, sed sceleris poenam praetermittere

8, 6 larentiae GM: lau(e)r- EJVVR5 cui vos Manutius: uos cuius fi:
cuius vos Pius 9 (haud) paulo Manutius 10 per eos Crat. 12
reprehendet Orelli: -dit fi 9, 10 sit JVRS: sic EGVM 15 iuuandam
ER: -dum GNVA

AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) II

(id enim est quod vocatur ignoscere), etiam si in ceteris rebus 5

tolerabile est, in hoc bello perniciosum puto, nullum enim
bellum civile fuit in nostra re publica omnium quae memoria
mea fuerunt, in quo bello non, utracumque pars vicisset,
tamen aliqua forma esset futura rei publicae: hoc bello
victores quam rem publicam simus habituri non facile 10
adfirmarim, victis certe nulla umquam erit, dixi igitur
sententias in Antonium, dixi in Lepidum severas, neque tam
ulciscendi causa quam ut et in praesens sceleratos civis
timore ab impugnanda patria deterrerem et in posterum
documentum statuerem ne quis talem amentiam vellet 15
11 imitari, quamquam haec quidem sententia non magis mea
fuit quam omnium, in qua videtur illud esse crudele, quod ad
liberos, qui nihil meruerunt, poena pervenit, sed id et
antiquum est et omnium civitatum, si quidem etiam
Themistocli liberi eguerunt, et si iudicio damnatos eadem 5
poena sequitur civis, qui potuimus leniores esse in hostis?
quid autem queri quisquam potest de me, qui si vicisset
acerbiorem se in me futurum fuisse confiteatur necesse est?
Habes rationem mearum sententiarum de hoc genere
dumtaxat honoris et poenae, nam de ceteris rebus quid 10
senserim quidque censuerim audisse te arbitror.
12 Sed haec quidem non ita necessaria, illud valde necessari¬
um, Brute, te in Italiam cum exercitu venire quam primum,
summa est exspectatio tui; quod si Italiam attigeris, ad te
concursus fiet omnium, sive enim vicerimus, qui quidem
pulcherrime viceramus nisi Lepidus perdere omnia et perire 5
ipse cum suis concupivisset, tua nobis auctoritate opus est ad
collocandum aliquem civitatis statum; sive etiam nunc
certamen reliquum est, maxima spes est cum in auctoritate
tua tum in exercitus tui viribus, sed propera, per deos! scis
quantum sit in temporibus, quantum in celeritate. 10

10, 10 simus EGVRs: sumus jVPA 13 praesens fi: -nti C 11, 5

Themistocli GVM: -lis ENRb 7 de me EVR5: de se GNM
12, 8 cum in NVRbs: cum EGMdm

23 (23(1.15)) :3 AD M- brutum

13 Sororis tuae filiis quam diligenter consulam spero te ex

matris et ex sororis litteris cogniturum, qua in causa maiorem
habeo rationem tuae voluntatis, quae mihi carissima est,
quam, ut quibusdam videor, constantiae meae, sed ego nulla
in re malo quam in te amando constans et esse et videri. 5

24 (26 (1.18))

Scr. Romae vi Kal. Sext. an. 43


1 Cum saepe te litteris hortatus essem ut quam primum rei

publicae subvenires in Italiamque exercitum adduceres,
neque id arbitrarer dubitare tuos necessarios, rogatus sum a
prudentissima et diligentissima femina, matre tua, cuius
omnes curae ad te referuntur et in te consumuntur, ut 5
venirem ad se a.d. vm Kal. Sext.; quod ego, ut debui, sine
mora feci, cum autem venissem, Casca aderat et Labeo et
Scaptius, at illa rettulit quaesivitque quidnam mihi videretur,
accerseremusne te atque id tibi conducere putaremus an
2 tardare et commorari te melius esset, respondi id quod 10
sentiebam, et dignitati et existimationi tuae maxime condu¬
cere te primo quoque tempore ferre praesidium labenti et
inclinatae paene rei publicae.
Quid enim abesse censes mali in eo bello in quo victores 5
exercitus fugientem hostem persequi noluerint et in quo
incolumis imperator honoribus amplissimis fortunisque
maximis, coniuge, liberis, vobis adfinibus ornatus bellum rei
publicae indixerit? quid dicam ‘in tanto senatus populique
3 consensu’, cum tantum resideat intra muros mali? maximo 10
autem, cum haec scribebam, adficiebar dolore quod, cum

13, 5 quam in JV: quam Q

Ep. 24] 1, 10 tardari Wesenberg et Zj: an A 2, 6 noluerint
Wesenberg: -runt Q 8 ornatus Hms: -tis GMbd

AD M. BRUTUM 24 (26(1.18)) 4

me pro adulescentulo ac paene puero res publica accepisset

vadem, vix videbar quod promiseram praestare posse, est
autem gravior et difficilior animi et sententiae, maximis 5
praesertim in rebus, pro altero quam pecuniae obligatio,
haec enim solvi potest et est rei familiaris iactura tolerabilis:
rei publicae quod spoponderis quem ad modum solvas, si is
dependi facile patitur pro quo spoponderis? quamquam et
hunc, ut spero, tenebo multis repugnantibus, videtur enim 10
esse indoles, sed flexibilis aetas multique ad depravandum
parati, qui splendore falsi honoris obiecto aciem boni ingeni
praestringi posse confidunt, itaque ad reliquos hic quoque
labor mihi accessit, ut omnis adhibeam machinas ad
tenendum adulescentem, ne famam subeam temeritatis. 15
4 quamquam quae temeritas est? magis enim illum pro quo
spopondi quam me ipsum obligavi; nec vero paenitere potest
rem publicam me pro eo spopondisse qui fuit in rebus
gerendis cum suo ingenio (praeclarus) tum mea promissione
constantior. 5
5 Maximus autem, nisi me forte fallit, in re publica nodus
est inopia rei pecuniariae, obdurescunt enim magis cottidie
boni viri ad vocem tributi, quod ex centesima collatum
impudenti censu locupletum in duarum legionum praemiis
omne consumitur, impendent autem infiniti sumptus cum 5
in hos exercitus quibus nunc defendimur tum vero in tuum,
nam Cassius noster videtur posse satis ornatus venire, sed et
haec et multa alia coram cupio idque quam primum.
6 De sororis tuae filiis non exspectavi, Brute, dum scriberes,
omnino ipsa tempora (bellum enim ducetur) integram tibi
causam reservant; sed ego a principio, cum divinare de belli
diuturnitate (non) possem, ita causam egi puerorum in

3, 8 si Q: nisi ms: om. bd 10 ut om. HNd 11 esse (bona) P: (in

eo) esse s': inesse Watt in app. 13 praestringi QC: pers- KP6
4, 4 gerendis RMms: gerun- praeclarus addidi 5, 2
obsurdescunt Manutius 4 locupletum GNVPbms: -tium ERMd
6, 4 non add. Manutius

25 (24(l.l6)) I AD M. BRUTUM

senatu ut te arbitror e matris litteris potuisse cognoscere, nec 5

vero ulla res erit umquam in qua ego non vel vitae periculo
ea dicam eaque faciam quae te velle quaeque ad te pertinere

vi Kal. Sext.

25 (24 (1.16))


1 Particulam litterarum tuarum, quas misisti Octavio, legi

missam ab Attico mihi, studium tuum curaque de salute
mea nulla me nova voluptate adfecit. non solum enim
usitatum sed etiam cottidianum est aliquid audire de te quod
pro nostra dignitate fideliter atque honorifice dixeris aut 5
feceris, at dolore quantum maximum capere animo possum
eadem illa pars epistulae scripta ad Octavium de nobis
adfecit. sic enim illi gratias agis de re publica, tam suppliciter
ac demisse - quid scribam ? pudet condicionis ac fortunae,
sed tamen scribendum est - commendas nostram salutem illi 10
(quae morte qua non perniciosior?) ut prorsus prae te feras
non sublatam dominationem sed dominum commutatum
esse, verba tua recognosce et aude negare servientis adversus
regem istas esse preces, unum ais esse quod ab eo postuletur
et exspectetur, ut eos civis de quibus viri boni populusque 15
Romanus bene existimet salvos velit, quid si nolit? non
2 erimus? atqui non esse quam esse per illum praestat, ego me
dius fidius non existimo tam omnis deos aversos esse a salute

8 arbitrer Q: -ror Rd: -rabor bms

Ep. 25] 1, 1 litterarum GNRA: -erul(-erur- E) arum EVC 7 scriptae
s 8-13 sic enim...esse distinxi 12 dominum 2: -nium jVA
16 noluerit VR: nolet Wesenberg

AD M. BRUTUM 25 (24(1.16)) 3

populi Romani ut Octavius orandus sit pro salute cuiusquam

civis, non dicam pro liberatoribus orbis terrarum, iuvat enim
magnifice loqui et certe decet adversus ignorantis quid pro 5
quoque timendum aut a quoque petendum sit.
Hoc tu, Cicero, posse fateris Octavium et illi amicus es?
aut, si me carum habes, vis Romae videri, cum ut ibi esse
possem commendandus puero illi fuerim? cui quid agis
gratias, si ut nos salvos esse velit et patiatur rogandum putas ? 10
an hoc pro beneficio habendum est quod se quam Antonium
esse maluerit a quo ista petenda essent? vindici quidem
alienae dominationis, non vicario, ecquis supplicat ut optime
3 meritis de re publica liceat esse salvis ? ista vero imbecillitas
et desperatio, cuius culpa non magis in te residet quam in
omnibus aliis, et Caesarem in cupiditatem regni impulit et
Antonio post interitum illius persuasit ut interfecti locum
occupare conaretur et nunc puerum istum extulit, ut tu 5
iudicares precibus esse impetrandam salutem talibus viris
misericordiaque unius vix etiam nunc viri tutos fore nos aut
nulla alia re. quod si Romanos nos esse meminissemus, non
audacius dominari cuperent postremi homines quam id nos
prohiberemus, neque magis irritatus esset Antonius regno 10
Caesaris quam ob eiusdem mortem deterritus.
4 Tu quidem, consularis et tantorum scelerum vindex,
quibus oppressis vereor ne in breve tempus dilata sit abs te
pernicies, qui potes intueri quae gesseris, simul et ista vel
probare vel ita demisse ac facile pati ut probantis speciem
habeas? quod autem tibi cum Antonio privatim odium? 5
nempe quia postulabat haec, salutem ab se peti, precariam
nos incolumitatem habere a quibus ipse libertatem accepisset,
esse arbitrium suum de re publica, quaerenda esse arma

2, 5 ignorantem Boot 6 a quo Iunius 8 uis me romae R corr.: vis

Romae me Cobet videre Barth 12 (eum) esse Mueller 13 ecquis
Manutius: et q- fi 3, 5 istum (ita) Lambinus 7-8 aut nulla
GNM-. haud n- V: haud ulla ERb 4, 5 priuatim Q: -tum //APS

25 (24(1.16)) 5 AD M. BRUTUM

putasti quibus dominari prohiberetur, scilicet ut illo pro¬

hibito rogaremus alterum qui se in eius locum reponi 10
pateretur, non ut esset sui iuris ac mancipi res publica? nisi
forte non de servitute sed de condicione serviendi recusatum
est a nobis, atqui non solum bono domino potuimus Antonio
tolerare nostram fortunam sed etiam beneficiis atque
honoribus ut participes frui quantis vellemus, quid enim 15
negaret iis quorum patientiam videret maximum domina¬
tionis suae praesidium esse? sed nihil tanti fuit quo vendere-
5 mus fidem nostram et libertatem, hic ipse puer, quem
Caesaris nomen incitare videtur in Caesaris interfectores,
quanti aestimet, si sit commercio locus, posse nobis auctoribus
tantum quantum profecto poterit, quoniam vivere et
pecunias habere et dici consulares volumus! ceterum nequi- 5
quam perierit ille (cuius interitu quid gavisi sumus si mortuo
(eo) nihilo minus servituri eramus?), (si) nulla cura
Sed mihi prius omnia di deaeque eripuerint quam illud
iudicium quo non modo heredi eius quem occidi non con- 10
cesserim quod in illo non tuli sed ne patri quidem meo, si
reviviscat, ut patiente me plus legibus ac senatu possit, an
hoc tibi persuasum est, fore ceteros ab eo liberos quo invito
nobis in ista civitate locus non sit? qui porro id quod petis
fieri potest ut impetres? rogas enim velit nos salvos esse: 1^
videmur ergo tibi salutem accepturi cum vitam acceperimus?
quam, si prius dimittimus dignitatem et libertatem, qui
6 possumus accipere? an tu Romae habitare, id putas incolu¬
mem esse? res, non locus, oportet praestet istuc mihi; neque
incolumis Caesare vivo fui, nisi postea quam illud conscivi
facinus, neque usquam exsul esse possum, dum servire et pati

10-11 reponit an pateretur ut Purser 11 non scripsi: an Q 16

negaret iis Crat.: negotiis GM: -tiis et JV: -tii ER : neget iis FS
5, 5-8 ceterum. . .adhibetur dist. Watt 7 eo add. Cobet: illo P:
tyrannoSchelle si add. P. Meyer 10 occidi (id) T.-P. 17 si fi:
nisi C 6, 1-2 incolumem esse ms: esse i- esse fi: esse i- HP

AD M. BRUTUM 25 (24(l.l6)) 7

contumelias peius odero malis omnibus aliis, nonne hoc est 5

in easdem tenebras recidisse, (si) ab eo qui tyranni nomen
adscivit sibi, cum in Graecis civitatibus liberi tyrannorum
oppressis illis eodem supplicio adficiantur, petitur ut vindices
atque oppressores dominationis salvi sint? hanc ego civitatem
videre velim aut putem ullam quae ne traditam quidem 10
atque inculcatam libertatem recipere possit, plusque timeat
in puero nomen sublati regis quam confidat sibi, cum illum
ipsum qui maximas opes habuerit paucorum virtute subla¬
tum videat.
Me vero posthac ne commendaveris Caesari tuo, ne te 15
quidem ipsum, si me audies, valde care aestimas tot annos
quot ista aetas recipit si propter eam causam puero isti
7 supplicaturus es. deinde, quod pulcherrime fecisti ac facis in
Antonio, vide ne convertatur a laude maximi animi ad
opinionem formidinis, nam si Octavius tibi placet a quo de
nostra salute petendum sit, non dominum fugisse sed
amiciorem dominum quaesisse videberis, quem quod laudas 5
ob ea quae adhuc fecit plane probo, sunt enim laudanda, si
modo contra alienam potentiam, non pro sua, suscepit eas
actiones, cum vero iudicas tantum illi non modo licere sed
etiam a te ipso tribuendum esse ut rogandus sit nc nolit esse
nos salvos, nimium magnam mercedem statuis (id enim 10
ipsum illi largiris quod per illum habere videbatur res
publica), neque hoc tibi in mentem venit, si Octavius illis
dignus sit honoribus quia cum Antonio bellum gerat, iis qui
illud malum exciderint cuius istae reliquiae sunt nihil quo
expleri possit eorum meritum tributurum umquam populum 15
Romanum, si omnia simul congesserit.
8 Ac vide quanto diligentius homines metuant quam memi¬
nerint: quia Antonius vivat atque in armis sit, de Caesare
vero quod fieri potuit ac debuit transactum est neque iam

6 recidisse s': cec- Q si addere noluit Gronovius, add. Baiter 10 ullam

6: illam Q 16 (a)estimas vel ex(s)t- Z: exist- A 7, 12 illis JVP:
ullis Q 8, 2 vivit. . .est Wesenberg

25 (24(1.16)) 9 AD M. BRUTUM

revocari in integrum potest, Octavius is est qui quid de nobis

indicaturus sit exspectet populus Romanus, nos ii sumus de 5
quorum salute unus homo rogandus videatur.
Ego vero, ut istuc revertar, is sum qui non modo non
supplicem sed etiam coerceam postulantis ut sibi supplicetur;
aut longe a servientibus abero mihique esse iudicabo Romam
ubicumque liberum esse licebit, ac vestri miserebor quibus 10
nec aetas neque honores nec virtus aliena dulcedinem
9 vivendi minuere potuerit, mihi quidem ita beatus esse
videbor, si modo constanter ac perpetuo placebit hoc con¬
silium, ut relatam putem gratiam pietati meae, quid enim
est melius quam memoria recte factorum et libertate con¬
tentum neglegere humana? sed certe non succumbam 5
succumbentibus nec vincar ab iis qui se vinci volunt, experi-
arque et temptabo omnia neque desistam abstrahere a
servitio civitatem nostram, si secuta fuerit quae debet
fortuna, gaudebimus omnes; si minus, ego tamen gaudebo,
quibus enim potius haec vita factis aut cogitationibus 10
traducatur quam iis quae pertinuerint ad liberandos civis
meos ?
10 Te, Cicero, rogo atque hortor ne defatigere neu diffidas,
semper in praesentibus malis prohibendis futura quoque, nisi
ante sit occursum, explores ne se insinuent, fortem et liberum
animum, quo et consul et nunc consularis rem publicam
vindicasti, sine constantia et aequabilitate nullum esse 5
putaris, fateor enim duriorem esse condicionem spectatae
virtutis quam incognitae, bene facta pro debitis exigimus;
quae aliter eveniunt, ut decepti ab iis, infesto animo repre¬
hendimus. itaque resistere Antonio Ciceronem, etsi maxima
laude dignum est, tamen, quia ille consul hunc consularem 10
11 merito praestare videtur, nemo admiratur; idem Cicero, si
flexerit adversus alios iudicium suum, quod tanta firmitate
ac magnitudine (animi) direxit in exturbando Antonio, non

4 reuocari sC: prou- fi 7 istuc JVR,M(?)bs: isthuc V: istoc EGd:

isthac m 10, 8 eveniunt .j: uen- Q 11, 3 animi add. R corr.

AD M. BRUTUM 26(25(l.17)) I

modo reliqui temporis gloriam eripuerit sibi sed etiam

praeterita evanescere coget; nihil enim per se amplum est 5
nisi in quo iudici ratio exstat. =1= * *, quia neminem magis
decet rem publicam amare libertatisque defensorem esse vel
ingenio vel rebus gestis vel studio atque efflagitatione
Qua re non Octavius est rogandus ut velit nos salvos esse. 10
magis tute te exsuscita, ut eam civitatem in qua maxima
gessisti liberam atque honestam fore putes, si modo sint
populo duces ad resistendum improborum consiliis.

26 (25 (1.17))


I Scribis mihi mirari Ciceronem quod nihil significem um-

quam de suis actis; quoniam me flagitas, coactu tuo scribam
quae sentio.
Omnia fecisse Ciceronem optimo animo scio, quid enim
mihi exploratius esse potest quam illius animus in rem 5
publicam? sed quaedam mihi videtur - quid dicam?
imperite vir omnium prudentissimus an ambitiose fecisse, qui
valentissimum Antonium suscipere pro re publica non
dubitarit inimicum? nescio quid scribam tibi nisi unum:
pueri et cupiditatem et licentiam potius esse irritatam quam 10
repressam a Cicerone, tantumque eum tribuere huic
indulgentiae ut se maledictis non abstineat iis quidem quae in
ipsum dupliciter recidunt, quod et pluris occidit uno seque
prius oportet fateatur sicarium quam obiciat Cascae quod
obicit et imitetur in Casca Bestiam, an quia non omnibus 15
horis iactamus Idus Martias similiter atque ille Nonas

5 praeteritam VR: -\t\ Aldus nepos 6 lacunam statui quia] quin Orelli
11 tute vel tu ERMm: tu GVPbds
Ep. 26] 1, 15 imitetur scripsi: -tatur fi 16 iactamus U6: -tatur GNR:
-tantur E: de M non liquet
26 (25(1.17)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM

Decembris suas in ore habet, eo meliore condicione Cicero

pulcherrimum factum vituperabit quam Bestia et Clodius
reprehendere illius consulatum soliti sunt?
2 Sustinuisse mihi gloriatur bellum Antoni togatus Cicero
noster, quid hoc mihi prodest, si merces Antoni oppressi
poscitur in Antoni locum successio et si vindex illius mali
auctor exstitit alterius fundamentum et radices habituri
altiores, si patiamur, ut iam (dubium sit utrum) ista quae 5
facit dominationem an dominum [an] Antonium timentis
sint? ego autem gratiam non habeo si quis, dum ne irato
serviat, rem ipsam non deprecatur, immo triumphus et
stipendium et omnibus decretis hortatio ne eius pudeat
concupiscere fortunam cuius nomen susceperit, consularis 10
aut Ciceronis est?
3 Quoniam mihi tacere non licuit, leges quae tibi necesse
est molesta esse, etenim ipse sentio quanto cum dolore haec
ad te scripserim nec ignoro quid sentias in re publica et quam
desper(es neque liber)atam quoque sanari putes posse, nec
mehercule te, Attice, reprehendo; aetas enim, mores, liberi 5
segnem efficiunt, quod quidem etiam ex Flavio nostro
4 Sed redeo ad Ciceronem, quid inter Salvid(i)enum et
eum interest? quid autem amplius ille decerneret? ‘timet’
inquies ‘etiam nunc reliquias belli civilis.’ quisquam ergo ita
timet profligatum ut neque potentiam eius qui exercitum
victorem habeat neque temeritatem pueri putet extimescen- 5
dam esse? an hoc ipsum ea re facit quod illi propter ampli-

i8uituperabiti?AA: -auitGF/2 2,1 (se) mihi Lambinus 5altiores,

si s': -res. sic fi: -res ? sic Sjogren dubium sit utrum vel sim. excidisse
putavit Watt 6 an removit j 9 stipendium decernitur et VR
hortatio ne eius Madvig (ne e- iam Orelli): -tationis MN: -tationi EG:
-tatur quom V: -tationi enim R: -tationibus 5 11 aut fi: ut 8
3, 3 nec F8: ne fi 4 desperes neque liberatam scripsi: desperatam
fi: desperes liberatam van der Vliet, qui putes seclusit 6 ex] in s'
4, 1 Salvidienum Torrentius: -denum fi 6 re AA: res 'Ld

AD M. BRUTUM 26 (25(1.17)) 5

tudinem omnia iam ultroque deferenda putat? o magnam

stultitiam timoris, id ipsum quod verearis ita cavere ut, cum
vitare fortasse potueris, ultro accersas et attrahas! nimium
timemus mortem et exsilium et paupertatem, haec mihi 10
videntur Ciceroni ultima esse in malis; et, dum habeat a
quibus impetret quae velit et a quibus colatur ac laudetur,
servitutem, honorificam modo, non aspernatur, si quicquam
in extrema ac miserrima contumelia potest honorificum esse.
5 Licet ergo patrem appellet Octavius Ciceronem, referat
omnia, laudet, gratias agat, tamen illud apparebit, verba
rebus esse contraria, quid enim tam alienum ab humanis
sensibus est quam eum patris habere loco qui ne liberi
quidem hominis numero sit? atqui eo tendit, id agit, ad eum 5
exitum properat vir optimus ut sit illi Octavius propitius,
ego vero iam iis artibus nihil tribuo quibus Ciceronem scio
instructissimum esse, quid enim illi prosunt quae pro
libertate patriae, de dignitate, quae de morte, exsilio,
paupertate scripsit copiosissime? quanto autem magis illa 10
callere videtur Philippus, qui privigno minus tribuerit quam
Cicero, qui alieno tribuat! desinat igitur gloriando etiam
insectari dolores nostros, quid enim nostra victum esse
Antonium, si victus est ut alii vacaret quod ille obtinuit?
6 tametsi tuae litterae dubia etiam nunc significant.
Vivat hercule Cicero, qui potest, supplex et obnoxius, si
neque aetatis neque honorum neque rerum gestarum pudet,
ego certe quin cum ipsa re bellum geram, hoc est cum regno
et imperiis extraordinariis et dominatione et potentia quae 5
supra leges se esse velit, nulla erit tam bona condicio
serviendi qua deterrear, quamvis sit vir bonus, ut scribit,

7 ultroque 6: utr- GNVM: uero que E: utcumque R: ultro quidem

Mueller, coll. Ep. 2.3, fort, recte 9 nimirum s' 10 mihi om. s':
nimirum Stangl: mihi (levia) Madvig 11-13 et. . .aspernatur] fort.
ut. . .aspernetur 5, 1 referat fi: omnia ad eum ref- R 9 patriae
quae de R,fort. recte 13 nostra interest uictum R 6, 7 scribit
scripsi: -bis fi

26 (25(1.17)) 7 AD M- brutum

Octavius, quod ego numquam existimavi; sed dominum ne

parentem quidem maiores nostri voluerunt esse.
Te nisi tantum amarem quantum Ciceroni persuasum est 10
diligi ab Octavio, haec ad te non scripsissem, dolet mihi quod
tu nunc stomacharis amantissimus cum tuorum omnium tum
Ciceronis; sed persuade tibi de voluntate propria mea nihil
esse remissum, de iudicio largiter, neque enim impetrari
potest quin, quale quidque videatur ei, talem quisque de illo 15
opinionem habeat.
7 Vellem mihi scripsisses quae condiciones essent Atticae
nostrae, potuissem aliquid tibi de meo sensu perscribere,
valetudinem Porciae meae tibi curae esse non miror, denique
quod petis faciam libenter; nam etiam sorores me rogant, et
hominem noro et quid sibi voluerit. 5

8 Octavius Tunstall: antonius fi: iste Walt in app.: removit Wesenberg,

qui etiam dominus coni. existimavi bs: ext- vel est- fi 11 diligi se
ab i? 7, 5 uoluerit bd: uoluit fi



i (i. i)

Written late in 60 or early in 59 after Quintus’ Proconsulship in Asia had

been extended for a third year, this is no ordinary letter. Though not
wholly lacking in personal touches (cf. especially §§37ff.), it is rather a
tract, commentariolum de provincia administranda, doubtless intended for
wider circulation. In contrast to the rest of the Quintus correspondence,
the style is literary, with observance of clausula rhythm (H. Bornecque,
La prose metrique dans la correspondance de Ciceron (1898), 17f.). Rostovtzeflf
(■Hellenistic world, 1566) notes that the principles of government advocated
‘probably go back to Panaetius and were similar to those which we find
in the mandata of the Hellenistic kings to their subordinates (Teb. 703)
and in the treaties trepi PacriAeias addressed to the kings themselves by
philosophers of various schools’.
Magie’s attempt to prove the piece a forgery (1244) has found little
or no acceptance. Style, rhythm, and sentiment bespeak Cicero’s author¬
ship. Magie’s case rests mainly on the inherent improbability, as he sees
it, of Cicero’s giving his brother such advice after two years in office. That
argument loses most of its force once it is clearly recognized that Cicero
did not write with the practical purpose of making Quintus a better
governor but because something or other1 had put it into his head to
exploit this particular theme, with the opportunities it offered to advertise
Quintus’ merits and his own. Certainly nothing suggests that he designed
it as a quid pro quo for the Commentariolum petitionis. Indeed the absence of
any such allusion is one reason for questioning that work’s authenticity.
Cicero was fully conscious of the apparent incongruity of his role as
mentor to a governor who already had the practical experience which
he himself lacked, and the piece is full of more or less ingenious excuses.
He is not writing in order to tell Quintus what to do, but to give him the
satisfaction of reading about his own admirable performance (§8). All
the same, the third year can be made even better than the first two
(§12 fin.). Cicero had not set out to advise a man of equal wisdom and
greater experience, but has somehow slipped into it - and after all
Quintus would take all the more pleasure in doing the right thing if in
doing it he were following his brother’s counsels (§18). Exhortation is
needless; but the delight of dwelling on Quintus’ fine achievement has
led Cicero to write at greater length than he had wished or intended
(§36). He is not awakening a sleeper but spurring a willing horse (§45).
1, 1-2 etsi.. .superatura Even if this letter was begun soon after

1 There is no saying what; for a guess cf. E. Fallu, Rev. des et. lat. 48
(1970), i8off.

147 i(l.l) 2 COMMENTARY

the prorogation, it will still have taken some considerable time to

compose. A reply from Quintus arrived in April (Att. 36 (ii.i6).4).

Perhaps Cicero had in fact written a shorter letter immediately after the
news, but found it artistically better to pretend that this one represented
his first thoughts. That would explain why he omits the reference to
other people’s letters desiderated by Ernesti. The reader would have been
prompted to ask ‘Why was Cicero not the first to write?’
2 denique With only one item preceding, as in 7 (ii.3).2 omnia
maledicta, versus denique and Pis. 45 nemo bonus, nemo denique civis, et ah; cf.
Sjogren, Comm. Tull. i2of.
3 annum tertium Three years was an unusually long term in a
praetorian province, unprecedented in Asia, as far as we know. Verres
is a notorious parallel.
5 molestiae Cicero naturally makes the most of Quintus’ desire to
be relieved of his post, evidence of upright administration and not typical
of Roman governors (cf. Fam. 20 (1.9).25 fin.). However, Att. 36 (n. 16).4
shows that it was not an invention of his own.
10 praetoribus The Praetors were assigned provinces before the
end of their year of office by lot from a list determined by the Senate
(A. 1, 305 (praetores); F. 1, 277 (sortitione vestra)). No doubt Asia was con¬
sidered a plum and they wanted it included.
2, 4 maximis in rebus Quintus too had had a role in the Catili-
narian affair, though a minor one.
11 negotiatorum Bad characters like Paconius and Tuscenius
below, who found Quintus too strict.
3, 2-3 ut hoc.. .corrigatur If Quintus’ third year enhanced his
reputation, Cicero’s mistake would have turned out for the best.
4 ad.. .audiendi ‘To all sections of good repute’, i.e. ‘to gaining
approval in all respects’; not ‘to win “golden opinions from all sorts of
people” ’.
5 ut...certes So Pliny in a letter inspired by this (vm.24.8):
accedit quod tibi certamen est tecum: onerat te quaesturae tuae fama, sqq.
6-7 excellentis.. .rebus Watt’s conjecture excellendi . . . generibus
is decidedly attractive; see app. erit.
4, 3 erigas te is still the object (not ‘sc. animum')] cf. 3(1.3).5 erige te
et confirma, negotiis goes with resistas as well as occurras.
8-9 quod. . .prorogatam ‘Because I should realize that it also
meant an extension of fortune’s power over ourselves.’
5, 7 seditionem exercitus Such as had been the downfall, most
recently and notoriously, of L. Lucullus.
11 tranquillitas The simile continues as a metaphor; cf. Housman
on Luc. vn. 125.


12 etiam Not so ‘hard to explain’. With proper vigilance the job

might be made not only safe but actually enjoyable.
6, i sociorum The subject population.
3- 4 quod. . .attingunt Cf. e.g. Fam. 139 (xin.g).2 cum universo ordini
publicanorum semper libentissime tribuerim idque magnis eius ordinis erga me
meritis facere debuerim.
4- 5 quod... sint ‘As prosperous businessmen.’
7, i inter hos ipsos Taken by B. P. Seleckij, Klio 58 (1976), 429 as
the three groups of provincials, tax-farmers, and businessmen, but mainly
with reference to the last two. Att. 36 (ii.i6).4 provides an example of a
conflict of interest between publicani and negotiatores, but Seleckij hardly
establishes such conflict as a perennial feature of major importance in
provincial affairs.
11-12 ea. . .possit Cf. Amm. Marc. xxix. 2.18 0 praeclara informatio
doctrinarum. . .quae vel vitiosas naturas saepe excoluisti!
8, 3 biennium iiennium became iiiennium; cf. Fam. 428 (x.24).6
bimestris for semestris (i.e. vimestris). This conjecture has been too long out
of sight, triennium seems defensible only as a slip of the pen; cf. §14 bienni
3-5 nullum. . .pecuniae The first six terms of this series of seven
fall into three pairs.
5 condicio pecuniae ‘Financial offer’, terms under which money
might be forthcoming. The genitive is comparable to Cluent. 129 condi¬
cionem supplici, Catii. 4.1 mihi si haec condicio consulatus data est ut omnis
acerbitates. . .perferrem, et sim.
9, 4 luce Asiae Cf. F. 1, 426 (ista luce) and see §42 below, theatrum
totius Asiae.
7 adventu Cf. Leg. Man. 13 ceteras in provincias eius modi homines cum
imperio mittimus ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adventus in urbis
sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione differant.
10, 5 praestare ‘Take responsibility for.’
6 tuae Cf. § 12 minus consulentis existimationi tuae (Watt); Att. 103
(v. 10).2 persuasum est omnibus meis serviendum esse famae meae. Watt keeps
suae, pointing to de existimatione sua below; but there sua is contrasted with
7 Tubero L. Aelius Tubero, a connexion by marriage (A. v, 371).
He will have held an office superior to the Quaestorship [honore), was a
nobilis (dignitate), and about Cicero’s age [aetate; cf. Lig. 21).
8 historiam See the fragments in Peter, Hist. Rom. reliquiae 1, 3o8ff.
He is not among the Latin historians mentioned in Leg. i.6f., where,
however, only dead writers are included, a point relevant to my observa¬
tions on the absence of Lucceius [F. 1, 318). It remains odd that Cicero

149 i(l.l) II COMMENTARY

should implicitly rank Lucceius (if indeed his work had been published
in Latin) below Sisenna, an author for whom he had no great esteem.
Apparently he did not think very much of Tubero either; cf. Leg. 1.7
Sisenna... omnis adhuc nostros scriptores, nisi qui forte nondum ediderunt, de
quibus existimare non possumus, facile superavit.
10 Allienus A. iv, 422; F. 11, 439. Perhaps to be identified with Q.
Caecilius’ subscriptor in Div. in Caec. 48; see Studies, 8. The spelling with
two Ts is normal in inscriptions.
11 Gratidio M. Gratidius (Flacc. 49) was doubtless a grandson of
his namesake, whose sister was Cicero’s paternal grandmother. They
were thus second cousins.
12 certo scio T am sure.’ For the meaning of this common
Ciceronian expression, which is not to be learned from dictionaries, see
F. 1, 278.
11, 1 quaestorem We do not know who he was; evidently not a
relative or friend, like the three Legates.
2 sors Cf. Mur. 18 consedit utriusque nomen in quaestura, nullum enim
vobis sors campum dedit in quo excurrere virtus cognoscique posset. In Fam. 116
(11.19). i ad eam necessitudinem quam nobis fors (sors R, vulg.) tribuisset I
followed the Mediceus.
11 [inter hos] hos (see app. erit.) cannot refer ‘generally to the
ministros mentioned above’, since §§10 and 11, from quamquam legatos on,
concern only publicly appointed subordinates (Legates and Quaestor);
cf. Madvig, Adv. 111, 193: ‘manifestissimum est mendum hic subesse, quod
obscuriore indicio aliquis suspicari posset vel ex hoc concursu insuavi
pronominum hos eos quos.’ I have suggested (SB1 34) that internos (actually
read by Kasten) may have been a marginal note on quos vero, sqq. to
mark the transition from state to private appointments.
11—12 negotiorum Governed by both the preceding substantives.
12, 1-3 aut... voluisti ‘Or those whom you have chosen to
accompany you from your personal entourage or as necessary staff.’
apparitionibus covers lictors etc., who for the most part would not have
done their current jobs for Quintus in Rome. Therefore in is to be read
for ex; cf. §17 sit in domesticis rebus et privatis.
3 qui. . . solent The humbler members of the governor’s staff, such
as lictors, though commonly included in the cohors praetoria (or amicorum;
cf. A. hi, 285), were not on the same footing as his personal friends (who
are included in ex domesticis convictionibus). Hence quasi.
6 facile diligere Cf. Att. 125 (vn.2)-3 et mehercule est quern facile
13, 1-2 id quod audiunt I.e. ‘that is spoken aloud’.
3 anulus ‘Seal-ring.’


5 accensus An orderly available for any service required. Every

higher magistrate (Consul, Praetor, Proconsul, Propraetor) had one.
9 non suae. . .apparitor The text has been much suspected,
perhaps rightly. If it is retained, Cicero must be supposed to be making
a double point, that power should reside with the governor, not the
lictor, and that it should be used mercifully: ‘grace, not his but yours’.
10 maioraque ‘In a greater degree’; cf. Ad Brut. 22.2 magnam
gubernationem tui consili. . .res desiderabit; K.-S. 1, 236. Perhaps diverted by
lenitatis, Cicero now loses sight altogether of his original point, that the
lictor should have no power independent of the governor.
14 aliquid acceperint ‘Take a bribe’; cf. A. 1, 327.
14, 5 Caesium L. Caesius (2 (1.2).4), doubtless a member of the
Arpinum family (F. n, 442).
Chaerippum A. 11, 180.
Labeonem See on Ad Brut. 5.4.
15, 8 quam ob rem, sqq. At first sight it would be natural to take
qui. . .careant with ex eo genere hominum; cf. Ter. Andr. 629 id est genus
hominum pessimum. . .quis pudor paullum adest; K.-S. 1, 31. But the subjunc¬
tive careant shows that qui goes with reperire and only so can the sentence
be construed, qui. . .possumus, after the question qui potes reperire, makes
sense only as leading up to te autem. . . simulent.
9 iis rebus The amenities of life in Italy.
12 permagnum Probably ‘very difficult’; cf. Ven. 11.4.53 permagnum
est in eum dicere aliquid qui praeteriens. . .totum oppidum compilaverit (irony).
Possibly ‘a most extraordinary phenomenon’; cf. Tuse, i.m permagnum
existimans tris Olympionicas una e domo prodire. Either way the meaning is
that the thing could hardly happen.
15 temporis KOCipoO; cf. §31 (honores) si temporis causa constituerentur,
levis. ‘Your (temporary) position’ would be temporis tui.
18 vias pecuniae ‘Pathways leading to money’; cf. Liv. XLi.23.9
viam regiae societatis quaeri-, Sest. 137 haec est una via, mihi credite, et laudis et
dignitatis et honoris. Otherwise Plaut. Trin. 667 atque ipse amoris teneo omnis
16, 3 nunc vero Schiitz seems to be right about sic vero: ‘prorsus
ineptum’. T.-P., following Manutius, render ‘as things now stand’, i.e.
nunc vero, but offer no parallel. Muller explains sic as aureos, as in sic
temere, et sim., but does not explain vero. Could sic go with fallaces (‘so
treacherous are very many of them’) and vero be emphatic, ‘indeed’ (cf.
§7 et vero esse debuit) ? Hardly. With this judgement on contemporary
Greeks cf. Fam. 123 (vi.4).2 and note. T.-P. remark that ‘the whole
sentence would serve as a good description of the natives of India under
British rule’. I (i.l) 17 COMMENTARY

7 honestae Cf. §19 quae cum honesta sint (Watt).

7-8 neque iam fideles sunt ‘Nor indeed are they trustworthy.’
For iam, another unappreciated conjecture of Ernesti (though Moricca
does accord it a mention), cf. Brut. 287 nimia vetustas nec habet. . .suavitatem
nec est iam sane tolerabilis; Thes. vii. 1.97.79 (but in some of the places there
cited neque iam = ‘and no longer’). The vulgate is rendered ‘not so
trustworthy as one could wish’, but the qualifying tarn weakens the point,
and non tarn = non ita is excessively rare (F. 11, 404). quam nostrorum cannot
be understood, since the unreliability of Roman residents has just been
17, 8 ex servis No doubt with Statius in mind. He was manumitted
latei in the year (.Att. 39 (11.19). 1).
9 sit ‘Let him be employed.’
11 ne quid attingat Cf. Sest. 49 quis enim umquam. . . ullam rei publicae
partem. . .auderet attingere?', Tuse, iv.5 cum rei publicae nullam umquam partem
attigissent', Suet. Tib. 13.2 sub condicione ne quam partem curamve rei publicae
attingeret, et sim.
recte ‘Safely’ (F. 1, 303).
18, 5 auctoritas Cf. Fam. 370 (x.6).i quamquam nec tibi ipsi consilium
deesset.. .vellem tamen meae quoque auctoritatis...praeceptum ad te aliquod
9 provincialium hominum Roman citizens resident in the
19, 7-9 Paeoni.. .Tusceni Presumably Roman citizens doing
business in Asia. Both names are found in the Delos inscriptions, the
former commonly (Mtinzer, RE xvm. 1.2123.44, viia. 1459.37). A forger
would hardly have hit on the latter. Tuscenius recurs in 2 (1.2).6.
11 cupiditatem I.e. rem cupitam. So, apparently, only here; cf.
desiderium {Fam. 7 (xiv.2).2,4), amor, cura.
20, 6 aequaliter The vulgate aequabiliter is very likely right; cf. §32
iuris aequabilem tenere rationem', Off. 11.42 ius semper est quaesitum aequabile',
but on the other hand, Rep. 1.49 cum lex sit civilis societatis vinculum, ius
autem legis aequale.
7 ac mihi, sqq. A judgement hardly to be reconciled with the list
of Quintus’ good works in §25.
10 scientiae. . .ratio ‘The knowledge involved (of law and legal
procedure), especially in relation to the provinces’; not ‘the theory of
administration’ or ‘provincial philosophy’.
21, 2 in satis faciendo ac disputando ‘In answering complaints
and in argument.’ Hotomanus adduced Quinct. 30 recusabant qui aderant
tum Quinctio, demonstrabant de re iudicium Jieri oportere. . .clamabatporro ipse


3 C. Octavius Father of Augustus, at this time governor of Mace¬

donia (A. i, 352). Magie regards these remarks about his conduct as
Praetor in Rome instead of as Proconsul as betraying the forger. But
Cicero could write of the former from personal knowledge, of the latter
only from hearsay. Suetonius (Aug. 3.3) was doubtless thinking of this
passage as well as 2 (ii.2).7: ut epistulae AI. Ciceronis exstent quibus Quintum
fratrem eodem tempore parum secunda fama proconsulatum Asiae administrantem
hortatur et monet, imitetur in promerendis sociis vicinum suum Octavium. Constans
(as Cirard before him) reads the paradosis Cn. and defends it (1, 288b)
as referring to Cn. Octavius, Praetor in 79 if not earlier (Broughton, 85,
n. 1). But Cicero would not use nuper of something which happened
twenty years previously, except in relation to some earlier event or period
(apud maiores nostros or the like). Besides 79 would be too soon for action
against Sullani homines. Cf. F. Schulz, Ffitschr. Savigny 43 (1922), 2i6ff.
4 proximus lictor The hindmost lictor in the file, who walked
immediately in front of the magistrate (Kiibler, RE xm.512.26). On
primus in the MSS seed. iv, 353 and Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 83 (1979), 285.
6 illam severitatem ‘His well-known rigour’; cf. §25 ilia...
latrocinia, ibid, illo populari accessu; F. 1, 414.
7 Sullani homines The particulars are unknown.
10-11 nisi.. .mitigaretur ‘Were it not qualified by a generous
seasoning of kindliness’; see F. 11, 570 (severitas. . .humanitate).
22, 1-4 grata. . .iucunda The distinction in meaning which some¬
times appears between these two words (cf. F. n, 418 (cuius. . .gratiora))
does not apply here, where they are practically synonymous; not, as
C. Moussy, Rev. des et. lat. 42 (1964), 391, ‘pour marquer une gradation,
gratus designant ce dont on sait gre, ce qui cause de l’agrdment, iucundus
ce qui procure de la joie’.
1-2 adrogantia. . .libertas.. .licentia ‘Haec omnia sunt litigan¬
tium et ius suum apud tribunal praetoris persequentium’ (Schiitz).
3 (populi) Watt reads plebis, from the margin of a book of Housman’s.
The mechanical advantage is evident, but the authority of the Senate
corresponds to the might of the People; cf. Leg. 111.28 cum potestas in
populo, auctoritas in senatu sit; Deiot. 12 quanti honores populi Romani, quanti
senatus; Prov. cons. 29 utrum apud populum. . .an apud senatum; Pis. 7 ut
semper. . .in senatu populum defenderim; also Rep. 11.39 confecta est vis populi
universa; Verr. 1.1.158 cui ego nisi vi populi. . .restitissem.
7 auxilium... conquestio auxilium refers to tribunician intercessio,
conquestio to appeals from one Praetor to another (so Hotomanus; cf.
above tot magistratus, tot auxilia); or perhaps more generally, ‘ubi nemo
queri audet de decretis a praetore latis’ (Schiitz).
8 permagni Cf. Xen. Cyr. 1.6.8 crvveSoKgi ouv Kcd epot UTreppeyeOss

153 I (i.l) 23 COMMENTARY

elvai epyov to kocAcos apyeiv. It would be a grave mistake to change this

word for any of the conjectures in Watt’s apparatus.
23, 1 (ut est) ‘scriptus (est) Ursinus, sed praestat dvocKoAouGiav
agnoscere’, Watt. ‘An anacoluthon in this elaborate composition is at
best a pis alter, and this one seems to me insupportable. Cyrus ille at the
start of the sentence stimulates expectation. What is Cyrus going to do or
say ? He does and says nothing, and the reader feels, as Cicero never lets
him feel, cheated. For Cyrus is nothing more than an illustration of
permagni hominis, and should so be introduced’ (SB2 1).
3-5 quos.. .solebat Cf. F. 1, 453 (rTaiSeiav Kupou).
24, 6 pecudibus Cf. Plat. Rep. 343Bff.
25, 5-6 Samum et Halicarnassum The former had been sacked
by pirates, probably in the seventies {Leg. Man. 33), the latter had never
recovered from its partial destruction by Alexander the Great.
8-9 Mysiae latrocinia Cf. the proverb Muctcov Asia in Demosth.
Cor. 72.
11 fanorum Cf. Verr. 11.2.18 cum in legatione oppidorum fanorumque
spoliationes cogitaret (Watt).
13 locupletum For the form cf. Ad Brut. 24 (26).5 and Neue—
Wagener, 11.131 (Watt).
14 calumniam ‘False accusation.’ Explained by Manutius with
reference to governors who, like Verres, got up prosecutions of wealthy
people as a source of plunder.
16 aditus See A. hi, 259 (provinciales).
17 inopiam ac solitudinem ‘Lack of resources and friends’, a
standard combination; see Kinsey on Quinct. 5 solitudini atque inopiae.
17-18 popidari accessu ac tribunali ‘I.q. populari accessu ad
tribunal tuum’ (Schiitz).
19 toto. . .imperio See K.-S. 1, 351. But in imperio is normal; cf. §32
in toto imperio tuo\ Verr. 11.3.212 in tuo imperio, et al.
26, 2 vectigali aedilicio This seems to be the only source of
information on the subject. Evidently it was a ‘voluntary’ contribution
by provincial communities to the expenses of Roman shows.
cum magnis nostris simultatibus ‘Thereby making ourselves
powerful enemies’ rather than ‘at the cost of incurring great private
animosity’; cf. Tac. Hist. 11.53 V. . .magnis inimicitiis claresceret, et sim.
3 unus homo nobilis Was this L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who
gave a notable show as Aedile in 61 (Plin. N.H. vni.131)? If so, the
hostility did not last long (cf. 2 (1.2). 16), though his relations with Cicero,
originally good, deteriorated into mutual dislike over the years.
7-8 hominum nostrorum ‘Our fellow-countrymen’, not ‘ “our
friends”, said with irony and contempt.’


8-9 nescio quonam modo Sc. accipiatur, quo (susp. Ernesti) would
give the meaning ‘somehow or other’.
10 templum See A. hi, 235 (fana).
17 dignitas ‘Desert.’
18 lex Cornelia de provinciis rather than Quintus’ edict, as Constans
20 quibus. . .liceret ‘Who had lost what nobody owed them and
what they had no right to take’ (not ‘who had earned no such honour’).
This of course refers to the vectigal.
28, 3 inertiae aut levitatis ‘Indolence or frivolity.’ A Roman’s
devotion to Greek culture might invite such aspersions, but Cicero’s
career gave them the lie. ‘The bad side of the Greek character’ is not
4 studiis et artibus ‘Pursuits and accomplishments’, not ‘prin¬
ciples and qualities’ (!).
9 expromere ‘Exhibit’, not ‘exercise’.
29, 1 Flato Rep. 473D.
4 collocarent Ernesti was right: ‘Pro vulg. collocassent edidi
collocarent, necessario, nam si vulgatum verum esset, nihil hoc differret a
priori docti ac sapientes homines-, sed Cicero exprimit illud quod alibi sic
dictum est: si aut philosophi imperarent, aut imperantes philosopharentur.’
Conceivably the fault lies with the author.
6 aliquando In 63; cf. Leg. in. 14 fin.
10 (positum) Cf. Off. 1.78 in quibus. . .plus. . .operae studique ponendum
est, 11.2 in ea [sc. philosophia\ tantum me operae et temporis ponere, et sim.
30, 2-3 idem. . .videatur ‘May also appear in the light of an
extension granted for the salvation of Asia.’
8 honoribus Temples, statues, complimentary decrees; see below
and cf. Fam. 373 (xii.25).2 te. . . provinciae que honoribus amplissimis adfectum
vehementer gaudeo.
tuendis ‘Living up to.’ So below and in §43 and often {A. hi, 280).
31, 3 temporis causa ‘For opportunistic reasons.’
8 virtutes Inscriptions in temples would celebrate these.
10 hominum opinionibus Cf. Cluent. 79 iam praetorem opinionibus
hominum [omnium Clark!] constitutum; Verr. 11.1.60 quae est opinio hominum
de Antonio falsa, et sim. omnium (Ursinus) is uncalled-for.
32, 9-10 <diligentem>...facilem diligentem having dropped out
after rationem, facilem was transposed to rescue the syntax. The new
reading restores rhetorical structure, yielding three balanced pairs, and
is demanded by sense; cf. §21 facilitas in audiendo, lenitas in decernendo, in
satis faciendo ac disputando diligentia-, Brut. 246 in causis cognoscendis compo-
nendisque diligens.

*55 I (i.l) 33 COMMENTARY

33) 3 portoriis Q. Metellus Nepos had abolished customs duties as

Praetor in 6o; see A. I, 382 {sublatis).
7 publicis male redemptis ‘When they have made a bad bargain
with the Censors’, as happened in 61; cf. Att. 17 (i.iy).g.
10 ac Connective-adversative (= KCUTOi); cf. A. 1, 398.
11 vectigales ‘This passage, no doubt, is ambiguous. We may
understand the vectigalia which Greek cities paid suis institutis before the
Roman domination to mean the royal taxes, not the city taxes. I think,
however, that Cicero is speaking of Greek taxes and tax-collection in
general without discriminating between royal and city taxes’ (Rostovtzeff,
Hellenistic world, 1568).
14 non potuerint This was ‘probably true: it was an old tradition
in Greek cities and Hellenistic kingdoms’ (Badian, Publicans and sinners
(1972), 80).
15 discripserat After reconquering Asia from Mithridates Sulla
imposed a fine of 20,000 talents on the provincials, who had to borrow
from the publicani and ended up paying a very much larger sum; see
Magie, 1115fF., 1127. Sulla also made arrangements for distributing
taxation; cf. Flacc. 32 discripsit autem pecuniam [sc. in classem solvendam] ad
Pompei rationem, quae fuit accommodata L. Sullae discriptioni.
17 Caunii The people of Caunus in Caria, subject to Rhodes at
various periods since 169.
omnibusque ex insulis ‘The inhabitants of all the islands’, oi £K
tcov vf|CTGOV ctTrccCTCOV; cf. A. v, 285 {ex Asia). Kasten’s translation is to
be noted: ‘alle Inselbewohner, die Sulla den Rhodiern zugeteilt hatte’.
For omnibus (omnib’) / omnes cf. Housman on Manil. 11.567.
34, 1 simul et illud As Badian reminds us, the disasters of the
Mithridatic wars were a very recent memory. But Cicero may have
regarded these as illustrating his point. Only strong, secure Roman rule
could guarantee Asia’s tranquillity.
35, 3 pactionibus F. 1, 474.
4 legem. .. censoriam This contained provisions regulating the
collection of tithes and other dues for a forthcoming lustrum. Badian
comments {Publicans and sinners, 81): ‘The most serious point to save
[observe?] in this display of priggish complacency is the fact that it was
by now obviously regarded as unusually foolish for a provincial to insist
on the terms of the lex censoria - which, i.a., guaranteed him the right
not to pay more than the legal ten per cent.’
commoditatem T.-P. suggest as a possible instance of such
adjustments that the provincials might substitute an immediate payment
for the tithe due on each harvest.


9 [sed] et Just possibly sed et = sed etiam ( = quin etiam); so Sjogren,

Comm. Tull. 123b But I prefer to follow Watt.
10 tibi omnia debent ‘Ought to refuse you nothing’, not ‘owe
you everything’ (a common misunderstanding of a common phrase).
11 necessitudinem Cf. §32 init.
36, 6 commodis utilitate(que) Cf. §§24 commodis utilitatique, 27
consulere eorum commodis et utilitati salutique servire', K.—S. 11, 30b
37) ^ qua re To be taken with the whole sentence down to non puto:
since anger is so unbecoming in a governor, Cicero, while not going into
ethical theory, thinks his brother should be told what is being said about
him. Perhaps, however, read qua (in) re', cf. 3 (1.3).2.
38, 2 dicere solent Many editors, including Watt, seclude. But the
redundance is not clearly unciceronian, however repugnant to modern
taste: see Sjogren, Eranos 11 (1911), 212b
5-7 nos...nobis Here and elsewhere Cicero regards Quintus as
sharing in his own ‘glory’ and himself as sharing in Quintus’ guber¬
natorial record.
11 si quid est, sqq. Cf. Ambros. De off. 1.90 deinde quoniam ita
plerumque motus infixus est naturae et moribus ut evelli atque evitari ncn queat, si
praevideri potuerit, ratione reprimatur, aut si prius occupatus fuerit animus ab
indignatione quam consilio prospici ac provideri potuerit ne occuparetur, meditare
quo modo motum animi tui vincas, iracundiam temperes.
12 plane So Watt, as recommended in SB1 34: ‘plane stands in
Ernesti’s and Schiitz’s texts without comment, plene elsewhere. The former
is almost certainly right, for plene seems to be used by Cicero only of
completeness in exposition (De div. 11.3; Nat. deor. n.74). In Off. 1.46 cum
perfectis hominibus planeque sapientibus the old reading pleneque has little MS
15 resistendum Not to prevent the onset of anger but to check its
outward expression; cf. Auson. Domest. 4.35 irasci promptus properavi
condere motum | atque mihi poenas pro levitate dedi.
17-18 interdum non The reverse order in the MSS is defended by
Sjogren (Eranos 11 (1911), 214b), who produces nothing quite com¬
parably awkward. Watt points to 25 (nx.5) .4 non multa / multa non.
22 etsi. . .sapientiae After paying lip-service to the Stoic doctrine
that anger should be eliminated altogether, Cicero advocates self-control
as a practical and commendable alternative, as exemplified in the story
of the philosopher who would have flogged his slave if he had not been
angry (Tuse. iv.78, et ah). Cicero does not subscribe to the Aristotelian
view that anger is useful.
39, 7 ut in malis ‘Given a choice of evils.’
41, 5 res res gestae, ‘achievements’. For the sentiment cf. Ad Brut.

J57 I (l.l)42 COMMENTARY

26 (24). 10 fateor enim duriorem esse condicionem spectatae virtutis quam inco¬
gnitae: bene facta pro debitis exigimus; quae aliter eveniunt, ut decepti ab iis,
infesto animo reprehendimus.
42, 1 theatrum Cf. F. 1, 477 and Tuse. 11.64 nullum theatrum virtuti
conscientia maius est.
4 significationes ‘Demonstrations’ (£Triar)|Jiaaiai); cf. 19 (11.15).
2 and Sest. 122 quae tum significatio fuerit omnium. . .equidem audiebam.
6 his rebus. . .illa omnia his rebus has generally been interpreted
as Quintus’ position or performance in Asia. But his refers to Rome, i.e.
to Cicero’s achievements (res gestae) as Consul, ilia omnia = ‘all that has
ever been achieved in Asia’ (Cary). An elaboration of the point follows.
43, 3 nemini...ceteros I.e. nullius parti. . .ceterorum partes (com¬
paratio compendiaria).
4 reliqua et sperata ‘Hoped for in the future.’
5-6 quae. . .tuenda est ‘And we are more bound to live up to it
than we were to seek it’; cf. Sail. lug. 31.17 quo maius dedecus est parta
amittere quam omnino non paravisse.
10 istinc ‘From out there.’ Quintus’ achievements answer Cicero’s
from afar.
13 adiuvisti Not a reference to the Commentariolum petitionis, as T.-P.
unwarrantably think probable; cf. above quorum tu omnium particeps fuisti.
15 utendum ‘Take account of.’
44, 4 monumentis Quintus’ literary work, especially perhaps the
Annales mentioned in Att. 36 (ii.i6).4. This was probably a poem more
Enniano; cf. Miinzer, RE viia. 1305.47.
7 (non) modo or solum are not needed; cf. K.-S. 11, 66. The omission
of non is defended with other passages in the letters, such as Att. 60
(hi. 15).5 hic mihi primum meum consilium defuit, sed etiam obfuit (cf. K.-S.
l.c.; T.-P. 1, p. 392). In these, however, sed {etiam) may be regarded as
introducing an afterthought. Not so here, with ea. . . liberis nostris
preceding. On the whole it seems safer to make the addition; cf. Att. 92
(iv.i8).2 non modo (2xZb A: om. M) sucum ac sanguinem, sed etiam colorem
et speciem pristinam civitatis, which also differs essentially from passages like
Att. 60 (in. 15).5 and where also editors would doubtless still be following
M but for the improved evaluation of the MSS due to Lehmann.
45, 2 currentem incitasse A. in, 204.
7 domus Juv. 1.7 is quoted: nota magis nulli domus est sua quam mihi
lucus I Martis. But here the meaning may rather be ‘household’, since it
is the people, not the place, that count.
12-13 tua longissima quaque epistula Cf. Att. 420 (xvi.ii).2
cui. . .epistula (tua) longissima quaeque optima videtur', Fam. 192 (vn.33).2 sic
statuas, tuas mihi litteras longissimas quasque gratissimas fore. According to

T.-P. the sentence contains an unmistakable intimation that this letter
is designed as a sort of repayment for the Commentariolum!
46, 4 ftamquam tertiusf In view of what precedes, tertius actus
could only apply to the last act of a play; cf. Sen. 5 extremum actum [sc.
aetatis] tamquam ab inerti poeta esse neglectum, 64 ii mihi videntur fabulam
aetatis peregisse nec tamquam inexercitati histriones in extremo actu corruisse.
Apuleius (Flor. 16, Helm p. 24.21) says that the third act of a comedy
was as a rule especially effective: cumque iam in tertio actu, quod genus in
comoedia fieri amat, lucundiores adjectus moveret. But the Horatian rule (A.P.
189) that a play must have five acts seems to have been valid for New
Comedy; see Brink ad loc. Thus it appears necessary to take tamquam
tertius (actus) as an import from the margin (Constans) or to read tamquam
ultimus (actus}, ultimus could have been thus replaced after tertius
6-8 tecum. . .interesse Cf. Att. 116 (vi.2).8 tu, cuius mehercule os
mihi ante oculos solet versari cum de aliquo officio ac laude cogito.

2 (1.2)

1, 1 Statius A. 1, 388. He will have become Q. Tullius Statius after

his manumission earlier in the year, which so upset Cicero.
3 sui Like some other admirable conjectures of Schiitz, this for tui
has met with little favour (Sjogren and Watt do not even mention it;
but see How). Cicero did not insult his brother by telling him that
Statius’ arrival had dispelled all public interest in Quintus’ own.
Lehmann’s explanation, ‘curiosity how you would behave (to Statius
when leaving the province)’, is plainly unacceptable.
7 dXX’ odef . . . peyav Kai kocAov e8ey|Jir)V | evOctS’ eAeuctEcrOai,
psyaAriv ettieipevov aAi<f|V. So Polyphemus in the Odyssey (ix.513) on
sight of Odysseus. Statius in the flesh was a disappointment.
2, 2-3 numquam.. .suspectus A transparently insincere dis¬
claimer. Cicero goes on to show that in his opinion Statius had ‘grown
too big for his boots’.
3, 3 postularet The sentence breaks off here, the main statement
which would have completed it being introduced afresh with atque hoc
sic habeto.
5 <£4>eAu>i; ‘Naively’, ‘guilelessly’. Cicero is rather fond of this word,
which occurs twice in letters to Atticus, as also dupEAECTTorros.
11 velint On the variation of tense see Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 126.
4, 1-2 L. Caesius See on 1 (i.i).i4.
3 Blaundeno Of Blaundus in Western Phrygia, modern Siilunlu;
see Magie, 1001.

159 2 (l.2) 5 COMMENTARY

5-6 me.. .ambitiosum ‘So anxious to curry favour with Greeks’;

cf. Fam. 283 (xiii.i7).3 qui religiose et sine ambitione commendant, et sim.
(F. 11, 392).
7-8 propter. . .parata As usually understood, ‘since that nation
has a natural aptitude for deceit’. But hominum might rather be taken as
‘people’ in general, and I wonder whether Cicero did not mean ‘because
men’s minds are so gullible’. For the independent use of the gerund see
F. 1, 454 (ad imperandum), also Ad Brut. 23.1 ut eloquentia. . .vix in eo locum
ad laudandum habere videatur.
9-10 Dionysopolitas Their town also was in Western Phrygia.
12 Apamensem Of Phrygian Apamea.
13 Antandrium Of Antandros, on the coast opposite Lesbos.
15 Nymphonem An afterthought; not ‘that most despicable of
men also, Nympho’ (Cary).
17-18 non. . . servientium ‘Always fixed on immediate advantage,
never on the proper thing to do.’
5, 1 M. Cascelli Unknown. He had retailed Quintus’ threats
against Zeuxis, which were later conveyed to Cicero by Quintus himself.
5 superiore ‘Interior’; cf. dcva^acris.
8 fortassean Cf. Thes. vi. 1143.29.
11 —12 nobiliorem.. .suam Cf. Liv. XL.50.1 Ergavica inde, nobilis et
potens civitas. Blaundus, however, was not one of Asia’s more celebrated
cities and prope indicates that the description is not to be taken quite at
face value. Perhaps it implies that Zeuxis, even though a prominent
person in his own town, was hardly worth so much trouble.
6, 1 at enim.. .indulgeo ‘It is not as though I am nice only to
Greeks.’ The fact that Cicero tried to mollify hostile Roman citizens as
well as ‘Greeks’ showed that he was not influenced by any partiality for
the latter.
L. Caecilium Unknown, like the other persons mentioned in this
paragraph, apart from the reference to Tuscenius in 1 (1.1). 19.
3-4 cuius.. .potest Quintus’ action had been taken and Cicero
had approved it.
4 supra caput Sc. cadit (‘down comes’; cf. Lucr. 111.385 nec supera
caput eiusdem cecidisse vietam \ vestem) or instat (Prop. 11.30.7 instat semper
amor supra caput, instat amanti, \ et gravis ipse super libera colla sedet). Usually
understood to mean‘impends over us as a danger’ (‘we have our sword of
Damocles in the shape of’, etc. Cary). But cf. Sail. Cat. 52.24 dux hostium
cum exercitu supra caput est (‘is on top of us’: ibid. 35 Catilina cum exercitu
faucibus urguet); Liv. m.17.2 cum hostes supra caput sint, discedi ab armis. . .
7 certo scio As usual, of something not certainly known: see on
1 (i.i).io.
COMMENTARY 2 (l.2) 7

enim For the position cf. Thes. v.2.576.48 (Watt).

8 ipsum Catienus junior, ilium is his father.
10 fumo Watt reads vivus, a marginal note of Housman’s (so vivos
comburat below); cf. Plaut. Cure. 54 fumo comburi nil potest, flamma potest.
But why should a copyist make the error? It is safer to allow that
Quintus in his splenetic mood expressed himself improperly, thinking of
punishments like one said to have been inflicted by Alexander Severus:
Hist. Aug. xviii.36.2 ad stipitem illum adligari praecepit et fumo apposito, quem
ex stipulis atque umidis lignis fieri iusserat, necavit. Cf. Verr. 11.1.45 fumo
excruciatum semivivum reliquit.
11 C. Fabium Presumably a praefectus-, cf. Scaptius’ proceedings in
13 plagiarium From plagium = ‘hunting-net’ and hence ‘kid¬
tributa Taxes levied by provincial communities on their own
citizens (A. hi, 218).
15 iudicio comburantur A. 111, 230 (incendio Plaetoriano).
16 per iocum So Cicero politely assumes.
17 atrocitatem verborum Fam. 352 (xvi.27) stands to show that
this tendency in Quintus did not disappear with advancing years.
7, 3-4 litterarum missarum indiligentiam ‘Lack of circum¬
spection in your official letters.’ These will have been ‘requisitionary’
letters of the kind mentioned in §8 (in litteris mittendis).
6 dulcedo II. xviii. 109 is quoted: (yoAos) os xe ttoAu yAuxicov
pgAixos KaTaAei(3op6voio.
7 valuissent Cf. K.-S. 1, 4if. valuisset (Ernesti) is quite needless.
9 Vergilius Governor of Sicily (A. v, 335). He is generally called
‘PropraetoC in modern references, but will really have been Proconsul
(F. 1, 274 (PRO COS)). Octavius likewise.
vicinus In Macedonia; cf. 1 (1.1).21.
9-10 interioribus I.e., further east. The governor of Syria was Cn.
Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, of whom as Consul in 56 Cicero
strongly approved (9 (ii-5).2). The governor of Cilicia is unknown, but
L. Piso Caesoninus (cos. 58) may be suggested as a possibility.
13- 14 Cyrum... Agesilaum Cf. 1 (1.O.23.
14 summo imperio ‘Absolute as was their power.’ The ablative
can be taken as qualifying regum (K.-S. 1, 4548!.) or absolutely (ibid.
14— 15 nemo. . .audivit This of course applies in Cyrus’ case at any
rate to Xenophon’s figure, not to the real king; cf. 1 (i.i)-23 non ad
historiae fidem scriptus.
8, i quantum ‘How much’ or ‘how little’ ? The latter would be

l6l 2 (ii.2) 9 COMMENTARY

rather too harsh a comment (cf. i (i.i)-4-o), but perhaps Cicero deliber¬
ately left it to Quintus to take the word whichever way he liked.
2 tamen If quantum is understood positively, this implies: ‘even
though you have already paid heed to my admonitions, yet I ask you to
do so now.’
4 successorem Not C. Fabius (the cognomen ‘Hadrianus’ is not
attested for him; see Miinzer, RE vi. 1744.61) but, apparently, T.
Ampius Balbus; cf. F. 1, 372. The characterization of him is not quite
what might have been expected from other notices.
4-5 cetera...requirentur ‘For the rest, your qualities will be
greatly to seek after his arrival.’ cetera — ceterum-, or perhaps the latter
should be read (cf. Thes. 111.973.38). Not ‘all your other characteristics’
(Cary; Quintus was not perblandus), unless Cicero wrote loosely meaning
‘your other characteristics, apart from your roughness of speech’.
6 exorabilem Quintus was too ready to accommodate people by
sending out official letters at their request. The case of Fundanius in §10
was in point.
tolle ‘Remove’, i.e. ‘have destroyed’.
8 scriptas Already drafted by the interested parties.
11 selectarum Presumably by Quintus’ ill-wishers. Catienus (§6)
seems to have possessed such a selection.
9, 1-2 hoc de genere I.e. de litteris mittendis.
4 Theopompo Perhaps an unknown freedman rather than
Caesar’s friend Theopompus of Cnidus (A. v, 361); but cf. 15. (11.1 Q4.
mandavi shows that he had been in Rome (not ‘j’ai ecrit’).
11 Sulla Attested as a slave-name in an inscription dated to this
year (Degrassi, Inscr. Lat. liberae rei publicae, 200). The name is Greek;
cf. RE s.v. SuAAas and Josephus, Vit. 398. My proposal Simia is accord¬
ingly withdrawn in Studies, 68.
10, 1 tempore ipso Sc. scribebam.
2 tenerem Sc. in manibus-, cf. Att. 22 (n.2).2 rfsAArivouGOV in manibus
tenebam, texerem, referring to the process of composition, hardly suits an
informal letter like this.
L. Flavius An adherent of Pompey (A. 1, 333).
5 L. Octavi Nasonis Evidently a resident of Apollonis in Lycia.
6 C. Fundanio Probably a client of Cicero’s in 66 or 65 (fragments
of the speech survive); cf. Comm. Petit. 19. Miinzer (RE sub nom.)
favours identification with Varro’s father-in law (R.R. 1.2.1) and with a
Tribune of 72, C. Fundanius C.f.
12 iudicare Rarely of a magistrate’s decision, though cf. Dom. 45
ut ter ante magistratus accuset intermissa die quam multam irroget aut iudicet. In
this context an informal arbitrary judgement seems to be implied. Cf.,


however, Farm. 292 (xiii.26).2, where a governor seems to be asked to do

this very thing, though presumably by consent of both parties to the
13 v*s iuris Cf. Balb. 21 haec vis est istius et iuris et verbi', Att. 69.
(hi.24). 1 cum. . .omnem vim sui iuris amiserint, vis seems definitely more
appropriate than via, which would mean ‘judicial procedure’ rather than
‘the path of justice’; cf. Dig. xlii.8.22 nisi. . .ea via iuris occurratur qua
creditorum fraudes rescindi solent', Leg. 1.18 litigandi. . .vias.
15— 17 atque.. .incommodaturum ‘Flavius further told me that
the letter which he alleged came from you contained a promise either to
thank them as friends or to make things uncomfortable for them as
enemies.’ Whether this letter was to Flavius’ agents or to the citizens of
Apollonis is not clear.
11, 5 de deminuendo ‘About touching the estate.’ This use of the
verb is technical, found in the Digest (Thes. v.i, 485.72).
7-8 nolo. . .videri T have no wish to appear as obliging Flavius in
consequence of your unfairness.’ Cicero assures his brother that he is not
out to make capital from the incident so as to curry favour with a friend
of Pompey and Caesar. The passage used to be misinterpreted (SB1 34C).
8 sed et te oro Quintus too (cf. K.-S. 11, 9) should conciliate
9-10 auctoritatem. . .tuarum Lit. ‘some ruling and record con¬
sisting in a decree or letter from yourself’. The auctoritas (similarly of
senatorial resolutions; cf. F. 1, 299 {intercessit), 440) would be in the form
of such a record.
12, 1 Hermia Cf. F. 1, 346. He probably carried the ‘unbrotherly’
letter which Cicero had tried to revoke.
3 Luculli No doubt L. Lucullus. Incidentally, the agnomen
‘Ponticus’ with which he is sometimes credited has no ancient authority;
see R. F. Thomas, Am. Journ. Anc. Hist. 2 (1977, i.e. 1979), 172.
3 pactione Nothing is known of this.
4 statim quod = simul atque, colloquial at this period, like tantum
quod (K.-S. 11, 272).
13, 1 Censorino, sqq. The persons named are identifiable as (a) L.
Marcius Censorinus, cos. 29 (A. vi, 222), or else a friend of P. Crassus M.
f. mentioned by Plutarch {Crass. 25); {b) one of the three brothers
Antonii, the eldest of whom, Mark Antony, from whom Quintus
borrowed money (3 (1.3).7), was now about twenty-three; (c) C. Cassius
Longinus, about the same age, and his brother Lucius, or possibly their
cousin Quintus; {d) Q. Mucius Scaevola, tr. pi. 54 {A. 11, 216f.), therefore
in his later twenties. That these five young noblemen belonged to
Quintus’ cohors amicorum, as assumed by Munzer, is hard to believe.

163 2 (l.2) 14 COMMENTARY

Cicero’s language in 1 (1. i).i2 is far from suggesting so brilliant an

entourage. It seems more likely that Quintus had received friendly
letters from them individually. In the event of a prosecution, which was
subsequently feared and may be hinted at in what follows, their support
would be worth having.
2 cetera, sqq. On the saying opOocv T&v vauv ( = dum clavum rectum
teneam, equivalent to ‘I shall do my duty, come what may’) see Otto,
Sprichworter, 85b aira£ davsTv may be from Aesch. P.V. 750 Kpelaaov
yap eiaonra^ Oavslv | f) tccs atracras ripepas TrdaxElv kcckcos. Quintus
replied in effect to his brother’s criticisms that he proposed to do as he
thought right and damn the consequences.
4 maiora ista erunt ‘Such expressions will be [i.e. ‘are likely to
prove’] excessive’; cf. A. hi, 202 {maiora). If right, the future expresses
probability (K.-S. 1, 142; A. iv, 307 {dices)). Such dire consequences as
Quintus’ portentous language suggested were not seriously to be feared.
See, however, app. crit.
9 (cum ad)monitione Cf. De orat. 11. 339 turn obiurgatio. . .turn
admonitio, quasi lenior obiurgatio4, Top. 64 obiurgatione. . .et admonitione. In
Amic. 89 primum ut monitio acerbitate, deinde ut obiurgatio contumelia careat
account has to be taken of et monendi amici saepe sunt et obiurgandi preceding.
14, 1 Hypaepenus Of Hypaepe in Lydia.
2 Q. Publici Praetor in 68 or 67 (see Broughton and Miinzer in
RE), then governor of Asia. He may have been a noble Publicius
Malleolus (Broughton, 478). Quintus seems to have disapproved of civic
money being spent on his statue. Cicero’s later difficulties with Ap.
Pulcher over a building project in the town of Appia may be a parallel
case {Fam. 71 (m.7).2f.).
5 Aesopi F. 1, 325.
6 Patronem Head of the Epicurean school at Athens {A. 111, 209).
12 pistrinum Presumably a publicly owned mill where characters
like Licinus could be put to some use.
13 quoquo modo est Probably = quoquo modo res se habet (cf. Verr.
16 nihili Cf. A. 1, 349.
dolore Cicero felt the same about a runaway librarian in 46 {Fam.
212 (xiii.77).3): hunc tu si mihi restituendum curaris, non possum dicere quam
mihi gratum futurum sit. res ipsa parva sed animi mei dolor magnus est.
15, 2 <C.) Cato A. 11, 201.
adulescens So Fenestella (fr. 21 Peter) turbulentus adulescens. As he
was Tribune in 56 and apparently Praetor in 55 (see on 24 (iu.4).i),
C. Cato will have been at least thirty-six in 59. Cicero’s age (forty-seven)
and status make the term as natural as puer for the thirty or so years old

COMMENTARY 2 (l.2) l6

Coelius Caldus {F. 1, 427); cf. Linderski, Stud. Ed. Volterra (1969), 11,
288f. n. 42.
4 Gabinium A. 1. 361. He had been elected Consul with Pompey’s
backing. The elections in 59 had been postponed by Bibulus till October
{Att. 41 (n.2i).5). In Sest. 18 Cicero alleges that Gabinius made a boast
of having been rescued from the bribery charge by gangs {operis).
5 praetores The prosecution should have begun with a postulatio
before the Praetor in charge of the quaestio de ambitu (cf. Earn. 88 (vm.6). 1).
Who this was in 59 is uncertain. Gruen, Last generation, 291 n. 122,
suggests T. Ampius Balbus or Q_. Fufius Calenus. The plural implies that
if the appropriate Praetor was not available a colleague might act in his
stead; but in this instance none of them was willing to do so. Perhaps
they objected that there would not be enough time to conclude the case
before 1 January.
6- 7 privatum dictatorem I.e. Dictator in all but name, ‘an
unofficial Dictator’.
7- 8 propius. . .occideretur Cf. A. iv, 403.
16, 1 nostrae.. .causae In the prospective conflict with Clodius.
6 dixerit Sc. Clodius.
9 vi resistamus Cf. Sest. 39 vim vi depulsam, et sim.
13 regum The ‘Triumvirs’; cf. A. 1, 368.
14-15 quibus... deminuam Tfl take their word, I do not on that
account relax my preparations in the slightest.’ Cf. Liv. xxvin.44.7
quorum ego Jidei ita innitar ut bene tutus a perfidia sim.
16 amici With the exception, as went without saying, of Clodius
himself; cf. on 24 (in.4).6. But at least one of the Tribunes-Designate,
Aelius Ligus, supported Clodius in office. The other eight promulgated
a law for Cicero’s recall (A. 11, 159 {octo)). Note that L. Antistius (Vetus)
has to be transferred to 56 {Studies, 1 iff.).
consules Piso and Gabinius.
praetores They were a disappointment from Cicero’s point of view,
though less conspicuously so than the Consuls; cf. 4 (1.4).4 alienatio
consulum, etiam praetorum.
17-18 Domitium... Lentulum L. Domitius Ahenobarbus {A. 1,
295), P. Nigidius Figulus {A. 1, 354),C. Memmius {A. 1, 331), L. Cornelius
Lentulus Crus {A. ni, 274). A friendly intimation by the first named is
mentioned in Att. 60 (in. 15).6.
18 alios See Broughton’s list. One of them was the L. Flavius of the
foregoing letter.
19 qua re... bonam Accidental senarius.
20 gerentur It is easier to change a letter than to put a comma
after rebus and take quae (sc. res) as interrogative. Editors do neither.

165 3 (1.3) I COMMENTARY

3 (i-3)
Exiled from Italy, Cicero reached Thessalonica on 23 May 58 and
remained there close on ten months. This letter was written on the same
day as Att. 54 (hi.9), 13 June.
1, 1 mi frater On the triplication see Leumann-Hofmann-
Szantyr, p. 811.
5 tua.. .invidia ‘Your unpopularity’, rather than‘jealousy of you’
with reference to Hortensius and the like, despite Ait. 54 (111.9).2 nos non
inimici sed invidi perdiderunt.
10-11 me.. .nolui Cf. the contemporaneous letter to Atticus, §1.
14-15 spirantis mortui The ‘living corpse’ motif goes back at
least as far as Sophocles {Ant. 1167; Philoct. 1018).
16-18 utinam... reliquissem I.e. ‘would that I had died with
my standing unimpaired, leaving you behind’.
16 prius ‘Before this happened’: not ‘before your departure for
aut audisses aut is corrective (cf. F. 11, 360). If Cicero had chosen
death in February/March, Quintus would not have seen his corpse.
2, 8 alienissimis ‘Total strangers’; cf. on Fam. 98 (viii.I2).2 homini
10 iracundiae causam Lit. ‘a reason consisting in anger’; cf.
Phil. 1.28 nec erit iustior in senatum non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis, where,
however, causa = ‘excuse’. Cicero may have written iracundiam causae,
but not iracundiam in causa (F. 1, 294).
3, 5 suavitate, sqq. ‘Sic esse legendum veritas et ratio probat’
(Lambinus; contra Gruter, ‘qua emendatione nihil frigidius’). Watt and
others read from Lambinus’ margin suavitate [prope] fratrem prope aequalem.
But suavitas is not a matter of age; a younger brother should be suavis
whether the difference is one year or ten. Moreover prope aequalem
disturbs the rhetorical balance, suavitate [prope fratrem prope\ aequalem
(Tyrrell) would imply that suavitas is less naturally associated with a
brother than with a friend. Note that aequalis is far more common as
noun than as adjective, and cf. Plane. 29 amat vero ut sodalem, ut fratrem, ut
aequalem. Of course it can be objected to Lambinus’ reading that aetate
prope aequalem is not in strict correspondence with the other three terms
in the series, and it cannot be regarded as certain; but cf. F. 1, 375
7-9 quid quod.. .quod Cf. Pis. 89 (Watt).
10-11 ferus ac ferreus Tib. 1.10.2 is quoted: quam ferus et vere
ferreus ille fuit!
13 tuam Granted the possibility that Quintus junior bore a close

COMMENTARY 3 (1.3) 4

physical resemblance to his uncle, Cicero would hardly make a point of

it in writing to the boy’s father, especially after mentioning his own
daughter’s likeness to himself.
4; 5 primum enim Much the same reasons are given to Atticus
(54 (111.9). 1).
(in) praesidio Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 130b thought the preposition
unnecessary in view of examples like Caes. B.C. m.99.4 cohortes quae
praesidio in castellis fuerant. But the possible misunderstanding, T wanted
you to protect me’, is better avoided.
5-7 si qui. . .satiata I.e. in case of a prosecution (cf. §5). Anxiety
on this score is already suggested in letters of the previous year (2 (1.2). 13;
Att. 24 (n.4).2.).
5, 3 quid...habet auctoritatis ‘Counts for anything.’ auctoritatis
= ponderis; not ‘basis’, ‘grounds’, ‘foundation’.
10 prodiderint Cf. Att. 53 (111.8) .4 cuius enim sceleris impulsi et
proditi simus iam profecto vides, meaning Hortensius; cf. §8.
11 pertimescunt The subjunctive would imply that the treachery
was motivated by the fear.
6, 5 tuum tempus ‘Your hour of peril’.
7 fratre fuerim For the order cf. Fam. 375 (xii.6).2 causas quibus
inter nos amore sumus, officiis, vetustate coniuncti.
8 genere ipso pecuniae Cicero’s wealth came mainly from his
patrimony and from the legacies of clients and friends, and not, e.g.,
from confiscated estates bought cheap (cf. Crassus) or the spoils of office.
10-11 is nunc. . .possim Cicero thus avoids a second consecutive
clause (is nunc in tam adflicta fortuna sim ut neque, sqq.).
7, 1 permutatione Cf. F. 1, 363b Quintus may have offered to send
money by a bill of exchange negotiated in Rome.
3- 4 cum. . .debes tu does not have to be added; cf. 21 (111.1). 14
quoniam ingenium eius nosti, studium ego video (Watt), where Wesenberg
likewise adds it, and Fam. 31 (vu.i7).3 quod et (tu add. Fraenkel) labore
caruisti et ego te de rebus illis non audiam.
4- 5 acceptam... dissiparim Cf. Alt. 26 (ii.6).2, 36 (n. 16).4. How
the money was squandered is uncertain, perhaps in efforts to promote a
speedy recall; cf. on Att. 74 (iv.2).7 amicorum benignitas exhausta est in ea
re quae nihil habuit praeter dedecus.
6 quantum tu scripseras ‘The amount stated in your letter’, or
possibly ‘in your note of hand’ (to Antony); cf. Plaut. Asin. 440 scribit
Caepioni Q. Caepio Brutus (M. Brutus), or perhaps another
Servilius Caepio; cf. J. Geiger, Ancient Society 4 (1973), i43ff-
10 Crassum The ‘Triumvir’ was an experienced advocate, but it

167 3 (1.3) 8 COMMENTARY

is surprising that Quintus should be told to seek his services in view of

the distrust expressed in Fam. 7 (xiv.2).2. The juncture with Calidius
shows that a prosecution is in mind, not a financial difficulty; cf. 4 (1.4).2
si te satis innocentia tua. . .vindicat. . .a molestia.
ii Calidium The orator (Att. m, 314). As Praetor-Designate and
Praetor in 58-57 he supported Cicero’s recall (Red. in sen. 22).
8, 4 Q. Arrio Again an unexpected name, though in speeches
Cicero refers to him as a friend (A. 1, 328f.). The theory that our notices
relate to two persons is discredited by B. A. Marshall and R. J. Baker in
Historia 24 (1975), 22off.
7-8 ille versus I see no reason to change the conclusions reached
in bB1 35. The lex Aurelia is the iudiciaria of 70. The one-line epigram
ascribed to Quintus attacked this law and therefore, probably explicitly,
its backers, Pompey and Crassus. Cicero was afraid that Hortensius, an
opponent of the law and therefore likely to be believed on such a point,
might confirm the report of Quintus’ authorship, thus making mischief
with the two dynasts. A study by B. A. Marshall does not notice this
explanation; cf. Rh. Mus. 118 (1975), 136: ‘At least we can assume that,
if Hortensius was annoyed at an epigram (whether Q. Cicero wrote it
or not) which presumably criticized the lex Aurelia, then he was in
favour of that particular law.’
9, 1 Messallam Generally assumed to be Messalla Niger, cos. 61
(A. 1, 304 (collega)). But coming after mention of Hortensius he will
surely be Hortensius’nephew Messalla Rufus, cos. 53 (A. 1,355 (Valerius)),
a friend of Cicero’s.
2 etiam ‘Still’, as to Cicero before his exile, or possibly ‘also’, i.e.
like Hortensius (cf. §8 summa simulatione amoris).
10, 7 sis Probably with velim rather than jussive; see F. 1, 285
(confirmes. . .adiuves).

4 (i-4)
Written shortly after news of the elections in Rome and about the same
time as Att. 59 (m.13) of 5 August.
1, 2-3 imprudentiae miseriaeque ‘My unwisdom and hapless
plight’ rather than a hendiadys, ‘my pitiable shortsightedness’.
5 intimus Atticus, the most intimate of Cicero’s friends, can hardly
be entirely excluded. On Cicero’s dissatisfaction with his behaviour
during the crisis see A. 1, igff. But Cicero would not seriously have
charged him with treachery or selfish cowardice.
8 cautum meum consilium Cicero had confided too much in his
friends’ loyalty, aul is not logically necessary, since both the loyalty and
the wariness were lacking, but may well be right.

COMMENTARY 4 (1.4) 2

2, 2 molestia A prosecution.
4 Sestius One of the Tribunes-Elect (A. 11, 154^).
Piso Cicero’s son-in-law, Quaestor this year (A. 1, 188).
7-8 dominatione obtrectatorum I.e. dominantibus obtrectatoribus,
the attributive genitive standing in place of an adjective (K.-S. 1, 780).
3, 3 Curtius M. Curtius Peducaeanus (F. 1, 479b).
Fadius T. Fadius, Cicero’s Quaestor in 63 (A. n, 161; F. 1, 350,
Atilius Since no Gratidius was Tribune in 57, a copyist is presum¬
ably at fault. The true name, as suggested in Cl. Rev. 12 (1962), 195,
will be Atilius (Sex. Atilius Serranus Gavianus, a connexion of Cato’s;
cf. A. 11, 171; Studies, 35b), palaeographically superior to the vulgate
Fabricius and intrinsically at least as good. To the first point I cited
Flor. 111.6.9, where atilius became gratillus or gratillius in the MSS, and
to the second Red. ad quir. 12 quem ego maximis beneficiis quaestorem consul
ornaram and Sest. 72 ineunt magistratum tribuni pi., qui omnes se de me promul¬
gaturos conjirmarant. Cicero was not to know that the object of his favours
would later join the opposition.
4, 2-3 quid tu igitur? ‘What about yourself then?’, i.e. ‘How did
you look at the situation, apart from what others may have said?’ Not
‘Why did you go then?’, as though haec. . .rediturus gave a reason for
3 quid? ‘Myself?’ Cicero echoes the supposed question. This is to
be distinguished from the ordinary use of quid? to introduce a question.
5 consulum, etiam praetorum Of 58; cf. 2 (1.2). 16.
timor publicanorum Cicero resentfully remembered the ingrati¬
tude, as he saw it, of the publicani at the crisis; cf. Att. 115 (vi.i).i6 fin.,
116 (vi.2).5.
5-6 {servorum) arma Cf. Alii. 73 civem. . .servorum armis extermi¬
navit, 36 cum maerentibus vobis urbe cessi, iudiciumne timui, non servos, non arma,
non vim? ibid, servorum et egentium civium etfacinerosorum armis meos civis. . .
pro me obici nolui; Pis. 23 cum servorum dilectus haberetur in foro, arma in
templum Castoris luce palam comportarentur, ibid, cum civis.. .nullo more
servitio atque armis pelleretur.
7 {tuendam) Cf. Off. 1.17 modum quendam et ordinem adhibentes hone¬
statem et decus conservabimus; Rose. Am. 114 honestatem omnem amitteret; Off.
in. 116 si honestatem ( = honestum) tueri ac relinere sententia est.
10 {et) laborem Cf. A. 1, 398 {et prudentia), et al. (on asyndeton
5, 3 tua interesse Sc. ut retineam.
3-4 ad spem servandam ‘To be preserved in hope of better
things’; cf. 3 (1.3).6 diutius quam aut tuum tempus aut firma spes postulabit.

169 5 (il.l) I COMMENTARY

The omission of ad, which Watt suggests had something to do with quo
for quaod above, somewhat simplifies the syntax, but perhaps the paradosis
is tenable. For ad spem (sc. revertendi) cf. Phil xi.4 qui. . .vexaret urbis non ad
spem constituendae rei familiaris. . .sed ad praesentem pastum mendicitatis suae.
5 Lentulum P. Lentulus Spinther (A. 11, 158).
6 quamquam. . .difficiliora I.e. encouraging words (from Lentu¬
lus) will not necessarily be followed up with positive action, sed non
(= seth) in GNM is doubtless a mere misreading of sunt.
6-7 tu...videbis ‘You will see both what the situation requires
and what it is.’
8 omnino ‘To be sure.’
8-9 si. . .despexerit I.e. ‘if you are subjected to a prosecution’;
cf. Att. 179 (ix.2) .2 a quo impurissime haec nostra fortuna despecta est. dispexerit,
read by T.-P., is absurd: Cicero’s exile and the fact that Quintus was
deprived of his brother’s support (tuam solitudinem) were obvious to
11 non.. .agetur Quintus will not be expelled by armed force like
his brother, so that he can hope to save himself by his own efforts. The
implication perceived by T.-P. that ‘Quintus was better in the field than
in the law courts’ (had he seen any military service?) is illusory.
12 omnibus (rebus) Cf. 3 (1.3). 10 fin. (Watt). The addition is not
absolutely necessary (F.n, 359 (omnium)).

5 (n.i)

Appointed curator annonae cum imperio consulari in September 57, Pompey

included both Ciceros among his Legates. In the elder’s case the post
seems to have been purely honorary, but Quintus was sent on a mission
to the grain-producing province of Sardinia in December. The last words
of this letter show that he was still in Italy, whence Sternkopf (Unter-
suchungen, 385) conjectured that he was visiting his estates at Arpinum
before departure. But in that case he would surely have been expected
back in Rome before he took ship from Ostia. Probably he was in that
port, waiting to sail.
1, 1 epistulam. . .dederam ‘The letter which you will have read
was despatched by me this morning.’ It is lost.
2 Licinius Nothing known. Possibly he was a tabellarius or freed-
man, whose real name was Licinus. Copyists generally convert this into
‘Licinius’, as in 2 (1.2). 14.
5 sub dies festos The Saturnalia began on 17 December.
5-6 nos. . .Glabrio Sternkopf (Untersuchungen, 386) defends the
paradosis against Schiitz’ proposal to place duo consules designati (better


perhaps et duo consules designati; see Att. 260 (xn.2i).i below) at the end
of the list. Cicero mentions himself first apart from the rest (therefore et),
who then follow with the Consuls-Designate first, because they were the
first to speak, then the Consulars in order of seniority. The Designates
are reckoned as Consulars because they spoke consulari loco. This is
acceptable, though in two other such lists Designates are named after
Consulars: Att. 260 (xn.2i).i etiam Silani, Murenae, designatorum consulum
(in the MSS etiam comes before the last Consular, M'. Glabrionis;
transp. Boot) and Phil. 11.12 D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui tum erant consules
The Designates in 57 were Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus and L. Marcius
Philippus. The five Consulars whose names follow held office in 79, 73,
66, 66, and 67 respectively. Sternkopf explains Glabrio’s appearance
after his two successors in office as a little lapse which Cicero did not
think it necessary to correct. But the names may be in order of speaking,
as probably in Att. l.c. (see Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 83 (1979), 282), where
also Glabrio comes last, after several juniors. On the spelling of Volcacius’
name see F. 1, 295.
The Senate had been convoked by one of the new board of Tribunes,
which had entered office on 10 December, P. Rutilius Lupus (A. iv,
350), a supporter of Pompey (cf. Fam. 12 (i.i)-3). He was now calling in
question Caesar’s lex Campana, thus raising doubts about Pompey’s
current attitude towards his confederate. And where were the Consuls ?
Lentulus Spinther may have left for his province of Cilicia (Crassus set
out for Syria in November 55; cf. Att. 87 (iv. 13).2). But according to
Dio, Metellus Nepos was in Rome (see on §2 below). Perhaps he was ill.
It does not seem likely that the Consuls were precluded from attending
a meeting convoked by a Tribune; at any rate this was not so a hundred
years later; cf. Dio lx. 16.8.
8 causam agri Campani See A. 1, 381. As to the situation at this
point see further on 10 (ii.6).i.
9 silentio Silence could indicate approval, or at any rate the
absence of opposition; cf. 7 (n.3).3 auditus est magno silentio malevolorum;
Fam. 16 (1.5A). 1 inimicorum magno silentio est accusatus. But see Marcellinus’
disclaimer below.
materiam rei Simply ‘the material’; not ‘What fine materials for
a speech!’
10 actionibus Relating to Rullus’ agrarian bill in 63; cf. especially
Leg. agr. 11.76fF. on the ager Campanus.
11 Gellium A lieutenant of Clodius, brother of L. Gellius Poplicola,
cos. 72 (A. 11, 174Q.
14 conviciis ‘Outcries.’ 5 (ii. I) 2 COMMENTARY

2, 2 Racilius L. Racilius, another new Tribune. He was in the

conservative interest (F. i, 303).
iudiciis On Milo’s attempts to bring Clodius to trial see A. 11, 174
{nolebat). Racilius intended to prosecute himself (F. 1, 312 {tribunus pi.)).
5-6 ut. .. sortiretur The assignment ofjurors in cases de tulay with
the City Quaestors (Dio xxxix.7.4), who, according to Mommsen {St.
11, 585 n. 5), acted on instruction by the City Praetor (apparently an
inference from ipse in this passage). But no aedilician or quaestorian
elections had been held in 57 and the Quaestors of that year had as usual
gone out of office on 4 December. Marcellinus therefore proposed that
the City Praetor should himself assign a jury so that Clodius’ trial might
proceed; see Mommsen l.c. (where for ‘den Angeklagten’ read ‘den
Stadtpraetor’?), 1, 261 n. 5. According to Dio l.c. the Consul Metellus
Nepos, who was Clodius’ half-brother (not cousin, as generally supposed;
see Am. Journ. Anc. Hist. 2 (1977 = 1979), 148 f.) forbade this procedure.
If that is correct, Marcellinus’ proposal must have been passed by the
Senate at a later meeting. This rather than the incident recorded in
Att. 75 (iv.3).3, is likely to be the second of the two occasions on which
Metellus Nepos claims to have come to Clodius’ rescue in Fam. 11
(v.3).2. However, Dio is not altogether to be trusted, for, as Constans
says (11, 88 n. 1), he mixes up Milo’s two attempts to bring Clodius to
trial, applying thecircumstances of the second to the first.
As for the reading, per praetorem urbanum (j> pr. urb.) seems more likely
to have come from pr. urb. than from^ se pr. urb., which Watt prefers.
T.-P.’s remark that the former ‘would deserve adoption were it not so
far from the manuscript tradition’ is misconceived.
9 Cassius Evidently another Tribune. Excluding Procilius from
Broughton’s list (see on 11 (11.7). 1), we have the names of eight other
Tribunes in 57-56, and the only one that bears any resemblance to
‘Cassius’ is Caninius (L. Caninius Gallus {A. vi, 295; F. 1, 297). He is
later found in association with C. Cato in the matter of Ptolemy Auletes’
restoration {Fam. 13 (1.2)4, !4 (14).0» though they acted in different
interests. My proposal to substitute him here is admittedly unprovable;
see Studies, 23.
acclamatione In protest.
10 Philippus A. iv, 390.
3, 1 primum Perhaps a Tribune could make his own order of
precedence or perhaps other Consulars with precedence to Cicero were
absent (cf. A. 1, 302 {rogatum)). We do not know how his place in the list
was settled when he returned from exile.
5 Vetus Antistius Identified by Badian with L. Antistius (Vetus),
who tried to bring Caesar to trial (Suet. Iul. 23.1), and no doubt related


to C. Antistius Vetus, quaest. pro pr. 45 and cos. suff. 30, under whose
father Caesar had served as Quaestor. Caesar’s supposed Quaestor in 61
is a myth; see Studies, 11 ff.
7 ibatur I.e. Marcellinus’ motion would have been carried but for
Clodius’ filibuster. A discessio cannot actually have begun, but the
sententiae as far as Clodius, who spoke among the tribunicii, were running
in favour.
7-8 diem dicendo eximere ‘Talk out the sitting’; cf. Tull. 6 non
vereor ne dicendo dies eximatur-, Att. 75 (iv.3).3 Metellus calumnia dicendi
tempus exemit, whence Sjogren’s conjecture (Comm. Tull. 131). The Senate
rose before dark.
8 furebat Racilius’ defiant and witty attack infuriated Clodius.
Watt and others read inurbaneque, perhaps rightly. The adverbs will then
have been used by Clodius. But urbane suits furebat; a witty insult is more
exasperating than mere rudeness.
9-10 Graecostasi A platform near the Senate House on which
foreign envoys waited for audience (Varro L.L. v.155).
10 gradibus Sc. curiae.
11 Q. Sextilium Possibly the expropriated Pompeian of Att. 360
(xiv.6).i, whose name, however, was Sestullius. See addenda.
16 Plancius Cn. Plancius, who befriended Cicero in 58 (A. x, 299).
17-18 de mense Decembri Tn mid December’; cf. de nocte, de die.

6 (11.2)

1, 1 occupatione Cf. the apologies in 20 (11.16) and 23 (111.3).

4-5 num quid...velim ‘Anything for Sardinia?’ Cf. 21 (111.i).2i
Hippodamus ne num quid vellem quidem rogavit; Mart. 10.37.4 Callaicum
mandas si quid ad Oceanum.
7 Lentuli Which Lentulus is unknown. The insertion of de seems
justified since the business concerned loans (nomina-, see below) in which
Atticus was involved. Manutius explains that Sestius and Lentulus owed
money to Quintus, who would therewith meet Atticus’ demands. But if
these are the nomina Pomponiana, as is entirely probable, they were debts
due to Atticus, who had been thinking of using them for a purpose of
benefit to Quintus, perhaps to raise money for a loan to help him pay
for his building.
8 Cincio Agent, presumably procurator, of Atticus (A. 1, 283); cf. 21

11 Gracchus augur Father of the two Tribunes. The story is in

Nat. deor. n.iof.
14 forma Numisiana An architect’s plan, probably mentioned in

173 6 (ii.2) 2 COMMENTARY

connexion with the rebuilding of Quintus’ house on the Palatine (§2,

10 (ii.6).3). It may have been the work of P. Numisius P.f Men. archi¬
tectus, who built the theatre at Herculaneum (cf. E. Fabricius, RE
xvii. 1399).
15 emi Cicero had put up his Tusculanum, i.e. the site, for sale
shortly after his return from exile {Att. 74 (iv.2)-7), and was thinking
of buying a property in replacement, sed seems to indicate that this
somehow entered into the business with Cincius.
Culleonis Pompey’s friend (A. 11, 152). Perhaps he had just died
16 Tusculano Culleo’s, not Cicero’s
17 fortassis Whether Cicero used this form is doubtful (Thes. vi,
2, 2 Cyrum The famous architect (A. 1, 356 {fenestrarum)).
3 furiosae aedilitatis Why the prospect of Clodius as Aedile was
holding up construction work is not evident.
3, 1 rege Alexandrino The usual title {A. 1, 382). On the matter
of Ptolemy Auletes’ restoration see F. 1, 293.
5 voluntati Pompei Quintus might be afraid lest Cicero’s efforts
on Lentulus’ behalf should alienate Pompey. Cicero does his best to
reassure him: Pompey was pleased for Cicero to act thus. No doubt
Pompey professed to be pleased. He was professing to support Lentulus
himself, in public and in private {Fam. 12 (i.i).2, 13 (1.2).3, 18 (1.7).3).
What he really wanted, Cicero, as he presently says, could not make out.
To take voluntati as Pompey’s desire for the Egyptian assignment (of
which Cicero was not sure) is certainly a mistake. Such a cynical avowal
of double-dealing on Cicero’s part would be quite out of character. See
Sternkopf’s able discussion in Untersuchungen 39 (1904), 398ff.
7 dies comitiales Beginning on 16 January; cf. Fam. 14 (1.4). 1.
14 multa fecit Including the modest indemnities fixed by Lentulus
and his colleague for Cicero’s demolished house and villas; cf. Att. 74
14-15 fas esset Cf. 12 (ii.g).2 litigarem tecum, si fas esset, et sim.
4, 1 si ista expedieris si = simul atque.

7 (n.3)

1, 1 superiora ‘The earlier news.’ The two foregoing letters report

events up to 17 January. Another letter covering the latter part of the
month has probably been lost; see Sternkopf, Untersuchungen, 40of.
Clodius had been elected Curule Aedile on 20 January and charged
Milo de vi before the People {iudicium publicum). This procedure involved


three preliminary meetings (anquisitiones) before sentence was pronounced

by the magistrate and ratified by the assembly; see Mommsen, Str. 164!?.
Gruen (Last generation, 298 n. 139), however, holds that the three
contiones recorded in this letter were not part of a trial before the People
but merely in aid of a forthcoming prosecution in the ‘regularly consti¬
tuted quaestio’ de vi (see, however, on 5 (11.1).2 {ut. . .sortiretur)). Against
this Lintott points to ‘the formal language of adjournment and the fact
that the defence knew in advance that it was allowed to speak’ {Cl. Rev.
26 (1976), 242); but did it know (cf. 22 (111.2). 1) ?
2 reiciebantur Imperfect because the motion was not carried on
1 February {eo die).
3 adfuit So regularly of appearance in answer to a magistrate’s
4 advocatus ‘As supporting counsel’, giving legal advice and/or
moral backing. The pleading was done by patroni.
M. Marcellus A. in, 196. He may have been Clodius’ colleague as
Curule Aedile (Broughton, 208). His talents as an orator are warmly
praised in the Brutus (248!!.); cf. Fam. 229 (iv.8).2 favet ingeniis.
5 honeste discessimus ‘We came off creditably’; cf. A. 1, 395.
prodicta dies est ‘The case was adjourned.’
7 praetoribus praetoriis Manutius; but cf. Att. 69 (111.24). 1 de
consulibus ornandis. The Praetors drew lots for their provinces during their
year of office, ornatio, providing for military and financial requirements,
9 legem Cf. Fam. 15 (1.5a).2; Sest. 144. ‘The deprivation of a pro¬
magistrate of imperium was perfectly constitutional, but rare’ (How, with
10 filius The younger P. Lentulus Spinther {A. v, 282b). On his
putting on mourning cf. F. 1, 276 {in luctu et squalore).
2, 1 sive = sive potius.
3-4 acclamatione Cf. 5 (ii.i).2.
6 auctoritate ‘By his personal authority’, i.e. the respect he
7 pervicerat Watt’s palmary substitute for the opaque peregerat; cf.
Att. 21 (11.1).8 restitit ac pervicit Cato.
7- 8 ei. . .a nostris Sc. factus est. CL convicium alicui facere.
8- 9 ut... consisteret ‘That he lost command of his thoughts,
tongue, and countenance’ (‘quum immutatus color mentis sollicitudinem
indicaret’ Manutius).
10 hora sexta The end of the sixth hour, i.e. noon; not c. eleven
o’clock, as widely believed. Such expressions regularly refer to the end
of the hours, as with us; cf. Varro L.L. vi.89 Cosconius. . .scribit praetorem

!75 7 (n-3) 3 COMMENTARY

accensum solitum [turn] esse iubere ubi ei videbatur horam esse tertiam, inclamare
horam tertiam esse, itemque meridiem et horam nonam. In February the daylight
hours contained about fifty minutes.
11 denique See on i (i. i).i.

12 Clodiam A. i, 347b (soror). She was Clodius’ half-sister (Am.

Journ. Anc. Hist. 2 (1977 = 1979), 148b).
ille furens, sqq. Cf. Sest. 126 at vero ille praetor, qui de me non patris,
avi, proavi, maiorum denique suorum omnium, sed Graeculorum instituto contionem
interrogare solebat, velletne me redire, et, cum erat reclamatum semivivis mercen¬
nariorum vocibus, populum Romanum negare dicebat (the Praetor was Ap.
Claudius Pulcher in 57). Plutarch (Pomp. 48) has a totally different
dialogue: teAos 8e, upoeAfiovTOS ccvtou irpos Tiva S(kt|V, e'xgov O9’
auTcp TrAfjOos avOpooTrcov . . . auTOS pev eis ETrupavp tottov Karacrras
epcoTripcrra ToiauTa Trpou(3aAe- ‘tis ecttiv ocuTOKpcnxop axoAacrros;
tis avfip avSpa jtiteT; tis £vi SocktuAco kvoctcu Tqv KE9aAf)v;’ oi 5’
oooTTEp X°P°S • • • oniEKpivavTO- ‘FIopTrriios.’ Cf. Dio xxxix. 19.1. Both
evidently followed a source other than Cicero. On Plutarch’s sources in
his life of Pompey see R. Flaceliere and E. Chambry in the Bud£ edition,
vin, 153ff. On the head-scratching they refer to De cap. ex inim. utilitate
(Moral. 89E) olov (6ie(3ocAe) . . . llo|jiTTf]iov to evi Kvaofiai Tqv K£9aAqv
SccktuAco, TroppcoTocTco OpAuTriTos Kat ocKoAaCTias ovto.
13-14 fame necaret As curator annonae.
16 Miloni With aderat', cf. Sull. 81 adfuerunt, inquit, Catilinae illumque
laudarunt, et sim. Crassus appeared with Pompey in support of the
accused but bore him no good-will. The comma is usually misplaced
after tum. Crassus’ sentiments towards Milo would hardly have been
mentioned incidentally if he had merely been a spectator, and Quintus
would naturally understand aderat in the special sense appropriate to the
context.The cry for Crassus’ appointment may have been ‘well rehearsed’
(F. E. Adcock, Marcus Crassus millionaire (1965), 45) or ‘no more than a
spur-of-the-moment compliment’ (Stockton). He was believed to be
backing Clodius financially (§4).
19 fuga operarum ‘Flight of gang.’
20-1 ne quid in turba Sc. accideret', cf. Fam. 412 (xi.24).2 multa
enim Romae.
23 Bibulo, sqq. M. Calpurnius Bibulus, cos. 59 (A. 1, 329), stili
hostile to Pompey (cf. Att. 41 (ii.2i)-4); C. Scribonius Curio (A. 1, 311);
Cato’s satellite, M. Favonius (ibid.); P. Servilius Isauricus, cos. 48, also
at this time an ally of Cato and married to his niece (A. 1, 340).
25 Quirinalia 17 February.
3, i Apollinis The temple was outside the pomerium. As holding
imperium Pompey could not enter the city proper except by special


dispensation; cf. F. 1, 392. He would not, as How supposed, necessarily

have had to do so when he appeared in support of Milo, since the
meetings need not have taken place inside the pomerium (see Ihm, RE
12 interemisset In 129. Pompey assumed Garbo’s guilt. Cicero’s
references are less definite, though nowhere discrediting it; see A. iv.410
4, 6 contionario ‘Meeting-going.’
10 in ea I.e. Quirinalia', ‘with that date in view’.
11 Gallia More naturally understood of Cisalpine Gaul (cf. A. n,
204 (gratia)) than of the ager Gallicus mentioned along with ager Picenus
in Catil. n.5, et al.
12 exspectatur These reinforcements would arrive after the
Quirinalia (Sternkopf, Untersuchungen, 394).
12—13 de Milone et Lentulo The contents of the bill about Milo
are unknown. As to Lentulus see §1.
5, 1 indice Apparently a professional informer; cf. Par ad. 46 qui
videt domi tuae per te accusatorum atque indicum consociatos greges. On rewards
made to informers see Mommsen, Str. 505b The word will hardly refer
to Nerius’ function in this particular trial, as Kleinfeller, RE ix. 1263.55.
Pupinia Nerius was presumably an obscure individual whose name
called for further identification; cf. C. Cornelium below.
2 ambitu Apparently in connexion with Sestius’ candidacy for the
Tribunate in 58. The date of his Praetorship is uncertain, but if he had
been a candidate in 56 Cicero must have mentioned it in his speech (cf.
Sest. 113).
M. Tullio Some editors read P. Tullio (Wesenberg), because the
principal prosecutor in Sestius’ trial de vi was one Albinovanus (Vat. 3,
41), whom the Bobbio scholiast (125 Stangl) calls P. Albinovanus. But the
combination P. Tullius Albinovanus is implausible, since ‘Albinovanus’
is a gentilicium', cf. Studies, 7. Probably Tullius was replaced by Albino¬
vanus between the postulatio and the trial, perhaps as the result of a
5 suscensere What Sestius had done to annoy Cicero is not
recorded, but cf. § 1 of the next letter.
6 humanissimi ‘Most forgiving’; see F. 1, 303 (humanitas).
7 edidit adligatos ‘Named as “tied” witnesses.’ See W. Warde
Fowler, Cl. Rev. 2 (1888), 40. Recent editors except Watt adopt this
solution, based on Isid. Orig. v.23 testes sunt quibus veritas quaeritur in
iudicio. hos quisque ante iudicium sibi placitis alligat (‘nails to their stories’),
ne cui sit postea liberum aut dissimulare aut subtrahere se; unde et alligati

177 7 (ii.3) 6 COMMENTARY

8 Cn. LentulumVatiam Doubtless identical with AevtAou TlVOS

Bcrncrrou of Plut. Crass. 8 and Cn. Lentulus of Oros. v.24.1, owner of a
gladiator school in Capua. From his name a Servilius Vatia adopted by
a Cornelius Lentulus, or conceivably vice versa (cf. G. V. Sumner, Cl.
Phil. 73 (1978), 162b). On possible identity with the Tribune Cn.
Lentulus of Leg. Man. 58 and Dolabella’s adoptive father in 48 see
Studies, 2gff. [I take the opportunity to correct a mechanical error: on
p. 31 ‘a Lentulus adopted by a Vatia (perhaps C. Servilius [91] Vatia)’
and ‘a Vatia adopted by a Lentulus’ should change places.]
Stel. Constans’ proposal Sta. (= Stellatina) et is essentially right in
my opinion, but Sta. is not an attested abbreviation and et is not required.
9 senatusconsultum This was probably proposed by Hortensius;
see, at least in part, Linderski, Parola del Passato 79 (1961), 3o6ff. On the
decree itself I can do no better than summarize the results of Linderski’s
thorough discussion in Hermes 89 (1961), io6ff. sodalitates refers to
political associations of young aristocrats or otherwise influential persons,
which were especially concerned with electoral bribery and street
warfare, decuriati are the members of such associations organized in
decuriae. The decree was of wider scope than Cicero’s words convey, and
included all essential provisions of the lex Licinia de sodaliciis passed a
year later. It did not touch religious societies such as the Lupercales and
was not in formal conflict with the lex Clodia of 58. For Clodius’ law
protected collegia, and from the Senate’s standpoint clubs formed for
illegal purposes had no right to that name. But the subject presumably
remains controversial. Treggiari (Freedmen, i6gff.), without reference to
Linderski’s article, mainly follows the very different views of F. M. de
Robertis, II diritto associativo romano, etc. (Bari, 1938).
6, 1 Bestia L. Calpurnius Bestia, probably candidate for the
Praetorship in 57 (Cael. 26). He was indicted by Caelius Rufus and
acquitted (R. G. Austin, Pro Caelio, p. vii; not condemned, as stated by
Miinzer and others). Scholars have formed opposite convictions as to
his identity or otherwise with the pro-Catilinarian Tribune of 63-62; cf.
Miinzer, RE 111.1367.30; Austin, op. cit., p. 156 n. 3; Broughton, Suppl.
12. But Miinzer’s ‘ohne Zweifel verschieden’ stands; see Gruen,
Athenaeum 49 (1971), 76flf., who identifies the Bestia of this passage with
the aedilicius who supported Antony in 43 {Phil, xi.i 1; cf. xii.20, xin.2,
2 Cn. Domitium Calvinus; see A. 11, 203. He almost certainly was
convicted in 52; see F. 11, 482 {reliquos). Hence presumably his adherence
to Caesar in the Civil War despite optimate antecedents.
maximo conventu Cf. Tac. Dial. 39.5 satis constat C. Cornelium et
M. Scaurum et T. Milonem et L. Bestiam et P. Vatinium concursu totius civitatis


et accusatos et defensos (so my statement in Studies, 103 that Milo is never

called ‘T. Milo’ needs qualification).
4 servatus esset This happened in a tumult in 57 (Sest. 79, et ah).
5 TrpocpKOVopricrdpriv Lit. ‘arranged in advance’. T took the
opportunity to lay a foundation for my defence of Sestius against the
charges that are being got up against him.’
7, 2 nuptiis Atticus’ wedding to Pilia.
3-4 fere diffidenti ‘When I was near despair.’
5-6 suavitate etiam ‘And, I might add, your personal charm.’
Cicero may allude to his own affection for his brother, which had with¬
held him from committing suicide (3 (1.3).2; cf. ibid. 3 suavitate fratrem)
or to the personal influence which Quintus was able to exercise on
others - though charm would hardly seem to have been in fact among
his assets. But Cicero assuredly did not mean that ‘suavitas was not to be
expected from Quintus as much as the other qualities mentioned’ (T.-P.,
echoed by How and Stockton).
7 lacum Pisonis Hug, RE xn.377, produces a number of Roman
‘ponds’, some of them named after persons, as lacus Fundani, lacus
Servilius. Constans, keeping lucum, renders ‘la maison de Pison, pres du
bois sacr6, celle qui lui vient des Licinii’, comparing Att. 75 (iv.3)-3 ex
Anniana Milonis domo.
fLucinianat The vulgate Liciniana is one possibility; others are
Luciliana, Luculliana, Lucceiana, even Viniciana.
8 paucis. . .Quint. ‘Within a few months after 1 July’; cf. 8 (11.4).
2 spero nos ante hiemem contubernalis fore', Sternkopf, Untersuchungen 402k
1 July is mentioned as the date on which the lease of the rented house
would have to be renewed (cf. Suet. Tib. 35.2). No doubt it was already
available for Quintus when he should return to Rome. Not then ‘within
a few months from now, after 1 July’.
tuam The house on the Palatine, adjacent to Cicero’s.
9 Carinis A fashionable quarter (Virg. Aen. vm.361 lautis. . .
Carinis). Cicero inherited the house from his father and made it over to
Quintus when he himself moved to the Palatine in 62 (Plut. Cic. 8).
Lamiae A. hi, 203.
11 Ulbiensem From Ulbia (Olbia) on the east coast of Sardinia.
15 Sardiniam Unhealthy at any time, but especially in summer;
cf. Strabo 225 tt) S’apeTT] toov tottcov dvTiT&TTeTcd tis Kod
pox^Bpioc- voaepoc yap f) vrjaos toO Oepous, Kai pdA terra ev toR
euKapTroOai x^pioiS-

Q,.fr. 8 (ii.4) I COMMENTARY

8 (11.4)

1, 1 a.d. II See F. 1, 285.

2-3 nullam. . .esse In explanation of quod; cf. Att. 260 (xn.2i).5
non legi solum, quod ipsum erat fortis aegroti, accipere medicinam.
6 quibusdam in rebus These are unknown; cf. 7 (11.3).5. On
Cicero’s private attitude to Sestius see Gruen, Last generation, 300 n. 147.
9 moroso ‘Peevish.’ An instance of Sestius’ touchiness is preserved
in Att. 406 (xv.27). i.
10 Vatinium A. 1, 363b The reference is of course to the Interrogatio
in P. Vatinium testem.
11 plaudentibus On Vatinius’ unpopularity, admitted by himself
(.Fam. 255 (v.g).i), see Robinson Ellis on Catull. 14.3 odio Vatiniano. Ellis
was right to prefer the interpretation ‘as people hate Vatinius’,1 to ‘as
Vatinius feels against you’ (so, e.g., Fordyce, who does not even mention
the alternative); this is clearly a hit at Vatinius, but to call a man a good
hater is not to insult him.
12 Paullus L. Aemilius Paul(l)us, cos. 50 (A. 1, 3ggf.).
13-14 Macer Licinius C. Licinius Macer Calvus, orator and poet
(F. n, 368).
15 illi non defuturum Not ‘he said he would do as Paullus
suggested’ but ‘gave his word that he would not fail him (Vatinius)’, i.e.
that he would prosecute him; cf. my conjecture in Catal. 13.6 nec lingua
qua (i.e. et lingua qua non) desim tibi (Phoenix 32 (1978), 310). This passage
does not, as Gundel supposes (RE vniA.507.17), disprove the Bobbio
scholiast’s statement (145 Stangl) that Calvus had already brought
charges. He must at any rate have announced an intention to do so, else
why did Paullus mention him? At least two speeches of Calvus against
Vatinius were read in Tacitus’ time (Dial. 21.2), but the occasions of
their delivery are in some doubt; see Miinzer, RE xm.43of.; Gruen,
Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 71 (1966), 217ff.
17 discessit ‘Left the court’ or ‘came off’ (in Latin the meanings
2, 1 filius Some editors, including Watt, bracket the word, and
they may well be right; cf., however, Ad Brut. 2 (3).6 Cicero, filius tuus.
2 Tyrannio A. 1, 363.
3 redemptori His name was Longilius (10 (ii.6).3).
6 Crassipede A. 11, i86f.

1 Actually Ellis, who rarely got anything quite right, has ‘ “a hatred
that might suit Vatinius”, i.e. either such as Vatinius deserves, or such
as Vatinius feels against you,’ preferring the former.

COMMENTARY Q (11.5(4.3-7)) 1

7 Latiar Old name for feriae Latinae (A. 1, 287). The sponsalia were
held on 4 April (10 (ii.6).i).

9 (h.5(4-3-7))

The beginning of this letter and perhaps the end of the preceding one
are missing. On this and the date see G. Rauschen, Ephemerides Tullianae
(diss. Bonn, 1886), 39b and Sternkopf, Untersuchungen, 406b, 4i3fb
1, 1 dpcpiAoctplav ‘Affluence’, ‘ abondance’; cf. 19 (11.15) .3 apcpiAaqnav
illam tuam. The noun, from &pqnAa(pr)S, is post-classical and very rare.
1- 2 bono modo ‘In moderation’ (A. v, 378).
2- 3 sic. . .excitem ‘That is to say, if the creature comes my way,
I shall be glad to snap her up; but if she stays in hiding, I don’t intend
to flush her out.’ As a hunting term excipere ‘signifies lying in wait for a
quarry or attacking it when it comes or both’ (A. iv, 415). I fail to see
anything strange or inappropriate in the metaphor, etiam nunc must be
taken with latentem', nothing commends T.-P.’s transposition to precede
tribus locis.
3 tribus locis On the Palatine and at Tusculum and Formiae.
5 opus erat ‘It was called for.’ After the exile Cicero felt a need to
reassert himself.
paulisper fabris locum dares ‘You would be yielding to the
workmen for a little while’, i.e. T should be attending to them rather
than to you.’ darem, rendered T would let in the carpenters’, is neither
Latin nor sense.
6 et haec et may refer back to something in the missing part of the
2, 2 non impediente collega ‘And his colleague does not stand in
his way’ rather than ‘quand son collegue ne le gene pas’.
3 dies. . .omnis ‘He has blocked’ (lit. ‘removed’) ‘all the comitial
days’ (on which legislation might be put through). For exemit cf. 5

4 etiam Besides the celebration of supplicationes (cf. Fam. 91 (vm. 11).
10, the Latin Festival was repeated, on the ground of some alleged
3, 2 Catonis Cf. 7 (ii-3).i, 4.
cui. . .noster ‘On whom, by the by, our friend Milo has played a
splendid trick.’ tdmen = ‘anyhow’, ‘that apart’.
3 vindex.. .bestiariorum Manutius supposed that C. Cato had
proposed a law directed against Milo (the rogatio de Milone of 7 (11.3) .4
fin.) for using these people, thereby constituting himself their champion.
vindex, ‘penalizer’ (cf. Housman on Manil. v.410), would then rather

l8l g (n-5(4-3_7)) 4 commentary

be understood in the sense that the law penalized the use of these people.
This would give the story more point, but perhaps it is better to accept
6-7 dedit. . .negotium qui... emeret ‘Commissioned to buy’;
cf. Att. 347 (xin.ig).2 habuit suum negotium, ‘made it his business’.
8 unus. . .tribunus pi. ‘Our only Tribune’, i.e. the only one
deserving the name; cf. Att. 371A (xiv.i7a).3 (= Fam. 326 (ix.i4).3)
quem quidem post te consulem solum possumus vere consulem dicere, unus here is
more than praecipuus (cf. Propertiana, 171 f., Att. 19 (1.19). 8 init.).
10 placuerat It is not clear why the real purchaser, Milo, did not
come out into the open at this point.
11 in earn Cf. Fam. 2 (v.2).2 mediocris quidam est risus consecutus, non
in te sed magis in errorem meum.
12 a legibus removit ‘Kept him away from legislation’, a rather
odd phrase.
13 monstra These proposals for Caesar’s benefit were obstructed at
this time, but some of them at least later passed in the Senate with
Cicero’s support; see F. 1, 305 {stipendium. . .legati).
intercederet This was in Lentulus’ mind.
14 quod...agit Caninius’ bill commissioned Pompey to go to
Alexandria with two lictors and reconcile Ptolemy with his people (F. 1,
299 {laturos)).
15-16 in amicitia ‘With respect to his friendship.’ Pompey’s
supposed design to have the assignment transferred from Lentulus
Spinther to himself was regarded as a violation of their friendly relations.
16 idem I.e. eodem statu', see A. 1, 321 {iidem).
18 propter Milonem I.e. by supporting him.
4, 3 Sex. Cloelio Clodius’ lieutenant, formerly known as Sex.
Clodius {A. 1, 376 {Athenione)). Of his prosecution and acquittal in 56
nothing further is known. On his name see (finally, so far as I am
concerned) Studies, 27, to which accrues a hitherto disregarded note of
Gruter’s (an. 1618): ‘sed restituendum magis Cloelio, ita enim idem
nebulo semper vocatur a membranis melioribus, quem ad modum
saepius testati sumus in Orationibus Tullii.’
4-5 ei... defuerunt Cf. In Clod, et Cur. fr. 30 Schoell quattuor tibi
sententias solas ad perniciem defuisse.
8 vident damnatum Cf. Verr. 11.1.20 ut.. .nemo istum comperendinatum
sed condemnatum iudicaret.
10 adaequavit Sc. sententias.
12 Sevius Unknown. Servius is sometimes read, but Servius Pola
was politically active in 54 (16 (n.i2).2; cf. Fam. 98 (vm.i2).2) and so
cannot have been condemned in 56; cf. Studies, 66.

COMMENTARY 9 (11.5(4.3-7)) 5 (7)

adlisus est SB1 35: ‘Sevius (if that was really the man’s name) had
run upon the rocks; cf. Rab. perd. r. 25 nec tuas umquam ratis ad eos scopulos
appulisses ad quos Sex. Titi adflictam navem et in quibus C. Deciani naufragium
fortunarum videres [and for adlidere Accius 33 Ribbeck2 ad saxa adlidere].
Commentators who think this is, or may be, tantamount to saying that
he had a narrow escape from conviction might have asked themselves
whether an escape, however narrow or inglorious, could be covered by
such a metaphor, whether cottidianae damnationes can include an acquittal,
and why Cicero should be consoled by the acquittal of one enemy for
the acquittal of another, namely that of Sex. Clodius1 (hoc incommodum),
which was as bare and discreditable as could be. If, however, adlisus
must imply conviction, as is certain, and if conciduntur implies the same,
as is obvious from cottidianae damnationes, what significant distinction is
drawn between Sevius and the rest ? Did conciduntur mean, as is commonly
accepted, “are being massacred”, “are being made mince-meat of”, one
could but answer “none at all”, and accuse Cicero of perpetrating a
needless change of metaphor in the guise of an antithesis. For no stress
can be laid on the difference of tense; cottidianae must imply that others
had already been convicted besides Sevius. I prefer to think that
conciduntur pursues the ship metaphor: “are being broken up”; cf. Liv.
xxxviii.39.2 scripsit ut Patara extemplo proficisceretur quaeque ibi naves regiae
essent concideret cremaretque. The contrast will then lie between accidental
shipwreck and demolition; with the inference to follow that Sevius was
condemned for some private offence. . .while the rest were prosecuted
by their political enemies on public grounds.’
13 comitia In fact elections were not held until the beginning of
the following year; cf. Liv. Epit. cv cum C. Catonis tribuni plebis inter¬
cessionibus comitia tollerentur', Att. 90 (iv.i5).4; Linderski, Stud. Ed.
Volterra 11 (1969), 283b
14 Appius Ap. Claudius Pulcher (A. 1, 396) was Praetor in 57 and
governor of Sardinia in 56. Evidently he had not yet taken over the
province (cf. §5 clausum mare). He was present at the Luca conference in
mid April (Plut. Caes. 21) and this visit to Caesar (at Ravenna) may
have had a political purpose (cf. Constans, 11, 114).
5, 2 Ostiam On the neuter plural form Ostia see Neue-Wagener,
1, 718.

10 (11.6(5))

1, 1 litteras Lost.
2 Crassipedi See on 8 (n.4).2.

1 Not yet ‘Cloelius’ in 1955.

183 IO (11.6(5)) 2 COMMENTARY

(Non .) Cf. Sternkopf, Untersuchungen, 4i2ff.

6 de agro Campano Cf. 5 (ii.i).i. Cicero refrains from mentioning
his own contribution, a proposal that the question should be debated on
15 May (F. 1, 310). No doubt he suspected that Quintus would dis¬
approve of it as liable to cause difficulties with Pompey and Caesar (cf.
Fam. 20 (1.9).9 and T. A. Dorey, Cl. Rev. 9 (1959), 13). Brunt’s presenta¬
tion may be taken as standard (Manpower, 316f.): ‘It came up again in
early April 56, made more acute by the shortage of money and the high
price of corn; this suggests that it was argued that any displacement of
the existing possessores in Campania, an important source of grain, might
aggravate the dearth. Cicero proposed that it be debated in a full house
in May; he boasted later that this was an attack on the citadel of the
triumvirs’ cause, but he evidently did not reckon that Pompey would be
offended, and Pompey gave no sign of displeasure. It was Caesar’s
annoyance that forced Cicero to draw back after the conference of Luca.
It seems that in 56 there must still have been lands in Campania available
for distribution, but that Pompey’s veterans were not likely to suffer, if
distribution ceased. Caesar may have objected to Cicero’s motion, either
as an indirect attempt to cast doubt on the validity of his laws, or because
he still envisaged that there should be further settlement in Campania,
perhaps to his own soldiers when they in turn were discharged.’ Shortly
before this appeared, a discrepant appraisal had come from T. N.
Mitchell, Trans. Am Phil. Ass. 100 (1969), 29gff.
2, 1 non praetermittam It is rather odd that Cicero should say
nothing about Flaccus’ offence, which may have been somehow con¬
nected with the corn shortage.
3 Capitolini et Mercuriales The former college was founded
after the Gallic invasion to look after the celebration of the Capitoline
games (Liv. v.50.4). The Mercuriales, of even greater antiquity (Liv.
n-27-5)> were merchants. The two appear to have met jointly. See
Treggiari, Freedmen, ig6f.
9 mulierum Terentia and Pomponia.
3, 3 faciebat Epistolary. Otherwise the meaning would be ‘tried to
convince me’.
7 hortos Pompey’s house in the Campus Martius. The property
subsequently passed to Antony, then to Augustus; cf. P. Grimal, Les
jardins romains (1943), I29ff. Pompey owned another suburban estate on
higher ground, referred to by Asconius as horti superiores (36.19, 50.23
Clark); cf. G. Lafaye, Daremberg-Saglio, ill, 279. On the interview cf.
Fam. 20 (1.9) .9.
13 flabronet Ihis unknown name in all probability represents
that of a port twenty-one Roman miles down the coast of Etruria, south

COMMENTARY 10 (11.6(5)) 4
from Populonia. It appears in the Itineraries in a variety of forms, as
Saleborna, Salebrone, Scabros Portus. H. Philipp, Berl. Phil. Woch. 41
(1921), 647b conjectures Scalabrone (‘Crassipes’ in his note is a slip for
4, 1-2 dictaveram conscripseramque Perhaps the letter up to
this point had been dictated before departure and the last paragraph
was added en route. Watt compares Att. 375 (xiv.2i).4 haec scripsi seu
dictavi apposita secunda mensa apud Vestorium, where seu may = seu potius.
2 T. Titium See F. 1, 356.
3 Laterio A. 1, 281, 11, 181.
8 Arcani A. 1, 281, in, 190.

11 (11.7(6))

1, 2 nunc vero I.e. ‘latterly’, an odd-seeming use of nunc, as though

Cicero could not believe that the anxiety was really over.
3 tuus nauta The skipper of the ship which had brought Quintus
to Ulbia.
7 supplicatione Gabinius must have asked for one in recognition
of a military success in Syria, probably the suppression of Aristobulus
II’s attempt to recover the Jewish throne (Wilcken, RE n, 909.13).
Procilius See A. n, 202, 208. Linderski, Stud. Ed. Volterra (1969),
11, 29off., argues that if Procilius’ trial in 54 was for murder, as seems
clear from Att. 90 (iv. 15).4, ‘the crime with which he was charged had
nothing in common with delaying the elections [in 56]’, and hence (with
Zumpt and L. R. Taylor) that Att. l.c. affords no evidence for a Tribunate
of Procilius. The traditionally accredited Tribunate is admittedly
very doubtful, but the murder could have been connected with mob
violence (cf. Dio xxxix.29). The Procilius mentioned here, however, is
probably the antiquary of Att. 22 (ii.2).2, as suggested by L. Halkin; see
Linderski, l.c. 294. Nothing definitely rules out identification of the
antiquary with the murderer, but such versatility is hardly plausible.
Cicero was clearly hoping for the latter’s conviction (see on 21 (111.1). 15
his iudiciis).
8 nemini Cicero repeates this assertion in Phil, xiv.24. There was
at least one precedent, T. Albucius in c. 104 (Broughton, 1, 560).
10 elXiKpivei; ‘Nihil in eo gratiae meae tribuit’ (Manutius).
11 aberam autem An evident emendation, as its author called it;
cf. Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 85 ‘idem. . .felici emendatione in pristinam
elegantiam restituit’. Watt obelizes.
2, 3 aqua haeret Something like T am up against a brick wall’.
The origin of the expression is doubtful. Otto (Sprichworter, 82) favours 12 (11.9(8)) I COMMENTARY

Cognatus’ view that it refers to flood water standing in fields; more

likely, to the damming of a stream. Others think of water-clocks. After
the Luca conference and warnings from Pompey Cicero gave up all idea
of further provoking Caesar in the matter of the Campanian land; cf.
Fam. 20 (i.9).8ff.
6 illud scilicet ‘Oh, and of course’ (not = scire licet); cf. 24 (iii.4).4

simul et illud (sine ulla mehercule ironia loquor): tibi, sqq.; Att. 117 (vi.3).io
haec sunt, etiam illud: orationem Q_. Celeris mihi mittas. Fam. 346 (xn.22)
should perhaps end: illud profecto: quoad potero, famam, sqq.
cenabis A cena adventicia. No supplement is necessary: see Sjogren,
Comm. Tull. 133k

12 (11.9(8))

The date and place of origin have been much disputed. Cicero writes
from a villa which has only just been reconstructed (§2 apertam ac ne rudem
quidem)-, the builders are still at work (§3). This should have pointed
enquiry to the two villas destroyed by Clodius which were being rebuilt
in the spring of 56 (9 (11.5). 1), the Tusculanum and Formianum (prob¬
ably the former; see on §3 Anicium), and to a date in that year, probably
late spring or summer.
1, 1 si in isto essem ‘Even if I were occupied in the way you
think’, i.e. in literary work.
1-2 tu scis, sqq. ‘ “Fort, latet Graecum voc.”, says Watt. Most of
his predecessors print an te Ateius? [for antea te is) (sc. docuit: ed. Romana)
or Madvig’s Antiates. The former [and Lambinus’ an te Statius?\ ought
to have been ruled out by Heumann’s century-old observation “ mehercule
initio sententiae Cicero numquam videtur collocasse”, which Sjogren
cites on Att. v. 16.3 and ignores here and in Att. xvi.6.2. Both should be
ruled out by the ineptitude of tu scis quid sit interpellare as a separate
statement or question. For it is equally silly to say that Quintus did or
did not know the meaning of interruption (Watt’s proposed interpellari
does not seem to me to help). The corrupt letters must be made to give
the infinitive an object and a point. Quintus had feared that his letter
[or his presence?] might interrupt Cicero’s literary occupations (cf. §4).
But for a Roman statesman literary work was a kind of idleness (cf. De
orat. 11.57 otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda-, Tuse. v. 105 otio
litterato, et sim.); and to interrupt an idle man is to do him a service. . .
otiates; becomes dteateis’ (SB2 2).
2 docere It looked as though Quintus was suggesting that Cicero
should not interrupt him in future.
3-4 qua. . .abs te ‘For which I have no use, coming from you.’ The

thoughtfulness (humanitas) which consists in reluctance to d

be welcome from persons whose company was less agr
4 appelles, sqq. ‘No, I hope you will accost me and
and cut across me and converse with me.’
6 (louoonataxToq ‘Moonstruck’; ottt. Aey., but cf. poucroAtyrTTOS,
vupcpoATyrrTOs. See also Hor. A.P. 453 sqq., 475 tenet occiditque legendo.
10 Ciceronis Quintus junior.
2, 4 si fas esset ‘Did brotherly love permit.’ Cf. 6 (ii.2).3 fin.
5 nihil dicam aliud nisi Not apodosis to si. . .ero (that comes with
verebor), but equivalent to the parenthetic nihil dicam gravius in 24 (iii.4).2;
cf. Mur. 78 audite, audite consulem, iudices, nihil dicam adrogantius, tantum
dicam totos dies atque noctes de re publica cogitantem. ‘But mark my words: if
ever I suspect anything of the kind again - well, I’ll say only this, I shall
be afraid when we are together of bothering you.'
6 video te ingemuisse Cf. A. iv, 393.
6-7 ei 6eiv’ e'4>r)aa<; Adapted from Soph. fr. 962 Pearson ei 5eiv’
eSpoccras, Seivoc xai trocOelv cte 5eT.
8 Marium F. 1. 323b He was in Rome (§4 fin.).
in lecticam Cf. Fam. 24 (vii.i).5 (to Marius) ut nostras villas obire
et mecum simul lecticula concursare possis, where villas probably refers to
Cicero’s Pompeianum and Cumanum.
9 Asicianam P. Asicius had been prosecuted by Caelius and
successfully defended by Cicero for complicity in the assassination of Dio
of Alexandria in 57 (F. 1, 293); cf. Cael. 23; Tac. Dial. 21.2. He might
have been given or borrowed the royal litter and lent it to Cicero, but it
is hard to imagine what either he or Cicero was doing with the royal
bodyguard. Ernesti’s unconvincing idea of a practical joke on Cicero’s
part was elaborated by Schiitz, who suggested that the machaerophori were
really slaves of Asicius hired by Cicero. This part of the story must remain
11 machaerophoris ‘Frequent of military police in Egypt’
(L.-S.-J.). Since Marius knew nothing of the escort until he looked out
of the litter, it must have arrived somewhere along the road.
14-15 subtilitatem veteris urbanitatis Cf. Fam. 267 (vn.3i).2
vides enim exaruisse iam veterem urbanitatem, 196 (ix. 15) .2 non Attici sed salsiores
quam illi Atticorum Romani veteres atque urbani sales.
16 villam. . .quidem ‘A draughty house, still not even roughly
finished’; cf. Mart, vn.36.1 cum pluvias madidumque Iovem perferre negaret \
et rudis hibernis villa nataret aquis.
3, i fuerit Fut. perf.; cf. K.-S. 1, 148b Cicero hoped that Marius
would be joining him shortly.

Ct-fr- 12 (n-9(8)) 4 COMMENTARY

2 illorum praediorum The Pompeianum.

3 Anicium He can suitably be identified with the friend mentioned
in Fam. 210 (vii.26).2, where the context suggests that he was a neighbour
of Cicero’s at Tusculum, and with T. Anicius of 21 (m.i). 23 (q.v.), who
owned a villa there.
3-4 nos.. .possimus ‘Bookworm though I am, I can live with the
carpenters.’ The alternative, T am so immersed in my books that I can
live in the midst of the workmen’s din’ makes the Latin less idiomatic
and is less relevant to the next sentence.
5-6 Arce nostra I.e. arcenra. Among several wild guesses that of
Tunstall (cf. Att. 423 (xvi.i3).2) was on the right track, but of course
Tupiot is out of the question. Arx is the pagus or castellum near Arpinum
(cf. A. 1, 281 {praediis)). Cicero did not need Greek philosophy to teach
him to put up with an inconvenience; early training among his native
hills {patrii montes atque incunabula nostra) had done that.
4, 6 Philoctetam The allusion must be to one of the lost plays.
That of Sophocles has nothing relevant.
accepta iniuria Cicero is thinking of his own exile.
9 hortus domi est ‘The kitchen-garden is in good shape.’ For this
interpretation see on Att. 377 (xv.i).2 Dolabellam spero domi esse; A. vn,
8gf. On the garden in the Tusculanum, which produced flowers as well
as, no doubt, eatables, see Fam. 219 (xvi.i8).2.

13 (11.8(7))
1, i librum De temporibus suis, which finally ran to three Books (F. 1,
315; cf. 20 (11.16).5, 21 (hi. 1).24).
2-3 fnon curantiaf Probably a barbarous translation of a Greek
word, perhaps dbioctpopia (Sternkopf; cf. A. 1, 385). Faernus’ ingenious
and at one time generally accepted conjecture de nostra Urania would
refer to the conclusion of Urania’s speech in Div. 1.22 from Book III of
De consulatu: tu tamen anxiferas curas requiete relaxans | quod patriae vacat id
studiis nobisque sacrasti. But the following reference to Jupiter’s speech can
only relate to the Council of the Gods in the second Book De temporibus-,
cf. 21 (hi. i ) .24; Quint. Inst. xi. 1.24 Iovem ilium a quo in concilium deorum
advocatur, illo libro therefore looks back to librum II, making an intervening
reference to De consulatu unwelcome. E. Heikel’s theory that De temporibus
was an elaboration of De consulatu (cf. Pease on Div. l.c.; K. Buchner,
RE viiA.i25of.) would not help, since Urania’s speech and Jupiter’s were
at all events in different Books, the former being concerned with 63, the
latter with 58. It is clear that Quintus’ allusion to his brother’s poem
amounted to a recommendation to keep out of politics; cf. §2 ad nostrum
Iovem revertamur.

COMMENTARY Q,.fr. 13 (11.8(7)) 2
2, i sed tamen I.e. ‘In spite of my resolve to steer clear of politics,
I have been attending to one matter which has to do with them.’
2 Vibullio L. Vibullius Rufus {A. iv, 320), perhaps already
praefectus fabrum to Pompey.
3 operibus atque inscriptionibus Perhaps including a building
commemorating the suppression of Catiline’s conspiracy, on which
Clodius had effaced the original inscription and substituted one of his
own. The portico of Catulus and (pace E. Courtney, Cl. Rev. 10 (i960),
99) the temple of Tellus, which latter Cicero had been commissioned to
restore and in which he had placed a statue of his brother, may also be
involved (cf. 21 (111.1). 14; F. 1, 309 [monumentis), 312 {monumentum)), istis
may relate to a passage in Quintus’ letter.
10 P. Crassus Probably the elder of the ‘Triumvir’s’ two sons
{F. 1, 328).
12 legatio. . .libera Cf. A. 1, 359.
13 Byzantium. . .Brogitarum As Tribune Clodius had put
through the restoration of certain Byzantine exiles and the appointment
of Deiotarus’ son-in-law Brogitarus as High Priest of Cybele at Pessinus
(Sest. 56; Har. Resp. 28f.). He now wanted to go and ‘collect’.
3, 2 Afrani A. 1, 322b (Auli filium). No doubt he was acting at
Pompey’s request. The contents of the decree have been variously
divined; cf. Constans, in, 13 n.i: ‘On a cru a tort que la proposition
d’Afranius visait l’election des preteurs, alors qu’elle visait la brigue en
general’; Gruen, Last generation, 233 n. 93 ‘The s.c. de ambitu of February,
55, was an ad hoc measure aimed at the long-delayed praetorian
elections for that year. We know of it only because of the political contest
between the triumvirs and the Catonians. . . There is no suggestion that
it proposed alteration in the existing lex de ambitu.’ See on 20 (11.16).2.
quam...adesses ‘Which I had proposed myself when you were
4-5 ut...essent Normally, according to Plutarch {Cat. min. 42),
prosecutions for bribery could be brought against magistrates-designate
within a certain period of time from the date of election; cf. Phoenix 24
(1970), 165. But since the Praetors for 55 were not elected until February
of that year, they would enter office immediately, thus becoming immune
from prosecution for the duration of their term. Hence the amendment
which the Consuls refused to entertain.
6 Catonem M. Cato was a candidate for the Praetorship. The
action of the Consuls ensured his defeat (Plut. Cat. min. l.c.; Pomp. 52;
Dio xxxix.32; Liv. Epit. cv). He was elected for the following year.
tenent omnia Cf. A. 1, 386. 14 (ILI0(9)) 1 COMMENTARY

14 (11.10(9))

Cicero wrote this and the following from Rome in mid February 54.
Quintus had just left for a destination not far from Rome - not Arpinum
(see on 16 (ii.I2).4 fin.).
1, 1 convicio efflagitarunt ‘Vociferously demanded’; cf. F. 11, 492
{tacito. . .convicio). According to A. J. Marshall {Cl. Rev. 18 (1968), 16)
‘Cicero is making humorous reference to flagitatio, the popular method
of extra-legal redress. . . The characteristic feature of this procedure was
aggressive demand backed by strongly worded insult.’ See his biblio¬
graphy and, with him, cf. Quint. Ep. ad Tryphonem 1 efflagitasti cotidiano
convicio ut libros. . .iam emittere inciperem; Plin. Ep. appellantur cotidie,
efflagitantur. . .cave ne eosdem istos libellos. . .convicio scazontes extorqueant.
codicilli A. 1, 305. A note sent on wax tablets called for an immediate
answer; see T.—P. ad loc. Cicero is not necessarily referring to the
nam Elliptical: ‘(Otherwise I should not be writing), for. . .’
1-2 res.. .dies A sort of hendiadys: ‘In actual material the day of
your departure offers practically nothing by way of a topic.’
2, 1 Tenediorum The Senate heard envoys from abroad in Febru¬
ary. The island of Tenedos, off the coast of theTroad, had petitioned for
the status of‘free community’, and been summarily refused.
securi Tenedia The proverbial expression ‘axe of Tenedos’, end
Toov daroTopcos Tt Kcd copoos SioarpcrrTopEVGOV, was in various ways
referred to the eponym of the island, Ten(n)es; see A. Lesky, RE VA.505 ;
Otto, Sprichworter, 343b
5 Pansae Nothing known; see Magie, 1244b, who explains unum as
‘alone (i.e. among the governors)’.
7 prid. Id. The occasion presumably concerned Pomponia. Perhaps
she was making her will.
3, 1 Lucreti poemata Taken along with the notice in St Jerome’s
Chronicle {cum aliquot libros. . .conscripsisset quos postea Cicero emendavit) this
passage used generally to be held as evidence that Lucretius was already
dead. But see F. H. Sandbach, Cl. Rev. 54 (1940), 72ff. On the uses of
poemata (76): Tt might be translated “the poetry of Lucretius”, “the
passages of Lucretius”, or “the passage of Lucretius” ’ - leaving in
doubt whether Quintus’judgement applied to De rerum natura as a whole
or to one or more extracts; also Brink, Horace on poetry, 1, 62.
1-2 multis... artis ‘Sparkling with natural genius, but with
plenty of technical skill.’ Vast effort has been expended on remaking this
criticism by scholars who ‘will not let Cicero say what he thought’
(T.-P. in, for once, a really sensible note). The meaning of ingenium
COMMENTARY 15 (il.ll(io)) I

and ars has been indefatigably canvassed. Enough here to endorse the
view that the antithesis intended by Cicero is exemplified in Ovid’s
Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis (Trist. n.424) or his judgement of
Callimachus, quamvis ingenio non valet, arte valet (Am. 1.15.14) - where
ingenio is evidently associated with the grand style, os magna sonaturum,
since nobody could deny Callimachus ‘wit’. Himself an imitator of
Alexandrian models and translator of the uninspired but technically
proficient Aratus, Cicero found Lucretius’ combination of genius and
technique extraordinary (it makes no odds to the supposed difficulty of
tamen whether multae tamen artis was part of Quintus’ verdict or, as
Hendrickson thought (Am. Journ. Phil. 22 (1901), 438b), an additional
comment, nor is there any way of telling). Cicero’s pronouncement on
Alexander Lychnus, author of poems on geography, raises a similar
point (Att. 40 (11.20).6 poeta ineptus, et tamen scit nihil). There too some
scholars have been disturbed by tamen, which implies that a tasteless poet
on such a theme might at least be expected to know his subject. That
passage was cited in this connexion by J. Preaux, Rev. Beige de Phil, et
d’Hist. 42 (1964), 60, but he did not understand what it meant.
2-3 virum. . .putabo ‘Ifyou read Sallustius’“From Empedocles”,
I’ll rate you a stout fellow - but not a member of the human species.’
From Cambridge Review 94 (1973), 190: ‘Housman [Cl. Quart. 13 (1919),
72b = Cl. papers, 986b] points out at some length that this is a contradic¬
tion in terms: “If one is not a human being, one cannot be a stout¬
hearted man nor a man of any sort.” True, but it is quite possible to say
of the same performance “you must be a real stalwart to read it” and
“you must be more (or less) than a human being to read it”. In a private
letter. . . Cicero says these two things in the same breath, not, if I am not
mistaken, because he was blind to a logical absurdity, but because he
thought it mildly amusing. It is one of Housman’s few weaknesses as a
critic that he occasionally brought logic into areas where it has no
business.’ Sallustius is probably Cicero’s friend Cn. Sallustius (A. 1, 286),
who had literary interests (cf. 25 (111.5). 1). The connexion with Lucretius
is, of course, obvious.

15 (11.11(10))

1,4 frigus I cannot believe with Lintott, Rh. Mus. 110 (1967), 658!.,
that the word is purely metaphorical both here and at the end of the
pipulo pipulum is regularly interpreted convicium in glossaries; see
Housman, Cl. papers, 578 and add Varr. L.L. vn.103 in Aulularia: ‘pipulo
[populo codd. Plaut. Aul. 446] te differam ante aedis’, id est convicio. Some 15 (ii. I I (IO)) 2 COMMENTARY

time can be wasted in tracking down Lewis and Short’s reference ‘On.
Matius ap. Gell. 20.9.4’ (also s.v. scii’amentum). The supposed fragment
was a fiction of Carrio’s (see Hertz ad loc.).
2, 1 Commageno Antiochus I had been king of Commagene since
69 or earlier (F. 1, 437b).
2 per Pomponium Atticus’ relations with Clodia ((3ocottis) in 59
may be recalled (Att. 34 (11.14). x, et al.). Cicero had been reconciled
with Crassus through Pompey; see below.
4 sterilem As presiding Consul Appius had hoped to garner a
harvest from foreign suitors. They would not pay only to have their
petitions blocked by Cicero.
eumque Antiochus.
5 in Euphrati Zeugmate For the genitive Euphrati see Neue-
Wagener, 1, 511. The bridge over the Euphrates (Strabo 749 to j£uypa
toO E09paTOU) was built by Seleucus Nicator, who founded settlements
at both ends called after himself and his wife Seleucia and Apamea (cf.
Plin. N.H. v.86). The former had been given to Commagene by Pompey
(Strabo l.c.). Later both places became a twin city known simply as
Zeugma. As this passage shows, that name even in Cicero’s time also
took in the surrounding territory; cf. Plin. N.H. vi.119 dicta est et in
Zeugmate Apamea; C.I.L. in.i 1701 civis Surus ex regione ZeuSma v^c0 Hernia.
See R. Dusseaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale (1927),
449, 458ff. The ‘little town’ in this area which Cicero wrenched away
from Antiochus naturally cannot be identified, nor do I share Watt’s
belief that there is a joke in hiding here. [I have again to thank Professor
G. W. Bowersock for guidance in this note.]
6 togam. . .praetextam It appears that in 59 Antiochus had been
presented with this garment (for precedent see Liv. xxvn.4.8ff.) and the
right to wear it. He was now asking for confirmation of this privilege.
The original grant might be called in question on procedural grounds,
like other Caesarian legislation; cf. F. 1, 458 {ratione).
7 Caesare consule Cf. Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 88 (1979), 259. The
single Consul here admits of two explanations: ‘Aut quia consulatum
Caesar solus gessit, Bibulo collega domi incluso: aut, quia Caesar ad
senatum retulit de honore togae praetextae Commageno regi imperti¬
endo’ (Manutius). Probably the latter, except that the gift is likely to
have been put through by legislation, at Caesar’s instance.
3, 3 quotannis interpolet Probably a sneer at the king’s poverty;
he could not afford a new gown, so would go on giving the old one an
annual re-dye.
4 Burrenum The joke, as suggested in SB1 36, is one of Cicero’s
customary plays on words. Commagenum means {a) a native of Commagene

COMMENTARY I 5 (ii. I I ( I o) ) 4

and (b) a medicament made from the herb commagene (Plin. N.H. x.55,
XXIX-55)- Ps.-Apuleius (Herb. 86) , has burrhinon, ‘ox-nose’ (so not burrhinon,
as Lewis and Short), as the name of a herb, otherwise known as bucranion.
My conjecture Burrhinum, with the inference that ‘the nobles in Cicero’s
audience had resented the occupation of a curule magistracy by a certain
low-born person named or nicknamed “Burrhinus” ’ suggested to
Wiseman {New men, 217) that the pun is on the nomen ‘Burrienus’ and
refers to a son of the Praetor Urbanus of 83 mentioned several times in
the Pro Quinctio. Why not the Praetor himself? Inspection of the MSS
has shown that his name was probably ‘Burrenus’ {Studies, 19), so I now
read Burrenum as a pun on Burrhinum.
6 ignobilem Antiochus was the ‘descendant of a long line of
princes’ (Magie, 376) on his father’s side, and his mother was the daugh¬
ter of the Seleucid Antiochus VIII Grypus. But Commagene was small
and remote.
9 non faciam ut illum offendam ‘I shall not do anything to
offend him.’ committam is more usual in negative statements, as Fam. 5
(v-5)-3 non committam ut tibi ipsi insanire videar, faciam in positive ones.
10 ne imploret, sqq. From an unknown play. Biicheler {Coniectanea
Latina (1868) = Kl. Schr. 1, 645) suggested that the original was implorat
. . .convocat.
11 Iovis Hospitalis Zeus Sevios. Perhaps with reference to the
dinners which can be assumed to have celebrated Cicero’s reconciliation
with Appius (see below). Biicheler’s explanation (l.c.) that the ties of
hospitality are those between Appius and the Commagenians is less to
the purpose.
Graios ‘Graios Cicero ex tragoedia accitos quos vellet intellegi, ipse
declaravit adiectis his per quos mecum in gratia rediit. Reconciliatum autem
esse Ciceronem in Appi gratiam. . . per Caesarem Pompeiumque
conicimus’ (Biicheler, l.c.). We can do more than conjecture. Cicero was
reconciled to Appius by Pompey {F. 1, 314 {Appio)). The plural Graios
in the quotation may stand for Pompey only, though it is naturally
possible that others (Brutus?) were involved; see SB1 36, where Att. 124
(vii.i). 4 is compared: ‘aibEopai’ non Pompeium modo sed ‘Tpcoas mi
TpcoaSas’. ‘FTouAuSapas pot upcoTOS EAEyxeiBVKOTaQBtfE1’-?"^^^
scilicet. The vulgar error, going back to Manutius, according to which
actual Greeks are intended, has proved hard to eradicate.
4, 1 Theopompo See on 2 (1.2).9.
de Caesare I.e. about joining Caesar’s staff.
5, 1-2 eodem illo exemplo litteras ‘A duplicate of that letter.’
Another example of the proper meaning of eodem exemplo (see F. 1, 342,

if 353)-

193 l6 (lI.I2(ll)) I COMMENTARY

2 iocum From Caesar’s letter to Cicero, of which he had sent

Quintus a copy and to which he had replied, rather than from Caesar’s
letter to Balbus. As T.-P. say, the customary change from locum to iocum
is not absolutely necessary, but then it is hardly more than an alternative
way of reading the MSS. With either, ne sis aspernatus can be rendered
‘don’t be put off by’; cf. 1 (m)-33 nomen autem publicani aspernari non
3-4 nihil... conturbaret ‘In future he had better not go broke
relying on my strong-box’, i.e. if he spends himself into bankruptcy, he
must not depend on me to come to the rescue.
6 litterae Caesar’s reply to Cicero’s letter just mentioned. Its
arrival might be expected to coincide with Quintus’ return to Rome.
9 frigus The joke seems to turn on the double meanings of frigus,
‘cold’ (cf. §1) and ‘unpopularity’, and of urerentur, ‘may be frostbitten’
and ‘may be burned’ (by an angry mob).
10 impendebat The ‘cold’ is said to ‘hang over’ Rome like a cloud
or a storm.

16 (11.12(11))

1, 1 nivem atram Anaxagoras argued that snow is frozen water,

water is black, therefore snow is black; cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. 1.33; Acad.
11.72 Anaxagoras nivem nigram dixit esse, ferres me, si ego idem dicerem? tu, tie si
dubitarem quidem (sc. ferres; not, as Reid, tu (sc. non ferres) ne, sqq.).
Quintus may have humorously alluded to this doctrine in writing of an
actual snow-storm.
2 de Pompeio Perhaps that he was unreliable, or perhaps that he
must not be allowed to feel neglected (cf. 21 (m.i).g). The former better
suits 18 (11.i4).2 quod me hortaris.. .ut omnia mea studia in istum unum
3 canto in ore habeo. Praise is implied here (as in Sen. Ep. 79.15 cum
amicitiam suam et Metrodori. . .cecinisset), the opposite in Ter. Heaut. 260
qui harum mores cantabat mihi; Hor. Sat. 11.1.46 flebit et insignis tota cantabitur
urbe. The much-discussed cantores (= cantatores, as elsewhere) Euphorionis
(Tuse. ni.45) probably simply = qui semper Euphorionem in ore habent, though
the phrase may have been prompted by the context concerning poets.
4 neque ego discingor ‘And I am not loosening the knot.’ in sinu is
literally ‘in the fold of my gown’; cf. Ad Brut. 19 (15).2 Bibulum noli
dimittere e sinu tuo.
2, 1 decimus.. .dies Trials usually began ‘on the tenth day’ after
nominis delatio; cf. Ascon. 59.17 Clark detulit nomen Publius, subscripsit
Gaius. et cum P. Cassius praetor decimo die, ut mos est, adesse iussisset, sqq. By

COMMENTARY Q_-fr. 16 (il. I2(ll)) 3

inclusive reckoning this would mean the ninth day. Plut. Cic. 9, however,
seems to imply an interval of at least ten clear days: EiOiapevoov tcov
crrporrriycov Sekcc TouAayicrrov ppEpas 8i6ovai toTs kiv8uveuoucti. No
more is known about this prosecution of Caelius Rufus, already defended
by Cicero in 56.
Domitius A Cn. Domitius had presided at Caelius’ earlier trial de vi
(Gael. 32). Cn. Domitius Calvinus was Praetor in 56, but presided over
the quaestio de ambitu (7 (11.3) .6). Cases de vi seem to have been tried by
courts set up ad hoc under the presidency of a quaesitor (see on 5 (11.1).2
(ut. . .sortiretur)). The president in the Pro Caelio will therefore have been
another man. The charge in 54 is not stated. The president could hardly
be the Consul, Ahenobarbus, though Ahenobarbus is clearly the
Domitius mentioned below. Either then Calvinus or the man who
presided in 56.
3 Pola Servius He attacked Caelius in 50 at Ap. Claudius’
instigation (Fam. 98 (vm.2).2f.).
4 oppugnatur Cf. Cael. 20 non enim ab isdem accusatur M. Caelius a
quibus oppugnatur.
gente Clodia I.e. Clodia (Metelli) and her half-brothers, Appius
and Publius; cf. Cael. 21.
6 Tyriis Their business probably concerned the city’s privileges,
which Gabinius had confirmed and perhaps extended; see Rostovtzeff,
Hellenistic world, 1572b
8-9 quod. . .prosecuti On his departure for Egypt to restore
9 Lamia One of the publicani', see A. in, 203 and Treggiari’s account
of him in Phoenix 27 (1973), 246ff. Gabinius had banished him from
Rome in 58. No praenomen is needed (cf. noster Caelius above).
11-12 nos. . .laudatis ‘We give verdicts and you (Senators) give
testimonials.’ See F. 1, 309 and especially Tam. 20 (1.9).19.
12 nox diremit Sc. controversiam, vel sim. (cf. Thes.v. 1, 1260.1).
3, i Quirinalia 17 February. The comitial days were 18-20, 22,
25, 28.
2 lege Pupia F. 1, 299b The lex Gabinia (F. 1, 300 (neque mente
Februario)), providing that the Senate should hear embassies throughout
February, evidently did not exclude comitial days specifically. Presum¬
ably it was passed after the Pupia, the provisions of which, as Appius
maintained, were overridden by the word cottidie, on the principle ubi
duo contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova (Liv. ix.34.7).
5 comitia Probably elections, praetorian or aedilician, which
naturally could not be held while the Senate was in session. For some
unknown reason the elections for 54 had been held up, as happened in

195 l6 (ii. I2(l i)) 4 COMMENTARY

the previous year and the two following; cf. Att. 87 (iv. I3).i, of mid
November, comitiorum non nulla opinio est. If Plutarch implies that Cato’s
election to the Praetorship took place in 55 (Cat. min. 44 eis 5e to E^rjs
ETOS aip£0£is 6 Kcnrcov orponriyos), that may be a natural oversight. It
is just possible that comitia here refers to an assembly called to pass
legislation against Gabinius; cf. Div. 11.74 institutum. . .est ut comitiorum
vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes
civitatis essent interpretes. The holding of a legislative assembly while the
Senate was meeting was no doubt unusual (and now normally precluded
by the lex Pupia), but, as the next sentence shows, not illegal (cf. A.
Michels, The calendar of the Roman Republic (1967), 44b). In any case
Appius will not have been acting in Gabinius’ interests (see on 22
(hi.2).3) but for his own financial profit (cf. 15 (

6 tribuni pi. Perhaps the ‘anti-triumviral’ P. Aquillius Gallus and

C. Ateius Capito (cf. Broughton, 216).
4, 1 Callisthenem F. 1, 319.
Philistum Of Syracuse, born c. 435. An important figure at the
courts of both Dionysii, though banished by the elder, he wrote a history
of Sicily in thirteen Books. See below.
3 not(h)um notum, ‘well-known’, ‘familiar’ is not normally a term
of disparagement, the rendering ‘hackneyed’ being doubtfully legitimate
and also inappropriate here; a phrase or even a poem may be hackneyed,
but hardly a history, let alone a historian. Nor would such a judgement
need Greek authority, locuti sunt suggests that Cicero had used a peculiar
term to describe Callisthenes, ‘whose chief offence in Cicero’s eyes is
indicated by an almost contemporary reference in De oral. 11.58 Callis¬
thenes, comes Alexandri, scripsit historiam, et is quidem rhetorico paene more.
“Longinus” attacks his bombast (3.2 ouy OtpqAa ocAAcc pETEGopa),
Suidas’ [the Suda’s] more favourable characterization points the same
way: Eucpuqstrposto ctuTocryeSid^EivKai |50pq ttoAAt) <p£p£a0ai.Other
Greeks (Timaeus, Philodemus) accused him of koAockeicc. All this
suggests that notum should be nothum. Callisthenes did not write genuine,
honest history but a meretricious and counterfeit mixture of history,
adulterated by flattery (I take from L.-S.-J. Philo 1, 4011 tov KoAocKEia
voOoupEVOV Etraivov) and excessive rhetoric. The Latinized form of
VO0OS occurs in several contemporary writers (Varro, Catullus, Lucre¬
tius)’ (SB' 2f.).
3 4 quem ad modum. . . locuti sunt These words were bracketed
byTyrrell.They cannot refer to negotium = \pfjpa (as in crocpov ti XPBP'

1 The reference, to Cohn and Wendland’s edition, seems to be false;

cf. ibid. 11, 226 tov pf) KoAocKEia vo0oup£vov.. .Etraivov.

COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 17 (11.13(12)) I

avOpcoTTOs), which was ordinary usage (cf. Red. in sen. 14;Att. 12(1.12). 1).
The trouble lies with notum.
4 capitalis ‘Capital’; apparently the only example of the word
used of a person.
creber ‘Close-packed’, ‘full of matter’; cf. Plin. Ep. 1.20.22 orationem
similem nivibus hibernis, id est crebram et adsiduam et largam. Thucydides is
called creber rerum frequentia in De orat. 11.56.
5 Thucydides Cf. De orat. 11.57 maximeque Thucydidem est, ut mihi
videtur, imitatus', Quint. Inst. x. 1.74 imitator Thucydidi et ut multo infirmior ita
aliquatenus lucidior. Dionysius (Ad Cn. Pompeium 5; De imit. 3.2) elaborately
compares the two historians, mostly to the disadvantage of the younger.
6 duo. . .corpora Philistus’ work was divided into two parts (for
corpora cf. F. 1, 320), the first of seven Books extending to the fall of
Agrigentum in 405 (TTepi XikeAiccs), the second of four Books covering
the elder Dionysius (Ilepi Aiovucriou). To this latter accrued two more
on Dionysius II (C. Laqueur, RE xix.24i3f.).
7 veterator magnus ‘A grand old fox.’
8-9 sed... potes ‘you add a question — shall you embark on history ?
You may do so with my blessing.’ The question is surely Quintus’, who
will have written adgrediorne (K.-S. 1, 120), not Cicero’s.
10 Lupercalibus 15 February. Cicero will have been writing in
the early morning of the 14th. A letter reporting the events of that day
could not have reached Arpinum the day following. Quintus must have
been much closer.

17 (11.13(12))

Quintus was on his way to Gaul. He may have joined Caesar at Ravenna
- not at Ariminum, ‘the first town in Caesar’s province entered by
Quintus’ (T.-P.! Constans, hi, 61 n. 1 makes the same error).
1, 1-2 alteram... datam Cf. Att. 276 (xii.37).i a te heri duas
epistulas accepi, alteram pridie datam Hilaro, alteram eodem die [a] tabellario,
374 (xiv.20). 1 ibi accepi duas epistulas, alteram Nonis, alteram VII Id.
Lanuvio datas, 394 (xv. 17). 1 duas accepi postridie Idus, alteram eo die datam,
alteram Idibus.
7 TioXiTixd De republica.
2, 1 in adiungendis Cf. Att. 273 (xii.34).2 (Watt), where I read
et {in) agendis nostris rebus et in consiliis ineundis.
4 scilicet ‘As goes without saying.’
sed I.e. sed etiam.
7 Cicerone nostro minore ‘Our younger boy.’ Not ‘my own, I
mean the younger Cicero’ (Cary).

J97 17 (ii. 13 (1 2) ) 3 COMMENTARY

3, 4 praetermittam ‘Let go by.’

5 his diebus ignosces ‘You will have to forgive me over these last
few days’, i.e. quod his diebus litteras non dedi. This seems to me more
natural than the vulgate his diebus (ignosces) cui, sqq.
6 M. Orfium Miinzer points to M. Orfius M. f. Fal., recorded in
an epitaph found in Naples (C.I.L. i2-1597 = x.4263). Atella was only
a few miles inland from Naples and not much further from Cumae.
13 Trebatium He had left to join Caesar about the same time as
Quintus (F. 1, 329), possibly in his company.

18 (11.14(13))

1,2 Blandenone No place of this name is recorded, but P. Groebe’s

identification with Biandronno on Lago di Varese (Rh. Mus. 78 (1929),
10788) seems plausible. If it is right, postridie goes with accepi. Laus
Pompeia (see app. crit.) was near modern Lodi.
4 ista ‘The things you speak of in your letter’; not Caesar’s officium,
diligentia, suavitas, which could not be opposed to Caesaris tantum in me
9 honoribus Cf. 25 (hi.5).3 nec sitio honores. B. Nemeth (Acta
Classica 4 (1968), 4988.), picking up a suggestion of Constans (hi, 257),
thinks that a second Consulship for Cicero was in view. Far more likely,
Caesar held out the prospect of a much-coveted Augurate, actually
realized in 53 (or 52, according to Linderski, Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 76
(1972), igoff.), and perhaps a Censorship in 50. Cicero had thought of
standing for the latter office in 56 (Att. 74 (iv.2).6).
11 recordatio Perhaps better taken with initium est than with
suavis, though the word can mean ‘reminder’, as in Att. 115 (vi.i).22
litterarum datarum dies. . .suavem habuit recordationem clarissimi iuris iurandi.
12 veteris amoris Probably between Caesar and Quintus.
se effecturum As though scripsit primum had preceded.
2, 2 currentem Cf. 1 (i.i).45.
3 ego vero ‘Indeed I shall.’
6 de nocte ‘In the middle of the night.’
9-10 equis.. .quadrigis An ad hoc variant on equis viris (F. 11,
314). The chariot of the Muses is a favourite Pindaric concept (Olymp.
ix.81, al.), also found in Bacchylides (v.177), Aristophanes (Vesp. 1022),
Propertius (iv. 1.70), and elsewhere (cf. G. Kuhlmann, De poetae et
poematis Graecorum appellationibus (diss. Marburg, 1906), 258).
poema. . .probari ‘That my poem meets with his approval’, i.e.,
probably, that he likes the idea of it. Cicero was planning an epic poem
on Caesar’s exploits and actually completed it before the year was out

COMMENTARY l8 (11.14(13)) 3
(21 (m.i).ii, 26 (hi.6).3, 27 (hi.7).6). But it is possible that he had sent
a specimen for Caesar to read; cf. on 14 ( (Lucreti poemata).
3, 4 M. Curtio Not ‘M.’ Curtius Postumus, whose praenomen was
Gaius; see F. 1, 32gf., 11, 450.
6 se.. .facere Such an appointment could hardly have been made
by Domitius directly, since Military Tribunes were elected by the People
or nominated by army commanders (Mommsen, St. 11, 575ff.). No doubt
consular influence could normally secure such posts. Apparently Quintus
had suggested for some reason that Domitius would be a suitable person
to approach on Curtius’ behalf.
7-8 isse ad Caesarem The point disappears if this is referred to
Appius’ visit in 56 (9 (n.5).4). He must have met Caesar in north Italy
early in 54.
4,2-3 oriculainfima Cf. Catuli. 25.1 mollior. . .imula oricilla; Amm.
Marc. xix. 12.5 ima, quod aiunt, auricula mollior (Otto, Sprichworter, 46b).
5, 2-3 suspicio dictaturae The idea of Pompey as Dictator was
much in the air from this time forward.
6 roiauG’ 6 TXgptov, x.t.X. Eur. Suppl. 119, only loosely relevant,
as Cicero’s quotations are apt to be. ‘War’ stands for political strife. Or
perhaps more generally, as we say ‘the fortune of war’ or ‘a la guerre
comme a la guerre’ without necessary reference to combat.

19 (11.15(14))

From internal resemblance (§4) likely to be contemporary with Att. 90

(iv.15) of 27 July.
1, 1 calamo.. .temperato bono is the simplest supplement with
calamo; cf. utor tamquam bono below. But something more specific is also
possible. For Cnidio cf. Plin. N.H. xvi.157 chartisque serviunt calami,
Aegyptii maxime cognatione quadam papyri, probatiores tamen Cnidii et qui in
Asia circa Anaeticum lacum nascuntur. But again, perhaps no supplement is
needed, since temperare calamum seems to have been used for ‘sharpen a
pen’; see Constans, hi, 251, who cites Corp. gloss. Lat. 11, p. 196 temperat,
yXu96i KCtAapov and Italian temperare la penna; also Stat. Theb. 11.130
temperat ungues (tigris). Of ink temperato naturally = ‘well-mixed’; cf. Pers.
3.12 tum querimur crassus calamo quodpendeat umor; | nigra sed infusa vanescit
sepia lympha, \ dilutas querimur geminet quod fistula guttas.
dentata Cf. Plin. N.H. xni.81 scabritia levigatur dente conchave, sed
caducae litterae fiunt.
2, 3 npaypaxmaji; prudenter, ‘shrewdly’, a favourite word with
Polybius in this sense.
de quo I.e. de ea re de qua.

199 ig (11.15(14)) 3 COMMENTARY

5 fraterneque. I.e. with brotherly candour; cf. §3 and 20 (ii.i6).5

6 ad expediendum te ‘With a view to clearing yourself financially.’
si causa sit ‘If ad expediendum te refers to Quintus’ debts, why add
si causa sit? Surely he would not incur further debts in Gaul?’ (Wiseman,
Journ. Rom. Stud. 56 (1966), 108). But the meaning is, ‘if you should have
a reason for staying’, i.e. ‘if you can expect to make money’. Kasten
translates ‘unter Umstanden’.
9 in hac vero re The sense is: ‘Even in a minor matter I should
make my wishes plain, while leaving the decision to you. But in a matter
of this importance I am all the more bound to be frank.’ Words to that
effect must have fallen out after in hac vero re\ for vero thus cf. e.g. 20
(11. r 6). 1 atque ut etiam ab iis ipsis qui nos cum Caesare tam coniunctos dolent
diligamur, ab aequis vero. . .et colamur et amemur. As the text stands in hac re,
answering parva aliqua res with vero to point the contrast, is not needed,
or even tolerable, with hoc profecto quaeris.
ii plane aut For the hyperbaton see Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 13588
13 theatri significationes £7riar|paaias (cf. 1(1.i)-42).
nec labor, sqq. ‘Having mentioned certain grounds for confidence,
popular favour and so on, which he had also possessed in 58, he hastens
to add that he is not now making the mistake {labor) he made then in his
consciousness of the resources at his disposal’ (SB2 3). But confidentia may
be right. It is not easy to decide whether quod. . .tenemus belongs with
nec labor or with haec. . .faciunt.
3, 2-3 suavitatis.. .nostrae ‘The pleasure we take in each other.’
5 dfJufnXotcjnav Cf. 9 (11.5). 1.
4, 1 ambitus Cf. Att. 90 (iv.i5).7.
2 bessibus ex triente From y% to monthly.
coitione Cf. Att. l.'c. and 91 (iv. 17).2.
3 Domitio Calvinus. His past had been strongly conservative:‘The
prevailing notion that Caesar supported Calvinus should be abandoned’
(Gruen, Last generation, 149 n. 119). Subsequent support for Caesar is
explained by a conviction in 52 or 51; see on 7 (ii.3).6. Still, as remarked
in A. 11, 203, his behaviour at Gabinius’ trial de maiestate may indicate
that he had already somewhat shifted ground.
Scaurus M. Aemilius Scaurus (A. 11, 2028)
5 in praerogativa For the abl. cf. Att. 16 (1.16). 13 qui nummos in
tribu pronuntiant (Watt). The centuria praerogativa was chosen by lot
immediately before voting began; see Taylor, Roman voting assemblies
(1966), 95ff.
6 compromiserunt Legal term for agreeing to abide by arbitra¬

COMMENTARY 20 (11.16(15)) 1
7 petere eius arbitratu Cf. Att. 90 (iv.i5).7 iurarunt se arbitrio
Catonis petituros. Anyone judged guilty of improper conduct by Cato was
to forfeit his deposit, which would be divided among his competitors.
Presumably he would also be disqualified.
8-10 quae. . .iudices Att. 90 (iv.i5).8 quae [sc. comitia] si, ut
putantur, gratuita fuerint, plus unus Cato potuerit quam {omnes leges) omnesque

20 (11.16(15))

A reply to Quintus’ first letter from Britain (§4), where Caesar probably
landed on 31 July. The trial of Scaurus (§3) ended on 2 September
(Ascon. 18.3 Clark).
1, 6-7 aut spei aut cogitationi vestrae ‘What you (i.e. you and
Caesar) are hoping for or thinking about.’ Quintus could choose which
word he preferred, cogitationi almost = ‘plan’, ‘project’; not ‘expectation’
(Shuckburgh) or ‘high opinion’ (Stockton). What was this? si id difficilius
fuerit shows that it was something specific. According to Wiseman (citing
Constans, in, 257) it was a Consulship for Quintus; he places the same
construction on 26 (111.6). 1 (Journ. Rom. Stud. 56 (1966), io8ff.). But iis
honoribus in 18 (11.14). 1 and honores in 25 (hi.5).3 are honours for Cicero,
and in all likelihood these are what he has in mind here.
12 aequis ‘Fair’, ‘non-partisan’.
2, 1 de ambitu The object seems to have been an ad hoc decree in
restraint of current excesses, not a new law (cf. on 13 (11.8) .3); see Gruen,
Last generation, 233 n. 93. Nothing emerged.
4-5 statui... accedere T have decided not to come forward to
cure the ills of the body politic without powerful backing.’ Cf. Rose. Am.
84 sic vita hominum est ut ad maleficium nemo conetur sine spe atque emolumento
3, i Drusus A. i, 365b On his trial for collusive prosecution, perhaps
as prosecutor of C. Cato, see A. 11, 20if. His defence ‘doubtless was
another of those unhappy tasks extorted from Cicero by his new
“friends” ’ (Gruen, Haw. Stud. Cl. Phil. 71 (1966), 221).
2 in summa Majorities of the Senators and of the Knights voted
guilty, but the vote of the Tribuni Aerarii produced an overall majority
for acquittal.
4 Vatinium Cf. Fam. 20 (1.9).4 Vatinium autem scire te velle ostendis
quibus rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim, with reference to two separate
trials (F. 1, 309).
5 Scauri Acquitted on a charge de repetundis, with Cicero as one of
six patroni (A. n, 216 (partem eius)).

201 20 (ll.l6(l5)) 4 COMMENTARY

7 EuvSeinvom; Sophocles’ play of that name, if not satyric, was at

any rate not a serious tragedy; see Pearson, 11, pp. 20of. One
of the fragments (565 Pearson) is notably coarse. Cicero’s meaning is
disputed. Pearson (l.c. 201) renders the paradosis: ‘I don’t care about
the ZOvSerrrvot of Sophocles, although I perceive that you have treated
it wittily’, understanding that Quintus had sent a translation or adapta¬
tion for his brother to read. But actdm (fabellam) surely has to mean
‘acted’, as in e.g. Fest. 448.3 Lindsay quia is et scribebat fabulas et agebat,
despite Pearson’s citations of Lucr. 1. 138 multa novis verbis praesertim cum
sit agendum and Liv. x.31.10 Samnitium bella, quae continua per quartum iam
volumen. . .agimus (cf. Thes. 1, 1398.11). Donat, ad Ter. Hec. 1.2.22 (97)
ne ieiune ad argumentum venire et non agere fabulam sed narrare videretur (sc.
poeta), where agere = ‘present dramatically’ as opposed to ‘narrate’, is
obviously exceptional. On the other hand, the traditional theory of an
allusion to some incident in Caesar’s camp remains implausible. Had
Quintus been left out of a dinner-party like Achilles in the play (cf. K.
Latte, Hermes 60 (1925), 6 n. 1; Pearson, l.c. 199) ? I prefer Buecheler’s
factam', cf. Plaut. Capt. 1029 ad pudicos mores facta haec fabula est, et sim.
8 nullo modo If this is a literary judgement, the possibility may
be entertained that Cicero wrote bono modo, ‘only moderately’.
4, 3 contemno ‘Make light of.’
4-5 magisque. . .metu ‘And my suspense is’ (not ‘was’) ‘more a
matter of anticipation than of anxiety.’ ea = eorum.
9 versus Quintus is generally supposed to have asked his brother
for some verses in order to palm them off as his own; see W. Allen, Trans.
Am. Phil. Ass. 86 (1955), 143fF. I would sooner believe that they were to
be ascribed to their real author and recited on some appropriate occa¬
sion, or inserted in a prose account by Quintus of the British expedition,
after the fashion of a Menippean satire.
10 hoc est Athenas noctuam Most editors (Constans and
Moricca excepted) take this for a gloss on yAocOK’ sis ’Afhjvcxs, and of
course they may well be right; but R. Klotz (Jahrb.f. Phil. 97 (1868),
358) was justified in denying any necessity for this assumption. For hoc
est (‘echt Ciceronisch’) he refers to his own critical notes on Pro Caecina,
p. 12, where passages cited include Caec. 74 at usucapio fundi, hoc est finis
sollicitudinis ac periculi litium, non a patre relinquitur sed a legibus. It may-
further be pointed out that, while Cicero has the saying twice elsewhere
in Greek (Fam. 176 (ix.3).2, 243 (vi.3).4), he also has Mars communis
(Fam. 244 (vi.4).i) as well as £uvos ’EvudAtos (Att. 131 (vii.8).4) and
Martem spirare (Att. 389 (xv.ii).i) as well as “Apti trvecov (24 (iii.4).6).
5, 2 versibus De temporibus suis.
3 sic I.e. tam libenter.

COMMENTARY Q_-fr. 21 (ill.l) I

4 (baGupoTepct Sc. putat, vel sim. ‘Surely Caesar meant remissiora (cf.
Sest. 115 remissiore uti genere dicendi), “languid”. The verses lacked drive
and tension’ (Cl. Quart. 12 (1962), 164). Perhaps ‘mechanical’ would
come as close as any English adjective; cf. Dionys. Thuc. 16 iroAAa kou
aAAa tis av eupoi Si’ oArjs Tty iaropias f| Tfjs axpas e^Epyaouas
TeTUXrlK°Ta Kotl P^te TrpoaOEaiv SEyopEva pf|-r’ d9cdpEcnv f| |5a0upcos
ETtiTETpoyaapEva Kai ouSe Tijv EAaytcrrriv Epcpaaiv EyovToc Ttjs
Seivottitos £Ke(vt)5. Caesar was not referring to faulty technique.
5-6 aut res...aut xaP01><'r,lP ‘Is either the subject or the style not
to his liking?’ (not quite ‘is it the subject or the style that he does not
like?’, which would be utrum. . .an). For yapocKTqpcf. Orat. 36, i34;Gell.
vi. 14.1 et in carmine et in soluta oratione genera dicendi probabilia sunt tria, quae
Graeci yapccKTrjpas vocant nominaque eis fecerunt aSpov, iayvov, pscov.
8 [scribere] Added in explanation of soles. The ellipse of scribe is
common; cf. e.g. Att. 424 (xvi.I3«(6)).2 tu mihi de his rebus quae novantur
omnia certa, clara.
fraterne Cf. 19 (n.i5).3n.

21 (iii.i)

1, 2 fluminis The Fibrenus, a tributary of the Liris; cf. Leg. 11.1.

ludorum Sc. Romanorum (4-19 September).
3 Philotimo A. 1, 360. He was to see that members of the tribus
Cornelia got places.
4-5 Mescidium cum Philoxeno The former was a contractor
(§3)) the latter may have been his assistant.
8 Herum Clearly Quintus’ vilicus at Arcanum and so presumably
a slave. The name is suspect. Neither ‘Heros’ nor ‘Hero(n)’.forms an
accusative Herum. True, Anterum, as from ‘Anteros’, appears in our texts
of Fam. 337 (xvi.2i).8 (including mine), but the paradosis Antherum,
from ‘Antherus’ = "AvOqpos, ought probably to be restored; see,
however, Thes. n, 160.1. In Studies, 44 I suggest Herium, an Oscan
praenomen and so a possible slave-name (cf. ‘Statius’), also found as a
gentilicium (Schulze, Eigennamen, 82). See also addenda.
9 Maniliano Evidently a property adjoining Arcanum, recently
acquired by Quintus and bearing the name of the previous owner.
Diphilum An architect, incompetent as well as dilatory, perhaps a
freedman of one of the Ciceros.
13 patet ‘Quod antea, dum aedificaretur, instrumentis fabrilibus
impedita, tota non pateret’ (Manutius).
15 tectorium ‘Stucco.’
16 cameras Vaulted ceilings.

203 21 (ill.l) 2 COMMENTARY

2, i—2 quo loco.. .placebat ‘They say you have written instruc¬
tions for a small court in a certain area of the colonnade. I like that area
better as it is.’ Not ‘I like the antechamber as it is better than in the
portico.’ For the construction quo loco. . .ut est [sc. is locus] magis placebat
cf. Lucr. 111.836 in dubioque fuere, utrorum ad regna cadendum \ omnibus
humanis esset; Housman, Manilius, 1, p. xli.
5-6 nunc. . .obtinebit ‘As it is, it will serve as a handsome vault or
a very good summer-room.’ testudo = ‘vaulted chamber’: ‘Le terme prit
une grande extension, comme on le voit par les passages des auteurs oil
testudo et testudinatum tectum designent le toit entier, forme de quatre plans
convergeant vers un centre, et meme la construction qui est ainsi
couverte’ (E. Saglio, Daremberg-Saglio, v, 158; cf. Varro, R.R. m.5.1).
aestivum is not found elsewhere, cenaculi would make a better supplement
than cubiculi (a bedroom in a portico seems unlikely).
8 assa ‘Sweating-rooms.’ So in a republican inscription (Degrassi,
Inscr. Lat. Lib. rei p., 1275).
9 vaporarium ‘Steam-pipe.’
11 hibernum alt(er)um ‘And the other winter one’ (both seem
to have been hiberna). As for altum, how should the bedrooms be on differ¬
ent levels, and why choose the higher one for winter? The questions
were asked by Lehmann (Berl. Phil. Woch. 10 (1890), 619), who com¬
pared Att. 220 (xi.g).2 epistula Vatinio et Ligurio altera. Watt cites Plin.
Ep. ii. 17.10, apparently in support of altum: post hanc cubiculum cum
procoetone, altitudine aestivum, munimentis hibernum, aestivum, Ernesti’s con¬
jecture for autem, certainly clarifies.
12 loco posita They would benefit from the warmth of the baths.
3, 1 Vitularia T.-P. cite from O. E. Schmidt, Arpinum, 26: ‘This
name belongs certainly to the same category as the via Salaria at Rome:
the chief product which was transported along this road gave it its name.
Accordingly the via Vitularia means “the calf-road”, because along it the
meat was conveyed from the region of Arpinum to the Greek cities on
the coast; and even still the Arpinates have a trade in live-stock with
2 Fufidio F. 11, 441.
8 salientibus Conduits’; cf. e.g. Vitr. 8.6 ad portum Piraeum ducti
sunt salientes. Not ‘fountains’.
fvirdicataf Ihe reading is quite uncertain. That viridi followed
silva is far from being ‘highly probable’ (T.-P.). Woods are usually green
in summer and Quintus knew what time of year it was.
9 tBobilianumf Watt reads Bovillanum, but the property must have
been near Arpinum, and the existence of an unknown Bovillae or
Bovilla or Bovillum should not be assumed. M. Maclaren’s discussion in

COMMENTARY 21 (ill. I) 4
Am. Jourti. Phil. 87 (1966), ig6ff. does not help. Probably the name was
personal, perhaps Babul(l)ianum or Babuleianum; cf. C.I.L. x.5370, found
near the Liris in the neighbourhood of Interamna: iter actum per fundum
Babuleianum in fundum Flaminianum. Not Fufidianum (Constans): ‘hunc need
not imply that the place is the “Fufidianus fundus”... in fact it is clearly
not the same. The Fufidian property had only just been bought for
Quintus, so why should there be any question about his keeping it?’
(Studies, 17). But I now think it better to read nunc.
10 Caesius The obvious name. As Roby pointed out (see T.-P.),
the advice related to value, not to law, so Camillus (A. hi, 203) is not
likely. Cascellius (cf. Reid ap. T.-P.) in Alt. 404 (xv.q6).4 is not
‘mentioned in connexion with water’.
10-11 aqua.. .imposita ‘With the water taken off, and the right
to the water legally certified, and a servitude placed on the property.’
Quintus planned to draw off water from this property for Arcanum,
which would depreciate its market value. Roby (Cl. Rev. 1 (1887), 67)
remarks that ius aquae (ducendae) constituere is legal phraseology (Dig.
viii.5.10, 18).
13-14 transegisse For the construction of an aqueduct.
15 praestabo Cf. A. in, 204.
16 Cilionem Cf. Treggiari, Freedmen, 99: ‘Sometimes, a man might
be both master-contractor or [j/c] labourer, as happened, it seems, with
Cillo, a slave responsible for an irrigation project at Q. Cicero’s house at
Bovianum [ffc]. He held the contract and was in charge of operations
conducted by at least four subordinate slaves, and he worked with them.
Whether he was a slave working independently on his master’s behalf
()(COpi$ OlKcbv) or one of Quintus’ own slaves (which seems unlikely if a
contract was necessary) we do not know.’ Cicero does not actually
mention a contract; cf. below on §5. Nor is the old view that conservos
means former fellow-slaves, Cillo being now a freedman, capable of
4, 3 Fur(r)inae On the spelling see Wissowa in RE. Of this ancient
Roman goddess scarcely anything is known except the date of her
festival, the Furrinalia on 25 July, and the site of her principal sanctuary,
on the Janiculum, where C. Gracchus perished; cf. Varro L.L. vi.19
cuius deae honos apud antiquos. . .nunc vix nomen notum paucis; G. Dumezil,
Archak Roman religion, 47, 105.
4 Satricum A place near Fregellae (Liv. ix.12.5, 16.2f.), not the
town near Antium.
7 Lucustae. . .Varronis The former is unknown. Varro may be
Reatinus or another. On the absence of a second preposition see Sjogren,
Comm. Tull. 139b

205 21 (ill. I ) 5 COMMENTARY

ille viam For ille (Varro) cf. Tusc. 111.26 sed maeres videlicet regni
desiderio, non filiae, illam enim oderas, et iure fortasse: regno non aequo animo
carebas (Thes. vii.i, 345.63). The upkeep of the road will have been a
matter for agreement between Quintus and his neighbours, who would
also stand to benefit.
9-10 M. Taurum Unknown. The Statilii Tauri seem to have come
from Lucania.
5, 1 Nicephorum ‘There is a possibility that the bailiff of Q. Cicero
at Arpinum was a freedman, since he offered to make a contract to carry
out a building project and it is hard to see how a slave could do so with
his own master’ (Treggiari, Freedmen, 107). However, a slave possessing
a peculium and the right of libera administratio could engage in a wide
variety of business activities, subject to the withdrawal of the right by
his master; cf. W. L. Westerman, RE suppl. vi.993.11. Moreover, if both
parties trusted one another, the contract would not need to be legally
10 basim ‘Foundation-wall.’
11 palliati Greek statues, or at any rate statues of Greeks; cf. Verr.
11.1.51 illa (signa) quaero quae apud te nuper ad omnis columnas, omnibus etiam
(in) intercolumniis, in silva denique disposta sub divo vidimus. The ivy would
hang from the roof of the colonnade; cf. Serv. Georg. 11.389 membra
virilia de floribus facta, quae suspendebantur per intercolumnia.
12-13 iam. . .muscosius ‘Then there is the undressing-room,
which is cool and mossy to a degree.’ For the dative &TroSuTr|picpcf. dca</.
11.17 quod nihil esset clarius Evepyeia (A. 1, 309 (auditori)). But perhaps the
Latin form should be used, as in §2. iam is usually mistranslated ‘as it
now is’.
6, 1 urbanam expolitionem ‘The embellishment’ (or ‘finishing
touches’) of your town house’; cf. 23 (111.3). 1 expolitiones utriusque nostrum.
2 [et] Cf. 4 (1.4).3 de novis autem tribunis pi. est ille quidem in me
officiosissimus Sestius et (spero) Curtius, Milo, sqq.
Cincius Atticus’ agent would be interested on Pomponia’s behalf.
7, 3 utinam T.-P., Sjogren, and Constans put mi hi (see app. crit.)
in their texts (cf. Ter. Heaut. 820 scin ubi nunc sit tibi \ tua Bacchis?), but
it can hardly coexist with mecum.
4 quod Not ‘as to Pomponia’, but relative, with scribas, anticipating
cum aliquo. . .educat; cf. K.-S. n, 3206 Similarly in Greek, as Demosth.
Fals. leg. 86 Kcxi tcc ‘HpaxAei’ evtos TEiyous Gueiv EtpqtpijEcrGE,
eipr)vr|s oOaris. 6 koci Gocupdjoo, ei tov pqSe tous Geous, kocG’ 6
TTcrrpiov fjv, TipaaGai -TTOif|cravTa, toOtov dcTipcbpr|TOV d<pf|CTETE,
et al.
7 clamores efficiam T shall work wonders’ (‘bring the house

COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 21 (ill.I) 8

down T.-P.); cf. De orat. 1.152 haec sunt quae clamores et admirationes in
bonis orationibus efficiunt.
9 mercede This mysterious reward, ‘quam divinare, cum epistola
Quinti non exstet, nemo potest’ (Manutius), is mentioned again in 23
(in.3).4. Obviously it must have been something more specific than ‘the
gratitude and affection of Quintus and the boy’ (which Cicero thought
he already had).
8, 1 litteras.. . epistulis Not ‘letter sent in more than one packet’;
that would exclude the letters mentioned in §§ 13T litterae properly =
‘writing’, and so can be used for one letter or more than one. Compar¬
able, though not exactly analogous, are Att. 176 (ix.g).4 respondi epistulis
tribus, sed exspecto alias; nam me adhuc tuae litterae sustentarunt and Fam. 25
(v.8).5 has litteras velim existimes foederis habituras esse vim, non epistulae
(where T.-P. manufacture a distinction between litterae, ‘a formal
document’, and epistula ‘a mere letter’).
pluribus Actually five.
4 dies ‘Date’ (of despatch).
5-8 id facit. . .mittat There is a slight incongruity, id facit ut is to
be taken, not with impediatur (as T.-P., ‘makes a practice of being
prevented’), but with impediatur et mittat, i.e. impeditus mittat.
6 Oppius A. 11, 205.
9, 3 quod mones Perhaps not to let Pompey feel slighted.
5 Hippodamo Hippodamis (‘Hippodamus and his like’), retained
by T.-P. and Constans, makes et non nullis aliis superfluous. Cicero
disliked this man (§21).
8 Trebatium.. .est ‘There’s no reason for you to mix my friend
Trebatius in with that lot.’ isto = istuc = ad istos.
13 Trebonium A. n, 189.
10, 1 tribunatu Cf. 18 (u.i4).3.
3 in rogando ‘In making requests’ rather than ‘in making that
obiurgavit In the letter cited in Fam. 26 (vn.5).2.
12 Tironem His first appearance.
11, 2 Clodi ‘Commentators, understanding that Quintus had
begged Caesar not to leave Clodius’ letter unanswered out of considera¬
tion for himself or for Marcus, are reduced to falsifying amantissime by
such counterfeits as “per amicitiam”, “instandig”, “most politely”. Evi¬
dently the true meaning, “most affectionately”, would be inappropriate
of Quintus vis-a-vis Caesar; but it can quite well be related to Marcus
himself (cf. 3.9.1 [ = 13.1] de Gabinio nihil fuit faciendum istorum quae
a te amantissime cogitata sunt). Quintus in brotherly solicitude had urged
Caesar to rebuke or restrain Clodius; but Caesar had thought it best

207 21 (ill. I ) 12 COMMENTARY

not to reply at all, a decision which Marcus approves. This consists with
§17: Oppium miror quicquam cum Publio; mihi enim non placuerat written
after receipt of another letter from Quintus). Interpreters take this as a
general expression of disapproval that Oppius should have anything to
do with Clodius. In fact, Caesar would seem to have instructed Oppius
to remonstrate with Clodius; this, says Marcus, is a surprise to him in
view of Caesar’s earlier decision to ignore the letter, and for his part he
had not desired (note the pluperfect) any such intervention’ (SB1 36k).
5 Calventi Mari L. Piso Caesoninus (A. iv, 304) is called ‘Calven¬
tius’ in opprobrious allusion to his father-in-law, an Insubrian Gaul;
so Pis. 14 Caesoninus Semiplacentinus Calventius. In Pis. 20 he is compared,
to his disadvantage of course, with Marius, the person most responsible
for Metellus Numidicus’ exile in 100. Piso had evidently published a
reply to Cicero’s invective.
6 miror In the reading alterum est de Calventi Mari quod scribis ; miror
tibi. . .rescribere the superfluous quod scribis is hardly tolerable, miror seems
to have been omitted after rescribere and restored in the wrong place.
11 — 13 tibi, sqq. Cf. 20 (ii.i6).4. fontes politely acknowledges
Quintus as the superior poet. Cf. Otto, Sprichworter, 141, who remarks
that some refer the words to the heat-wave mentioned at the beginning
of the letter (!).
12, 1-2 bene comitatum ‘With a goodly company’ of soldiers to
vote in the elections; cf. Att. 89 (iv. 16).6 ut. . .Memmius Caesaris com¬
mendetur militibus.
5 ambitionem et . . . laborem Forensic work (not politics); cf.
25 (in.5).3 vivo tamen in ea ambitione et labore.
13, 3 Erigonam Another play composed by Quintus, no doubt from
Sophocles (Pearson, 1, pp. 173F). Accius wrote one under the same title.
4-5 quod (paene) praeterii So in 22 (hi.2).3 fin.
5 de eo, sqq. ‘The bit about the person who you say wrote to
Caesar about the applause for Milo.’
6 ego vero, sqq. Quintus seems to have written something to the
effect that Caesar’s correspondent would have been better employed in
writing about applause for Cicero.
14, 2 aede Cf. 12 (n.8).2n.
6 hortorum Misunderstanding of this term, fostered by the con¬
ventional rendering ‘gardens’, may be invincible; cf. e.g. Phoenix 30
(1976), 209. It means a suburban property, including a house (villa) and,
usually at any rate, more or less spacious grounds; though be it noted
that when Martial (v.62) talks about furnishing his horti he refers to the
dining-room in the villa. Naturally such places would usually provide
more amenities - space, quiet, perhaps produce - than a town house.

COMMENTARY Q-fr. 21 (ill.l) 15

Cicero’s house in the Palatine was an exception; cf. Fam. 218 (vi.i8).5
(as to its garden, ibid. 219 (xvi.i8).2).
8-10 quod. . .porticus ‘You had not wanted it to have a number
of gables above the living-rooms. It now slopes handsomely down to the
roof of the lower colonnade.’ The reference is to Quintus’ house on the
Palatine, not the one in Carinae, as supposed by Weinstock; see E.
Courtney, Cl. Rev. 10 (i960), 98. quod = ‘as to the fact that’. With esse
supply tectum.
12- 13 ingenium... video See on 3 (1.3).7 (cum. . .debes).
13- 14 cetera. . .debere ‘All else concerning him I take upon
myself and regard as my proper responsibility.’ For the absence of ita
or sic cf. Ad Brut. 17 (18).2 init. and 25 (24).3 puerum istum extulit, ut tu
iudicares, sqq., et al.
15, 1 factiones ‘Groups.’
postulant Sc. de pecuniis repetundis-, ‘are bringing charges’, i.e. have
announced their intention of doing so. As stated below, actual postulatio
was held up by Cato’s illness (though they could presumably have tried
another Praetor; cf. 2 (1.2). 15m).
2 flaminis Sc. Martialis, L. Lentulus Niger (A. 1, 400). He had
been defeated by Gabinius as candidate for the Consulship of 58, by
unfair means according to Cicero (Vat. 25). The eventual prosecutor,
his son, bungled the assignment and Gabinius was acquitted (24 (hi.4). 1;
Att. 92 (iv.i8).i). The statement in my note that ‘the relations of the
various contemporary Cornelii Lentuli are mostly incapable of recon¬
struction’ should now be qualified by reference to Sumner, Orators, 143.
Ti. Nero A. in, 269b
3 C. Memmius A. 11, 218.
3- 4 L. Capitone F. 1, 402.
4- 5 nihil. . .desertius ‘It was an ignominious homecoming, with
hardly a soul to greet him.’ Or perhaps understand illo (masc.); cf.§24
nihil illo turpius.
5 his iudiciis Abl., like hac iuventute in Att. 202 (x. 11).3, ‘the courts
being what they are nowadays’; ef. Att. 89 (iv. 16).5 de Procilio rumores
non boni; sed iudicia nosti.
6 Cato M. Cato, Praetor in charge of the quaestio de repetundis.
16, 1 coitione Cf. 19 (n. 15) .4.
7 Domitio Calvinus.
17, 4 casus The death of Julia, Caesar’s daughter and Pompey’s
8 Publio See above on §11.
18, 1 inferiore epistula ‘Lower down in your letter’; cf. §19 haec
infima and Thes. vii.i, 1393.14, 1397-53 (Watt).

209 21 (ill. I ) ig COMMENTARY

2 me.. .legatum iri See/7. 1, 329 (exirem).

3 scripsique Not ‘but [such is the force of que after non]’ (T.-P.).
Cicero explains that he has not changed his mind about remaining in
Rome. He knows nothing of the appointment which was supposed to have
taken place on the Ides and has (had ?) written to Caesar to enquire why
Pompey has (had ?) not been told that Caesar wishes him to stay in Rome.
[Caesaris] Note the glosses in §§2 and 23.
4 mansione Cf. 18 (11.14).2 Romae praesertim, ut iste me rogat,
5 quamquam An afterthought: Oppius, after all, was not to blame.
7 ego vero Quintus will have shown concern lest Cicero’s supposed
change of mind might indicate a change of attitude towards Caesar.
9 videor T think I am acting wisely (for it’s time for some wisdom),
but my affection is kindled all the same.’ Feeling as well as selfinterest
would hold the bond with Caesar firm.
19, 4 Aristophaneo modo I.e., presumably, grave and gay at the
same time (or alternately); cf. Aristoph. Ranae 389 Kcd troAAd pev yeAoia
p’ sinelv, ttoAAcc 8e cnrouSaTa. But the likening of Quintus’ letter to his
young son to Aristophanes’ comedies (surely the grammarian can be
left out of the picture) is odd, and suavis is not equivalent to yeAoiOS
(= ridiculus). Did Cicero perhaps write Aristoteleo? Cf. De oral. 1.49 si item
Aristoteles, si Theophrastus, si Carneades in rebus iis de quibus disputaverunt
eloquentes et in dicendo suaves atque ornati fuerunt. Quintus’ letter may have
been written on a theme, perhaps on rhetoric. The converse error,
’AptCTTOTeAris for ’Apicrrocpdvqs, is found in Eustathius; see V. Rose,
Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus, 162b
9 inter cenam Cf. F. 11, 353 (intr. note); add vu.12 Watt
turn Flavius ‘cras’ inquit ‘tabellarii’; et ego ibidem has inter cenam exaravi.
20, i Annali (F. 1, 402).
21, 9 Minucio L. Minucius Basilus (A. v, 271; cf. Studies, 53f.).
10 Salvio Caesar’s freedman (A. iv, 426).
Labeoni Cf. 1 (i.i).i4, 26 (m.6).i. Labienus (see app. crit.) is not
likely to have been in Italy at this time (Mlinzer, RE xn.262.60).
11 num quid vellem Cf. 6 (ii.2).i me enim nemo adhuc rogavit nurn
quid in Sardiniam velim.
22, i T. Pinarius A. in, 253.
23, 2 coniecta ‘Thrown in’; cf., with Sjogren (Comm. Tull. 1416),
Att. 140 (vii. i6).i pleraque praeterea in eandem epistulam conieci, 414 (xvi.6).4
conieci id [sc. prohoemium] in eum librum quem tibi misi. I see no difficulty in
understanding in epistulam, though, as T.-P. say, coniecta could be taken
as ‘thrown together’, making a slight case of zeugma with aliud alio
tempore [sc. additur].

COMMENTARY 21 (ill.l) 24

3 T Anicius See on 12 (9).3 and distinguish from the Senator C.

Anicius of Fam. 429 (xn. 21). 1 (unless the MSS have confused C with
T). Revise note ad loc. and Klebs’ entries in RE.
9 eius To be with Tusculano, not, as some translate, with epistulis.
10 yvtuOi, x.x.X. Kaibel, Com. p. 140.
24, 1-2 ne quid. . .vide ‘Mind he doesn’t do something crazy’; cf.
A. 1, 385 {turbet).
4-5 C. Alfi C. Alfius Flavus, Tribune in 59, presiding, probably as
Praetor, over the quaestio de maiestate; see Broughton, 227 n. 3. He also
this year presided at the trial of Cn. Plancius under the lex Licinia de
sodaliciis. Gabinius’ attendance was required at the delatio nominis {F. 1,
7 embolium ‘Episode.’
9 concilio deorum Cf. 12 (11.8). 1 n.
10 exercitum Sjogren’s defence of exercitus {Comm. Tull. i42ff.) is
an exercise in stone-washing.
10-11 perdidisset On Piso’s military operations as Proconsul in
Macedonia, which seem to have been less unsuccessful than Cicero
represents, see Nisbet, In Pisonem, pp. 176fT.

22 (111.2)

1, 3 Memmius The Tribune.

4 Calidio He may have been defending Gabinius in one or more of
his forthcoming trials. E. Fantham {Historia 24 (1975), 433b), however,
holds that this occasion was a indicium populi (cf. 7 (u.3).in.) with
Memmius as prosecutor and that Val. Max. vm.i. absol. 3 reports a
later stage of this. Certainly Valerius implies such a trial {suffragiis
populi {C.) Memmio accusatore subiectus), rightly or wrongly. On the
sequence of Gabinius’ trials in 54 see Fantham’s paper (425ff.).
4-6 postridie.. .lucem I.e. 12 October. Cicero was writing before
daylight on the nth.
6 Catonem Cf. 21 (m. 1). 15.
7 C. L. Antonios M. f. Mark Antony’s younger brothers. For
f. = filios see Thes. vi, 753.61.
2,4 in urbem.. .invasisset Thus losing his imperium and abandon¬
ing his claim to a Triumph.
5 finterimf ‘How did Gabinius creep into the Senate while
remaining outside it?’ (SB2 3). I ought to have conjectured inde primum
(rather than primo): i.e. ab introitu in urbem decimo die primum (‘for the first
time’) in senatum irrepsit. Cf. interim changed to inde primo {prim, primas) in
Att. i6id (viii.i id).4.

211 22 (in.2) 2 COMMENTARY

Gabinius arrived ad urbem on 19 September (21 (in. 1). 15). He crossed

the pomerium on the night of 2 7 September (ibid. 24), reckoned apparently
as 28 September, and made his first appearance in the Senate on 8
October, ipso decimo die. Nine days after entry in urbem was, it appears,
the period prescribed by law within which the Triumphator had to take
his post-triumphal oath (see below). The irony of the mention of that
period here has not been appreciated: instead of entering Rome in a
Triumph, according to his earlier boasts, Gabinius had entered by
stealth; and the day when he would have been making his post-triumphal
oath was the day on which he slunk into the Senate, to be received with
contempt and obloquy.
6 hostiarum Valerius Maximus (11.8.1) states that in order to
obviate the granting of Triumphs on trivial grounds a law provided that
no general should be so honoured unless he had killed five thousand
enemies in a single engagement; further, that under a law passed by
Cato and another Tribune in 62, Triumphators were obliged to swear
before the City Quaestors on entry into Rome (cum primum urbem intras-
sent) to the truth of their written reports to the Senate of both enemy and
Roman casualties. Watt accordingly reads hostium, perhaps rightly; and
Wesenberg may have been right to add occisorum. If so, however,
renuntiare is used inaccurately. A general reported casualty figures to the
Senate in his despatch; the oath required by Cato’s law was not a report
but a confirmation. Furthermore, hostiarum for hostium is not a very likely
corruption (cf. Fam. 91 (vm. 11).2). I therefore retain hostiarum on the
assumption that besides taking the oath the Triumphator was bound to
report the number of victims immolated (cf. Joseph. Bell. Iud. vn.155)
and the number of soldiers taking part. Whether the first number was
specified in the Senate’s decree granting the Triumph, as for a supplicatio
(cf. F. 1, 420), we are not informed.
9 trementi With fear and mortification, it may be supposed, rather
than rage.
exsulem Perhaps Dio’s attribution of the insult to the Consuls
Pompey and Crassus is a mere confusion, but cf. F. 1, 314 {defensionem).
16 de Milone Cicero intended to (and did) support his candidature
for the Consulship of 52, on which Pompey did not look kindly (cf. 26

17 &n6T€UYp.a Cf. F. 11, 327.

18-19 ne- • -accedat ‘Lest he gain some advantage by having me
as his prosecutor.’ Cicero seems to have had an uneasy suspicion that
some people had heard enough of his denunciations of the Consuls of 58.
ne. . .aliquid accidat = ne condemnetur makes a ridiculous meiosis, and the
sense is preposterous too; cf. 24 (111.4) .2 quid essem, si me agente esset elopsus?

COMMENTARY Q,-fr. 22 (ill.2) 3

3, 1-3 a Memmio. ..Scaurus Cf. Att. 91 (iv.i7)_5 of 1 October.

Memmius seems to be the candidate, not the Tribune; see A. 11, 218. Q.
Acutius could be the Pompeian Acutius Rufus in Caes. B.C. 111.83.2. For
Triarius see A. n, 203.
3-4 magna. . .est Cf. 7 (n.3).4 magnae mihi res iam moveri videbantur
(Watt). No need for magno (Stephanus).
7 rei nolunt Manutius thought this was because they wanted more
time for canvassing, but then Cicero would have written candidati rather
than rei. T.-P.’s explanation is nonsense: ‘because they could not become
candidates for the consulship while under accusation’. They were
candidates, the only ones in the field. But they reckoned that if no
elections took place till the end of the year, the successful candidates
would take office immediately and so be immune from prosecution till
the end of their term — as actually happened; whereas if convicted de
ambitu between election and the end of the year, they would lose their
Consulships, like P. Sulla and Autronius in 66.
7-8 Caesaris adventu In north Italy; cf. 26 (in.6).3 Memmius in
adventu Caesaris habet spem.
11 successurum In Cilicia; see F. 1, 316b
illo die This takes us back to the Senate meeting (§2). Appius
attacked Gabinius as though he was prosecuting him in court; cf. 5
(it.i).3 tamquam reum accusavi, 7 (11.3).3 tamquam reum accusavit. There was
no actual prosecution by Appius, as supposed by Gruen (Historia 18
(1969), 102; Last generation, 324 11.63) 5 cf- E. Fantham, Historia 24 (1975),
434b Dio explains Appius’ hostile attitude (despite his own and Gabinius’
ties with Pompey) as motivated by a desire to please the populace and an
expectation that Gabinius would buy him off.
13 nomina data No satisfactory explanation of this as a judicial
term has been forthcoming. A debate in the Senate was not the occasion
for announcing witnesses or the like. I would tentatively understand in
the usual sense: ‘there were volunteers’, i.e. various speakers offered to
undertake (or ‘subscribe’) a prosecution. Lentulus flaminis filius had
already brought the indictment (21 (ill. 1). 15 qui iam de maiestatepostulavit)
and delatio nominis apparently followed on 28 September (21 (m.i).24).
Trial would normally have followed ten (nine ?) days later (16 (n. 12) .2n.).
But Gabinius was acquitted de maiestate on 23 October (24 (m.4).i). It
may be suggested that delatio nominis had been adjourned to give more
time for rival prosecutors to appear under divinatio procedure. Lentulus’
capacity or integrity may already have been under suspicion (cf. 24
(111.4). 1; Att. 92 (iv.i8).i). In fact, however, he did conduct (or
misconduct) the case. On the other hand Fantham (l.c. 435) may
possibly be right in making nomina refer to ‘persons eager to give hostile

213 23 (ill.3) I COMMENTARY

evidence’. Either way I do not think it likely that the names were
verbum nullum Cf. Att. 18 (1.18) .6 Crassus verbum nullum contra

23 (m-3)

Gabinius’ trial de maiestate ended on 23 October (24 (m.4).in.). Cicero

expected it to take one day, two days from the writing of this letter (§3
1,4 negotia The forensic activities just mentioned.
6 expolitiones Cf. 21 (111.1) .6.
7 ad perfectum Sc. venit. I see no necessity for Watt’s obelus.
7- 8 Arcani et Laterii On these locatives see A. in, 190, 11, 181.
Modern editors read Lateri without critical note, but the uncontracted
form is regular (Kiihner-Holzweissig, 449).
8- 9 quadam epistula 21 (m.i).
2, 4 suspicionem. . .praemiorum Apparently over and above
the scandalous pact revealed by Memmius at the end of September
{Att. 91 (iv. 17).2), which was no longer a matter of suspicion.
6 enitemur ‘Studio et precibus, non patrocinio’ (Manutius). This
seems preferable to Gruen’s deduction that Cicero offered Messalla his
services as defence counsel {Last generation, 332). Att. 91 (iv.i7).5 ‘quid
poteris’ inquies ‘pro iis dicere?’ ne vivam (si) scio need not be pressed hard
(‘Cicero was preparing to defend every one of them!’ Wiseman, Journ.
Rom. Stud. 56 (1966), 109). Probably he was only playfully envisaging
8-9 P. Sulla.. .Sulla filio A. n, 175b
8 privigno Memmio The Tribune, whose mother Pompeia
(Pompey’s sister) will later have married P. Sulla pater. His namesake
and relative the candidate married the Dictator Sulla’s daughter Fausta.
9 Caecilio L. Caecilius Rufus, Sulla pater’s half-brother, Praetor in
57. His epitaph is extant {C.I.L. i2. 761 = xiv.2464).
L. Torquatus A. n, 222. He was P. Sulla’s prosecutor in 62 and,
along with his father, in 66. His present object will have been to deprive
Sulla of the chance to rehabilitate himself through a successful prosecu¬
10 libentibus ‘Propensiores in Sullam homines quam in Torqua¬
tum, qui vetere inimici calamitate contentus non esset’ (Manutius).
3, 4 accusatoribus L. Lentulus Jlaminis filius, with unknown

COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 23 (ill.3) 4

8 lenissimum ‘Very easy’; cf. 27 (iii.7).i exitum iudici... lenissime

tuli; Plaut. Epid. 562 habe animum lenem et tranquillum.
4, 2 Paeoni Otherwise unknown. For the genitive cf. aequalium
studia, ‘cultivation of friendships with contemporaries’, in Cael. 39 and 72
(both misinterpreted by Austin). Wesenberg’s conjecture means the
same thing.
4 OeTixioTepov ‘More abstract’; cf. Sandys on Orat. 46 haec igitur
quaestio a propriis personis et temporibus ad universi generis rationem traducta
appellatur Oectis; A. iv, 367.
4-5 qua re Looking forward to sed tamen, sqq.; cf. on Ad Brut. 23

(23)-4 (enim). In Greek pgv (with neque ego. . .confidimus) would make
this clearer.
8 patiamur Associating Quintus. But in view of confidimus and the
following plurals for singulars, patimur, or rather patiemur, should perhaps
be preferred.
11 merces Cf. 21 (111.1).7.
13 quaspe ‘With what prospect.’ Manutius understood specifically:
‘tui ditandi, vel ex praeda bellica, vel e Caesaris liberalitate’.

24 (111.4)

1, 1 absolutus est Presumably on the previous day, 23 October.

2 infantius Sensu etymologico; see on Att. 92 (iv. 18). 1 accusatorum
incredibilis infantia. Not ‘infantile’.
4 ipsi Lentulo ‘Even to Lentulus.’ Constans strangely renders
Taccuse n’eut pas repondu aux espoirs de Lentulus lui-meme’, imagining
an insinuation of praevaricatio.
6 <X)XXII So Att. 92 (iv. 18). 1.
7 omnino ‘To be sure’ ( = psv); not ‘altogether’, etc.
8 de pecuniis repetundis Gabinius was indeed convicted on this
charge, Cicero defending. Lintott (Journ. Rom. Stud. 64 (1974), 67b)
argues that the case did not come on before March 53.
12 Cato Not M. Cato, who was Praetor in 54. C. Cato has generally
been ruled out because of his Tribunate in 56 and the MSS suspected
of error (cf. Wiseman, Journ. Rom. Stud. 56 (1966), 113 n. 72 ‘the blatantly
corrupt “Cato” ’). But Linderski (Stud. Ed. Volterra 11 (1969), 288) argues
that a Tribune going out of office on 10 December 56 could as a privatus
have been elected to a Praetorship for 55, which, of course, would make
him praetorius in 54. His case has been given less than its due (cf. Gruen,
Last generation, 326 n. 5; Studies, 42, where for ‘Miinzer’ read ‘Miltner’),
but I now find it valid. Proposed substitutes (Cotta, Otho, Gutta) may
therefore be dropped. C. Cato had been a bitter critic of Pompey, but

Q^.fr. 24 (ill.4) 2 COMMENTARY

must have made it up with him, as he did with Cicero and Milo about
this time {Alt. 89 (iv.i6).5).

2, i Sallustius A. 1, 286. Dio states erroneously that Cicero did

prosecute (xxxix.62.2).
1— 2 his. . .committerem Cf. Leg. agr. 11.20 universo populo neque ipse
committit neque illi consiliorum auctores committi recte putant posse.
4-5 in urbem introisset Cf. 7 (n.3).in.
6 viderer Cf. Lucii. 149 Marx Aeserninus fuit Flaccorum (m)une(re)
quidam \ Samnis, spurcus homo, vita illa dignu’ locoque. \ cum Pacideiano
componitur, optimus multo \ post homines natos gladiator qui fuit unus. The
usual elucidation of Cicero’s comparison, that Pacideianus was the more
skilful fighter, Aeserninus the more powerful, is mere guesswork and
hardly accords with Lucilius’ characterization of the former as all-time
champion. It is sufficiently clear that Pacideianus was the better man
and won the match (the ferocious menaces which follow in the fragments
are spoken by him, not by Aeserninus, as T.—P. represent; cf. Tusc.
iv.48). This is conclusively borne out by Opt. gen. oral. 17, where
Aeschines and Demosthenes are compared with Aeserninus and Paci¬
deianus respectively a propos of the contest de corona. So Schiitz: ‘optimum
hoc fuit par gladiatorum, ita tamen ut Aesernino superior esset Paci¬
deianus.’ But Cicero cannot have meant that he would have outmatched
Pompey. It rather seems that he momentarily ignored the outcome of
the fight and was thinking only of Aeserninus’ bestial savagery. For when
he adds that Pompey might have bitten off his ear, this must surely refer
to an incident in the fight, as recounted by Lucilius.
11 ille mihi omnia As i(i.i).35 and elsewhere, not ‘he owed me
everything’ but ‘his obligations to me were unlimited’.
3, 1 alterutrum 8uotv Ocrrepov.
2 defendisses I.e. ‘since you were determined not to prosecute.’
2- 3 etenim... orabat I prefer to make this Cicero’s comment
rather than Sallustius’.
7 [se] I do not believe in the superfluous pronoun here or in similar
passages adduced by Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 164 and Lofstedt, Syntactica,
11, 195; see F. 11, 494 (quam ob rem).
8 satis facturum ‘Would make amends to me’ (for his conduct in
58). Not, as Manutius etc., ‘would repay me for not prosecuting’, satis
facere is not Latin in the sense of gratiam referre.
4, i deest, sqq. To similar effect in the next letter, §4: incredibile
est, mi frater, quam egeam tempore, nec sane satis commoveor animo ad ea quae vis
canenda. . .opus est ad poema quadam animi alacritate, quam plane mihi tempora
eripiunt, opera sometimes has the sense ‘ability and/or will to do a job’;
cf. 26 (iii.6).3 etsi distentus cum opera tum animo sum multo magis; Plaut.

COMMENTARY 24 (ill.4) 5

Merc. 286 dicam, si videam tibi esse operam aut otium', Thes. ix.2, 664.49.
2 sed abest etiam £v0ouaiaap.o<; As they stand in the MSS, these
words interrupt the connexion between animum vacuum. . .desiderat and
non enim. . .timore. Nor can opera require a mind free from every care, as
poetic inspiration does (cf. 25 (iii.5).4, cited above). See SB2 4.

3-5 non. . .timore Explained in 27 (111.7).3.

5 illud See on 11 (ii.7).2.

5, 4“5 quae quidem placeant ‘At least, not such as one would
like to have.’
6 Chrysippo Later a delinquent freedman; cf. Att. 125 (vii.2).8.

7 de fisco The further reference in the next letter (§6) is not

illuminating: ab aerario puto confectum esse dum absum. Metellus Scipio had
probably been Praetor in 55 (Broughton, 215) and may have been
governing a province in 54 (not Asia; cf. Broughton, 224).
8 curabo T shall pay’ (or, more strictly, ‘arrange payment’); not
T shall see to it that what seems right is done.’
Ascanione Conjectured by Manutius to be a slave whom Quintus
was proposing to manumit. Thes. quotes C.I.L. vi. 18874 L. Gallonius L. 1.
6, 1 ludi Sullanae victoriae. In Augustus’ time they began on 26
October and lasted until 1 November, the date of Sulla’s victory at the
Colline Gate. But Verr. 11.2.130, if the text is sound, indicates that in 70
they began on 25 October, so possibly VIII is right.
4 quod vellem On quem: ‘scribere debuit longius, nec tam longe quam’
Watt. But the best answer is this forgotten eighteenth-century conjecture,
conjectured afresh in SB2 4.
Pomptino A. 11, 223.
6 prohibituros Both the political and the legal backgrounds to the
affair of Pomptinus’ Triumph are obscure (A. ibid.; F. 1, 316).
8 tribunos pi. I.e. most of them. Scaevola was an exception; cf.
Att. 14 (i.i4).6 sed habet sui similem in magistratibus praeter Fufium neminem,
bonis utimur tribunis plebis [i.e. praeter Fufium]; also on 2 (1.2). 16. Thus
there is no need to add pluris (SB1 37).
9’"Apr; 7XV6COV See A. vi, 258 (Martem spirare). Cf. also Q. Smyrn.
1.343 o(3pipov ev crrepvoicnv avanrvEiovTES ”Apqa. Aristophanes and
Timocles have ”Apr| (3Aettcov (L.-S.-J. s. v. "Apps), Aeschylus Aeovtgov
cos ”App SeSopkotcov (Sept. 53).

25 (ni.5(5-7))

1, 1 libris De republica.
2-3 saepe iam Cf. Phil, vm.2.2 saepe iam dixi, et sim. We have to

217 25 (111.5(5-7)) 2 COMMENTARY

take Cicero’s word for it that he had already remodelled the work at
least once (cf. A. vi, 278 (saepius)).
5 consulibus In 129.
7 (P. Rutili) Cf. Att. 89 (iv. 16).2. It is of course possible that the
name was accidentally omitted by Cicero himself.
14 Heraclides A. v, 369b
16- 17 quae. . . ficta esse The argument is noteworthy as implying
that readers of De oratore were expected to believe that the dialogue was
at least in part based on real conversations.
17- 18 quod... dicendi Perhaps a marginal explanation of belle
(‘tactfully’). qui essent or qm esset is more natural, and translators are apt
to render accordingly, as Constans: ‘la conversation entre orateurs qui
est dans mon precedent ouvrage’; but after oratorum (or oratorium) the
words are superfluous anyway.
19- 20 quae... scribat In the Politics and probably the treatise
Ffepi |3acnAeias (see P. Moraux, Les listes anciennes des ouvrages d’Aristote
(195O» 38).
2, 5 et id vitabo While recognizing the danger, Cicero will in fact
avoid allusions which might offend contemporaries.
7 enim I.e. T send it because I think you will like it’ (moneo
propter T.-P.).
3, 3 honores Cf. on 18 (n.i4).i.
4, 3 ap.7Tu>Tei<; The ocean tides; cf. 20 (ii.i6).4 quos tu situs, quas
naturas rerum et locorum. . .habes!; SB2 4.

9 litteris For the moment forensic work (ambitio et labor) is left out
of account, except in so far as it too might involve litterae (cf. A. 1, 308b
(meis omnibus litteris)).
10 angor ‘In spite of such passages (written perhaps in part as a
sop to his own conscience) Cicero’s early fifties ought not to be regarded
as one of the blacker periods of his life. On the whole he was probably
less unhappy than at any time subsequent to his Consulship. The tone
of his letters is prevailingly cheerful, even gay’ (Cicero, 88).
12-13 illa auctoritate senatoria ‘The plenitude of senatorial
prestige.’ For illa cf. F. 1, 450.
13 debe<ba)t Cf. Ad Brut. 17(18).5 rei publicae vicem dolebo, quae
immortalis esse debebat (Watt).
15 noXAov, x.t.A. II. vi.208, xi.784. ttoAAov is probably a slip for
aiev (cf. Fam. 317 (xm. 15).2.). Homer and Cicero in Fam. l.c. have
20- 1 qui.. .vellet Cf. Fam. 72 (hi.9).2 si me diligis, si a me diligi vis.
Even if Caesar’s affection for Cicero was not entirely sincere, at least he
thought Cicero’s affection worth winning. On the vulgate SB* 37: ‘Here

COMMENTARY 25 (111.5(5-7)) 5
we are presented with two schools of thought about Caesar’s feelings
towards Cicero. One held, what Cicero states for a fact, that Caesar was
the only man who loved him as he wanted to be loved. The other went
further and believed that Caesar alone wanted to love him to this
extent...No wonder Hoffa called it “locus duriusculus”. Those who
took the first view but not the second seem to have been committed to
the opinion that Caesar alone succeeded in loving Cicero to the right
degree, while others tried to do so and failed.’
5, 1 Pansa A. v, 273.
2 toti ordines ‘Non modo omnes ordines. . .sed omnium ordinum
omnes homines’ (Manutius); cf. totos dies, as in Att. 161 (vm.ii).i
lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies. This seems better than to take
toti as an early example of the common but mainly poetic post-Augustan
idiom illustrated in Propertiana, 49: ‘In none of these passages is totus the
precise equivalent of omnis; always it implies the merging of the separate
components of a group into a whole. . .For instance, Statius’ toti nepotes
means. . .totaprogenies. Now since any group can be regarded collectively
as a unit (whether or not there happens to be a singular collective
substantive), totus could be attached by this usage to any plural noun,
though obviously some groups are more easily so regarded than others;
e.g. toti montes is a more natural and hence a commoner expression than
toti dei.’
2-3 propter quern oderunt Sc. Gabinium, quem belongs with me
ipsum, not with ilium (as e.g. Constans, ‘a cause de lui’).
4-5 tantum... viderent I.e. giving evidence; cf. 27 (111.7). 1 testis
vehemens fui, praeterea quievi. The vulgate could only mean that Cicero had
not moved against Gabinius in secret; but it is his abstention from public
acts of hostility, apart from his evidence, that is relevant here.
6, 5 fCrebriust Watt suggests that M. Taurus of 21 (111.1) .4 may
be meant. More probably it is someone with whom Quintus had been
in contact in Gaul. C. Rebilus (Orelli; A. hi, 291 (Caninioque)) is graphic¬
ally very close, though not supported by other evidence of personal
relations with the Ciceros.
6 valde iuvat Cf. 16 (11.12). 1 valde me iuvat.
7 ab aerario Cf. 24 (hi.4).5.
7, 2-3 et. . .scripseris Evidently this concerns Cicero’s promise of
verses on the British expedition; cf. 20 (11.16).4, 24 (in.4).4, and §4
above. ‘Whatever is concealed by TTAEOC must stand in some special
(probably humorous) relation to Electram and “ Erodam” (also obviously
a tragedy). IP'FIAEOC” is itself the title of a drama and could at the same
time describe the British poem, then we should have a characteristic
Ciceronian jest. That is as far as one can go without a complete list of

219 25 (111.5(5-7)) 8 COMMENTARY

titles, but if such a list existed I should not be surprised to find that
someone had written a play called IIAeovtes, “The Sailors” [returning
from Troy?]’ (SB2 5).Naturally TTAeovtccs cannot enter the text, though
it would make a better showing there than eAeos.
3 Troadas Sophocles is not known to have written a Troades. He
did write a Troilus and a Procris. But Quintus may not have restricted
himself to Sophocles.
6 Erigonam Cf. 21 (111.1). 13.
8, 1 ad Martis The ancient temple of Mars, two kilometres down
the via Appia from the Porta Capena.
2 horti For Crassipes’ suburban villa on the via Appia cf. Fam. 20
(1.9).20 fin.
3 magna vis Sc. est; see A. 11, 178 (pauci pannosi).
piscinam publicam A public bath and swimming pool near the
Porta Capena.
3-4 viget illud Homeri Not ‘the Homeric theory is still true’, but
‘the Homeric saying is much in vogue’; cf. Fam. 77 (vm.i).4 tui politici
libri omnibus vigent. The lines are from II. xvi.385ff.
7 Gabini Dio’s notice of this flood erroneously places it before
Gabinius’ return to Rome and represents popular sentiment as blaming
it on his restoration of Ptolemy in defiance of the Sibylline oracle
9, 1 non curare dSiacpopElv.
3 Labienum A. in, 306.
Ligurium A. v, 278.
dabo T shall send letters to both Labienus and Ligurius’; cf. Att. 21
(11.1). 12 ad Octavium dedi litteras. Manutius inferred that Quintus had
asked his brother to write to these two ‘favourites of Caesar’ so as to keep
them friendly. But from §2 fin. of the next letter it would seem that
Cicero refers to letters from himself to Quintus which would be sent to
Labienus and Ligurius for them to forward. If Miinzer (RE xm.534.66)
understood the passage as I thought he did (A. v, 278), he understood it
correctly after all. But Miinzer’s German is oracular, and my colleague
Professor A. Henrichs has no doubt that he interpreted Cicero in the
sense that Quintus passed on letters to the persons named.
4 hanc Sc. epistulam; cf. Att. 386 (xv.6).4 obsignata iam.

26 (111.6(8))

1, i quod. . .est ‘There is no reason for me to answer.’

3 Labeoni By normal usage Labieno dedisse has to mean that Quintus
gave the letter to Labienus in person; cf. Att. 73 (iv.i).i fuitque cui recte

COMMENTARY 26 (ill.6(8)) 2
ad te litteras darem; Thes. v.i, 1665.56. That is as good as impossible.
Caesar’s winter quarters were at Samarobriva (Amiens), Labienus’ on
the frontier of the Treviri, Quintus was stationed about sixty miles away
in the Nervian country (Constans, hi, 46 n. 1). Labeo may have left for
Gaul in late September (21 (in. 1).21) and could have started his return
journey early in November.
6 consilium To gain Caesar’s good-will and support, as explained
below. According to Wiseman the plan was to put Quintus into the
Consulship, but see on 20 (ii.i6).i.
8 parva ac mediocria ‘Trifling and ordinary’, if ac is sound; cf.
Rose. com. 33 (decisionem) mediocrem et tenuem. But aut might have been
expected; cf. 2 (1.2). 13 sunt non nulla, sed tamen mediocria et parva potius; De
orat. 11.84 in parvis aut mediocribus rebus; Fam. 26 (v.8).5 de omnibus minimis,
maximis, mediocribus rebus.
8-9 quid. . .putaremus Not ‘what was it that we thought worth
the price of being separated?’, but ‘what would we have thought. .
i.e. hardly anything would have seemed worth it (so Constans).
11—12 plura. ..struentur ‘Our capital is in hope rather than in
money; if that hope is abandoned, all else will be piled up only to be
lost later on.’ Caesar’s good-will gave security, without which money
would be made only to be lost again. Quintus may have been grumbling
that he did not after all seem to be doing himself much good financially
by staying in Gaul, struentur is, of course, a conjecture, but it makes so
much better sense than the vulgate reserventur that I finally decided to
adopt it.
13 rationem ‘Rationale’; cf. Fam. 177 (ix.2)-4 habes rationem mei
consili et sim.
2, 6 deinde After young M. Cicero’s recovery. Not ‘hereafter’, as
Lewis and Short.
Caesarisne See on §1 (Labeoni).
3, 1 dolore For Julia.
3-4 etsi. . .magis ‘Although my time is much distracted and my
mind far more so.’ opera, ‘ability to work’ (see on 24 (iii.4).4) here
virtually = tempus, causing difficulty to translators, as Kasten: ‘zwar bin
ich korperlich und vor allem seelisch ziemlich hinunter’.
8 levatos Not ‘because the trials were suspended during the days
of supplicatio decreed in honour of Caesar’, but because the loss of
comitial days meant that the elections would not take place before the
new year (ad interregnum comitia adducta); cf. on 22 (iii.2).3. The supplica¬
tion was probably in connexion with the Tiber flood, not in honour of
Caesar, who says nothing about it in his Commentaries (cf. Constans, in,


221 26 (lll.6(8)) 4 COMMENTARY

10-11 ego... praestabo ‘I will be answerable for Messalla to

Caesar’, i.e. for his conduct in office.
11 adventu Cf. 22 (iii.2).3.

4, 2-3 quae loquuntur There was probably talk of some violent

counterstroke. Cf. 27 (hi.7).3 principes nolunt.
4 Hirrus A. 11,202. He was now Tribune-Elect.The tribunician comitia
had not been held up as had those for curule offices; cf. Att. 90 (iv. 15) .8.
5 o di, sqq. Cf. Hor. A.P. 444 quin sine rivali teque et tua solus amares;
Otto, Sprichworter, 301. The reference is certainly to Hirrus, not Pompey,
even though Cicero and Hirrus counted as friends in 52; cf. F. 1, 386f.
Their contest for the Augurate may have been in that year, not, as
usually supposed, in 53; see on 18 (n. 14). 1.
6 Crassum Iunianum Another Tribune-Elect. He was probably re¬
lated by birth to the Marian Praetor of 82, L. Junius Brutus Damasippus,
with the full name P. Licinius Crassus Junianus (Brutus) Damasippus,
one with the Senator Licinius Crassus Damasippus who accompanied
Juba on his triumphal entry into Utica in 49 (Caes. B.C. 11.44.3)
and perished with Metellus Scipio in 46 (Bell. Afr. 96); also with the
Crassus who escaped from Utica after Cato’s death (Plut. Cat. min. 70).
The art-collector Damasippus of Fam. 209 (vn.23) (see F. 11, 372, 573)
may have been his son. On all this see Studies, 46b and Am. Journ. Anc.
Hist, i (1976), 162b
Manutius would have been surprised to learn from T.-P.’s note, where
presumably Sjogren and Moricca learned it, that Caelium Vinicianum (cf.
Fam. 81 (viii.4).3) in their text had been ‘restored’ by him; though he
did wish to identify these two persons and mistakenly thought it could
be done by reading Crassum Licinianum here, and Coelium Licinianum in
Fam. be. Later he changed his mind, when Ursinus told him of the
numismatic evidence for Crassus Junianus (‘his name is frequently found
on coins’ T.-P.!) and Coelius Vinicianus.
5, 1 Serrani, Domiti fili Miinzer (Rom. Adelsparteien, 332b) argues
cogently for Domiti(i), establishing the dead man as the son of L. Domi¬
tius Ahenobarbus, adopted by an Atilius Serranus. This latter had
probably been the adoptive father of Sex. Atilius Serranus Gavianus
(A. 11, 171), of whom nothing is heard after 57. Domitius and Serranus
were connected by marriage. See Studies, 35b
2 pater Presumably Domitius. The elder Serranus may have been
no longer alive.
scripto meo Cicero wrote the funerary laudatio probably not so
much on Domitius’ account as on Cato’s, whose wife Atilia will have
been sister by adoption to the deceased (Miinzer, op. cit. 333). He wrote
another for Cato’s sister and Domitius’ wife Porcia in 46.

COMMENTARY Q-fr. 26 (ill.6(8)) 6

6, 2 Guttae Otherwise unknown (obviously not the disreputable

Senator Ti. Gutta in Pro Cluentio). Cottae would be M. Aurelius Cotta,
governor of Sardinia in 49; but he too does not appear as a candidate
for the Consulship of 52. Milo’s competitors according to Asconius
(30.8,14 Clark) were P. Plautius Hypsaeus and Metellus Scipio, both
strongly supported by Pompey, the former his ex-officer and long¬
standing adherent, the latter soon to become his son-in-law and chosen
colleague. It is scarcely credible that at this stage Pompey was giving
full backing to a different contender of whom history has little or nothing
to say and who for some unknown reason subsequently fell out of the
race. My, or rather Miltner’s, suggestion (Studies, 42) that he is the Cato
of 24 (ill.4). 1 no longer holds. I now incline to think with Constans that
‘Gutta’ is a nickname, either for Hypsaeus, as he suggests, or for Scipio.
9 vel magis Sc. stulte. ‘Having called Milo twice and thrice a fool
and offered three reasons, Cicero bethinks him of yet another’ (SB2 5).
Giving games was no necessary part of Milo’s duties as magister. That
word is usually explained as ‘executor’ to a friend’s estate, but Roman
society knew of no such function. Hence Lintott’s tentative suggestion
‘that Milo had become magister of a collegium, probably one of the more
respectable kind like the Capitolini or Mercuriales’ (Journ. Rom. Stud. 64
(1974), 66).

27 (iii-7(9))

1, 1 (a te sa)ne {
Watt’s text quae ne amantissime quidem a te) cogitata
sunt (= quamquam amantissime.. .sunt?) does not read to me like Latin.
2 TOT6 pot xavoi eupsla {II. iv.182, vm.150).
2, 5 finem adferat Sc. anxietati. Not ‘to his mad expenditure’,
enitar ‘Quam enisus sit, intelliget, qui epistolam ad Curionem libro
ii fam. legerit’ (Manutius).
8 6 Se, x.t.X. II. vm.355.
9 inconsiderantiam Orelli (see app. erit.) compared Suet. Claud.
39.1 inter cetera in eo mirati sunt homines et oblivionem et inconsiderantiam, vel ut
Graece dicam, peTECopiav et a(3Aeqnocv.
10 sustinebo ‘Shall restrain’; cf. Amic. 63 est igitur prudentis sustinere,
ut cursum, sic impetum benevolentiae. Cicero could hardly mean that he
would bolster Milo up financially; he was not rich enough for that, still
less was Quintus. ‘Shall put up with’ makes little sense so far as the
absent Quintus is concerned.
nervorum ‘Your powers’, i.e. force of character. Quintus could
write admonitory letters. Watt reads Nerviorum from Pluygers, Mnemos.
1 (1873), 71: ‘Nervii autem si carerent ceteris rebus, quibus Quintus

223 27 (lll.7(9)) 3 COMMENTARY

officium debitum persolveret, ipsi saltem poterant mitti ad bestias ac

belluarum dentibus unguibusque discerpti sanguine et gemitu suffragari
Miloni. Cf. Cic. in Pisonem 89.’ Less colourfully but hardly more
plausibly Kasten: ‘Quintus soil also aus der Kriegsbeute beisteuern.’
3, 1 motu Cf. 24 (hi.4) .4 non enim sumus omnino sine cura venientis anni.
Quintus had taken this to mean possible trouble from Clodius.
9 si per interregem If the elections were held by an Interrex in
53 (as ultimately happened), Messalla would take office immediately
and so escape trial so long as he remained in it. If they were held before
the end of 54, which could only be brought about by Pompey as Dictator,
he could be tried, but in Cicero’s opinion there was no danger of a
11 Hortensi Messalla’s uncle, who successfully defended him in the
first of his trials in 51 (Fam. 78 (vm.2).i) and had probably done so in 60
(A- h 355 {Valerius)).
11 — 12 lex impunitatis ‘A statute of immunity.’
13 miscet ‘Stirs the cauldron.’ Appius was anxious to get on with
the elections (22 (m.2).3, 23 (iii.3).2).

4, 2 infrequens ‘Understaffed.’ The nearest analogy is frequens =

‘up to strength’, of military units and the like {Fam. 11, 552).
5, 1 epistula Vatini Despite their reconciliation it seems that
Vatinius had written something disagreeable about Cicero, probably to
sci(t)o A necessary change, adopted by Watt, observari has to mean
‘courted’, ‘treated with respect’, not ‘watched’.
7) i—2 quid.. .haberet? A joke. The messenger who brought
Quintus’ tragedy Erigona (cf. 21 (ill. 1). 13) to Italy had apparently been
attacked on the way. What would have become of the heroine if she
had not had a good dog to protect her ? Erigone’s dog Maera was an
Athenian Gelert, proverbially faithful to its mistress.
3 aedificium On the Manilian property (cf. 21 (iii.i). 1).
7 nilus ‘Canal.’
Philotimorum Cicero had more respect for Philotimus in
architectural matters than for the bungling Diphilus (cf. 21 (hi. i ) .2).

The former was working on Quintus’ house on the Palatine.

8, 1 Felicis No more known.
2 in uncia Quintus was down in Felix’ will for a twelfth share; cf.
Att. 345 (xm.48). 1 Caesar, opinor, ex uncia; Sen. Contr. ix.5.15 ex uncia heres
erat, in is less common than ex in these expressions, but cf. Fam. 282
(xiii.29).4 heres ex parte dimidia et tertia est Capito; in sextante sunt ii quorum,
sqq. unciis will have come from unc.
3 vero = re vera.

COMMENTARY Q .fr. 2 7 (ill. J (9) ) 9

4 jSicuraet The name seems to be corrupt. Inscriptions show

‘Scurra’ as a slave-name; see Studies, 66.
9, 3 tporcia nonf propriam in domum would mean Quintus’ house,
adjacent to Cicero’s. If domum followed after in, propriain could easily
become porcian.

Ad Brut. I (i(ll.l)) I COMMENTARY


i (i(ii.i))

The opening sentence ties up with Fam. 376 (xii.6).2 to Cassius: res, cum
haec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta discrimen', cf. 3 (2).2. §3 also relates
closely to the letter to Cassius, §2. Neither letter can be dated precisely,
but clearly Plancus’ despatch mentioned in 3 (2). 1, which was read to the
Senate on 7 April {Fam. 377 (x.i2).2), had not yet arrived. Beyond this
it is useless to argue from items which Cicero does not mention; for the
news of the day Brutus is referred to his regular informants (§3). The
allusion to the crisis at Mutina in Fam. 375 ( to Plancus of 30
March is to be noted, but the letters to Brutus and Cassius may have
been written a week or so before or after.
1, 2 Bruto Decimus.
6 consulum Cicero’s opinion of his old friends Hirtius and Pansa
before they came into office had been far from flattering. Hirtius he had
thoroughly distrusted {A. vi, 225, 28if.). But by now he was satisfied of
their good faith (impugned by Dio, XLVi.35.6), though still disposed to
criticize; cf. 7 (9).1, 8(10). 17 (18).2 ; F. 11, 516 {a quibusdam).
9 non enim, sqq. ‘You are well aware of the importance in public
affairs of the crucial moment, and what a difference it makes whether
the same decision or undertaking or action is adopted sooner or later.’
Cf. 23 (23). 12 scis quantum sit in temporibus, quantum in celeritate, idem illud
should not be rendered ‘just that same consideration, namely whether

13 in diem ex die Cf. Thes. v. 1, 1041.2 F. Becher cited Herod,

ix.8.1 ripepris es fi|i£priv dva(3aAA6p£voi.
15 bellum. . .haberemus Cf. Phil, v.53 of 1 January: celeritate
autem opus est. qua si essemus usi, bellum, ut saepe dixi, nullum haberemus.
2, 4 (tenui) homo tenuis is common in the Speeches. Something has
to be supplied in the text to make the contrast with the principes, from
whom the additional quality of wisdom is required.
10 infideliter Only here in classical writing; but infidelis and
infidelitas are Ciceronian.
3, 3 in acie ‘In the front line.’
3-4 neque. . .quaerere ‘And am not looking for any line of
retreat’ (Cary), respectum — id quo respiciam', cf. Phil, x.9 qui abillo abducit
exercitum et respectum pulcherrimum et praesidium firmissimum adimit rei publicae.

commentary Ad Brut. 2 (3(11.3)) I

2 (3(lI-3))

1, i scripsisti ‘Will have written’; cf. 5 (ii.i).i epistulam quam

2 nostrarum rerum I.e. the capture of C. Antonius at Apollonia.
4-6 quam.. . reciperari ‘Which is neither easy to regain nor will
the thing be less shameful and outrageous if it can be regained.’ This
conjecture improves upon one put forward in SB2 6.
2, 2 excipiat ‘Pick him up.’ Brutus would have liked to give his
prisoner his liberty, presumably conditional, but was afraid that
Antonian partisans would get hold of him. eripiat (Clark) is not needed.
3, 2 Murco.. .Marcio F. n, 505.
exercitu ipso With reference to Caecilius Bassus, whose troops
joined Cassius against the will of their commander?
3 Tertiam. . .matrem Junia Tertia (Tertulla) (A. vi, 238b) and
Servilia. The reverse order is normal, but in this context Cassius’ wife has
4, 1 orationes The Fifth and Tenth Philippics.
usus es T.-P. comment on the unusual expression: ‘It looks like a
Grecism yppoffai Aoyco.’ But is ypfjaQai Aoyco Greek for ‘make a (par¬
ticular) speech’ ? The sense ‘use language’ is of course common enough,
as in Phil, x.i oratio qua recitatis litteris usus es. Perhaps read quarum altera
Kal. Ian. \usus es'], altera de litteris meis \quae] habita est.
3 non. . .laudem With nunc this must be understood ironically:
‘now I suppose you are waiting for me to praise them (as though they
needed any praise from me)’. But the words are then liable to misin¬
terpretation, as by T.—P. (‘This is a slightly brusque remark ... We
know that Brutus had a habit of saying things in a disagreeable way’).
It is easier to change nunc (nc) to non (no); cf. Att. 10 (x.i).i de Palicano
non puto te exspectare dum scribam; Fam. 433 (xu.29).i non puto te iam
exspectare quibus eum tibi verbis commendem; Att. 89 (iv. 16).7 ex quibus nullos
puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos exspectare. Cicero could take Brutus’
admiration for granted.
5 Philippici Cf. Plut. Cic. 48 ocutos Te yap 6 KiKspoov tous Konr’
’Avtcoviou Aoyous (PiAittitikous etreypatpe xai peypi vuv tcc (3i(3Aia
cbiAnTiriKoi KaAoOvTai.
5, 1 pecunia According to Appian, B.C. iv.75, Brutus had received
the enormous sum of 16,000 talents (= c. HS 384,000,000) from the
Quaestor (actually Proquaestor) Apuleius (cf. 20 (15).2) and other sums
from other Quaestors; see Botermann, Soldaten, 94, who conjectures that
Brutus needed yet more money for bounties to his troops to match those
offered by Octavian and Antony to theirs.

Ad Brut. 2 (3(11.3)) 6 commentary

3 secreto.. .Pansam ‘By a secret understanding vis-a-vis Pansa.

‘Against’ and ‘without the knowledge of’ are mistranslations. R. La-
macchia (Atene e Roma 16 (1971), I3ff-) cites inter alia Fam. 76 (313). 2
eo brevior est epistula et ut adversus magistrum morum modestior. Pansa was
in charge of troop levies in Italy and so would obviously have to be
8 Vetus Antistius C. Antistius Vetus had been Quaestor pro
praetore in Syria, where Staius Murcus succeeded him. On his way back
to Rome via Macedonia, probably late in 44, he handed over the public
money he had with him (cf. 16 (19). 1) to Brutus and later became his
Legate (Broughton, 327, 352). He was Consul-Suffect in 30, and is to be
distinguished from L. Antistius (Vetus), Tribune in 56 (Studies, 1 iff.).
6, 2 animi magnitudine ‘Unselfishness’ (A. 1, 380 (in comitiorum
6 non. . .tua ‘He will not have to exploit your renown.’

3 (2(11.2))

Written the day following the second of the two meetings of the Senate on
9 and 10 April described in Fam. 377 (x. 12).2ff. to Plancus.
1, 2 litteris Fam. 371 (x.8).
3 tui necessari Lepidus’wife Junia was one of Brutus’half-sisters;
cf. L. Hayne, Latomus 33 (1974), 76ff.
4 fratrem L. Aemilius Paul(l)us, cos. 50. His career shows that
he was the elder brother; cf. A. 1, 399 f.; Sumner, Orators, 65.
adfinis Brutus himself and Cassius, husband of Junia Tertia.
4-5 levitatem et inconstantiam Cf. 17 (18).2\ Fam. 380 (xi.g).i
(D. Brutus) hominem ventosissimum. Three weeks previously Cicero had
rebuked Lepidus’ letter to the Senate advocating peace with Antony in
his Thirteenth Philippic. The traditional view of Lepidus, based on the
representations of his enemies, has been challenged by L. Hayne (Acta
Classica 14 (1971), iogff.) andR.D. Weigel (ibid. 17 (1974), 67ff.). Thus the
latter (73): ‘The indecisiveness ascribed to him by Cicero and others seems
instead to have been the result of a calculated effort to keep his options open,
while at the same time remaining consistent in his loyalty to the Caesarian
cause.’ A ‘slight, unmeritable man’, however high-born, was hardly likely
to have been trusted by Caesar as Caesar trusted Lepidus.
3, 1 Servilio Cf. Fam. 377 (x. 12).3f.
7 ut...duceret Cf. A. 1, 331 (liberum non putavit), also Otto,
Sprichworter, 192.
8 dolore ‘Passion.’ For dolor = ‘emotion’ (ud0os) see Propertiana, 21.
per biduum On 8 and 9 April.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 4 (4(11.4)) I

10-11 cum maxime ‘At the very time when. . . ’ Nothing is said of
Lentulus Spinther’s despatch (not extant) in the letter to Plancus, who as
a Caesarian could not be expected to rejoice in the successes of Cassius.
17 diu quo is obelized by Watt.

4 (4(ii-4))
1, 1 Scaptio A. hi, 236.
tuas 2 (3).

2, 2 sententiam Cf. Phil. xi.2gflf.

3, 5 exclusum The fact was that the Rhodians sided with Dolabella
(Fam. 406 (xii. i5).4), who does not seem to have visited the island.
6 reliquisse ‘Abandoned’, not merely ‘left’.
7 semel ‘Once for all’, so that even after leaving he was still in
a t(e) Cf. K.-S. 1, 730.
persequendum Cf. 9 (13).1.
4, 4-5 ut.. .sumeres Cf. Fam. 374 (xii.28).2.

5, 1 (et matrem) Cf. 2(3).3.

6, 3 maiora facis ‘Exaggerate’; see A. hi, 202 {maiora). There is
probably no need to understand ea from tantum est or to read ea for eo.

5 (5(ii-5))

The transmitted date, 19 April (§6), can hardly be correct. Facts point
to the 14th, the day following the meeting of the Senate on the Ides (§4).
Schmidt (De epistulis et a Cassio et ad Cassium post Caesarem occisum datis
quaestiones (1877), 38ff.) argues that the panic in Rome on 17-19 April
mentioned in 7 (9).2 (see ad loc.) must have occurred subsequently, and
opts for the 16th. xvi for xm is of course the minimum of change.
1, 1 tuo nomine “‘From you”, a phrase generally used of messages
sent by a second person; cp. Att 1.16.16, hi. 15.8’ T.-P. Rather ‘as from
you’; the wording of the two messages cited in comparison was that of the
persons transmitting them. Cf., however, Sail. Cat. 34.3 litteras Q. Catulus
in senatu recitavit quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat. The possibility
that the letter might not be genuine is thus left open.
2 Antoni Probably sc. nomine by assimilation, though the authen¬
ticity of C. Antonius’ letter was not in doubt; possibly sc. litterae. So in
§3 hic epistulas adfert duas, unam tuo nomine, alteram Antoni.
5-6 quo... sententia ‘How I judge and what I advise.’ sententia
does not refer to ‘motions in the Senate’; cf. §5 tuam sententiam defendam,
non relinquam meam.

Ad Brut. 5 (5(11.5)) 2 commentary

10 rege...regno Cf. Fam. 327 (xii.i).i non regno sed rege liberati
videmur and similar expressions in Att. 363 (xrv.g).2 and 368 (xiv. 14).2.
Here Cicero alludes to his alleged expression of regret that Antony had
not been eliminated with Caesar; cf. 23 (23).4, also F. n, 483 (molestus
nobis non esset).
lenius Sc. sentisti, vel sim.
13 ad pacem Sc. referebas. With this passage cf. 23 (23).5 init.
2, 2 deus Cf. Phil. hi.34, v.43, xiii.18.
8 repellit Cf. Att. 376 (xiv.22).2 etsi illi iuvenes ‘aAAois ev eaQAots
touS’ aTrcoOoOvTou vpoyov’.
10 severo ‘Stern.’
11-12 nuntius. . .litterae About the beginning of March M.
Brutus sent a despatch to the Senate on the developments in Macedonia.
It is the subject of the Tenth Philippic.
14 erat. . .Antoni ‘News was awaited about Antonius’ remnants.’
16 litterae A second despatch from Brutus, reporting the capture of
C. Antonius, arrived on 19 March.
18 Ciceronis mei Now serving with distinction under Brutus.
Earlier in the year he had taken the surrender of an Antonian legion
{Phil. x. 13), and in February defeated Antonius in an engagement near
Byllis (Plut. Brut. 26).
20 discessum Pansae. On 19 March, before the arrival of Brutus’
3, 1 ecce tibi The first sentence of the letter is by now forgotten.
Celer Pil(i)us A. 11, 224.
2-3 bonarum.. .partium Cf. Cael. 13 quis civis meliorum partium
aliquando?, 77 civem bonarum artium, bonarum partium.
4 Servilio M. Servilius {F. 11, 506).
Cornuto Praetor Urbanus, acting in place of the absent Consuls
{F. 11, 518).
5 PRO CONSULE Cf. F. 1, 481. The evidence of republican
inscriptions is unanimous; cf. especially the verses in Degrassi, Inscr. Lat.
lib. rei. p. 342-3 auspicio [Antoni Marc]ipro consule, 6 pro praetore. In Div. 11.76
write a pro consulibus et a pro praetoribus, like consules prove consulibus (coss.) in
Phil. viii. 2 7. Cicero probably wrote pro cos. here and in §4. C. Antonius’
appointment as Proconsul in Macedonia had been rescinded by the
Senate in December, but Brutus allowed him to keep his lictors and
insignia (Broughton, 342).
6 DOLABELLA Declared a public enemy in mid March.
4) 3_4 natum.. .a me ‘True {omnino), I opened the game’.
5 suum filium L. Sestius {A. vi, 265). He had sailed east with Brutus
the previous year and was one of his most faithful followers.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 5 (5(11.5)) 5

7 causae non defuit T.-P. compare the repetitions in Att. 13 (1.16).

4 fin. and 197 (x.6).2 fin. inquam is used in both and should perhaps be
added here.
8 Labeo Formerly known as Pacuvius Antistius Labeo (A. v, 267).
Badian has shown that his real name was probably ‘Pacuvius Labeo’
(praenomen unknown); see Studies, 103. He may be the Labeo of
I (1.O.14.
10 cogere ‘Prove’, as often in the Philosophica (Thes. hi, 1532.13).
Cicero clearly had no real doubt about the letter’s authenticity.
5, 2 eum I.e. eius, as in Amic. 3 cum in eam ipsam mentionem incidisset,
et al.
7 simus Like ‘to be or not to be’; cf. 26(24).! non erimus?; Tib. in.
5.32 (Lygdamus) sive erimus seu nos fata fuisse velint; Dirae 96 sive eris et
si non mecum moriere (see Phoenix 32 (1978), 308).
6, 3 imitationem Similarly to Lentulus Spinther in Fam. 18 (1.7).
II Lentulum nostrum. . .in primis imitatione tui fac erudias; nulla enim erit hac
praestantior disciplina.

6 (8(1.20))

Gurlitt (Philol. Suppi. 4 (i884).56.6ff.) showed that this letter must be

separated from 14 (7 (1.2)) and that the opening is missing. If the date
at the end is correct, it will have been despatched early on 20 April,
before the news of the victory at Forum Gallorum reached Rome.
1, 2 habes ‘Non futuri vice fungitur.. .sed suam propriam vim
habet’ (Sjogren, Comm. Tull. 97, comparing Att. 84 (iv. 10). 1 si quid
habes certius, velim scire, et sim.).
3 providisse In his Eleventh Philippie of mid March Cicero
proposed that Cassius be formally commissioned to suppress Dolabella.
The motion was rejected by the Senate in favour of one assigning this
operation to the Consuls after the conclusion of the campaign against
Antony. But Cicero had said in his speech that Brutus would and should
be free to pursue Dolabella without waiting for senatorial approval
(Phil. xi. 26C). As a statement, this was not negatived by the Senate’s
adverse vote.
2, 1 animo I.e. aio, as conjectured by Manutius. No other word will
yield tolerable sense. Normal usage supports (iW) egisse, but cf. 11 (12). 1
nunc agendum est ne frustra. . . gavisi simus.
5-6 nec. . .concedo ‘I consider myself as merciful a man as you’
(so Manutius). Not, as usually understood, T cannot defer to your
9 Trinummo 319.

Ad Brut. 6 (8(1.20)) 3 commentary

3, 4 Apollinis Cf. Plaut. Pseud. 480 quod scibo, Delphis tibi responsum
dicito, et sim. (Otto, Sprichworter, 30).
6 XII Schmidt, followed by T.-P., wished to read XV because of
the absence of any reference to the panic mentioned in 7 (9) .2. But ‘vide
ne in manca ep. temerarium sit a codd. recedere’ (Watt).

7 (9 (1.3))

Written shortly after the news of Forum Gallorum reached Rome (20
1, 1-2 certo scio ‘I have no doubt’, as usual.
2-3 qualis...exstiterunt In 18 (18).if., thinking of the Mutina
campaign as a whole, Cicero is retrospectively critical of Hirtius, but
praises Pansa. Here he is concerned only with the battle of Forum
Gallorum, in which Hirtius’ generalship seems to have left nothing to be
desired. Perhaps he is thinking primarily of the Consuls’ loyalty, in
which he had believed against the opinion of the majority (1 (i).i). But
he is also anxious to stress Octavian’s merits.
4 et honoribus et gratia To be taken with florentem, not with
regere et tenere, as apparently by Botermann, Soldaten, 135.
6 non diffidimus T do not despair’; not T am not losing confidence’
2, i triduo. ..quadriduo I.e. on 18 or 17 April. Speaking on 21
April Cicero uses the same words {Phil. xiv. 15), pointing to the 18th or
19th. The happenings he refers to will thus have extended over two or
three days.
4 quo quidem die, sqq. ‘That day I reaped the richest of rewards
for my many laborious days and wakeful nights - if there is any reward
in true, genuine glory. . . I am not a vain man, I do not need to be; but
the unison of all classes in thanks and congratulations does move me,
for to be popular in seeking the people’s welfare is a fine thing.’
10 inane Cicero’s utterances on this point have been observed to
vary; cf. F. 1, 448 {si quisquam, sqq.). Hence T.-P.: ‘So Cicero writes to
Brutus; but to Atticus he unlocks his heart.’ But here it is a matter of
mood and context rather than correspondent. After the events of
the previous day Cicero really felt himself elevated above all personal
vanity. W. Allen’s article on ‘Cicero’s conceit’ (TV. Am. Phil. Ass. 85
(!954), 121 ff.) is to be read with caution.
12-13 populi...est A general statement. The personal pronoun
{me) is not only needless but out of tune with Cicero’s exalted frame of

commentary Ad Brut. 8 (10(1.30))

8 (io(i.3a))

The battle of Mutina, in which Hirtius was killed, took place on 21 April.
The news probably reached Rome on the evening of the 25th, and
Antony was declared a public enemy the following day; cf. 9 (13). 1.
1 bonos quidem I.e. bene sentientes (Manutius). To be taken with
consules following, not preceding, as with the punctuation duos bonos
quidem, sed dumtaxat bonos consules, which would mean that they were
good as Consuls, but not in other ways.
3 magno proelio At Forum Gallorum.
fugerat An unpleasant and ungenerous word, not justified by the
facts; contrast the laudatory remarks in Phil. xiv. 26 and 1 7(18). 1.
5 et Caesar The report was untrue.
6 itaque C. Antonius had been appointed governor of Macedonia
on 28 November at his brother’s instance and had remained after the
appointment had been rescinded by the Senate, so that he could
reasonably be reckoned among his brother’s followers.

9 (i3(i-5))

1,2-3 cetera de Ventidio ‘Mostly about Ventidius.’Sjogren com¬

pares Att. 151 (viii.i).i cetera de rebus in Piceno gestis. . .sed in ea Pompei
epistula erat in extremo ipsius manu, sqq. On Ventidius see A. vi, 281; F. 11,
523 {itinerefacto), 537 {mulionis).
3 ut. . . Dolabellam The earlier decree on this matter (6(8). 1 n.) had
been invalidated by the death of the Consuls.
6 si minus. . .sive Cf. K.-S. 11, 434b
2, 2-3 neque. . .haberemus The latest news was probably in
Lentulus Spinther’s letter read to the Senate on 9 April (3 (2).3).
7 litteris 4 (4).
3, 1 collegium The Pontifices.
2 omnino Answered by sed at the end of the paragraph.
4 cum...esset In 98-97 (Broughton, 8f.).
lege Domitia Available knowledge on the matter of elections to
priesthoods is admirably stated by Linderski {Haru. Stud. Cl. Phil. 76
(1972), 191 f.): ‘The popular election of the members of the great
priesthoods, replacing the earlier cooptatio, was introduced by the lex
Domitia of 104 b.c., abolished by Sulla, restored by a lex of T. Labienus
in 63, and retained by a lex Iulia, passed by Caesar after 49. These
elections were assigned to a special assembly (which already in the third
century elected the pontifex maximus), the comitia of seventeen tribes,
constituting formally the minor pars populi. This represented a compromise

Ad Brut. 9 (13(1.5)) 4 commentary

between the democratic principle of popular election and the religious

principle of the augural law that the priesthoods cannot be given by the
people. The electoral procedure. . .was complicated and cumbersome.
It consisted of three stages. The first was the nominatio. Each member of
the college in which there was a vacant place had the right to nominate
one candidate, but, at least until the Lex Iulia, no candidate could be
nominated by more than two members. The nominatio took place
publicly, in a contio. The second stage was the popular election by
seventeen tribes, chosen by lot, with the people having the choice only
between the nominated candidates. As the third stage, the cooptatio
followed, the members of the college being obliged to coopt by their vote
the candidate (or candidates) returned by the popular assembly.1 The
election and cooptation were complemented and made formally valid by
the religious ceremony of inauguratio performed by an augur.’
io Domitio Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, son of the Consul of 54.
Pontificates ran in his family (F. 1, 430), but for him and Cato Cicero
was probably thinking of his own augural college, which had at least
three vacancies, perhaps more; see on 19 (15).2.
Catone Cicero’s and Atticus’ ward (A. v, 358f.).
12-13 nulla. . .facultas The question would settle itself automati¬
4, 1 omnino ‘To be sure.’
4-6 nunc. . .non possunt There would therefore be no Interrex
and therefore no constitutional elections, since these could not be held by
magistrates of lower than consular rank. The same problem arose in 49
(cf. Att. 183 (ix.i5).2). Octavian cut the knot in August by arranging
for the appointment of two privati to hold elections (Dio xLV1.45.3ff.).
No member of an old patrician family is recorded as holding curule
office in 43, but some of those on record may have belonged to the new
patriciate created by Caesar. Dio misunderstood: ttoAAcov dvSpoov tgov
tocs euTrdrpiSas apyas exovtcov crrro5qpouvTcov.

10 (11(1.4))

1, 2 consulum Evidently Brutus had not yet learned that both

Consuls were dead.
3 Bruti eruptio It is clearly implied that this took place during the
battle. Cicero does not necessarily imply the contrary in 14 (7).2:
prius. . .quam de Antoni fuga audisti, Bruti eruptione, populi Romani victoria,

1 Like an Anglican cathedral chapter appointing a dean or bishop

nominated by the Crown.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 10 (11(1.4)) 2

where he thinks of the break-out as marking the end of the siege rather
than as an incident in the fighting; cf. 23 (23).8 D. Bruto liberato cum
laetissimus ille civitati dies illuxisset. So to Decimus himself, Fam. 413 (xi. 14).
1 tantam spem attulerat exploratae victoriae tua praeclara Mutina eruptio, fuga
Antoni conciso exercitu. Later accounts, reflecting triumviral or Augustan
bias, say nothing about a break-out, Dio (xLVi.40.2) stating that the
troops in the town did nothing but watch the fighting from the walls.
Botermann (Soldaten, iogf.) too takes Decimus’ statement in Fam. 388
(xi.i3).i Hirtium perisse nesciebam, Aquilam perisse nesciebam as showing that
after a sortie headed by Aquila Decimus still remained shut up in
Mutina. But that does not square with Decimus’ own presentation, and
I have for other reasons substituted Aquilam perisse sciebam in his text. All
in all, it seems likely that Decimus did break out successfully, but that this
happened in the closing stages of the battle. His contribution to the
victory might be variously estimated. Quite possibly M. Brutus’ infor¬
mation came from Decimus himself.
2, 1 quod scribis In 7 (9) fin.
3 senatus Brutus did not know that Antony and his followers had
been declared public enemies by the Senate on 27 April.
9 ei C. Antonius.
10 eripui ‘Hoc ideo dicit, quia ornamenta militaria illi reliquerat’
11 quoad bellum fuit Properly this implies that the war was over
and Antonius set free; but it has to be taken as a careless way of saying
habuique in mea potestate habeboque quoad bellum erit.
12 conducere Much more satisfactory sense than concedere', cf. R.
Lamacchia, Atene e Roma 16 (1971), 16 ff.; Thes. iv, 161.55.
14 potentibus On the honours granted Octavian see 23 (23).7.

11 (12(1.40))

1, 1-2 agendum est ne. . .gavisi simus agendum probably = id

agendum', cf. 6 (8).211. But it is possible to render ‘now is the time to act’;
cf. Sail. Orat. Lepidi 7 agundum atque obviam eundum est, Quirites, ne spolia
vestra penes illos sint.
2-3 neu. . .peius ‘the notion of causa is present to the mind twice
though only expressed once, as in Phil. 1.28 nec erat [sic] iustior in senatum
non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis’: so T.-P., following Sjogren etc.
But this example is far more difficult, in that causa has to be given two
senses, first ‘plea,’ then ‘cause’. The alternative is to assume the loss of
‘some word like festinatio’; cupiditas would fall out more easily before
causa sit, cura (Becher) more easily still.

Ad Brut. II (12(1.4«)) 2 COMMENTARY

2, i neque opinantibus = necopinantibus, as in Bell. Alex. 63.5,

73.2, 75.1 and Bell. Afr. 7.5, 66.1: ‘to our surprise or with our tolerance’.
5-6 non solum... prudenter ‘not only by the loyalty of your
sentiments but by their wisdom too’. Here again T.-P. take sentiendo as
referring to motions in the Senate; cf. 5 (5).i n.
6 tueri ‘Live up to.’
10-11 unum hoc. . .desiderant If the text is sound, this is again
very slipshod writing. Sedgwick’s culpant rectifies it, but the word is not
found in writers of this period, who use reprehendere instead.
12 exemplo Sjogren {Comm. Tull. 116) defends exemplum with
Plaut. Poen. 145 si tibi libido est aut voluptati, sino: ‘quo uno versiculo fides
codicum iniuria [immo iure] addubitata satis [immo vix] comprobatur’.
Plautus, after all, had a (metrical) reason.
13 itaque, sqq. ‘So I am afraid about the Consulship. I fear your
friend Caesar may think that he has climbed so high through your
decrees that the ascent from that point (i.e. from the point he has already
reached to the Consulship), if he is elected Consul, will be no further
(than the distance already climbed)’. Octavian may be so puffed up by
the advances he has already made as to reckon himself already more than
halfway up the ladder leading to the Consulship. With descensurum all is
confusion. Any correction or interpretation which points to ambitions
of Octavian beyond the Consulship (refusal to return to private life or the
like) is idle. Brutus is concerned with the existing vacancies and with the
possibility that Octavian at nineteen years old might aspire to fill one
of them. That was much too outrageous a prospect to leave room for
anxiety about possible ulterior goals. Of course Brutus was not thinking,
as T.-P. suppose, of what might happen in ten years’ time, when by the
Senate’s concession Octavian would be legally able to stand, descendere,
ascendere, and escendere are often confused (Watt points to Q_.Fr. 2 (1.2).15),
and escendere is confused with extendere (see Thes. v.2, 856.68). escendisse
therefore follows the indications of the MSS, whereas escensurum is
especially appropriate of ascent from a specified level (inde). Madvig, who
conjectured it {Adversaria, in, 1986), failed to understand Brutus’
meaning, which had been correctly explained by Manutius.
3, 2 regni instrumentum ‘The apparatus of monarchy’; cf. 23
(23). 4 instrumentum regni delatum ad Lepidum et Antonium.
8 prorsus alienae ‘Indeed I shall.’ There is nothing illogical in
this. The fault of illicit ambition would be Octavian’s, but Cicero would
answer for it (reum) because he could have foreseen and prevented it.
Brutus keeps his eyes steadily shut to the exigencies of the situation in
which Cicero and the Senate had found themselves.
9 posses The present subjunctive is not more vivid, as Becher

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. II (12(1.40)) 4

thought (see T.-P.), it is simply out of place. Brutus wishes that Cicero
could see into his mind now (which is impossible), not that he may be
able to do so at some future time.
4, 1 audivimus A false report; cf. the malicious story in Appian,
B.C. hi. 82.
3 si. . .videro Cf. Fam. 109 (xv. 13).3 cupio te consulem videre. Brutus
is thinking of his own return to Italy, not implying a doubt as to the
veracity of the report.
4 filius Cf. 12 (14).!.


Schmidt (De epistulis et a Cassio et ad Cassium post Caesarem occisum datis

quaestiones (1877), 4^6) advocates XIV (i.e. XIIII; see Haw. Stud. Cl. Phil.
83 (t979)) 251) in the subscription on the ground that Letter 9 of 5 May,
to which this is in reply, could hardly have reached Brutus in ten days. A
messenger from Rome normally took about eleven days to reach
Dyrrachium, and Brutus’ camp in Candavia lay a further two or three
days’ journey along the via Egnatia.
1, noli, sqq. Cf. Cicero to Cornificius (Fam. 374 (xii.28).2):
gratum etiam illud, quod mihi tuo nomine gratias agendas non putas; nec enim id
inter nos facere debemus-, and Plancus to Cicero {Fam. 428 (x.24).i): neque
enim tanta necessitudo quantam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti desiderare videtur
gratiarum actionem. Brutus refers to Cicero’s motion in the Senate (9 (13).
0 -

6 Heracleam In Lyncestis on the via Egnatia.

8 commendatione honoris ‘About recommending his honour’
(office, i.e. the Pontificate (9 (13).3)); cf. Att. 85 (iv.g).2 Lucceio scribis te
nostram gloriam commendaturum. Brutus and Cicero junior would discuss
between then the advisability of the latter’s returning to Rome to stand
in person or, alternatively, of having him recommended in absentia. For
aut see on Fam. 20 (iV-4).5 is mecum saepe de tua mansione aut decessione
communicat. The vulgate ad commendationem is thus explained by T.-P.: ‘If
young Cicero found that the comitia were over or that he had no chance
that year, he might take some steps to put himself prominently before
the people as a probable candidate at the next election, and be recom¬
mended by influential men.’ This is moonshine. In either of these clearly
improbable contingencies Cicero’s son would not need to recommend
himself for a further vacancy at an unknown date. His father would do that
when the time came.
2, 1 Glycona The rumour that this man poisoned Pansa’s wound at
Octavian’s instigation is mentioned by Tacitus {Ann. 1.10.2) and Sueto-

Ad Brut. 12 (14(1.6)) 3 COMMENTARY

nius (Aug. 11). Octavian was also suspected of having engineered Hirtius’
death (ibid.).
Achilleos Similarly Achilleus below. ‘The name of an obscure Greek
would not be Latinized’ (T.-P.). Greek names are usually latinized in
Cicero’s correspondence, obscure or not. But the Greek form of the
nominative is common in inscriptions; see Thes. s.v. Achilles.
3 Torquato Pansa’s Quaestor, parentage and praenomen uncer¬
tain; perhaps the man mentioned in Att. 420 (xvi.ii).8 and perhaps
Horace’s friend (cf.J. F. Mitchell, Historia 15 (1966), 26f.).
4 parricidam Cf. Catil. 1.29 hoc parricida civium. The murder of a
Consul was of course particularly heinous.
3, 1 Satrio Unknown (certainly not the M. Satrius adopted by
L. Minucius Basilus, who is called ‘Basilus’ in Phil. 11.107; see Studies, 53
2 Tillio Tillius Cimber, governor of Bithynia (F. n, 392).
4, 1 Flavius Brutus’ praefectus fabrum (cf. 25 (25).3), who fell at
Philippi (Plut. Brut. 51); cf. F. n, 45if.
6 necessariis tuis Cf. Fam. 8 (xiv.i).7, 9 (xiv.3).4.

13 (6(1.1))

On the date see following letter.

1, 1 L. Clodius Probably an unknown. He is certainly not the man
referred to in Att. 416 (xv.i3).3, who is now known to be Sex. Cloelius,
and there is nothing but the undistinctive name to connect him with Ap.
Claudius’ praefectus fabrum in 51 (F. 1, 362).
1-2 diligit.. .amat Cf. A. vi, 234.
2 i(ji.(})aTmuTEpov This is the only Greek word in Cicero’s letters to
4 minus hominis Cf. Ter. Ad. 734 simulare certe est hominis. . .
dempsi metum omnem; haec mage sunt hominis-, Lig. 16 ‘cave ignoscas’; haec nec
hominis nec ad hominem vox est, et sim.
7 a suis.. .iniquos ‘By his ill-wishers, or rather through their
agency.’ This makes good enough sense. My translation rendered a tuis
(‘by your people’, i.e. correspondents in Rome).
10 occultas Cf. 1 (1.1). 15 multis enim simulationum involucris
tegitur et quasi velis quibusdam obtenditur unius cuiusque natura.
11 multiplicisque ‘Complex’; so of young Quintus, est magnum
illud quidem verum tamen multiplex pueri ingenium (Att. 116 (vi.2).2).
13 ad scribendum non necessaria Cf. Div. 1.123 ad commemo¬
randum non necessaria. Otherwise Ad Herenn. 111.18 necessarias ad probandum
(argumentationes), et al.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 14 (7(1.2)) I

volo Cf. Fam. 25(v.8).5 has litteras velim existimes foederis habituras esse
vim, non epistulae. Cicero does not have to justify his statement with detailed
evidence (multa indicia); he makes it on oath, as it were, vouching
personally for its truth, nolo (Watt, adopted by Kasten) is a Schlimm-
besserung. An affidavit carries more weight than a mere letter, so why
should Cicero wish his letter not to be so regarded?
15 beneficio Probably the Tribunate, as Manutius suggests.

14 (7(1.2))

The date must leave time for the news of the battle of Mutina (21 April)
to reach Brutus at Dyrrachium and for his reaction to reach Rome - a
matter of thirty days, if the news reached him via Rome, but only
twenty if it came direct from the battlefield.
1, 1 epistula Probably 13 (6).
3 Chersonesum Nothing else is known of this report.
6 te°t Not to be interpreted as ideo, ‘to that end’, since no end has
been mentioned. Watt’s conjecture contra would make a good substitute
if we postulate an abbreviation DO (found in insular scripts).
quinque legiones Actually seven: four Caesarian, one of Romans
raised by Brutus in Greece, two native, recruited by Hortensius in
Macedonia. Another was somehow added before Brutus left for Asia
(App. B. C. in.79, iv.75; see Botermann, Soldaten, 206; Brunt, Manpower,
486 n.6).
2, 3 eruptione See on 10 (ii).i.
3, 1 seditione Cf. Dio XLVii.22(4)ff.
1-2 quarta de(cima fraude) The Fourth was in Italy. The
Fourteenth had served under Caesar in Gaul, Spain, and Africa. It had
been under C. Antonius’ command in Apollonia before surrendering to
2 sed... accipies Referring to what follows, as in Att. 70 (111.25)
and Phil, vn.5, not to fraude C. Antoni. For sed (s;, explaining -oniis in the
MSS) Watt compares Att. l.c.

15 (16(1.8))

Nothing indicates the precise date of this letter except its place in the
2, 2 Suessanum Miinzer (RE xvi. 1779.60) would have it that
Suessa Aurunca suffered at Antony’s hands for its sympathy with the

Ad Brut. 15 (l6(l.8)) 2 COMMENTARY

‘liberators’; but the passages he cites {Phil,, iv.4, xm. 18) refer
only to the execution of mutinous troops.
3 Cretensi bello 68-67.
3-4 octavum principem Sc. ordinem. As First Centurion of the
eighth cohort he ranked forty-third in the legion.
5 rei publicae partibus ‘Party loyalty’ (Cary); cf. 22 (22).2
animi hominum infecti partibus] Sail. Cat. 4.2 a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae
animus liber erat. Not ‘party divisions in the state’.
7 frugi Cf. A. 11, 190 {Fabio Lusco), in, 299 (libertinum).
8 si quid.. .locupletem Cf. Fam. 280 (xm.13), also to M. Brutus,
etiam fortuna, si quid hoc ad rem pertinet, ornatus.

16 (19(1.11))

Antistius Vetus (2 (3).5), who was leaving Brutus’ camp for Rome and
probably took this letter with him, left Rome to rejoin Brutus early in
July (21 (20). 1). He will have taken from two to three weeks to get to
Rome and probably did not stay there long (§2 statim. . .rediturum).
Brutus therefore probably wrote this in the first half of June. See,
however, on §2 consules.
1, 2 Caesare The Dictator. Antistius would have been one of the
assassins if he had been in Rome, like some other high Caesarian officers.
Antonio On the absence of a second preposition see Sjogren, Comm.
Tull. 139b and Eranos 16 (1916), 30.
4-5 cum Dolabella On his way to Syria in the autumn of 44.
9 sua pecunia State money which Antistius was bringing back to
Rome; cf. Plut. Brut. 25 019’ gov fjye mi ocutos sis MtccAiocv ypppaTcov;
Veil. 11.62.3. Plutarch gives an equivalent figure, 500,000 (drachmae),
but makes Antistius hand the money over in the autumn of 44. In fact
he will have done it subsequent to Brutus’ letter to the Senate, which was
received in February and apparently made no mention of Antistius
{Phil, x.24; cf. xm.32).
2, 4 legatione No doubt to Brutus, not, as Manutius thought, a
legatio libera.
5 consules If this means Hirtius and Pansa, the letter has to be dated
prior to the end of the first week of May. That is not impossible, since
Antistius could have stayed longer in Rome than he originally intended.
But probably the reference is to Consuls-Suffect who might be in office
when Antistius arrived.
8 rei publicae Cf., with Sjogren, Phil, x.12 omnes legiones, omnes
copiae, quae ubique sunt, rei publicae sunt.

commentary AdBrut. 17 (i8( I

17 (18(1.10))

Rice Holmes (Architect of the Roman Empire, 1, 212E), followed by Boter-

mann (Soldaten, 144 n.4), disagrees with Tyrrell (T.-P. ed. 1) on the date
but inclines with him to take the allusion to Lepidus in §2 as showing that
the letter was written before the news of his defection to Antony arrived
in Rome c. 9 June. T.-P. ed. 2 draw the opposite inference, which seems
to be right. Cicero would hardly have written so definitely if he still
had hopes of Lepidus’ loyalty. They also may be followed in their
suggestion that this was not Cicero’s first mention of the defection to
Brutus. The letter may thus be assigned to about the middle of the month.
1, 2 auctoritate Presumably a decree (cf. F. 1, 299 (intercessit), 440),
since a tribunician veto is unlikely. Nothing is heard of it elsewhere.
6 omnino ‘To be sure’, as again in §5, though there retrospective;
not ‘since the very beginning of the war’ (Cary).
10 socerum Fufius Calenus.
2, 2-3 in Hirtio I.e. in his conduct before Pansa’s arrival. What
these shortcomings specifically were is not clear. In the battles themselves
everything supports Pollio’s judgement (Fam. 409 (x.33).3 nihil non
summi ducis consilio gessisse Hirtium video). Dio (xLVi.35.6), presumably
following an Augustan source, casts aspersions on the Consuls’ good faith
rather than their generalship.
3-4 ut.. .bona Cf. Att. 73 (iv.i).8, 74 (iv.2).i.
5 peccata This stricture is hinted in letters to Decimus himself, as
Fam. 394 (xi.12). His apologia in Fam. 388 (xi. 13) had probably not yet
arrived, but it did not convince Cicero. It would not have been pleasant
for the latter to admit that the real culprit was Octavian (cf. Fam. 428
(x.24).5ff. (Plancus)).
3, 4 certissimam ‘Very confident.’
13 alio (in) magistratu It seems safer to add in; cf. Thes. vm,
94.83 (Watt). See however F. 11, 328 (sella curuli). The occasion to which
Cicero refers is unknown. On Octavian’s dealings with the Senate at this
time see Botermann, Soldaten, i44ff.
16 deliciis ‘Caprices.’ Similarly of an improper demand in Att. 17
(i.i7).g ecce aliae deliciae equitum vix ferendae, et al.
4, 2 edictorum Cf. Fam. 11, 475b
3 Veliae The interview, which took place on Cicero’s way back to
Rome, is described in Att. 415 (xvi-7).5 and Phil. 1.9. Cf. 23 (23).5.
6 tristiore Cicero had been banished in actuality. Also ‘he had not
the halo of glory around him that Brutus had’ (T.-P.).
9 steterit (f)ide Watt compares idem for fidem in 10 (11.6) .3
and Thes. vi. 1,663.6. idem (i.e. ide) is not quite certainly wrong; but the

Ad Brut. 17 (l8(l.I0)) 5 COMMENTARY

nearest parallels Sjogren could produce (Eranos 10 (1910), 149) are

Amic. 74 aliter amicitiae stabiles permanere non possunt and Virg. Aen. 11.88
dum stabat regno incolumis (irrelevant; cf. Att. 111 (v. 18).2 stamus animis et
. . .speramus, etiam manu). Sjogren’s argument that Octavian had given
no pledge is weightless. We do not know this, and anyhow his acceptance
of imperium from the Senate involved in itself a pledge of loyalty; cf. 24
(26).4 magis enim ilium pro quo spopondi quam me ipsum obligavi.
14-15 eventis rerum ‘The way things turned out.’ The meaning,
not quite logically expressed, is that the courage and devotion of the
‘liberators’ failed of the success they deserved in terms of what was
actually achieved.
15 exitu Cf. Fam. 371 (x.8)-3 ut quae rei publicae bonisque omnibus
polliceremur, exitu praestaremus. Watt reads exercitu, but exitu, ‘in the final
issue’, follows on from magis quam eventis rerum.
5, 2 principiis ‘Headquarters.’
3 omnino See on §1. Not ‘absolutely steadfast’ (Cary).
5 labefactant Whether the implied object is praesidium or adules¬
centem is not clear. If the latter, moveatur may have a double sense, ‘be
moved’ (sc. de loco, i.e. de sententia) and ‘be influenced’.
7 qui...erat ‘Such as it was.’ quidem is restrictive (A. 11,180; ill,

18 (i7(i-9))

A letter of condolence on the death by suicide of Brutus’ wife Porcia,

daughter of Cato; see on 26 (25).7. The best clue to the date is the final
sentence. Vetus probably left Rome early in July (16 (19).2n.). Cicero
might envisage sending a letter by him a week or two beforehand. §3
may relate to Fam. 420 (xi.25).2 of 18 June to D. Brutus: quern [sc.
M. Brutum] ego. . .privatis litteris ad bellum commune vocare non desino.
1, i tu Of Brutus’ letter of condolence on Tullia’s death Cicero
wrote to Atticus in March 45 (251 (xn.i4).4) that it contained much
good sense but nothing that could help him. Later he called it obiurga-
toria epistula (310 (xiii.6).3).
2, 6 populo et scaenae Cf. Hor. Sat. 11.1.71 ubi se a vulgo et scaena
in secreta remorant; Otto, Sprichworter, 311.
10 quam ob rem The consequence thus introduced ends the
sentence: sed. . .necesse est.
13 ut modice Sc. doleatur: ‘but moderation in grief is expedient for
other men and for you it is a necessity’. So T.-P., leaving out the
comma after modice, understand: ‘but moderation, while advantageous
to the rest, is essential to you’. Otherwise Shuckburgh: ‘but that you can
do so in moderation is advantageous to others, necessary to yourself’.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 19 (15(1.7)) I

!9 (i5(i-7))

The date, despite F.L. Ganter’s discussion (Jahrb. Phil. (1894), 6326),
remains uncertain. This letter cannot be the ‘three little lines’ of 22
(22). 1, for they contained a promise to send a longer letter by young
1, 1 L. Bibulus A. v, 326. This step-son of Brutus and grandson of
Cato was about seventeen (F. Miltner, PE xxii.2 16.63), serving in
Brutus’ army (App. B.C. iv.104).
2-3 cuius. . .fuerunt So good a patriot as Cicero would not fail to
appreciate Brutus’ feelings for so loyal a young republican as his stepson.
6 necessario Cf. Off. 1.47 milium enim officium referenda gratia magis
necessarium est.
7 in Pansae locum In the College of Augurs. Cf. Phil, xi.n;
Ad Herenn. 1.20 (Watt).
eam I.e. eius.
nominationem See on 9 (13).3.
9 Bibulus Sc. est. On the nominative see Sjogren, Eranos 10 (1910),
!47 f-
2, 1 Domitio He too will have been interested in an Augurate; cf. 9
(13).3. Besides the two Consuls, Mark Antony’s place was presumably
vacant, and it is likely that Ser. Sulpicius Rufus had been either an
Augur or a Pontifex, though nothing attests it. Caesar had been both
Pontifex Maximus and Augur, and the elder Servilius Isauricus, Pontifex,
had died in the summer of 44; they do not appear to have been replaced.
Apuleio Presumably Apuleius, like Bibulus and Domitius, wanted
an Augurate, or possibly some other priesthood, in which case a pro-
sopographical persuasion has to be revised. He is clearly the M. Apu¬
leius {Phil, x.24), Quaestor (i.e. Proquaestor) in Asia, who handed over
money (probably not troops; see Botermann, Soldaten, 89 n.6) to Brutus
(see on 2 (3) .5). He may well be M. Apuleius, cos. 20, but cannot be the
Caesarian Augur Ap(p)uleius (A. v, 310), who would not have been
eligible for another major priesthood (F. 1, 430). The Augur may have
been Marcus’ elder brother Sextus, cos. 29, and perhaps the recipient of
Fam. 271 (xm.45; seeF. n, 438). He is attested as an Augur by an inscrip¬
tion dated after 26 (Broughton, 425). If M. Apuleius was to be a candi¬
date for an Augurate in a College which already contained a member of
his gens, an ad hoc adoption would be necessary, as in the case of the
younger Lentulus Spinther.
3 in sua epistula A letter which would recommend him and no
one else; cf. Phil, xm.50 ut proprio senatus consulto Pompeius collaudandus
esse videatur (Cobet).

Ad Brut. 20 (21 (1.13)) I COMMENTARY

5—6 nostris fautorum ‘Of us his backers’; cf. Cic. Phil. 11.111 tuum
hominis simplicis pectus, et sim. vestris paucorum, if not ‘quite senseless’
(Cl. Rev. 9 (1959), 201), makes very poor sense. Who besides Cicero
made up the select few? Not his fellow-Augurs surely. The praises which
Bibulus was to justify were not coming from Cicero, who evidently
knew little of him, but from Brutus and other friends unnamed.

20 (21(1.13))

1, 1 reliquorum Variously understood as ‘what is to follow’,

‘the rest of us’, ‘his dependents’. It means ‘the rest of the world’; cf. Rep.
1.7 non dubitaverim. . .meisque propriis periculis parere commune reliquis otium.
Left to himself Brutus would never have suspected his brother-in-law.
2 velim T only hope’; cf. 3 (1.3). 1 tibi velim ne quid eripuerit
praeter unum me, 27 (in.7).2 sed velim finem adferat consulatus et sim.
2, 2 stomacho Not anger against Lepidus (Manutius) but ‘vex¬
ation’; cf. 25 (in.5).2 a me illos libros non sine aliquo meo stomacho esse
relictos. T.-P. see discourtesy in what follows, but there is nothing dis¬
courteous in saying ‘if a simple request in such a matter is not enough, I
cannot hope to gain my point by writing at length’.
7 consulari T.-P. explain: ‘a public man, who has attained to
high position in the state, and accordingly ought to have a calm judicial
mind and not one capable of being hurried away by feelings of revenge’.
Perhaps the implication is rather that Brutus’ claims on the public
gratitude should be particularly apparent to so eminent a public man
as Cicero.

21 (20(1.12))

On 30 June Lepidus was declared a public enemy. This letter was

written soon afterwards, certainly before 22 (22) of 14 (or 11 ?) July.
1, 1 Messallae Corvino The famous orator, soldier, and states¬
man, patron of Tibullus. He was the son of M. Valerius Messalla Niger,
cos. 61.
7 precibus Servilia and Lepidus’ wife Junia interceded on behalf
of the latter’s children, whose patrimony was forfeit after their father
had been declared a public enemy.
10 durior ‘Harder to defend’; cf. Liv. xxvi.33.1 Campanis deinde sena¬
tus datus est, quorum oratio miserabilior, causa durior erat (Thes. v.i, 2306.37).
Not ‘more flagrant’, ‘more impudent’, ‘more brazen’.
12 praeclaras litteras No doubt with assurances of continuing
loyalty, as in the letters to Cicero, Fam. 396 (x.34) and 400 (x.34a).

COMMENTARY Ad, Brut. 21 (2o(l.I2)) 2
14 terra marique No naval activities by Lepidus are recorded, but
he doubtless had some ships on the coast of Narbonensis.
2, 9 id ipsum Confiscation of property, perhaps with loss of civil
12 rem publicam summam Unusual order, but cf. Fam. 211
(xiii.68).2 de re publica summa (Watt).
3, 5 illum Sc. venturum esse.

22 (22(1.14))

1, 1-2 tribusne versiculis Probably not to be taken literally: cf.

F. n, 347 (tribus.. .verbis).
8 de.. .discessu T.-P. rightly note that this need not imply that
Cicero junior had already left.
9 extrusi I.e. hastened their departure; cf. Fam. 158 (xiv.6)
Pollicem, si adhuc non est profectus, quam primum fac extrudas, et sim.
12 mea summa contentione Why was this necessary ? Cicero had
earlier thought that no elections to priesthoods could be held until a
Consul was available to preside (9 (i3)-4). Manutius, who raised the
question, suggests that they might have been held under a Praetor. That
would have been irregular, but there would seem to have been a move
for this or some other ad hoc procedure, which Cicero successfully
14 Lentuli Spinther, no doubt.
Bibul(i ali)orum The only Bibulus known to exist in 43 is the
subject of Letter 19 (15). ‘Others’ might include M. Lucullus (A. v, 359),
who died at Philippi or soon after.
15 scripseram The letter is lost.
2, 3 cui susceptus es ‘Which you were raised to serve.’ T.-P. cite
Verr. 11.3.161 susceperas enim liberos non solum tibi sed etiam patriae. Cf. also
Cael. 59 qui se natum huic imperio putavit, with Austin’s note.
5 optimus ‘Very loyal.’
8 quidem Restrictive.
9 coniunctum The junction took place about 12 June.
11 partibus ‘Party-spirit’; see on 15 (16).2.

23 (23(1-15))

Besides introducing Messalla, its bearer (cf. 21 (20). 1 init.), this letter
replies to Letter 11 (12) with a general defence of the writer’s conduct
vis-a-vis Octavian. It will have been written shortly after the preceding.
1, 1 Messallam habes ‘You have Messalla with you.’ The

Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 2 COMMENTARY

expression implies that the person’s presence is somehow advantageous;

cf. e.g. Att. 124 (vii.i).8 habes Scrofam, habes Silium.
quibus. . . tam accurate scriptis Cf. Att. iv, 335 (tam humili, sqq.).
6- 7 tantam... excellentiam Reminiscent of Lucretius’ compli¬
ment to Memmius (i.26f.), quem tu, dea, tempore in omni \ omnibus ornatum
voluisti excellere rebus.
9 eloquentia The speeches of Messalla and Ser. Sulpicius at the
trial of one Aufidia became famous (Quint. Inst, x.1.22). The trial
presumably took place after Sulpicius’ return from Achaia in 45.
10 ad laudandum Cf. De orat. 11.346 haec habent uberrimam copiam ad
laudandum, 243 in aliquo insigni ad irridendum vitio.
quamquam, sqq. ‘And yet his good sense is specially conspicuous
in that very sphere.’ sapientiae (Faernus) makes the expression more
Ciceronian; cf. Thes. vm, 1611.34.
11 iudicio Often of the choice of an oratorical style (F. 11, 368
(quo valebat)).
12 (se)verissimo Cf. the parallel corruption in 2 (1.2).3 fin.
(Watt). Clark (Cl. Rev. 14 (1900), 179) points to Brut. 113 severum genus
dicendi and Quint. Inst, x.1.131 severiore genere satis firmatis legendus [sc.
Seneca]. T.-P. object that this does not tally with later judgements of
Messalla’s oratory (Tac. Dial. 18.2; Quint. Inst, x.1.113); but his career
was only beginning and his style may have been modified, verissimum
might perhaps mean ‘most correct’ (cf. Mur. 74 negat verum esse adlici
benevolentiam cibo), i.e. a style like Cicero’s own. But he was writing to
Brutus, who favoured ‘Atticism’.
2, 6 alterum me F. 1, 428.
3, 6-7 neque.. .usurpem Muller and Watt obelize. If the text is
sound, as I believe it is, ut = ita ut, as though notum faciam had preceded;
cf. Fin. 11.71 malet existimari vir bonus, ut non sit, quam esse, ut non putetur', Q_.
fr. 21 (m. 1). 14m Cicero quotes Solon, but at the same time gives notice
that his exposition will not end there. I do not understand T.—P.’s
pronouncement that ‘if we could suppose that facere fell out after solum,
all would be right’. What was studeo non solum facere ut Solonis dictum
usurpem supposed to mean?
7- 8 qui. . .septem ‘One of the Seven Wise Men and the only one
of them to write a code of law.’ So Amic. 59 a Biante. . .qui sapiens habitus
esset unus e septem', Acad. 11.118 Thales, unus e septem. T.—P. and others take
sapiens unus in the sense that Solon was wiser than the other six, mistaken¬
ly, although Plato says so (Tim. 2od). Cicero calls Thales sapientissimus in
septem (Leg. 11.26).
9 dixit Where Cicero found this is unknown.
4, 4 post interitum With dixerim.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 23 (23 (i. I 5) ) 5

5 quid.. .praetermissum Liquidation of Antony; cf. on 5 (5).i.

8 vobis. . .gloria Cf. Att. 368 (xiv.i4).3 duae [sc. Hus Martiae]
quidem nostris amicis. . .aditum ad caelum dederunt, libertatem populo Romano
non dederunt.
13 erexerat Cf. Phil, x.g postea quam vos ad libertatem sensit erectos
and, for the whole passage, 5 (5).i.
enim ‘Doubtless the true explanation is that suggested by Becher,
that the force of enim does not come into operation until we arrive at
vos fortasse, the previous clauses being virtually equivalent to quamvis
se erexisset’ (T.-P.), referring to Madvig on Fin. 1.18 (cf. on 23
(in.3).4 (qua re); Austin on Gael. 10 (enim); Nagelsbach-Miiller, Lat.
Stilistik9, 661 fi'.). Well and good, but sed is needed after consentietis, enim
thus comes into operation after sed, with nos. . . (visi) and vos. . .remisistis
forming an antithetical whole (|i£V. . . 5e). This is one place where I
find it necessary to make two separate supplements, in general an
unattractive mode of emendation; but both are palaeographically easy.
5, 2-3 Italiae. . .remisistis ‘You asked nothing of Italy when she
proffered enthusiastic support.’ remittere aliquid alicui = ‘exonerate from
an obligation’, cf. Furneaux on Tac. Ann. 1.8.6.
8 infixus I.e. inhaerens; cf., 1421.39.
I o auster Cf. Fam. n, 514 (etesiae. . . austerque).
12 Stoici nostri Cicero seems to have moved nearer to Stoicism at
the end of his life. Brutus followed Antiochus of Ascalon, whose doctrine
Cicero considered almost indistinguishable from that of the Stoa.
13 sapientis Genitive, sc. esse; see Sjogren, Eranos 10 (1910), 151T
6, 3 Brutina Elsewhere the adjective is Brutianus (see Thes.), but
cf. Plautinus, Metellinus.
5 (mihi) Cf. de me.
7 fluxisse Cael. 6 is quoted: ab his fontibus profluxi ad hominum famam
(‘the metaphor is a normal Latin one, though difficult to turn in English’
7, 4 divina virtus T.-P. properly reject the view that this is
irony. They might have cited Fam. 356 (xi.6a).i de tuis [sc. D. Bruti]
divinis in rem publicam meritis; cf. Att. 368 (xiv. 14).3 nostris amicis, divinis
viris. That is not to say that Cicero’s earlier unfavourable opinion of
Decimus’ energy and capacity had changed; cf. A. vi, 249 (nervis); 17
(18).2. But in this letter he is concerned to show his appreciation of the
‘liberator’s’ merits; cf. §8.
id Sc. eam commotam esse, a rather odd expression.
10 necessarium Cf. Phil, v.45, xi.20.
II celeritatem petitionis Cf. Phil, v.46 (1 January 43): eiusque
rationem, quemcumque magistratum petet, ita haberi ut haberi per leges liceret si

Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 8 commentary

anno superiore quaestor fuisset', App. B.C. 111.51; Dio XLVI.29.2. The words
cited from Phil, v are part of Cicero’s own motion, in which Servilius’
motion was evidently incorporated. Pansa, for whatever reason, had put
Ser. Sulpicius (cos. 51) and Servilius (cos. 48) ahead of Cicero in the
order of speaking (cf. Phil, vn.27; xiv. 11).
8, 1-2 sed. . .reperiuntur Cf. 25 (24).8 ac vide quanto diligentius
homines metuant quam meminerint.
4 natalis The date is uncertain, perhaps 26 April; cf. Fam. 413

6 Larentiae ‘The divinity whom Varro calls Larunda is doubtless

the same as Larenta, at whose “tomb”, on the Velabrum, a sacrifice
was offered on 23 December. The figure of Larenta is shadowy and
elusive. She is probably identical with Acca Larenti(n)a, who is not a
goddess but the heroine of two rival legends. In one she is a courtesan
who. . .willed her fortune to the Roman people, who celebrate her
annually in the Larentalia; in the other. . .she is the wet nurse of Romu¬
lus and Remus, the wife of the shepherd who adopted them’ (R. Dum&zil,
Archaic Roman religion (1970), 268 f.). See further Ogilvie’s commentary
on Livy i-v (1965), pp. 47b, 50.
9 atque Not necessarily adversative.
cognovi The motion was not carried.
9-10 paulo pluris Watt reads (haud) paulo (Manutius), but the
voting may have been close.
12 Aquilam Pontius Aquila, killed in battle (F. 11, 530).
reprehendet Cf. Fam. 174 (xv. 15). 1 neque quisquam hanc nostram
sententiam vere umquam reprehendit [-det conieci] praeter eos qui arbitrantur,
sqq., where the tense may be perfect. Sjogren (Eranos 16 (1916), 40b)
defends the present here with Att. 24 (ii.4).2 accommodatius enim nobis est ad
liberam legationem tempus illud, cum et Quintus noster iam, ut speramus, in otio
consederit et iste sacerdos Bonae deae cuius modi futurus sit sci(em)us. The
present is there appropriate because tempus illud already exists for the
purpose of the implied comparison with tempus hoc. There is no reason for
it here. In Comm. Pet. 38 magnam adfert laudem. . .si ii tecum erunt the
reading should probably be adferet (Wesenberg).
9, 6 ovanti Cf. 26 (25).2.
8 nec tamen, sqq. ‘Though it is not my way to be particularly
pleased with my own performances’. Uenim (Lambinus) were in the MSS
it would require emendation.
10 aperiendum non est Manutius explains Cicero’s meaning to be
that if Octavian entered Rome to celebrate the Ovation, he would lose
his imperium. I see no better interpretation, though it seems naive on
Cicero’s part to expect that Octavian could be so inveigled. In the event

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 10

this Ovation was never celebrated. Indeed it is not certain that the
Senate passed the proposal. Livy (Epit. cxix) and Appian (B.C. 111.74)
imply the contrary; see T.-P. ad loc.
17 evertimus This will have been ordered in the decree of 30 June
declaring Lepidus a public enemy (Fam. 425 (

10, 2 saepe ‘many’; cf. Nat. dear. 11.166 deorum saepe praesentiae,
quales supra commemoravi, declarant ab iis et civitatibus et singulis hominibus
consuli-, Propertiana, pp. 13b; K.-S. 1, 220. Adverbs so employed are not
really adjectival, but qualify a verbal idea associated with the noun.
saepe here can hardly be taken with intellexi as in Off. 1.146 magna saepe
intellegemus ex parvis.
4 sapienter Sc. fieri, which Muller proposed to add to the text, or
iudicari (cf. Fin. 1.61 multoque hoc melius nos veriusque quam Stoici, et sim.).
13 in praesens So in Sallust, Nepos, and Livy. That Cicero in his
speeches has in praesens tempus twice is no proof that tempus is required
here. On in praesenti see F. 1, 411.
15 documentum Plaut. Capt. 752 is compared: illis... documentum
dabo I ne tale quisquam facinus incipere audeat. Cf. Thes. v.i, 1805.77.
11, 5 liberi Presumably the three sons by Archippe (Plut. Them.
32). Themistocles’ great wealth had been confiscated, but a good deal
of it was smuggled out to Asia by his friends (ibid. 25).
10-11 quid senserim quidque censuerim ‘My speeches and
motions.’ sentire here refers to the delivery of a sententia in the Senate (F.
1, 376; not ‘opinions’), censere to a motion in set terms; cf. e.g. Phil. xiv.
36 sed ut aliquando sententiam complectar, ita censeo.
12, 4 sive enim vicerimus The natural meaning would be ‘if we
win’, but followed by sive certamen reliquum est the future perfect has to be
understood, ‘if it turns out that we have won’.
13, 1 sororis, sqq. Perhaps a postscript. But § 11 is concerned with
the theoretical justification of the Senate’s decree, not with the actual

24 (26(1.18))

1, 7 Casca A. vi, 307.

Labeo Cf. 5 (5).4 n.
10 tardare Cf. Att. 120 (vi.7).2 num quid putes rei publicae nomine
tardandum esse nobis; Plin. N.H. xi.27 tardantes sine dementia puniunt,
tardare and retardare are usually intransitive in post-classical writing; see
L. Feltenius, Intransitivizations in Latin (Uppsala, 1977), 67, 129b
3, 4 vadem Cf. Phil. v. 5; Watt iv. 11 (Cicero to Octavian)
tu si meam fidem praestiteris, quod confido te esse facturum. Octavian was not

Ad Brut. 24 (26(1.18)) 4 COMMENTARY

the first young man who failed to implement Cicero’s guarantee: cf. Cael.

5-6 animi et sententiae... pro altero... obligatio ‘Responsi¬
bility for someone else’s mind and sentiments.’
8-9 si.. .spoponderis ‘If the person for whom you have gone
surety is quite happy to have you pay up’ (more literally, ‘that a pay¬
ment be made’).
11 esse indoles Cf. Att. 203 (x.i2a)-4 est enim indoles (Watt).
12 falsi An honour (office) improperly gained is a sham.
14 machinas Cf. Plaut. Mil. 813 quantas moveo machinas!; Eur. I.T.
112 TT&cras TTpocrcpepovTE et sim- aP- Otto> Sprichworter, 204.
4, 4 (praeclarus) Cf. 23 (23).9 praeclara . . . ingenia-, Fatn. 364
(x. 28). 3 praeclarus D. Brutus, egregius puer Caesar) Sail. lug. 39.1 qui bello saepe
praeclari fuerunt. This or a word of similar meaning is definitely needed.
5, 2 obdurescunt ‘Grow obdurate.’

25 (24(1.16))

If genuine (see Introd. p. 14), probably written in mid July. Cicero

could not have received it when he wrote 24 (26) of 27 July.
1, 1 litterarum The letter to Octavian is not otherwise attested.
8 sic enim, sqq. This punctuation makes it clear that ut. . .esse
depends on tam. . .demisse-, pudet. . .scribendum est probably looks back,
not forward.
11 quae Sc. salus Octavio commendata.
16-17 non erimus ? Cf. 5 (5)-5n-
2, 5-6 quid... petendum sit ‘Nam neque est, cur de nobis
timidus aut sollicitus sis, cum ipsi nihil timeamus. . .neque hoc ab Octa¬
vio petendum est, ut nos velit esse salvos: nimium enim illi tribuis’
(Manutius). I see no advantage in substituting quo either in the first
place (as do T.-P. in the lemma to their note, doubtless by inadvertence)
or in the second, as does Watt.
3, 10 irritatus ‘Incited.’
4, 7 a quibus.. .accepisset Cf. Fam. 336 (xi.3).3 neque est Antonio
postulandum ut iis imperet quorum opera liber est.
17 tanti...quo Cf. Tuse. 11.16 quod huic officium ...erit tanti quod
adipisci cum dolore corporis velit?-, Sen. Ep. 53.9 nec quemquam tanti putares cui
advocatus in remissione descenderes.
5, 9 eripuerint The perfect subjunctive in a wish for the future is
very unusual (cf. K.-S. 1, i82f.), but cf. Plaut. Men. 295 seu tu Cylindrus
seu Coriandru’s, perieris. Here it may mark the priority of prius omnia
eripuerint to quam iudicium [sc. eripiant].

commentary Ad Brut. 25 (24(1.16)) 6

6, 1-2 incolumem ‘In possession of civic rights.’

5 peius odero Cf. A. 1, 348 (odi inale).
6 tenebras Cf. Fam. 11, 514 (fuit. . . servitutis).
10-11 traditam. . .inculcatam Cf. De oral. 1, 127 id quod tradatur
vel etiam inculcetur. In English metaphors, ‘handed on a platter and ram¬
med down its throat’. Not ‘handed down’; the reference is to the Ides of
15 Caesari tuo So in 11 (12).2 Caesar tuus, 3 Caesarem. Elsewhere
in the two suspect letters, but nowhere in the admittedly genuine ones,
he is ‘Octavius’.
7, 3 formidinis See Introd. p. 13.
5 amiciorem dominum Cf. Plut. Cic. 45, cited on 26 (25).4.
8, 1 ac vide, sqq. ‘How much more attention people pay to their
fears than to their memories! Antony is alive and fighting, whereas what
could and had to be done about Caesar is finished and no one can put
the pieces back together.’
2 vivat...sit These subjunctives seem quite irrational, but the
authorship of the letter being in doubt, it may be safer to leave them (the
comma after meminerint in Watt seems to be a misprint).
11 virtus aliena ‘The courage of other men’, i.e. of Caesar’s
9, 1-3 mihi...meae T shall think myself so happy, if only I
always cling steadfastly to this resolve, that I shall regard my patriotism
as well rewarded.’ ita goes with ut, not with si. Neither of T.-P.’s
alternative versions makes any sense.
8 servitio Terence and Sallust use this word for ‘slavery’, Cicero
always uses servitus.
10, 5-6 nullum esse putaris ‘Reckon as valueless.’
8 ab iis Sc. factis, ab seems to imply personification. T.-P. compare
Fam. 210 (vii.26) .2 a beta et a malva deceptus sum.
10-11 quia. . .videtur ‘Because the Consul that was is rightly felt
to guarantee the Consular that is.’
11, 7 nisi.. .exstat ‘Unless reasoned judgement is to be seen
therein’, i.e. except when it is the product of settled principles of conduct,
not of caprice or external pressure. Editors make a parenthesis of nihil. . .
exstat. But even so quia, sqq. is a non sequitur after non modo. . .coget.

26 (25(1.17))

On the question of authenticity see Introd. pp. 10 ff. If the letter were
considered genuine, it would have to be dated no earlier than early
May, since Brutus had heard of Octavian’s Ovation (§2 triumphus). On

Ad Brut. 26 (25(1.17)) 1 COMMENTARY

the other hand, Cicero could not have told Atticus that Brutus had never
expressed any opinion about his own acta (§1) after receiving Letter 10
(n) about mid May. Atticus’ letter, to which this purports to reply,
would therefore have reached Brutus no later than the end of May, but
perhaps considerably earlier.
1, 2 actis Not the victory at Mutina, but Cicero’s general record in
the struggle against Antony. Brutus had indeed praised two of the
Philippics in his letter of 1 April (2 (3)4) and seems to have expressed
approval of Cicero’s hostility to the Antonii about the same time (6
(8).2), but that did not amount to much.
6 sed, sqq. ‘But in certain respects he has acted — shall I say
naively, of the most worldly wise of men? Or shall I say “with desire to
ingratiate”, of one who for country’s sake did not hesitate to incur the
enmity of Antony in the plenitude of his power?’ ‘Brutus’ has been much
misunderstood at this point, by me (SB1 6f.) and others. He knows that
Cicero’s behaviour to Octavian has been wrong, but what word to
describe it? imperite? But Cicero was experienced and wise, ambitiose?
But a man who had set himself up against Antony for the public good
was hardly to be accused of currying favour with Octavian. So let the
cause or motive remain undetermined. ‘Brutus’ will merely state the
fact. T.-P.’s strictures miss their mark as usual: ‘It was characteristic
assurance on the part of Brutus to censure Cicero for taking up the fight
against Antony when he himself had urged Cicero to this course and he
himself had shirked it.’ They were right, however, to end the sentence
with a question-mark and not, as Watt, with a full stop.
14 sicarium See Introd. p. 12.
Cascae See Introd. pp. 1 if.
15 imitetur SB2 7 (mutatis mutandis): ‘The statement that Cicero
is imitating Bestia (i.e. slandering Casca as Bestia slandered Cicero) is
conjoined with the statement that Cicero killed more than one man
(whereas Casca killed only one); both as showing how Cicero’s abuse of
Casca recoils upon himself. This does not fit. imitatur in Casca Bestiam
should run parallel to obiciat Cascae quod obicit, that is to say imitatur
should be imitetur.’
Bestiam See on 7 (11.3) .6. As Tribune in 63-62 he joined
Metellus Nepos in attacking Cicero.
18 pulcherrimum factum This is what Cicero calls the assassin¬
ation in a letter to Cassius, Fam. 345 (xn.3). 1; cf. 364 (x.28).i illas
pulcherrimas epulas.
2, 5-7 ut iam.. .timentis sint Watt’s supplement makes good
sense. How the passage was ‘admirably interpreted’ by Sjogren can be
read in T.-P.

COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 26 (25 (i. I 7) ) 3

7-8 ego. . .deprecatur ‘For my part, I don’t feel grateful to

anybody who does not object to slavery so long as his master is not angry
with him’ (not ‘is not prone to anger’). On the inconsistency here see
Introd. p. 13.
8 triumphus Perhaps a deliberate hyperbole for ovatio (cf. 23
(23) *9) j though Augustus has bis ovans triumphavi (Res gest. 4), perhaps a
3> 3-4 quam. . .posse The vulgate et quam desperatam quoque sanari
putes posse, ‘and how you think it can be cured even though it be des¬
paired of’, makes no sense in the context. Nor can quam putes — te
5 liberi Of a single child, as often (F. 11, 416).
6 ex Flavio nostro ‘From the episode of our friend Flavius’; cf.
Q_-fr. i (r. 1) -33 intelleximus ex civibus. Not ‘auch unser Flavius hat mir das
schon gesagt’ (Kasten). T.-P. comment mysteriously: ‘That ex makes
the remark more rude than in does not render it the less likely to have
come from Brutus.’ On Atticus’ refusal to head a subscription list for a
republican party fund see A. 1, 53.
4, 1 Salvid<i>enum His name should probably be given as Q.
Salvius Salvidienus (Rufus); cf. Studies, 64. Of humble extraction, he was
one of Octavian’s most trusted associates, but was executed in 40 for
plotting against him.
4 profligatum Sc. aliquem (meaning Antony) rather than bellum.
10-11 haec...malis ‘For Cicero I think they are the ultimate
evils.’ Sjogren’s notion that mihi is ‘ethic’ (‘here I have Cicero con¬
sidering these things to be the greatest of evils’ T.-P.) can be
13 servitutem Cf. 25 (24).7 amiciorem dominum, which seems to have
been behind Plut. Cic. 45 £9’ <0 crtpoSpcc BpouTOS ayavoKTcbv ev
tccIs Ttpos ’Attikov EtnaroAaTs KaGficparo tou KiKEpcovos, oti 61&
cpopov ’Avtcoviou Gepoareucov tov Kaiaapa SqAos ecrrtv ouk
eAeuGspiav tt) mrrpiBi Trpcrrrcov, aAAa SeatroTpv (piAdvQpcotrov
ocutco pvcopevos. Cf. id. Brut. 22 ettei 8e KiKEpcov tco Ttpos ’Avtgoviov
piaEi Ta Kaiaapos EuporrTE, toutco pev 6 BpouTOS ettettAtittev
iaxupcos, ypdcpcov cos °u Sectttottiv (3apuvonro KiKEpcov, aAAa
piaoOvTa Seottotpv <po[3olTo, Kai ttoAiteuoito SouAeios a'ipEaiv
9iAav0pcoTrou ypa9Cov Kai AEycov cos Kalaap. ‘oi 5e
Ttpoyovot’ 9paiv ‘ppcov ou8e Ttpaous BEarroTas uttepevov.’
5, 1 patrem appellet Cf. Plut. Cic. 45 outco yap uttt)ei to
pEipaKiov auTov coote Kai TrotTEpa trpoaayopEUEiv.
1-2 referat omnia ‘Ask his opinion on everything.’ ad eum is easily

Ad Brut. 26 (25(1.17)) 6 commentary

6 propitius Probably with irony, since the word is usually applied

to deities (cf. A. iv, 358).
7-8 ego vero...esse See Introd. p. 13.
9-10 libertate. . .paupertate If particular writings by Cicero on
these subjects were in mind, it is hard to say which, except that the first
Book of the Tusculans concerns death.
11 Philippus Octavian’s step-father, Consul in 56. See Introd.
pp. 13b
6, 1 dubia As to Antony’s defeat.
4 cum ipsa re Cf. Fam. 379 (x.g).3 concupisco autem nihil mihi,
contra quod ipse pugno and note ad loc.
7-8 vir bonus... Octavius The reference can only be to Octavian.
Plutarch renders scribit; see Brut. 22 cited above (§4). Atticus had earlier
distrusted Octavian (Att. 425 (xvi.i4).i) and did not have Cicero’s
reasons for changing his mind (a point against scribis, whether or not
Brutus wrote the letter).
7-9 sed dominum.. .esse Cf. 25 (24).5 ne patri quidem meo. The
saying is watered down in Plutarch, l.c.
7, 1 quae condiciones essent ‘What matches are in view.’
3 valetudinem. . .non miror ‘Your concern for my Porcia’s
health is only what I should have expected.’ Cf. Fam. 158 (xiv.6) quod
nostra tibi gratias agit, id ego non miror te mereri ut ea tibi merito tuo gratias
agere possit. Plutarch [Brut. 53) says that in a letter of doubtful authen¬
ticity ‘Brutus’ wrote of disease as the cause of Porcia’s suicide. That
her death was suicide (by swallowing hot coals) is stated in several later
sources and need not be doubted, though some of them erroneously
place the event after Philippi (see Miinzer, RE xxu.218).
5 hominem Certainly not Lepidus, as suggested by Shuckburgh,
who translates T know the man’. For Gurlitt’s theory that §7 is a genuine
letter from Brutus to Cicero, the short one referred to in 22 (22). 1, see
T.-P. More probably it is a forger’s attempt at verisimilitude. Why
should Brutus expect information about Attica from Cicero rather than
from her father ? Also the ‘three little lines’ contained a promise to send a
longer letter by young Cicero.



13 (1.13). 1 (rhetorum pueri): add Julian, Epist. 31 91A0CT09COV ttouSss;

Joseph. Bell. Iud. 11.155 ttocTctiv 'EAArjveov; Plut. Alcib. 2 0r|(3cucov

13 (i.i3).2 (pacificatorem Allobrogum): I now think this is more likely to

refer to ‘a recent or contemporary activity of Piso on behalf of the tribe’
(from a note on Justin xvm.2.4, forthcoming in Phoenix).

16 (1. r6). 13 (qui...iniit): cf. Sen. De ira, 1.116 quid? tibi lex videtur irasci iis
quos non novit, quos non vidit, quos non futuros sperat? (personification of law).

25 (n.5). i (satietate nostri): add Liv. 35.10.6 accedebat quod alter decimum iam
prope annum assiduus in oculis hominum fuerat, quae res minus verendos magnos
homines ipsa satietate facit.

72 (111.27) (cito videbo): Leg. 11.7 implies that Cicero had never seen
Atticus’ property in Epirus. The lapse in their correspondence remains

105 (v. 12). 1 (citius quam vellemus): cf. Paulin. Nol. Carm. 24.357 tali
quiete temperans caelum et mare, | ne pace cursus haereat, \ periculosa nec ratem
flatu gravi | perurgeat velocitas.

116 (vi.2).7 (cupere): cf., however. Quine t. 21 res convenire nullo modo potest,
propterea quod hic mediocrem iacturam facere cupiebat, iste mediocri praeda
contentus non erat.

177 ( (iure): cf. Flor. 11.9 (m.2i).i2, of Marius, vi patriam repo¬
scens, unde vi fuerat expulsus, poterat videri iure agere, nisi causam suam saevitia

187 (ix. 18).2 (f|pcos Celer): cf. Asius ap. West, Iambi et elegi Graeci, 11. p. 46
ycoAos, cmypcrnris, iroAuyf)paos, ictos aAf|Tr|i | fjAOe kvictokoAcc^,
eute MeAris eyapEi, | okAt|tos, joopou KEXprinsvos' ev 6e pectoictiv |
ppeos e1cttt)kei (3opPopou e^avaSus.


191 (x.ia) (disertus magis quam sapiens): cf. Sali Cat. 5.4 satis eloquentiae,
sapientiae parum.

195 (x.4.).7 (a Curione...venire): add Rep. 1.18 cum puer nuntiavit venire ad
eum Laelium domoque iam exisse.

199 (x.8b).2 (vitae...iudicio): add Ov. Trist. v.6.15 nil nisi me solum primo
tutatus es; at nunc | me pariter serva iudiciumque tuum.

220 (xi.g).2 (cessi vel potius parui): cf. Lig. 22 cessit auctoritati amplissimi
viri vel potius paruit.

250 (xn.i3).2 (cum...dolore): cf. the anecdote in Sen. Contr. iv. praef.4.

353 (xiii.52).i (audivit de Mamurra): cf. Verr. 11.1.139 Mustius dixisset si

viveret, sed recenti re de Mustio auditum est.

368 (xiv.i4).2 (Victor numquam scriptus): cf. Quint. Deci. Mai. 1.16
(Lehnert, p.18.16) filius scriptus non timet paenitentiam testamenti.


32 (vii.i6).i (mi vetule): add Lucii. 826 (Marx) veteratorem illum, vetulum
lupum Annibalem.

70 (iii.8).io ( me): add Dictys, vi.6 domum ad Ulixem.

156 (viii.i7).2 (plebs et...populus): cf. Manii, v.735 principiumque patres

retinent et proximum equester | ordo locum, populumque equiti populoque subire |
vulgus iners videas et iam sine nomine turbam.

193 (ix.20).2 (artolagani', see F.11, 573): probably just ‘bread-basket and
bottle’. Cf. Gow-Page, Garland of Philip, p. 402 and Plin. Epist. 1.6.3
licebit auctore me ut panarium et lagunculam sic etiam pugillares feras.

216 (xv.19).4 (virtutem): cf. Val. Max. ix. 2 Ext.2 Hannibal, cuius maiore ex
parte virtus saevitia constabat.

345 (xii.3).2 (productus): note the case of the Consul C. Piso in 67: tantum
non manibus tribunorum pro rostris collocatus (Val. Max. 111.8.3).



2 (1.2).4 (propter...parata)-, in favour of the usual interpretation cf. Val.

Max. iv.7.4 gentis ad fingendum paratae.

2 (1.2).6 (enim): See now Watt’s article in Cl. Q_. 30 (1980), i2off. On
this passage he concludes ‘probably enim has (as frequently elsewhere)
been misplaced; or perhaps it should be deleted as an erroneous ditto-
graphy after te’.

5 (11.1).3 (Q. Sextilium): E. Badian has demonstrated in a forthcoming

paper (Am. J. Phil.) that the name of the Pompeian in Att. 360 (xiv.6).i

and 364 (xiv. 10).2 was Sestullius, as the MSS indicate.

16 (11.i2)-3 (comitia): the apparent implication in Plut. Cat. min. 44 that

Cato’s election to Praetorship took place in 55 can be evaded by taking
TO E^fjs £TOS as ‘the year following (Pompey’s Consulship)’ instead of
with cdp£0eis.

20 (11.16(15)).5 (<piAaAf]6oos): Falsely accented (-136065) in Pusar (not

T.-P.), Sjogren, Constans and Watt.

21 (hi. i). i (Herum): P. Harvey notes (Am. J. Phil. 101 (1980), 115) that
‘the gentilicium Herius is attested well in towns close by Arcanum’
and suggests ‘a tenant or some local citizen with whom Quintus had
dealings’. Herium should probably be in the text.

21 (m. i). i (Diphilum Diphilo tardiorem); cf. the Greek idiom, e.g. Philostr.
Vit. Apoll. iv.27 a^poTspov ccutgov efyov.

25 (iii.5).4 (dpirooTEts): Apollonius of Tyana went to Spain partly to see

TOCS duTTCOTEis toO ’QkeccvoO (ibid. IV.47).


This edition Vulg. Vulg. This edition

I 1.1 1.1 1
2 1.2 1.2 2
3 i-3 i-3 3
4 1.4 1.4 4
5 11.1 11.1 5
6 11.2 11.2 6
7 u-3 u-3 7
8 11.4 11.4 8
9 n-5 (4-3-7) n-5 (4-3-7) 9
10 n-6 (5) n-6 (5) 10
11 h-7 (6) n-7 (6) 11
12 n.g (8) n.8 (7) 13
13 n.8 (7) h-9 (8) 12

!4 11.10 (9) 11.10 (9) 14

15 11.11 (10) 11.11 (10) 15
16 11.12 (11) 11.12 (11) 16

17 11.13 (J2) 11-13 (12) i7

18 ii-14 (13) n-14 (13) 18

19 11.15 (14) 11.15 (14) 19

20 11.16 (15) ii-16 (15) 20
21 hi. 1 III. I 21
22 in.2 III.2 22
23 hi. 3 III.3 23
24 hi.4 III.4 24
25 m-5 (5-7) in.5 (5-7) 25
26 111.6 (8) 111.6 (8) 26

27 m-7 (9) in-7 (9) 27


This edition Vulg. Vulg. This ed.

1 1 (ii.i) 1 (ii.i) 1

2 2 (11.2) 2 (11.2) 2
3 3 (n.3) 3 (n-3) 3
4 4 (n.4) 4 (n.4) 4
5 5 (n.5) 5 (n.5) 5
6 8 (1.2a) 6 (1.1) 13
7 9 (1.3) 7 (1-2) 14
8 10 (1.3a) 8 (1.2a) 6
9 13 (i-5) 9 (1.3) 7
10 11 (1.4) 10 (1.3a) 8
11 12 (1.4a) 11 (1.4) 10
12 14 (1.6) 12 (1.4a) 11
i3 6 (1.1) 13 (1.5) 9
*4 7 (1.2) 14 (1.6) 12
15 16 (1.8) 15 (i-7) 19
16 19 (1.11) 16 (1.8) 15
17 18 (1.10) 17 (i-9) 18
18 17 (1.9) 18 (1.10) 17
19 15 (i-7) 19 (1.11) 16
20 21 (1.13) 20 (1.12) 21
21 20 (1.12) 21 (1.13) 20
22 22 (1.14) 22 (1.14) 22
23 23 (i-i5) 23 (1-15) 23
24 26 (1.18) 24 (1.16) 25
25 24 (1.16) 25 (1.17) 26
26 25 (1.17) 26 (1.18) 24



This index lists proper names which appear in the text. References are to the text,
by letter and section. Annotation in the Commentary is indicated by bold type.


Acilius Glabrio, M’. (cos. 67), 5.1 Antonius (incertum quis ex tribus),
Acutius, Q., 22.3 2.13
Aelius Lamia, L. (pr. 42(?)), 16.2. Antonius, C. (pr. 44), 22.1
V. etiam Lamiae Antonius, L. (cos. 41), 22.1
Aelius Tubero, L., 1.10 Antonius, M. (triumvir), 3.7
Aelius Tubero, Q_. (tr. pl. ante Apamensis, v. Hephaestius
129), 25.1 Apollo, 21.24.
Aemilius Lepidus, M’. (cos.66), 5.1 Apollinis (aedes), 7.3
Aemilius Paullus, L. (cos. 50), 8.1 Apollonidenses, 2.10, 11
Aemilius Scaurus, M. (pr. 56), Appia via, 1.17; 25.8
19.4; 20.3; 21.11, 16; 22.3; Appius, v. Claudius Pulcher, Ap.
26.3 Aquilius, M’. (cos. 129), 25.1
Aeserninus Samnis (gladiator), Arcanum, v. Arx
24.2 Ariminum, 17.1
Aesopus (tragoedus), 2.14 Aristophaneus modus, 21.19
Afranius, L. (cos. 60), 13.3 Aristoteles, 25.1
Afri, 1.27 Arpinum, 21.3
Africanus, v. Cornelius Scipio Arpinas 10.4; 21.7, 8
Africanus Arrius, Q.. (pr. 73(F)), 3.8
Agesilaus, 2.7 Arx, 12.3
Alexandria, 7.2 Arcanum, 10.4; 23.1; 27.7
Alexandrinus rex, 6.3 Ascanio, 24.5
Alfius Flavus, C. (pr. 54 (?)), Asia, 1.8, 9, 20, 22, 24, 26, 30, 31,
21.24; 23.3 34, 42, 45; 2.14
Allienus, A. (pr. 49), 1.10 Asiatica itinera, 1.17
Ampius Balbus, T. (pr.59), cf. 2.8 Asiciana lectica 12.2. -num octo¬
Anagninum, 10.4 phoron, 12.2
Anicius, T., 12.3; 21.23 Ateius Capito, L., 21.15
Annalis (i.e. L. Villius Annalis?), Atellanum municipium, 17.3
21.20 Athenae, 2.14; 20.4
Annius Milo, T. (pr. 55), 4.3; 5.3; Atilius Serranus (Domitianus,
7.1, 2, 4; 9.3, 4; 10.4; 21.13; Sex.?), 26.5
22.2; 26.6; 27.2 Atilius Serranus Gavianus, Sex.
Antandrius, v. Megaristus (tr. pl. 57), 4.3
Antistius Vetus, L. (tr. pl. 56), 5.3 Attalus Hypaepenus, 2.14


Aurelia lex, 3.8 Cascellius, M., 2.5

Cassii, 2.13
Baiae, 12.2 Cassius (?) (tr. pl. 56), 5.2
Balbus, v. Cornelius Balbus Castoris templum, 7.6
Bestia, v. Calpurnius Bestia Catienus, T., 2.6
Bibulus, v. Calpurnius Bibulus Cato, Catonianus, v. Porcius Cato
Blandeno, 18.1 Catuli porticus, 21.14; cf. 13.2
Blaundenus, v. Zeuxis Caunii, 1.33
fBobilianus (fundus), 21.3 Censorinus, v. Marcius Censorinus
Britannia, 18.2; 20.4; 21.13, 25 Chaerippus, 1.14
Britannicae res, 21.10, 25 Chrysippus (Ciceronis libertus),
Brogitarus, 13.2 24-5; 25.6
Burrenus (pr.83?), 15.3 Cicero, v. Tullius Cicero
Byzantium, 13.2 Cicerones, 12.1
Ciliciensis, 2.7
Caecilius, L., 2.6 Cillo, 21.3
Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio, Q_. Cincius, L., 6.1; 21.6
(cos. 52), v. Gutta, Scipio Claudius Marcellus, M. (cos. 51),
Caecilius Rufus, L. (tr. pl. 63), 7-1
23.2 Claudius Nero, Ti. (quaest. 48),
Caelius Rufus, M. (pr. 48), 16.2 21.15; 22.1
Caepio (i.e. Q_. Servilius Caepio Claudius Pulcher, Ap. (cos. 54),
Brutus?), 3.7 9-4; 151-3,5; i6-3; 18.3;
Caesar, v. Iulius Caesar 22.3; 24.6; 27.3
Caesius, 21.2,3 Clodia gens, 16.2
Caesius, L., 1.14; 2.4 Clodius Pulcher, P. (tr. pl. 58),
Calidius, M. (pr. 57), 3.7; 14.2; 4-3; 5-3; 7-2, 4; I3-2; 21.11,
22.1 17; 24.21
Callisthenes, 16.4 Clodiani, 7.2. -na incendia, 5.2.
Calpurnius Bestia, L., 7.6 -nae operae, 7.2
Calpurnius Bibulus, M. (cos.59), Cloelius, Sex., 9.4
7.2, 4; 14.2 Colophonius, v. Nympho
Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, L. Commagenus (i.e. rex Antiochus),
(cos. 58), 21.24. Cf 2.7. V. 15-2, 3
etiam Calventius Marius Cornelius, C., 7.5
Calpurnius Piso Frugi, C. (Cic¬ Cornelius Balbus, L. (cos. suff.40),
eronis gener), 4.2 15.4; 21.9, 12
Calventius Marius (i.e. L. Calpur¬ Cornelius Lentulus, L. (flaminis
nius Piso Caesoninus), 21.11 filius), 21.15; 24.1
Campanus ager, 5.1; 10.1; 11.2 Cornelius Lentulus Crus, L. (cos.
Caninius Gallus, L. (tr. pl. 56), 49), 2.16
6.3; 9-3 Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus,
Capito, v. Ateius Capito Cn. (cos. 56), 5.1, 2; 9.2, 3.
Capitolini, 10.2 Cf. 2.7
Carbo, v. Papirius Carbo Cornelius Lentulus Niger, L. (fla¬
Caria, 1.25 men Martialis), cf. 21.15
Carinae, 7.7 Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P.


(cos. 57), 4.5; 6.1 (?), 3; 7.1, Euphrates, 15.2

4; 9.3; 22.3
Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P. Fabius, C. 2.6
(superioris filius), cf. 7.1 Fadius, T. (tr. pl. 57), 4.3
Cornelius Lentulus Vatia, Cn., 7.5 Fannius, C. (cos. 122), 25.1
Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Afri¬ Favonius, M. (pr. 49), 7.2; 14.2
canus, P., 1.23; 7.3; 25.1 Felix, 27.8
Cornelius Sulla, P. (cos. design. Flavius, L. (pr. 58), 2.10, 11
65), 23-2 Formiae, 1.17
Cornelius Sulla, P. (superioris Fufidius, Q_. (?), 21.3
filius), 23.2 Fufidianus fundus, 21.3
Cornelius Sulla Felix, L., 1.33 Fundanius, C., 2.10
Sullani homines, 1.21 Furius Crassipes, 8.2; 10.1-3; 25.8
Cosconius, C. (pr. 63?), 9.3 Furius Flaccus, M., 10.2
Crassipes, v. Furius Crassipes Furius Philus, L. (cos. 136), 25.1
Crassus, v. Licinius Crassus Furrinae (sacellum), 21.4
fCrebrius, 25.6
Culleo, v. Terentius Culleo Gabinia lex, 16.3
Cumanum, 10.4; 17.1; 25.1 Gabinius, A. (cos. 58), 2.15; 11.1;
Curio, v. Scribonius Curio 16.2, 3; 21.15, 24; 22.1-3;
Curtius, M., 18.3; 21.10 23.2; 24.1; 25.5, 8; 27.1, 3
Curtius Peducaeanus, M. (tr. pl. Gallia, 7.4; 27.6
57)> 4-3 Galli, 1.27
Cyrus (rex), 1.23; 2.7 Gellius Poplicola (Canus, Q. ?),
Cyrus, v. Vettius Cyrus 5-1
Glabrio, v. Acilius Glabrio
Diodotus (Luculli libertus) 2.12 Gracchus, v. Sempronius Gracchus
Dionysius (tyrannus), 16.4 Graecia, 1.16, 28
Dionysopolitae, 2.4 Graeci, 1.7, 16, 18, 33, 35, 36;
Diphilus (architectus), 21.1, 2; 2.4, 6; 16.4. -ca 20.5. -ca
27.7 bibliotheca 24.5. -cus homo
Domitius, Cn. (quaesitor, fort. Cn. 1 •19
Domitius Calvinus), 16.2 Graii, 15.3
Domitius Ahenobarbus, L. (cos. Graecostasis, 5.3
54), 2.16; 16.2; 18.3; 26.5. Gratidius, M., 1.10
Cf. 1.26 Gutta {i.e. Q_. Metellus Scipio vel
Domitius Calvinus, Cn. (cos. 53), P. Plautius Hypsaeus?), 26.6
7.6; 19.4; 21.16; 22.3; 24.1;
26.3. Cf. 16.2 Halicarnassus, 1.25
Drusus, v. Livius Drusus Hephaestius Apamensis, 2.4
Heraclides Ponticus, 25.1
Electra (fabula), 25.7 Hermia, 2.12
Empedoclea, 14.3 Hermippus, 2.4
Ephesus, 2.14 Herus (anne Herius?), 21.1
Epicharmus, 21.23 Hippodamus, 21.9, 21
Epicureus, 2.14 Hirrus, v. Lucilius Hirrus
Erigona (fabula), 21.13; 25.7; 27.6 Hispani, 1.27


Homerus, 25.8 Longilius (redemptor), 10.3. Cf. 8.2

Hortensius Hortalus, Q_. (cos. 69), Lucilius Hirrus, C. (tr. pl. 53),
3-8; 27-3 26.4; 27.3

Hymettus, 12.3 fLuciniana domus, 7.7

Hypaepenus, v. Attalus Lucretius Carus, T., 14.3
Lucullus, v. Licinius Lucullus,
Ionia, 1.25 Terentius Varro Lucullus
Italia, 1.33; 2.16 Lucusta, 21.4
Iulius Caesar, C. (dictator), 2.11, Lupercalia, 16.4
16; 5.1; 9.3,4; 15.2,4, 5; 16.1; Lupus, v. Rutilius Lupus
17.3; 18.1, 3; 19.2; 20.1, 5; Lutatius Catulus, Q. (cos. 102), v.
21.8-11, 13, 18, 20, 25; 22.3; Catuli porticus
23.1, 25.3, 4; 26.2, 3, 6;
27.6, 7
Iunius Brutus, M. (Q_. Servilius Macer, v. Licinius Macer
Caepio Brutus?), v. Caepio Magnetes ab Sipylo, 14.2
Iuppiter, 13.1, 2. Iuppiter Hos¬ Manilianus (fundus), 21.1
pitalis 15.3 Manilius, M’. (cos. 139), 25.1
Manlius Torquatus, L., 23.2
Labeo (i.e. Pacuvius Labeo?), Marcellinus, v. Cornelius Lentulus
1.14; 2i.21; 26.1 Marcellinus
Labienus, T. (tr. pl. 63), 25.9; 26.2 Marcellus, v. Claudius Marcellus
Laelius Sapiens, C. (cos. 140), 25.1 (Marcius) Censorinus, (L., cos.
Lamia, v. Aelius Lamia 39 ?), 2.13
Lamiae, 7.7 Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 56),
Laterium, 10.4; 21.4, 5; 23.1 5.2. Cf. 9.2
Latiar, 8.2 Marius, C., v. Calventius Marius
Latinae (feriae), 8.2; 9.2 Marius, M., 12.2-4
Latini (libri), 24.5; 25.6 Martis (aedes), 25.8
Lentulus, v. Cornelius Lentulus Martius campus, 6.1
Lepidus, v. Aemilius Lepidus Megaristus Antandrius, 2.4
Licinius (anne Licinus?), 5.1 Memmius, C. (pr. 58), 2.16; 19.4
Licinius (plagiarius), 2.6 21.16; 22.3; 26.3
Licinius Crassus, M. (‘triumvir’), Memmius, C. (tr. pl. 54), 21.15;
3.7; 7.2-4; 13.2 22.1; 23.2
Licinius Crassus, P. (superioris Mercuriales, 10.2
filius), 13.2 Mescidius, 21.1,3
Licinius Crassus Iunianus (Bru¬ Messalla, v. Valerius Messalla
tus) Damasippus, P. (tr. pl. Milo, v. Annius Milo
53), 26-4 Minucius Basilus, L. (pr. 45),
Licinius Lucullus, L. (cos. 74), 21.21
2.12 Mucius Scaevola, Q_. (Augur),
Licinius Macer Calvus, C., 8.1 25.1
Licinus (servus), 2.14 Mucius Scaevola, Q_. (tr. pl. 54),
Ligurius, A., 25.9 2.13; 24.6
Livius Drusus Claudianus, M. Mysia, 1.25
(pr. 50?), 20.3 Mysus, 1.19; 2.5


Neapolis, 12.2 Plautius Hypsaeus, P. (pr. 56 (?)),

Nerius, Cn. (index), 7.5 v. Gutta
Nero, v. Claudius Nero Pompeianum, 10.4; 17.1
Nervii, 26.2 Pompeius Rufus, Q. (tr. pl. 52),
Nicephorus (Q. Ciceronis vilicus), 22.3
21.5 Pompeius Magnus, Cn., 2.11, 15,
Nicias Smyrnaeus, 2.4 16; 3.9; 4.4; 5.1; 6.3; 7.2-4;
Nigidius Figulus, P. (pr. 58), 2.16 9.3, 4; 10.1, 3; 13.2; 16.1;
Numisiana forma, 6.1 19.2; 21.9, 15, 18; 22.1, 2;
Nympho Colophonius, 2.4 23.3; 24.1-3; 26.3, 4, 6
Pomponia, 10.2; 21.7, 19. Cf. 15.3;

Oceanus, 20.4 27-9

Pomponius Atticus, T., 3.8; 4.2;
Octavius, C. (pr. 61), 1.21; 2.7
Octavius Naso, L., 2.10 7-7; 9-35 r4-2; 15-2
Pomponiana nomina, 6.1
Oppius, C., 21.8, 10, 13, 17, 18
Pomptinus, C. (pr. 63), 24.6
Orfius, M., 17.3
Ponticus, v. Heraclides
Ostia, 9.5; 22.1
Porcius Cato, C. (tr. pl. 56), 2.15;
5.2; 7.1, 3, 4; 9.3, 4; 24.1
Pacideianus, 24.2 Catoniana familia, 9.3
Paconius, 1.19 Porcius Cato, M. (Uticensis),
Pacuvius Labeo, v. Labeo 13-3; 19-4; 21.15; 22.1; 24.6
Paeonius (rhetor), 23.4 Procilius, 11.1
Pansa, v. Vibius Pansa Ptolomaeus, 12.2
Papirius Carbo, C. (cos. 120), 7.3 Publicius (Malleolus?), Q., 2.14
Patro (Epicureus), 2.14 Publius, v. Clodius Pulcher (21.17)
Paullus, v. Aemilius Paullus Pupia lex, 16.3
Phaetho (libertus), 4.4 Pupinia (tribus), 7.5
Philippus, v. Marcius Philippus
Philistus, 16.4 Quintus, v. Tullius Cicero, Q.
Philocteta, 12.4 (oratoris frater)
Philogonus (Q. Ciceronis lib¬ Quirinalia, 7.2, 4; 16.3
ertus), 3.4
Philotimus (Terentiae libertus), Racilius, L. (tr. pl. 56), 5.2; 9.3
21.1, 6; 27.7 Rhodii, 1.33
Philoxenus, 21.1 Roma, 1.22, 26, 42; 2.14; 3.4; 6.1;
Philus, v. Furius Philus 10.3, 4; 17.3; 18.1, 2; 21.4, 7,
Phryx, 1.19 12, 14, 21; 25.2, 6, 8, 9; 27.4
Picenum, 7.4 Romanus civis, 2.15. -nus eques,
Pinarius, T., 21.22 10.2. -nus populus, 1.27, 33.
Pisae, 10.3 -nae res 9.2; 18.5
Piso, v. Calpurnius Piso Rutilius Lupus (tr. pl. 56), 5.1
Pisonis lacus, 7.7 Rutilius Rufus, P (cos. 105), 25.1
Placentia, 18.1
Plancius, Cn. (tr. pl. 56), 5.3 Sallustius, Cn., 14.3(7); 24.2, 3
Plato (philosophus), 1.29 Salvius (Caesaris libertus), 21.21;
Plato Sardianus, 2.14 22.1


Samnis, v. Aeserninus Terentius Varro, M. (Reatinus),

Samos, 1.25; 25.9 v. Varro
Sardianus, v. Plato Terentius Varro Lucullus, M.
Sardinia, 6.1; 7.7; 10.3 (cos. 73), 5.1
Satricum (ad Lirim), 21.4 Theopompus, 2.9
Scaevola, v. Mucius Scaevola Theopompus (Cnidius?), 15.4
Scaurus, v. Aemilius Scaurus Thessalonica, 3.10; 4.2
Scipio (i.e. Q_. Metellus Scipio?), Thucydides, 16.4
24-5 Tiro, v. Tullius Tiro
Scribonius Curio, C. (cos. 76), Titius, T., 10.4
7-2, 4 Torquatus, v. Manlius Torquatus
Sempronius Gracchus, Ti. (cos. Tralles, 1.17
177 et 163), 6.1 Trebatius Testa, C. 17.3; 18.3;
Sempronius Tuditanus, C. (cos. 21.9

129), 25.1 Trebonius, C. (cos. suff. 45), 21.9

Serranus, v. Atilius Serranus Triarius, v. Valerius Triarius

Servilius Isauricus, P. (cos. 48), Troades (fabula), 25.7
7.2; 24.6 Tubero, v. Aelius Tubero
Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P. (cos. Tuditanus, v. Sempronius Tud¬
79), 5.1; 21.20 itanus
Servius Pola, 16.2 Tullia, 8.2; 10.1. Cf. 3.10
Sestius, P. (tr. pl. 57), 4.2, 3, 5; Tullius, M., 7.5
6.1; 7.5, 6; 8.1 Tullius Cicero, M. (orator), 15.4
Sestius Pansa, L., 14.2 Tullius Cicero, M. (oratoris filius),
Sevius, 9.4 3.3, 10; 17.2; 24.6; 26.2. V.
Sextilius, Q,., 5.3 etiam. Cicerones
Siculus (i.e. Philistus), 16.4 Tullius Cicero, Q_. (oratoris frater),
fSicura (servus), 27.8 19.2
Smyrna, 2.5 Tullius Cicero, Q_. (superioris
Smyrnaeus, v. Nicias filius), 8.2; 10.2; 12.1; 16.4;
ZocpoKAfjs, 20.3 2i-7. 14. 19; 23.4; 27.9. Cf.
Statius (Q. Ciceronis libertus), 2.1, 3.3. V. etiam Cicerones
3.8 Tullius Statius, GL, v. Statius
Stellatina (tribus), 7.5 Tullius Tiro, M. 21.10, 19
Sulla, Sullanus, v. Cornelius Sulla Tuscenius, 1.19; 2.6
Sulla (nomenclator), 2.9 Tusculanum, 24.6; 25.1
ZuvSeittvoi (Sophoclis), 20.3 Tusculanum (Culleonis), 6.1
Syriacus, 2.7 Tusculanum (T. Anicii), 21.23
Tyrannio, 8.2; 24.5; 25.6
Tyrii, 16.2
Taurus, M., 21.4
Telluris aedes, 21.14; cf. 13.2 Ulbia, 11.1
Tenedii, 14.2 Ulbiensis epistula, 7.7
Tenedia securis, 14.2
Terentia, 3.10. Cf. 3.3; 10.2 Valerius Messalla Rufus, M. (cos.
Terentius Culleo, Q_. (tr. pl. 58), 53). 3-91 19-45 21.16; 22.3;
6.1 23.2; 26.3; 27.3


Valerius Triarius, P., 22.3 Vibullius Rufus, L., 13.2; 21.18

Varro [i.e. M. Terentius Varro Villius Annalis, v. Annalis
(Reatinus) ?), 21.4 Vitularia via, 21.3
Vatinius, P. (cos. 47), 8.1; 20.3; Volcacius Tullus, L. (cos. 66), 5.1
Venafrum, 21.3 Xenophon, 1.23; 2.7
Vergilius, C. (pr. 62), 2.7
Vettius Cyrus (architectus), 6.2 Zeugma, 15.2
Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, C. Zeus, 25.8
(cos. 43), 25.5 Zeuxis Blaundenus, 2.4, 5


Achaia, 16.1 Caecilius Metellus Creticus, Q.

Achaicus cursus, 23.5 (cos. 69), 15.2
Achilleus, 12.2 Caesar, v. Iulius Caesar
Aemilius Lepidus M., (triumvir), Calenus, v. Fufius Calenus
3.1; 17.2; 20.1; 21.1, 2; 23.4, Calpurnius Bestia, L. (tr. pl. 62),
9, 10, 12 26.1
Aemilius Paullus, L. (cos. 50), cf. Calpurnius Bibulus, L., 19.1; 22.1
3i Candavia, 12.4
Ambracia, 12.1 Capitolium, 7.2
Antistius Vetus, C. (cos. suff. 30), Cappadocia, 9.3
2.5; 16.1; 18.3; 21.3 Casca, v. Servilius Casca
Antonii, 5.5; 6.2; 10.2 Cassius Longinus, C. (tyrannicida),
Antonius, C. (pr. 44), 2.2; 4.3; 1.3; 2.3; 3.3; 4.2, 5; 9.1, 2;
5.1-4; 8; 14.3; cf. 10.2 17-55 23-55 24-5
Antonius, M. (triumvir), 5.2; 7.1; Cato, v. Porcius Cato
8; 11.1, 3; 13.1; 14.2; 16.1; Chersonesus, 14.1, 2
17.2, 4; 21.1, 2; 23.4, 6, 7, 10; Cicereius, 12.3
25- 4, 7, 8, 10, 11; 26.1, 2 Cicero, v. Tullius Cicero
Apollo, v. Pythius Clodius, L. (tr. pl. design. 43),
Apollonia, 14.2 13.1, 2

Apuleius, M. (cos. 20?), 19.2 Clodius Pulcher, P.(tr. pl. 58), 26.1
Aquila, v. Pontius Aquila Cornelius Dolabella, P. (Cn. (?)
Asia, 2.5; 4.3; 9.3; 14.1 Cornelius Lentulus Dolabel¬
Attica, v. Caecilia Attica la?) (cos. 44), 2.5; 4.2, 3;
Atticus, v. Pomponius Atticus 5.3, 5; 6.1; 9.1, 2; 12.3; 14.1
Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P.
Bestia, v. Calpurnius Bestia (minor), 3.3; 22.1
Bibulus, v. Calpurnius Bibulus Cornutus, v. Caecilius Cornutus
Brutus, v. Iunius Brutus Cretense bellum, 15.2

Caecilia Attica, 26.7

Caecilius Cornutus, M. (pr. 43), Deiotarus (rex), 12.3
5-3 Dolabella, v. Cornelius Dolabella


Domitia lex, 9.3 Lepidus, v. Aemilius Lepidus

Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn. (cos.
32), 9-3i 19-2; 22.1 Macedonia, 11.4; 12.1
Dyrrachium, 2.6; 4.1; 14.2
Manlius Torquatus (quaest. 43),
Dyrrachini, 12.4
Marcius Crispus, Q_. (procos. 44-
Europa, 14.1
43). 2-3
Marcius Philippus, L. (cos. 56),
Flavius, C., 12.4; 26.3
23-7; 26.5
Fufius Calenus, Q_. (cos. 47), 2.4;
Marius, C., 9.3
cf. 17.1
Messalla, v. Valerius Messalla
Metellus, v. Caecilius Metellus
Galli, 17.2
Munatius Plancus, L. (cos. 42),
Glyco, 12.2
3.1, 3; 17.2; 22.2; 23.9
Graecae civitates, 25.6; -ca epis¬
Murcus, v. Staius Murcus
tula, 12.3
Mutina, 17.2
Mutinensis fuga, 9.2
Heraclea, 12.1
Hirtius, A. (cos. 43), 8.1; 17.2;
23.8. Cf. 1.1; 7.1 Nasennius, C., 15.2

Italia, 4.4; 17.1, 4; 21.2, 3; 22.1,2, Octavius, v. Iulius Caesar Octa¬

23-5, 12; 24.1 vianus (25.1, 7, 8, 11; 26.5, 6)
Iulia lex (de sacerdotiis), 9.3
Iulius Caesar, C. (dictator), 4.5;
Pacuvius Labeo, 5.4; 24.1
12.4; 16.1; 23.4; 25.5, 6, 8
Pansa, v. Vibius Pansa
Iulius Caesar Octavianus, C.,
Philippicae, 4.2. -ci (libelli), 2.4
5.2; 7.1; 8; ii.2, 3; 172-4;
Philippus, v. Marcius Philippus
22.2; 23.6, 9; 25.1, 6-8, 11;
Pilius Celer, Q_., 5.3, 4
26.5, 6. Cf. 24.3, 4; 25.5
Plancus, v. Munatius Plancus
Iunia (Lepidi), cf. 20.1; 21.1, 2;
Plautinus pater, 6.2
23.13; 24.6
Iunia Tertia, 2.3; 4.5. Pomponius Atticus, T., 25.1; 26.3.
Iunius Brutus, M. (Q_. Servilius M. Bruti ad eum epistula falsa,
Caepio Brutus), 1.2, 3; 5.1, 5,
Pontius Aquila, L. (tr. pl. 45), 23.8
6; 6.2, 3; 15.2; 17.3, 4; 18.2;
Porcia (M. Bruti uxor), cf. 18.2
20.1; 21.1; 22.1, 2; 23.1, 2, 4,
5, 7, 12; 24.6 Porcius Cato, M. (Uticensis filius),
Brutina consilia, 23.6 9.3; 22.1
Iunius Brutus Albinus, D., 1.1; Pythius Apollo, 6.3

3.2; 4.3; 8; 10.1; 14.2; 17.2;

22.2; 23.7-9 Rhodos, 4.3
Iuppiter, 21.1 Rhodii, 4.3
Roma, 17.4; 23.6; 25.2, 6, 8
Labeo, v. Pacuvius Labeo Romanus populus, 5.5; 7.3;
Larentia, 23.8 10.2; 14.2; 23.4; 25.1, 2, 7, 8.
Lentulus, v. Cornelius Lentulus -nus senatus ac populus, 11.2


Salvidienus Rufus, Q. (Q_. Salvius Themistocles, 23.11

Salvidienus Rufus?), 26.4 Thessalia, 12.1
Satrius (Trebonii legatus), 12.3 Tillius Cimber, L., 12.3
Scaptius, M., 4.1; 24.1 Torquatus, v. Manlius Torquatus
Servilia (M. Bruti mater), cf. 2.3; Trebonius, C. (cos. suff. 45), 2.1,5;
4.5; 20.1; 21.1, 2; 23.13; 24.1, 12.3
6 Trinummus (Plauti), 6.2
Servilius, M. (tr. pl. 43), 5.3 Tullius Cicero, M. (orator), 2.5;
Servilius Casca Longus, P. (tr. pl. 10.3; 11.1; 12.4; i6.2;20.i,2;
43), 24.1; 26.1 25.10, 11; 26.1, 2, 4-6
Servilius Isauricus, P. (cos. 48), Tullius Cicero, M. (oratoris filius),
3.3; 9.1; 23.7 2.6; 4.6; 5.2, 6; 9.3; 21.3;
Servius, v. Sulpicius Rufus 22.1. Cf. 5.4; 11.4; 12.1
Sestius, L. (quaest. 44), cf. 5.4
Sestius, P. (tr. pl. 57), 5.4
Solon, 23.3 Valerius Messalla Corvinus, M.
Staius Murcus, L. (procos. 44-43), (cos. suff. 31), 21.1; 23.1, 2
23 Velabrum, 23.8
Stoici, 23.5 Velia, 17.4; 23.5
Suessanus municeps, 15.2 Ventidius Bassus, P. (cos. suff. 43),
Sulpicius Rufus, Ser. (cos. 51), 9i
23-7 Vetus, v. Antistius Vetus
Syria, 2.3; 3.3 Vibius Pansa Caetronianus, C.
Syriacae legiones, 2.3 (cos. 43), 2.5; 4.2, 4; 5.2; 8;
9.4; 12.2; 17.1; 19-1; 23.8.
Tertia, v. Iunia Tertia Cf. 1.1; 7-i


This select index lists proper names which appear in the Commentary, excluding
references in Index nominum (i). References are to the Commentary by letter,
section and line. ‘B.’ = Ad Brutum.

Albinovanus, P., 7.5.2 ‘Burrienus’ (pr. 83), 15.3.4

Ampius Balbus, T. (pr. 59), 2.15.5
Anaxagoras, 16.1 Caecilius Metellus Nepos, Q,. (cos.
Ant(h)erus, 21.1.8 57), 5.1.5-6, 2.5-6
‘Antistius Labeo, Pacuvius’, Caninius Gallus, L. (tr. pl. 56),
B. 5.4.8 5-2-9
Apuleius, M., B. 2.5.1; B. 19.2.1 Caninius Rebilus, C. (cos. suff. 45),
Apuleius Sex. (cos. 29), B. 19.2.1 25-6-5
Aristoteles, 21.19.4 Clodia, 15.2.2
Atilia, 26.5.2 ‘Clodius, Sex.’, 9.4.3
Atilius Serranus, Sex., 26.5.1, 2 Clodius Pulcher, P. (tr. pl. 57),
5-2-2, 5-6
Babuleianus fundus, 21.3.9 Coelius Vinicianus, M. (tr. pl. 53),
Blaundus, 2.4.3; 5-11-12 26.6.6


Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P. Numisius, P., 6.1.14

(cos. 57), 5.1.5-6
Curtius Postumus, C. (‘M.’), 18.3.4 Octavius, Cn. (cos. 76), 1.21.3

Pomponius Atticus, T., 4.1.5; B.

Fabius, C. 2.8.4
Fabricius, Q.. (tr. pl. 57), 4.3.3
Pontius Aquila, L. (tr. pl. 45), B.
Fufius Calenus, Q.. (cos. 47), 2.15.5

Hortensius Hortalus, Q. (cos. 69), Satrius, M. (L. Minucius Basilus),

3-5-iQ B. 12.3.1
Scalebro (?), 10.3.13
Labienus, T. (tr. pl. 63), 26.1.3 Servius Pola, 9.4.12
‘Liciniana domus’, 7.7.7 Statius (Q. Ciceronis libertus),
Licinius Lucullus, L. (cos. 74), 1.17.8
Sulpicius Rufus, Ser. (cos. 51), B.
Licinius Lucullus, M. (superioris 19.2.1; B. 23.1.9
filius), B. 22.1.14
Lucceius, L. (pr. 67), 1.10.8 Tullius Cicero, Q. (minor), 3.3.13

Urania, 13.1.2-3
Maera, 27.7.1-2

Valerius Messalla Niger, M. (cos.

Nervii, 27.2.10 61), 3-9-1


To Commentary


‘B.’ = Ad Brutum

ac, 1.33.10 cantare, 16.1.3

ad, 4.5.3-4 capitalis, 16.4.5
adesse (alicui), 7.2.16 caput (supra c- ), 2.6.4
adlidere, 9.4.12 cenare, 11.2.6
adulescens, 2.15.2 certo scio, 1.10.12
aestivum, 21.2.5-6 cetera, 2.8.4-5
agere, 20.3.7; B. n.1.1-2 clamores (efficere), 21.7.7
ambitiosus, 2.2.5-6 cogitatio, 20.1.6-7
aqua (haeret), 11.2.3 comburere (fumo, iudicio), 2.6.10,
ars/ingenium, 14.3.1-2
assa, 21.2.8 committere, 24.2.1-2
aut (= aut potius), 3.1.16 compromittere, 19.4.6
concidere, 9.4.12
bonus, B. 8.1 creber, 16.4.5


cupiditas, 1.19.11 lux, 1.9.4

curare, 24.5.8
currentem (incitare), 1.45.2; 18.2.2 machaerophorus, 12.2.11
machinae, B. 24.3.14
dare (litteras), 25.9.3; 26.1.3 magnitudo animi, B. 2.6.2
debere (omnia alicui), 1.35.10; magnus, 1.26.2. maiora, 2.13.4.
24.2.11 -ra facere, B. 4.6.3
deesse (alicui), 8.1.15; 9.4.4-5 mediocris, 26.1.8
deliciae, B. 17.3.16 mehercule, 12.1.1-2
denique, 1.1.2 modus (bono modo), 9.1.1; 20.3.8
diffidere, B. 7.1.6
discedere, 8.1.17 necessarius, B. 13.1.13
dolor, B. 3.3.8 neque opinans, B. 11.2.1
domi (esse), 12.4.9 noctuam Athenas, 20.4.10
dura causa, B. 21.1.10 nomen (tuo nomine), B. 5.1.1.
nomina dare, 22.3.13
enim, B. 23.4.13. See addenda (non modo) . . . sed etiam, 1.44.7
epistula, v. litterae nothus, 16.4.3
equis quadrigis, 18.2.9-10 nunc, 11.1.2
esse, B. 5.5.7. esse in 12.1.1
excipere, 9.1.2-3; B- 2.2.2 omnino, 24.1.7; B. 17.1.6, 5.3
eximere (diem) 5.3.7-8; 9.2.3 opera, 24.4.1; 26.3.3-4
oricula infima, 18.4.2-3
facere ut, 15.3.9
fortasse an, 2.5.8 palliati, 21.5.11
frigus, 15.5.9 partes (rei publicae), B. 15.2.5
fumus, v. comburere permagnus, 1.15.12
pipulum, 15.1.4
gratus/iucundus, 1.22.1-4 plagiarius, 2.6.13
plene, 1.38.12
habere, B. 23.1.1 poemata, 14.3.1
homo, B. 13.1.4 pro consule, B. 5.3.5
hora, 7.2.10 propitius, B. 26.5.6
horti, 21.14.6
quadrigae, v. equis
iam (neque iam), 1.16.7-8 quidem, B. 17.5.7
ille, 1.21.6; 11.2.6; 21.4.7 quod, 21.7.4
in uncia, 27.8.2
infans, 24.1.2 recte, 1.17.11
inferior (epistula), 21.18.1 reliqui, B. 20.1.1
infideliter, B. 1.2.10 remittere, 23.5.2-3
infrequens, 27.4.2 removere, 9.3.12
ingenium, v. ars rudis, 12.2.16
iucundus, v. gratus
iudicare, 2.10.12 saliens, 21.3.8
satis facere, 24.3.8
litterae/epistula, 21.8.1 scaena, B. 18.2.6


sententia, B. 5.1.5-6 tres versiculi, B. 22.1.1-2

servitium, B. 25.9.8 tributa, 2.6.13
si = simul atque, 6.4.1. Cf. B. triumphus, B. 26.2.8
11.4.3 tueri, 1.30.8
statim quod, 2.12.4
superior, 2.5.5 unus, 9.3.8
ut = ita ut, 21.14.13; B. 23.3.6-7
tanti. . . qu(o) B. 25.4.17 uti (orationibus), B. 2.4.1
tardare, B. 24.1.10
temperatus, 19.1.1 velim, B. 20.1.2
tenere, 2.10.2 via iuris, 2.10.13
totus, 25.5.2 vigere, 25.8.3-4
tradere, B. 25.6.10-11 vindex, 9.3.3


dpcpiAaqna, 9.1.1 pOUGOTTOtTCCKTOS, 12.1.6

"Apri TTV6COV, 24.6.9 opOctv tocv vocOv, 2.13.2
acpeAGs, 2.3.5 TrpocyiJiaTiKcbs, 19.2.3
yAccuK’ eis ’A6f|vas, 20.4.10 padupos, 21.5.4
OeftKos, 23.4.4 Xapcocrfip, 21.5.5-6


To Commentary

ablative, 2.7.14. (locative), 1.25.19. Callisthenes, 16.4.3

(of attendant circs.), 21.3.5. cantores Euphorionis, 16.1.3
Cf. B. 17.3.13 carelessness or irregularities of
Acca Larentia, B. 23.8.6 style, 2.8.4-5; 21.8.5-8; B.
accensus, 1.13.5 10.2.11; B. 11.2.10-11. Cf. 2.3.3
accusative and infinitive, 8.1.2-3 Catullus (14.3), 8.1.11
Achilleus (-eos), B. 12.2.1 Cicero, (De consulatu suo), 13.1.2—3.
act-divisions (in drama), 1.46.4 (De expeditione Britannica), 18.2.9-
adligatus, 7.5.7 10. (De temporibus suis), 13.1.1,
adverbs (quasi-adjectival), B. 2-3. (Laudatio Serrani), 26.5.2.
23.10.2 (Philippics), B. 2.4.5. (De re
aedilicium vectigal, 1.26.2 publica), 17.1.7
ager Campanus, 10.1.6 Cicero, Q_., (Annales), 1.44.4.
amphibolia, 15.3.41, 5.9 (frigus) (tragedies), 20.3.7; 21.13.3;
anger, 1.38.22 25.7.2-3. Cf 20.4.9
Aristotle, 25.1.19-20 codicilli, 14.1.1
cohors prae toria, 1.12.3
comitia, 16.3.5
brachylogy, 17.3.5 Commagenum, 16.3.4
Brutinus = Brutianus, B. 23.6.3
burrhinon, 15.3.4 dentata charta, 19.1.1


elections, 16.3.5. (to priesthoods), ovation (Octavian’s), B. 23.9.10

9-3-4; B- 5-3-4—6; B. 22.1.12
ellipse, 7.2.20-21; 16.2.12; 18.2.2; pens, Cnidian, 19.1.1
20.5.8 Philistus, 16.4.1, 7
‘FFAeovtss’, 25.7.2-3
flagitatio, 14.1.1 Plutarch, 7.2.12; B. 26.4.13, 6.8-9
future perfect, 12.3.1 portoria, 1.33.3
praerogativa {centuria), 19.4.5
genitive, (appositive), 3.2.10. (attri¬ prepositions, 1.33.17; 3.4.5; B.
butive), 4.2.7-8. (with pro¬ 16.1-2
nominal adjective), B. 19.2.5-6. provinces, assignment of, 1.1.10
(with condicio), 1.8.5. (with via), publicani, 1.7.1
1.15.18. locupletum, 1.25.13
glosses in text, 15.1.4; 20.5.8; quaestio de vi, 5.2.5-6
21.18.3. Cf. 20.4.10
‘Greeks’ (Cicero’s opinion of) Sallustius, Cn. (?) {Empedoclea),
1.16.3 14.3.2-3
Senate (order of speaking), 5.3.1.
historians, Roman (Lucceius,
Decrees, 7.5.9; 13.3.2; 20.2.1;
Tubero, Sisenna), 21.5.1-3
B. 17.1.2
honours (for Cicero), 18.1.9
snow, black, 16.1.1
horti (Pompey’s), 10.3.7
sodalitates, 7.5.9
Housman, A. E., 14.3.2-3
Sophocles (ZuvSeitrvoi), 20.3.7.
hybrid construction, 21.5.12-13
{Erigone), 21.13.3
hyperbaton, 3.6.7; 19.2. n
subjunctive (perfect, in wish), B.

imperium, 7.3.1 25-5-9- Of- B. 25.8.2

supplicationes, 11.1.8; 26.3.8
informers, 7.5.1
iudicium publicum, 7.1.1
tense, variation of, 2.3.11
testudo, 21.2.5-6
lacus (in Rome), 7.7.7
toga praetexta, 15.2.6
laudatio, 16.2.11-12
trials, (in 56), 9.4.12. 11.1.7
legions (of M. Brutus), B. 14.1.6,
(Procilius). 16.2.1, 4 (Caelius).
20.3.1 (Drusus). 20.3.4 (Vatin¬
letters (written at dinner), 21.19.9
ius). 20.3.5 (Scaurus), 21.15.2,
lex Aurelia (iudiciaria), 3.8.7-8
24.1.8, 25.5.4-5 (Gabinius), {de
lex censoria, 1.35.4
ambitu), I3-3-4-5- {postulatio),
lex Domitia, B. 9.3.4
2.15.5. Cf. 16.2.1. See iudicium
lex Gabinia, 16.3.2
publicum, quaestio de vi
lex Pupia, 16.3.2
triplication, 3.1.1
lictor (proximus), 1.21.4
Triumphator’s oath, 22.2.6
Lucretius, 14.3.1, 1-2

magister, 26.6.9 verse (accidental), 2.16.19

monumenta Ciceronis, 13.2.3 victims, sacrificial at Triumphs,
Muses, chariot of, 18.2.9-10 22.2.6

negotiatores, 1.7.1 Wise Men, Seven, B. 23.3.7-8



To text
&AA’ aiei Tiva <pcoTa pieyav (Od. ©ETIKCOTEpOV, 23.4

ix-5‘3)j 2;i
aAA’ oipco^ETCO, 27.8 pOUaOTT&TOCKTOS, 12.1

dp9iAa9iav, 9.1; 19.3

ovocvtiAektov, 12.1 6 Se podvETca, k.t.A. (II. vm.355).

crrra^ 0ccve!v (cf. Aesch. P.V. 750), 27.2
2.13 01 |3ny k.t.A. (II. xvi.387 f.), 25.8
a-TToSuTTIpiCO, 21.5 6p0av Tav vauv, 2.13
dnTOTeuypa, 22.2

"Apri TTvecov, 24.6 t-rrAEos, 25.7

rapsAcos, 2.3 ttoAitikcc, 17.1

ttoAAov dpioTEUEiv, k.t.A. (II.
yAcxOK5 eis ’A f|vas, 20.4 vi.208, xi.784), 25.4
yvcoOi iTcos aAAco KEypriTCxi (Epi¬ TrpaypariKoos, 19.2
charmus; Kaibel, p. 140), 21.25 TrpocpKovopriadiJiriv, 7.6
yvcoOi ctecojtov, 25.7
paOupoTEpa, 20.5
SsuTEpas 9povTi6as, 21.18
‘ZuvSeittvous’ Z090KAEOUS, 20.3

ei 5e(v’ E9r)aas (ESpaaas; Soph.

ToiocuO’ 6 TAppcov, k.t.A. (Eur,
fr. 962 Pearson), 12.2
Suppi. 119), 18.4
ElAlKpiVES, 11.1 TOTE poiydvoi (II- iv. 182, VIII. 150),
EP9CtTlKCOT£pOV, B. 13.I
EvOouCTiaapos, 24.4
£V TrapEpyco, 27.3
UTTEp^oActS, 19.4
ETTOS, 27.6 uttoOectiv, 20.4

9iAaAr)0cos, 20.5
fipar’ OTTCopivcp, k.t.A. (II. xvi.

385^)» 25.8 yaponcrfip, 20.5

Date Due

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Cicero, Marcus Tullius
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