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22
CICERO:
EPISTULAE AD
QUINTUM FRATREM ET
M. BRUTUM
o
o
EPISTULAE A
UINTUM FRATREM
ET M. BRUTU
EDITED BY
D. R. SHAGKLETON BAILEY
MELBOURNE SYDNEY
- A3, nfo
Abbreviations ix
INTRODUCTION i
EPISTULAE AD QUINTUM
FRATREM 17
EPISTULAE AD MARCUM
BRUTUM ioi
COMMENTARY 145
Addenda 255
Concordances 259
Indices 261
V
PREFACE
Vll
ABBREVIATIONS
The following may be noted:
A. = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero's letters to Atticus
(Cambridge, 1964-70)
Botermann, Soldaten = H. Botermann, Die Soldaten und die
romische Politik, etc. (Zetemata 46, 1968)
Broughton = T. R. S. Broughton, The magistrates of the
Roman Republic (New York, 1951-60). References, unless
otherwise stated, are to vol. n
Brunt, Manpower = P. A. Brunt, Italian manpower (Oxford,
I971)
Cicero — D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero (London, 1971)
Constans = Cicer on, correspondance, vols. 1-111 (Bude, 1934-50)
F. = D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Cicero. Epistulae ad familiares
(Cambridge, 1977)
Gruen, Last generation = E. S. Gruen, The last generation of
the Roman Republic (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1974)
How = W. W. How, Cicero, select letters (Oxford, 1926)
Kasten = H. Kasten, Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem, etc.,
(Munich, 1976)
Kiihner-Holzweissig = R. Kiihner and F. Holzweissig,
AusfUhrliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache: Elementar-,
Formen- und Wortlehre2 (Hanover, 1912)
K. -S. = R. Kiihner and C. Stegmann, AusfUhrliche Gram¬
matik der lateinischen Sprache: Satzlehre3 (Leverkusen, 1955)
L. -S.-J. = Liddell-Scott-Jones, Greek-English Lexicon9
Magie = D. Magie, Roman rule in Asia Minor (Princeton,
I95<>)
Mommsen, St. = T. Mommsen, Romisches StaatsrechC
(Leipzig, 1887-8)
Mommsen, Str. = T. Mommsen, Romisches Strafrecht
(Leipzig, 1899)
IX
ABBREVIATIONS
x
ABBREVIATIONS
xi
INTRODUCTION
I
3
INTRODUCTION
4
INTRODUCTION
5
INTRODUCTION
II
The friendship between Cicero and M. Brutus (Q. Servilius
Caepio Brutus), which began in the late fifties with Atticus’
encouragement, may make the subject of a separate study.
The interest of their extant correspondence is historical
rather than personal. Apart from a few letters of recommen¬
dation in the Ad familiares collection, it falls within a period
of four months, March/April-July 43, when both writers
were heavily preoccupied with public concerns. Such private
items as crop up are self-explanatory, lacking ulterior
implications.
In August 44 Brutus and his brother-in-law Cassius sailed
for the East, leaving the tripartite power-struggle between
Antony, Octavian, and the Senate to work itself out in their
absence. They may ostensibly have been proceeding to their
allotted provinces of Crete and Cyrene, but their departure
looked more like a retirement into exile (cf. Att. 372
(xiv.ig).i; 373 (xiv. 18).4). If any of the sequel was already
in their minds, they do not seem to have spoken of it to
Cicero. By the following spring, however, Cassius had
won control over the entire armies of the East, taking the
Caesarian Dolabella and the anti-Caesarian Caecilius Bassus
in easy stride. Brutus for his part spent some time in Athens,
but in December the outgoing governor of Macedonia, Q,.
Hortensius, who happened to be his cousin by adoption
handed the province over to him instead of to the lawful
successor, Antony’s brother Gaius - lawful insofar as the
decree of an intimidated Senate conferred legality. Joined
6
INTRODUCTION
7
INTRODUCTION
8
INTRODUCTION
9
INTRODUCTION
Ill
IO
INTRODUCTION
11
INTRODUCTION
1 Untersuchung iiber die Frage der Echtheit des Briefwechsels Cicero ad Brutum
(Stuttgart, 1881), 103.
2 Fam. 345 (xii.3).i. 3 Phil. 11.31 plus quam sicarios. 4 Phil, xm.23.
12
INTRODUCTION
13
INTRODUCTION
minus tribuit quam Cicero, qui alieno tribuat! Brutus would surely
have known and remembered that in the same session of the
Senate at which Cicero proposed imperium for Octavian,
Philippus had proposed a statue.1 His impersonator over¬
looked this, but knew what was well known, that Philippus
at first mistrusted his stepson, advised him not to accept his
inheritance, and declined to call him Caesar; but that was
a year or so before.2
The companion piece, 25 (24 (1.16)), offers no such
handles, apart from the inconsistency noticed above. But the
two productions are so much alike that they stand and fall
together.
IV
1 Ad Brut. 23 (23).7.
2 Att. 366 (xiv. 12).2, 390 (xv. 12).2, 415 (xvi.i4).2; Nic. Damasc. Vit.
Caes. 18 etc. (RE x.280.46).
3 See F. 1, 23k 4 See Watt pp. i64ff.
14
INTRODUCTION
,
TEXT
INDEX SIGLORUM
18
M. TULLI CICERONIS
EPISTULAE AD QUINTUM FRATREM
i (i.i)
*9
I (i.l) 3 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
20
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 6
21
I (i.l) IO AD QUINTUM FRATREM
22
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 12
23
I (i.l) 15 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
14, 5 et {ante audio) GHA: ee JV: om. EVR 15, 8 potest VR: -es (eos)
Constans homines vel hominum (homines) Tyrrell 14 quem Rcorr.:
quidem fi 17 genus erit EGA: e- g- NVR 16, 1 e] in Boot 3
nunc Ernesti dubitanter: sic fi
24
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 17
6 amicitiaque s': -i(a)eque Q: usu post -iaeque add.. Castiglioni, alia alii
7 honestae neque vel sim. addendum coni. Watt iam Ernesti: tam Q
9 et inuident non b: et non i- non EGHNk: et uero i- non 0: et non i- PV
17, 3 seruos VP 18, 9 delectus Hbs: dii- Q
25
I (i.l) 20 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
26
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 22
27
J (i.l) 26 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
28
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 27
27, 3-4 et.. .et. . .et Facciolati: et. . .et. . .ut fi: et.. .ut. . .ut Schtitz
9 ipso Reiz 28, 2 atque ER§: atque in GNVM 4 simus scripsi:
sumus fi sunt Wesenberg 5 traditae P 8 simus s' 29, 2 ac
Z: et Mms: aut Nbd 4 et EGJVA: ac VR collocarent Ernesti (qui
‘-are etiam potuit’): -assent fi
29
I (i.l) 30 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
3°
AD OUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 33
31
I (i.l) 35 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
32
AD OUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 38
38, 2 dicere solent om. s 12 plane ‘Ernesti aut eius operae’ (Watt):
plene fi 17-18 interdum non R. Klotz: non in- fi 19 lenitudinis
RbC 39, 1 anne atqui ? iam GA: om. 2
33
I (i.l) 40 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
34
AD QUINTUM FRATREM I (i.l) 43
35
I (i.l) 46 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
Asia sicuti uni cuique sua domus nota esse debeat, cum ad
tuam summam prudentiam tantus usus accesserit, nihil esse
quod ad laudem attineat quod non tu optime perspicias et
tibi non sine cuiusquam hortatione in mentem veniat 10
cottidie. sed ego quia, cum tua lego, te audire, et quia, cum
ad te scribo, tecum loqui videor, idcirco et tua longissima
quaque epistula maxime delector et ipse in scribendo sum
saepe longior.
46 Illud te ad extremum et oro et hortor ut, tamquam poetae
boni et actores industrii solent, sic tu in extrema parte et
conclusione muneris ac negoti tui diligentissimus sis, ut hic
tertius annus imperi tui ftamquam tertiusf perfectissimus
atque ornatissimus fuisse videatur, id facillime facies si me, 5
cui semper uni magis quam universis placere voluisti, tecum
semper esse putabis et omnibus iis rebus quas dices et facies
interesse.
Reliquum est ut te orem ut valetudini tuae, si me et tuos
omnis valere vis, diligentissime servias. 10
2 (1.2)
36
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 2 (l.2) 2
37
2 (l.2) 5 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
38
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 2 (l.2) 7
hendo. certo scio te enim fecisse cum causa, sed quid opus
fuit eius modi litteris quas ad ipsum misisti? illum crucem
sibi ipsum constituere, ex qua tu eum ante detraxisses; te
curaturum fumo ut combureretur plaudente tota provincia. 10
quid vero ad C. Fabium nescio quem (nam eam quoque
epistulam T. Catienus circumgestat), renuntiari tibi
Licinium plagiarium cum suo pullo miluino tributa exigere?
deinde rogas Fabium ut et patrem et filium vivos comburat,
si possit; si minus, ad te mittat uti iudicio comburantur, hae 15
litterae abs te per iocum missae ad C. Fabium, si modo sunt
tuae, cum leguntur, invidiosam atrocitatem verborum habent.
7 Ac si omnium mearum litterarum praecepta repetes,
intelleges esse nihil a me nisi orationis acerbitatem et
iracundiam et, si forte, raro litterarum missarum indiligen¬
tiam reprehensam, quibus quidem in rebus si apud te plus
auctoritas mea quam tua sive natura paulo acrior sive 5
quaedam dulcedo iracundiae sive dicendi sal facetiaeque
valuissent, nihil sane esset quod nos paeniteret. et mediocri
me dolore putas adfici cum audiam qua sit existimatione
Vergilius, qua tuus vicinus, C. Octavius? nam si te interiori¬
bus vicinis tuis, Ciliciensi et Syriaco, anteponis, valde 10
magnum facis! atque is dolor est quod, cum ii quos nominavi
te innocentia non vincant, vincunt tamen artificio benevo¬
lentiae colligendae, qui neque Cyrum Xenophontis neque
Agesilaum noverint, quorum regum summo imperio nemo
umquam verbum ullum asperius audivit. 15
8 Sed haec a principio tibi praecipiens quantum profecerim
non ignoro, nunc tamen decedens, id quod mihi iam facere
videris, relinque, quaeso, quam iucundissimam memoriam
7 enim post certe (sic) R, post scio N 10 fumo] vivus Housman ap. Watt:
fumo Ursinus: in furno Wesenberg 11 quem 2: quam A 12
renuntiari EVR: -re G7VA 15 h(a)e vel hee vel hec Q: eae Baiter
7, 1 mearum Pb: mecum Q litterarum praecepta "Zms: p- 1 - NMbd
9 (C.) Vergilius Orelli C. (G.)] Gn. ER 10 Ciliciensi Manutius:
-censi Q 11 magnum "Zbd: -ni Mms 14 (in) summo Crat.: summo
(in) Manutius
39
2 (l.2) 9 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
40
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 2 (l.2) II
41
2 (l.2) 14 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
13, 4 erunt] erant Tuns tali: removit Wesenberg 5 quae sunt] questus
sum Wesenberg (anne quae questus sum sunt ?): quae removit Watt {'fort,
ortum ex quaere’) 9 cum hic add. Orelli,postte Lambinus admonitione
S': mon- Q 11 ut (tu) s': anne <tu) ut vel (te) ut ? 14, 1 Hypae¬
penus Orelli: hyphemenus vel sim. Q 2 Publicii statuam Schtitz:
publiceni stat- GJVA: publice instat- HVR 5 tragoedi removit Orelli:
ante nostri transp. s' 5 et 9 Licinus Torrentius: -nius Q 9 et removit
Manutius 11 -ne an Lambinus: an Ps: uel Q 14 Romam mittas
vel add. Wesenberg 16 tam nihili Manutius: iam nihil Q
42
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 2 (l.2) 15
43
3 (l-3) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
3 (i-3)
Scr. Thessalonicae Id. Iun. an. 58
44
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 3 (1.3) 3
45
3 (L3) 5 AD ftUINTUM FRATREM
46
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 3 (1.3) 7
47
4 (l-4) 1 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
incolumi orbi non erunt, reliqua ita mihi salus aliqua detur
potestasque in patria moriendi ut me lacrimae non sinunt 5
scribere! etiam Terentiam velim tueare mihique de omnibus
rebus rescribas, sis fortis quoad rei natura patiatur.
4 (i-4)
48
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 4 (1.4) 4
49
5 (ii. I) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
5 (n.i)
50
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 5 (ii. I) 2
. . .ipsius Milo [Ep. 7.4, v. 11]; 2. coepit [Ep. 5.1, v. 16]. . .cupiant \Ep.
6.3, v. 11]; 3. &(JuptAoc(piav [Ep. 9.1, v. 1]. . .iacentem [Ep. 10.2, v. 4]
4. copiis [Ep. 7.4, v. 11]. . .exiturus [Ep. 8.2, v. 8]; 5. a.d. viii e.q.s. [Ep.
10.2, v. 5]; verum ordinem 2, 1,4, 3, 5 restituit [ed.] Rom[ana] nisi quod 3 post
revertamur [Ep. 13.2, v. 17] conlocavit; hunc errorem parum feliciter corrigere
conatus est Man[utius] (quem secuti sunt edd. usque ad Or[elli]* 2), correxit
Mommsen [Zeitschr. f. die Altertumswiss. 2 (1844), 593 sqq., 3 (1845),
779 sq. (= Ges. Schr. vii. 13 sqq.)]; denique pauca emendavit Slernkopf
[Untersuchungen, 384 sqq.]’ 16 noli FS: nobili GJVM: nob(i)lis RP
2, 6 praetor urbanus (i.e. pr. urb.) Manutius: per praetorem urbanum
fi: per se praetor urbanus Sternkopf 9 Cassius] Caninius conieci 10
anteferrent Orelli: -rret fi Philippus adsentit (sic) Lentulo citat
Diomedes (G.L.K. i.381.26) 3, 5 Vetus Anton. Augustinus-, seuerus fi
8 dicendo s: -di fiC: calumnia dicendi vel d- c- Sjogren
51
6 (ii.2) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
6 (11.2)
52
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 6 (ll.2) 2
53
AD QUINTUM FRATREM
7 (IL3) i
7 (n-3)
54
AD QUINTUM FRATREM j (11.3) 3
55
(
7 (ii.3) 5 ad quintum fratrem
56
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 8 (1I.4) I
xv Kal. Mart.
8 (11.4)
I Sestius noster absolutus est a.d. 11 Id. Mart, et, quod vehe¬
menter interfuit rei publicae, nullam videri in eius modi
causa dissensionem esse, omnibus sententiis absolutus est.
illud quod tibi curae saepe esse intellexeram, ne cui iniquo
relinqueremus vituperandi locum, qui nos ingratos esse 5
diceret nisi illius perversitatem quibusdam in rebus quam
humanissime ferremus, scito hoc nos in eo iudicio consecutos
esse ut omnium gratissimi iudicaremur. nam defendendo
moroso homini cumulatissime satis fecimus et, id quod ille
maxime cupiebat, Vatinium, a quo palam oppugnabatur, 10
arbitratu nostro concidimus dis hominibusque plaudentibus,
quin etiam Paullus noster, cum testis productus esset in
57
8 (ii.4) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
9 (ii.5(4-3-7))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Mart. an. 56
58
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 9 (11.5(4.3-7)) 3(5)
3(5) cationes. sic legibus perniciosissimis obsistitur, maxime 5
Catonis; cui tamen egregie imposuit Milo noster, nam ille
vindex gladiatorum et bestiariorum emerat de Cosconio et
Pomponio bestiarios nec sine iis armatis umquam in publico
fuerat, hos alere non poterat, itaque vix tenebat, sensit Milo. 5
dedit cuidam non familiari negotium qui sine suspicione
emeret eam familiam a Catone, quae simul atque abducta
est, Racilius, qui unus est hoc tempore tribunus pl., rem
patefecit eosque homines sibi emptos esse dixit (sic enim
placuerat) et tabulam proscripsit se familiam Catonianam 10
venditurum, in eam tabulam magni risus consequebantur.
Hunc igitur Catonem Lentulus a legibus removit et eos
qui de Caesare monstra promulgarunt, quibus intercederet
nemo, nam quod de Pompeio Caninius agit sane quam
refrixit, neque enim res probatur et Pompeius noster in 15
amicitia P. Lentuli vituperatur, et hercule non est idem; nam
apud perditissimam illam atque infimam faecem populi
propter Milonem suboffendit et boni multa ab eo desiderant,
multa reprehendunt. Marcellinus autem hoc uno mihi
quidem non satis facit quod eum nimis aspere tractat, 20
quamquam id senatu non invito facit; quo ego me libentius
a curia et ab omni parte rei publicae subtraho.
4(6) In iudiciis ii sumus qui fuimus, domus celebratur ita ut
cum maxime, unum accidit (im)prudentia Milonis in com¬
modum de Sex. Cloelio, quem neque hoc tempore neque ab
imbecillis accusatoribus mihi placuit accusari, ei tres
sententiae deterrimo in consilio defuerunt, itaque hominem 5
populus revocat et retrahatur necesse est. non enim ferunt
homines et, quia cum apud suos diceret paene damnatus est,
59
9 (ii.5 (4-3-7)) 5 (7) i ad quintum fratrem
vident damnatum, ea ipsa in re Pompei offensio nobis
obstitit, senatorum enim urna copiose absolvit, equitum
adaequavit, tribuni aerarii condemnarunt, sed hoc incom- 10
modum consolantur cottidianae damnationes inimicorum,
in quibus me perlibente Sevius adlisus est, ceteri conciduntur.
C. Cato contionatus est comitia haberi non siturum si sibi
cum populo dies agendi essent exempti. Appius a Caesare
nondum redierat. 15
5(7) Tuas mirifice litteras exspecto; atque adhuc clausum mare
fuisse scio, sed quosdam venisse tamen Ostiam dicebant qui
te unice laudarent plurimique in provincia fieri dicerent,
eosdem aiebant nuntiare te prima navigatione transmis¬
surum. id cupio et, quamquam te ipsum scilicet maxime, 5
tamen etiam litteras tuas ante exspecto.
Mi frater, vale.
10 (11.6(5))
60
AD QUINTUM FRATREM IO (11.6(5)) 2
2, 4 iacentem s': -tis QC post iacentis sequuntur in codd. copiis sqq. (vide
ad Ep. 5.1) 7 vi RA: iii 2 8 eumque E8: eum R: et que(m)
GNVM 3, 3 fidem Victorius: i- Q 8 luci eum pe/lucieum 2: luceium NA
13 Salebrone Wesseling: Scalab- Philipp 14 et Q: ut H5 4, 1 v N:
11 Q dictaveram om. Mms 2 scripseramque Gbd 3 anagnino
I: ag- A
6l
II (ii.7 (6)) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
11 (11.7(6))
62
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 12 (11.9(8)) I
12 (11.9(8))
Ep. 12] 1, 1 essem ms: -es N: -ent Q 2 otiantem. sed scripsi: antea
(ivel ante a) te is Q 3 uideris b: -ebis Q 8 mea GNms: in ea
VRMbd insulsa s, cod. Faerni: infusa Q 9-10 dvavTiAeKTOV
Victorius: ccvtiektov GRMm: om. HNVbds 10 conticui s: -uit Q
11 Cicerones Manutius: ceteri omnes Q 2, 2 molesti(a)e VPMms
{silet R): mode- GNbd 4 si unquam Xj: sum q- JVA suspicatus X:
-turus A 6-7 si 5e1v’ Ecpqaaj Watt, praeeuntibus Sternkopf (EAdArjCTas)
et Rothstein (eAe^ocs) : £t S' ev aia E^qcras vel sim. GRAC: om. HNV
7 ESpaaas Gurlitt: Ia Traaas vel sim. GRAC: om. HNV 10 portarent
Buecheler 11 macha(e)rophoris X: machatro- A
12 (11.9(8)) 3 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
*3 (n-8(7))
64
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 13 (11.8(7)) 2
65
14 (ii. I0(g)) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
14 (il.io(g))
15 (11.i I (io))
66
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 15 (il.ll(io)) 2
67
l6 (lI.I2(ll)) I AD QUINTUM FRATREM
16 (11.12(11))
68
AD QUINTUM FRATREM l6 (ii. I2(ll)) 3
17 (11.13(12))
69
17 (11.13(12)) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
70
AD QUINTUM FRATREM l8 (11.14(13)) I
18 (11.14(13))
1 A.d. mi Non. Iun., quo die Romam veni, accepi tuas litteras
datas Placentia, deinde alteras postridie datas Blandenone
cum Caesaris litteris refertis omni officio, diligentia, suavitate,
sunt ista quidem magna, vel potius maxima; habent enim
vim magnam ad gloriam et ad summam dignitatem, sed, 5
mihi crede quem nosti, quod in istis rebus ego plurimi
aestimo, id iam habeo, te scilicet primum tam inservientem
communi dignitati, deinde Caesaris tantum in me amorem,
quem omnibus iis honoribus quos me a se exspectare vult
antepono, litterae vero eius una datae cum tuis, quarum 10
initium est quam suavis ei tuus adventus fuerit et recordatio
veteris amoris, deinde se effecturum ut ego in medio dolore
ac desiderio tui te, cum a me abesses, potissimum secum esse
laetarer, incredibiliter delectarunt.
2 Qua re facis tu quidem fraterne quod me hortaris, sed
mehercule currentem nunc quidem, ut omnia mea studia in
istum unum conferam, ego vero ardenti quidem studio, ac
fortasse efficiam quod saepe viatoribus cum properant
evenit, ut, si serius quam voluerint forte surrexerint, proper- 5
ando etiam citius quam si de nocte vigilassent perveniant quo
velint; sic ego, quoniam in isto homine colendo tam indor¬
mivi diu te mehercule saepe excitante, cursu corrigam
tarditatem cum equis tum vero, quoniam tu scribis poema
ab eo nostrum probari, quadrigis poeticis, modo mihi date 10
Britanniam quam pingam coloribus tuis, penicillo meo. sed
71
l8 (11.14(13)) 3 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
19 (11.15(14))
72
AD QUINTUM FRATREM ig (11.15(14)) 2
6-2, 1 bono, uerum 8: bono uiro fiC 2, 4 ingenue Boot: genuine vel
gemine GNRAC: germane s: om. HV: yvr|cncos Watt in app. 5 advoles
Schtitz: uoles fi: avo- vel evo- Watt in app. 5-6 dixeramus Lamb. marg.:
-rimus fi: -ras Wesenberg 6 an add. Manutius 7 sciscitarere P:
-reris j: -rer HNRVA: -ret G 10 post re lacunam statui 11 aut
plane Wesenberg aut certe E: et c- fi 13 labor, ut quondam scripsi:
laborant quod mea fi: alii alia, velut (est tibi) laborandum de mea Wesenberg
14 mira est consensio Lamb. marg. (pro mea conscientia): mea confidentia
Wesenberg 3, 2 si removit M corr. 4 magis (esse) Lambinus 5 e re
tua Lambinus: etiam fi: removit Wesenberg magni G: -nia M: -na R5:
-nam V: -no jV me removit Lambinus 6 et om. Mms explica¬
tionem Schtitz: exspectat- fi
73
19 (11.15(14)) 4 AD Q,uintum fratrem
20 (11.16(15))
74
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 20 (11.16(15)) 2 3
75
20 (11.16(15)) 5 AD QUINTUM fratrem
5 Sed heus tu! celari videor a te. quo modo nam, mi frater,
de nostris versibus Caesar? nam primum librum se legisse
scripsit ad me ante, et prima sic ut neget se ne Graeca quidem
meliora legisse; reliqua ad quendam locum paflupoTEpa (hoc
enim utitur verbo), dic mihi verum: num aut res eum aut 5
XapocKTqp non delectat? nihil est quod vereare. ego enim ne
pilo quidem minus me amabo, has de re <piAaAf)6«s et, ut
soles [scribere], fraterne.
21 (iii.i)
76
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 21 (ill.l) 2
77
21 (ill. I) 4 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
78
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 21 (ill.l) 6
79
21 (ill. I) 9 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
80
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 21 (ill.l) II
8l
21 (ill. I) 15 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
82
AD QUINT UM FRATREM 21 (ill.l) 17
84
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 21 (ill. I) 24
22 (111.2)
85
22 (ill.2) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
eius diei qui erat tum futurus cum haec scribebam ante 5
lucem, apud Catonem erat divinatio in Gabinium futura
inter Memmium et Ti. Neronem et C. L. Antonios M. f.
putabamus fore ut Memmio daretur, etsi erat Neronis
mira contentio, quid quaeris? probe premitur, nisi noster
Pompeius dis hominibusque invitis negotium everterit. 10
2 Cognosce nunc hominis audaciam et aliquid in re publica
perdita delectare, cum Gabinius quacumque veniebat
triumphum se postulare dixisset subitoque bonus imperator
noctu in urbem hostium plenam invasisset, in senatum se non
committebat, jinterimf ipso decimo die, quo eum oportebat 5
hostiarum numerum et militum renuntiare, irrepsit summa
infrequentia, cum vellet exire, a consulibus retentus est.
introducti publicani, homo undique fatius etf, cum a me
maxime vulneraretur, non tulit et me trementi voce exsulem
appellavit, hic (o di! nihil umquam honorificentius nobis 10
accidit) consurrexit senatus cum clamore ad unum, sic ut ad
corpus eius accederet; pari clamore atque impetu publicani,
quid quaeris? omnes tamquam tu esses ita fuerunt, nihil
hominum sermone foris clarius, ego tamen (me ) teneo ab
accusando, vix mehercule sed tamen teneo, vel quod nolo 15
cum Pompeio pugnare (satis est quod instat de Milone) vel
quod iudices nullos habemus, dwreuyiaa formido, addo
etiam malevolentiam hominum et timeo ne illi me accusante
aliquid accedat; nec despero rem et sine me et non nihil per
me confici posse. 20
86
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 22 (ill.2) 3
23 (ni.3)
Scr. Romae xii Kal. JVov. an. 54
87
23 (ni-3) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
88
AD OUINTUM FRATREM 24 (1II.4) I
24 (111.4)
89
24 (in.4) 3 AD quintum fratrem
90
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 24 (1II.4) 5
25 (iii-5(5-7))
Scr. in Tusculano ex. m. Oct. aut in. m. Nov. an. 54
91
25 (ni-5(5—7)) 2 AD quintum fratrem
92
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 25 (111.5(5-7)) 4
93
25 (m.5 (5—7)) 6 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
94
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 25 (111.5(5-7)) 9
f|Mar’ omopivcp, ote Aa(3poTorrou xeei OSoop
Zeus, ote Sr] p’ avSpEcrcri KOTEcraapEVOS xaVTrf|vq.
cadit enim in absolutionem Gabini:
oi ptr| eIv ayopfj ctkoAiocs xpivcocn 0E|aicrras,
ek 8e 8h<r)v EAacrcocn, Oecov ottiv ouk aAEyovTEs.
9 sed haec non curare decrevi. Romam cum venero, quae
perspexero scribam ad te et maxime de dictatura, et ad
Labienum et ad Ligurium litteras dabo.
Hanc scripsi ante lucem ad lychnuchum ligneolum, qui
mihi erat periucundus quod eum te aiebant, cum esses Sami, 5
curasse faciendum.
Vale, mi suavissime et optime frater.
26 (111.6(8))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Nov. an. 54
95
26 (ill.6(8)) 2 AD QUINTUM FRATREM
96
AD QUINTUM FRATREM 26 (ill.6(8)) 5
negat velle; antea milii ipse non negabat. Hirrus auctor fore
videtur (o di, quam ineptus, quam se ipse amans sine rivali!). 5
Grassum Iunianum, hominem mihi deditum, per me deter¬
ruit. velit nolit scire difficile est; Hirro tamen agente nolle
se non probabit, aliud hoc tempore de re publica nihil
loquebantur; agebatur quidem certe nihil.
5 Serrani, Domiti fili, funus perluctuosum fuit a.d. vm Kal.
Dec. laudavit pater scripto meo.
6 Nunc de Milone: Pompeius ei nihil tribuit et omnia
Guttae dicitque se perfecturum ut in illum Caesar incumbat,
hoc horret Milo nec iniuria; et si ille dictator factus sit, paene
diffidit, intercessorem dictaturae si iuverit manu et praesidio
suo, Pompeium metuit inimicum; si non iuverit, timet ne per 5
vim perferatur, ludos apparat magnificentissimos, sic,
inquam, ut nemo sumptuosiores, stulte bis terque, (vel quia)
non postulatos vel quia munus magnificum dederat vel quia
facultates non erant, vel magis quam ter, quia potuerat
magistrum se, non aedilem, putare. 10
Omnia fere scripsi, cura, mi carissime frater, ut valeas.
27 (111.7(9))
97
27 (111.7(9)) 2 AD quintum fratrem
98
AD OUINTUM FRATREM 27 (111.7(9)) 4
99
27 (111.7(9)) 9 AD OUINTUM fratrem
IOO
M. TULLI CICERONIS AD M. BRUTUM
I (I (ili))
IOI
i (i(n.i)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM
2 (3(n-3))
102
AD M. BRUTUM 2 (3(n.3)) 3
3 Cassius noster Syriam, legiones Syriacas habet, ultro
quidem a Murco et a Marcio et ab exercitu ipso accersitus.
ego scripsi ad Tertiam sororem et matrem ne prius ederent
hoc quod optime ac felicissime gessit Cassius quam tuum
consilium cognovissent tibique visum esset. 5
4 Legi orationes duas tuas, quarum altera Kal. Ian. usus es,
altera de litteris meis, quae habita est abs te contra Calenum,
non scilicet hoc exspectas, dum eas laudem, nescio animi an
ingeni tui maior in his libellis laus contineatur, iam concedo
ut vel Philippici vocentur, quod tu quadam epistula iocans 5
scripsisti.
5 Duabus rebus egemus, Cicero, pecunia et supplemento,
quarum altera potest abs te expediri, ut aliqua pars militum
istinc mittatur nobis vel secreto consilio adversus Pansam
vel actione in senatu; altera quo magis est necessaria, neque
meo exercitui magis quam reliquorum, hoc magis doleo 5
Asiam || nos amisisse; quam sic vexari a Dolabella audio ut
iam non videatur crudelissimum eius facinus interfectio
Treboni. Vetus Antistius me tamen pecunia sublevavit.
6 Cicero, filius tuus, sic mihi se probat industria, patientia,
labore, animi magnitudine, omni denique officio ut prorsus
numquam dimittere videatur cogitationem cuius sit filius,
qua re, quoniam efficere non possum ut pluris facias eum qui
tibi est carissimus, illud tribue iudicio meo ut tibi persuadeas 5
non fore illi abutendum gloria tua ut adipiscatur honores
paternos.
103
3 (2(n.2)) I AD M. BRUTUM
3 (2(11.2))
104
AD M. BRUTUM 4 (4(11.4)) i
4 (4(11.4))
1 Datis mane a.d. 111 Id. Apr. Scaptio litteris eodem die tuas
accepi Kal. Apr. Dyrrachio datas vesperi, itaque mane prid.
Id. Apr., cum a Scaptio certior factus essem non esse eos
profectos quibus pridie dederam et statim ire, hoc paululum
exaravi ipsa in turba matutinae salutationis. 5
2 De Cassio laetor et rei publicae gratulor, mihi etiam qui
repugnante et irascente Pansa sententiam dixerim ut
Dolabellam bello Cassius persequeretur, et quidem audacter
dicebam sine nostro senatus consulto iam illud eum bellum
gerere, de te etiam dixi tum quae dicenda putavi, haec ad 5
te oratio perferetur, quoniam te video delectari Philippicis
nostris.
3 Quod me de Antonio consulis, quoad Bruti exitum cogno-
rimus custodiendum puto, ex his litteris quas mihi misisti,
Dolabella Asiam vexare videtur et in ea se gerere taeterrime,
compluribus autem scripsisti Dolabellam a Rhodiis esse
exclusum; qui si ad Rhodum accessit, videtur mihi Asiam 5
reliquisse, id si ita est, istic tibi censeo commorandum; sin
eam semel cepit, || a t(e) in Asiam censeo persequendum,
nihil mihi videris hoc tempore melius acturus.
4 Quod egere te duabus necessariis rebus scribis, supple¬
mento et pecunia, difficile consilium est. non enim mihi
occurrunt facultates quibus uti te posse videam praeter illas
quas senatus decrevit, ut pecunias a civitatibus mutuas
sumeres, de supplemento autem non video quid fieri possit, 5
tantum enim abest ut Pansa de exercitu suo aut dilectu tibi
aliquid tribuat ut etiam moleste ferat tam multos ad te ire
105
4 (4(n.4)) 5 AD M. BRUTUM
5 (5(n-5))
Scr. Romae xviii (?) Kal. Mai. an. 43
106
AD M. BRUTUM
5(5(n-5)) 2
Voluntas mea, Brute, de summa re publica semper eadem
fuit quae tua, ratio quibusdam in rebus (non enim omnibus)
paulo fortasse vehementior. scis mihi semper placuisse non
rege solum sed regno liberari rem publicam; tu lenius, io
immortali omnino cum tua laude, sed quid melius fuerit
magno dolore sensimus, magno periculo sentimus, recenti
illo tempore tu omnia ad pacem, quae oratione confici non
poterat, ego omnia ad libertatem, qua sine pax nulla est.
pacem ipsam bello atque armis effici posse arbitrabar, studia 15
non deerant arma poscentium, quorum repressimus impetum
2 ardoremque restinximus, itaque res in eum locum venerat ut,
nisi Caesari Octaviano deus quidam illam mentem dedisset,
in potestatem perditissimi hominis et turpissimi M. Antoni
veniendum fu(er)it; quocum vides hoc tempore ipso quod
sit quantumque certamen, id profecto nullum esset, nisi tum 5
conservatus esset Antonius.
Sed haec omitto; res enim a te gesta memorabilis et paene
caelestis repellit omnis reprehensiones, quippe quae ne laude
quidem satis idonea adfici possit, exstitisti nuper vultu
severo; exercitum, copias, legiones idoneas per te brevi 10
tempore comparasti, di immortales! qui ille nuntius, quae
illae litterae, quae laetitia senatus, quae alacritas civitatis
erat! nihil umquam vidi tam omnium consensione laudatum,
erat exspectatio reliquiarum Antoni, quem equitatu legioni¬
busque magna ex parte spoliaras; ea quoque habuit exitum 15
optabilem, nam tuae litterae quae recitatae in senatu sunt
et imperatoris et militum virtutem et industriam tuorum, in
quibus Ciceronis mei, declarant, quod si tuis placuisset de
his litteris referri et nisi in tempus turbulentissimum post
discessum Pansae consulis incidissent, honos quoque iustus et 20
debitus dis immortalibus decretus esset.
3 Ecce tibi Id. Apr. advolat mane Celer Pil(i)us, qui vir, di
107
AD M. BRUTUM
5 (5(n-5)) 4
boni, quam gravis, quam constans, quam bonarum in re
publica partium! hic epistulas adfert duas, unam tuo nomine,
alteram Antoni, dat Servilio tribuno pl., ille Cornuto,
recitantur in senatu, ‘antonius pro consule’: magna 5
admiratio, ut si esset recitatum ‘dolabella imperator’ ;
I08
AD M. BRUTUM 5 (5(n.5)) 6
Dolabellam et quemvis Antoniorum trium? quorum si cui 10
parcimus, duri fuimus in Dolabella, haec ut ita sentiret
senatus populusque Romanus, etsi res ipsa cogebat, tamen
maxima ex parte nostro consilio atque auctoritate perfectum
est. tu si hanc rationem non probas, tuam sententiam defen¬
dam, non relinquam meam, neque dissolutum a te quicquam 15
homines exspectant nec crudele, huius rei moderatio facilis
est, ut in duces vehemens sis, in milites liberalis.
6 Ciceronem meum, mi Brute, velim quam plurimum tecum
habeas, virtutis disciplinam meliorem reperiet nullam quam
contemplationem atque imitationem tui.
6 (8(1.2a))
109
6 (8(1.20)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM
7 (9 (i-3))
Scr. Romae c. xi Kal. Mai. an. 43
I IO
AD M. BRUTUM
7 (9(x-3)) 3
huc venire quam se ad te ire malebat, quo quidem die
magnorum meorum laborum multarumque vigiliarum 5
fructum cepi maximum, si modo est aliquis fructus ex solida
veraque gloria, nam tantae multitudinis quantam capit urbs
nostra concursus est ad me factus, a qua usque in Capitolium
deductus, maximo clamore atque plausu in rostris collocatus
sum. nihil est in me inane, neque enim debet; sed tamen 10
omnium ordinum consensus, gratiarum actio gratulatioque
me commovet propterea quod popularem esse in populi
3 salute praeclarum est. sed haec te malo ab aliis.
Me velim de tuis rebus consiliisque facias diligentissime
certiorem illudque consideres, ne tua liberalitas dissolutior
videatur, sic sentit senatus, sic populus Romanus, nullos
umquam hostis digniores omni supplicio fuisse quam eos 5
civis qui hoc bello contra patriam arma ceperunt, quos
quidem ego omnibus sententiis ulciscor et persequor omnibus
bonis approbantibus, tu quid de hac re sentias, tui iudici est.
ego sic sentio, trium fratrum unam et eandem esse causam.
8 (10 (1.3a))
111
AD M. BRUTUM
9 i'3^-5)) 1
Brutus persequitur et Caesar, hostes autem omnes iudicati 5
qui M. Antoni sectam secuti sunt, itaque id senatus consul¬
tum plerique interpretantur etiam ad tuos sive captivos sive
dediticios pertinere, equidem nihil disserui durius cum
nominatim de C. Antonio decernerem, quod ita statueram,
a te cognoscere causam eius senatum oportere. 10
v Kal. Mai.
9 (13 (i-5))
Scr. Romae iii Non. Mai. an. 43
1 A.d. v Kal. Mai., cum de iis qui hostes iudicati sunt bello
persequendis sententiae dicerentur, dixit Servilius et cetera
de Ventidio et ut Cassius persequeretur Dolabellam, cui cum
essem adsensus, decrevi hoc amplius, ut tu, si arbitrarere
utile exque re publica esse, persequerere bello Dolabellam; 5
si minus id commodo rei publicae facere posses sive non
existimares ex re publica esse, ut in isdem locis exercitum
contineres, nihil honorificentius potuit facere senatus quam
ut tuum esset iudicium quid maxime conducere rei publicae
tibi videretur, equidem sic sentio, si manum habet, si castra, 10
si ubi consistat uspiam Dolabella, ad fidem et ad dignitatem
2 tuam pertinere eum persequi, de Cassi nostri copiis nihil
sciebamus, neque enim ab ipso ullae litterae neque nunti¬
abatur quicquam quod pro certo haberemus, quanto opere
autem intersit opprimi Dolabellam profecto intellegis, cum
ut sceleris poenas persolvat tum ne sit quo se latronum duces 5
ex Mutinensi fuga conferant, atque hoc mihi iam ante
112
AD M. BRUTUM 9 (i3(!-5)) 3
placuisse potes ex superioribus meis litteris recordari, quam¬
quam tum et fugae portus erat in tuis castris et subsidium
salutis in tuo exercitu, quo magis nunc liberati, ut spero,
periculis in Dolabella opprimendo occupati esse debemus, io
sed haec cogitabis diligentius, statues sapienter, facies nos
quid constitueris et quid agas, si tibi videbitur, certiores.
3 Ciceronem nostrum in vestrum collegium cooptari volo,
existimo omnino absentium rationem sacerdotum comitiis
posse haberi; nam et factum est antea. Gaius enim Marius,
cum in Cappadocia esset, lege Domitia factus est augur nec
quo minus id postea liceret ulla lex sanxit, est etiam in lege 5
Iulia, quae lex est de sacerdotiis proxima, his verbis: ‘qui
petet cuiusve ratio habebitur’, aperte indicat posse rationem
haberi etiam non petentis, hac de re scripsi ad eum ut tuo
iudicio uteretur sicut in rebus omnibus, tibi autem statuen¬
dum est de Domitio, de Catone nostro, sed quamvis liceat 10
absentis rationem haberi, tamen omnia sunt praesentibus
faciliora, quod si statueris in Asiam tibi eundum, nulla erit
4 ad comitia nostros accersendi facultas, omnino Pansa vivo
celeriora omnia putabamus, statim enim collegam sibi
subrogavisset; deinde ante praetoria sacerdotum comitia
fuissent, nunc per auspicia longam moram video, dum enim
unus erit patricius magistratus, auspicia ad patres redire non 5
possunt, magna sane perturbatio, tu tota de re quid sentias
velim me facias certiorem.
ni Non. Mai.
”3
IO (11(1.4)) 1 AD M. BRUTUM
IO (n (1.4))
II (l2 (1.4a))
Ep. 11] novam ep. initio carentem constituit Schmidt: cum superiore coniungunt
codd. 1, 1 (hoc) agendum Lambinus: caue- Becher 3 cura add.
Becher 2, 5 maxima 6: -me Q 6 prudenter (agendo) s' 10 a
add. Lambinus profectum (culpant) (reprehendunt mallem) Sedgwick
12 exemplo V: -lum Q 14 escendisse scripsi: ext(exc- G)en- GJVRM:
ascen- EF6 15 escensurum EG: es censurus R: excessurum V:
assens- N: descens- A: ascens- Manutius
ii (12(1.40)) 4 AD M- brutum
12 (14 (1.6))
116
AD M. BRUTUM I2(l4(l.6)) 3
13(6 (1.1))
Scr. Romae c. Id. Mai. an. 43
II7
13 (6(l.l)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM
14 (7 (1.2))
118
AD M. BRUTUM 14 (7(1.2)) 2
arbitratus est, cum tu feof quinque legiones, optimum
equitatum, maxima auxilia haberes ? quas quidem cohortis
spero iam tuas esse, quoniam latro ille tam fuit demens.
2 tuum consilium vehementer laudo quod non prius exercitum
Apollonia Dyrrachioque movisti quam de Antoni fuga
audisti, Bruti eruptione, populi Romani victoria, itaque quod
scribis post ea statuisse te ducere exercitum in Chersonesum
nec pati sceleratissimo hosti ludibrio esse imperium populi 5
Romani, facis ex tua dignitate et ex re publica.
3 Quod scribis de seditione quae facta est in legione quarta
de(cima fraude) C. Antoni, (sed in bonam partem accipies)
magis mihi probatur militum severitas quam tua * *'*.
15 (16 (1.8))
16 (19 (i-”))
Scr. in castris m. Iun. an. 43
120
AD M. BRUTUM 17 (l8(l.I0) I
17 (18 (1.10))
121
17 (l8(l.I0)) 3 AD M. BRUTUM
122
AD M. BRUTUM 17 (l8(l.Io)) 5
18 (17 (i-9))
Scr. Romae ex. m. Iun., ut vid., an. 43
123
18 (i7(j-9)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM
J9 (15 (1.7))
124
AD M. BRUTUM *9 (i5(i-7)) 2
20 (21 (1.13))
*25
20 (2l(l.I3)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM
21 (20 (1.12))
126
AD M. BRUTUM 21 (20(l.I2)) 2
127
22 (22(1.14)) I AD M. BRUTUM
22 (22 (1.14))
128
AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) I
11 Id. Quint.
23 (23 (1.15))
Scr. Romae m. Qiiint. an. 43
129
23 (23(1.15)) 3 AD M- brutum
et virtus illius non minus quam mihi nota est et haec ipsa
studia quae laudo notiora, quem cum a me dimittens
graviter ferrem, hoc levabar uno, quod ad te tamquam ad 5
alterum me proficiscens et officio fungebatur et laudem
maximam sequebatur, sed haec hactenus.
3 Venio nunc longo sane intervallo ad quandam epistulam
qua mihi multa tribuens unum reprehendebas quod in
honoribus decernendis essem nimius et tamquam prodigus,
tu hoc, alius fortasse quod in animadversione poenaque
durior, nisi forte utrumque tu. quod si ita est, utriusque rei 5
meum iudicium studeo tibi esse notissimum, neque solum
ut Solonis dictum usurpem, qui et sapiens unus fuit ex
septem et legum scriptor solus ex septem: is rem publicam
contineri duabus rebus dixit, praemio et poena, est scilicet
utriusque rei modus, sicut reliquarum, et quaedam in 10
4 utroque genere mediocritas, sed non tanta de re propositum
est hoc loco disputare; quid ego autem secutus hoc bello sim
in sententiis dicendis aperire non alienum puto.
Post interitum Caesaris et vestras memorabilis Idus
Martias, Brute, quid ego praetermissum a vobis quantamque 5
impendere rei publicae tempestatem dixerim non es oblitus,
magna pestis erat depulsa per vos, magna populi Romani
macula deleta, vobis vero parta divina gloria, sed instru¬
mentum regni delatum ad Lepidum et Antonium, quorum
alter inconstantior, alter impurior, uterque pacem metuens, 10
inimicus otio, his ardentibus perturbandae rei publicae
cupiditate quod opponi posset praesidium non habebamus,
erexerat enim se civitas in retinenda libertate consentiens;
5 <sed> nos tum nimis acres <visi>, vos fortasse sapientius
excessistis urbe ea quam liberaratis, Italiae sua vobis studia
profitenti remisistis, itaque cum teneri urbem a parricidis
130
AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) 6
8, 6 larentiae GM: lau(e)r- EJVVR5 cui vos Manutius: uos cuius fi:
cuius vos Pius 9 (haud) paulo Manutius 10 per eos Crat. 12
reprehendet Orelli: -dit fi 9, 10 sit JVRS: sic EGVM 15 iuuandam
ER: -dum GNVA
132
AD M. BRUTUM 23 (23(1.15)) II
133
23 (23(1.15)) :3 AD M- brutum
24 (26 (1.18))
134
AD M. BRUTUM 24 (26(1.18)) 4
r35
25 (24(l.l6)) I AD M. BRUTUM
vi Kal. Sext.
25 (24 (1.16))
136
AD M. BRUTUM 25 (24(1.16)) 3
137
25 (24(1.16)) 5 AD M. BRUTUM
138
AD M. BRUTUM 25 (24(l.l6)) 7
J39
25 (24(1.16)) 9 AD M. BRUTUM
140
AD M. BRUTUM 26(25(l.17)) I
26 (25 (1.17))
5 praeteritam VR: -\t\ Aldus nepos 6 lacunam statui quia] quin Orelli
11 tute vel tu ERMm: tu GVPbds
Ep. 26] 1, 15 imitetur scripsi: -tatur fi 16 iactamus U6: -tatur GNR:
-tantur E: de M non liquet
26 (25(1.17)) 2 AD M. BRUTUM
142
AD M. BRUTUM 26 (25(1.17)) 5
143
26 (25(1.17)) 7 AD M- brutum
144
COMMENTARY
.
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. i(l.l) I
i (i. i)
1 There is no saying what; for a guess cf. E. Fallu, Rev. des et. lat. 48
(1970), i8off.
147
Q.fr. i(l.l) 2 COMMENTARY
Perhaps Cicero had in fact written a shorter letter immediately after the
news, but found it artistically better to pretend that this one represented
his first thoughts. That would explain why he omits the reference to
other people’s letters desiderated by Ernesti. The reader would have been
prompted to ask ‘Why was Cicero not the first to write?’
2 denique With only one item preceding, as in 7 (ii.3).2 omnia
maledicta, versus denique and Pis. 45 nemo bonus, nemo denique civis, et ah; cf.
Sjogren, Comm. Tull. i2of.
3 annum tertium Three years was an unusually long term in a
praetorian province, unprecedented in Asia, as far as we know. Verres
is a notorious parallel.
5 molestiae Cicero naturally makes the most of Quintus’ desire to
be relieved of his post, evidence of upright administration and not typical
of Roman governors (cf. Fam. 20 (1.9).25 fin.). However, Att. 36 (n. 16).4
shows that it was not an invention of his own.
10 praetoribus The Praetors were assigned provinces before the
end of their year of office by lot from a list determined by the Senate
(A. 1, 305 (praetores); F. 1, 277 (sortitione vestra)). No doubt Asia was con¬
sidered a plum and they wanted it included.
2, 4 maximis in rebus Quintus too had had a role in the Catili-
narian affair, though a minor one.
11 negotiatorum Bad characters like Paconius and Tuscenius
below, who found Quintus too strict.
3, 2-3 ut hoc.. .corrigatur If Quintus’ third year enhanced his
reputation, Cicero’s mistake would have turned out for the best.
4 ad.. .audiendi ‘To all sections of good repute’, i.e. ‘to gaining
approval in all respects’; not ‘to win “golden opinions from all sorts of
people” ’.
5 ut...certes So Pliny in a letter inspired by this (vm.24.8):
accedit quod tibi certamen est tecum: onerat te quaesturae tuae fama, sqq.
6-7 excellentis.. .rebus Watt’s conjecture excellendi . . . generibus
is decidedly attractive; see app. erit.
4, 3 erigas te is still the object (not ‘sc. animum')] cf. 3(1.3).5 erige te
et confirma, negotiis goes with resistas as well as occurras.
8-9 quod. . .prorogatam ‘Because I should realize that it also
meant an extension of fortune’s power over ourselves.’
5, 7 seditionem exercitus Such as had been the downfall, most
recently and notoriously, of L. Lucullus.
11 tranquillitas The simile continues as a metaphor; cf. Housman
on Luc. vn. 125.
148
COMMENTARY Q.fr. I (i. I ) 6
149
Q_.fr. i(l.l) II COMMENTARY
should implicitly rank Lucceius (if indeed his work had been published
in Latin) below Sisenna, an author for whom he had no great esteem.
Apparently he did not think very much of Tubero either; cf. Leg. 1.7
Sisenna... omnis adhuc nostros scriptores, nisi qui forte nondum ediderunt, de
quibus existimare non possumus, facile superavit.
10 Allienus A. iv, 422; F. 11, 439. Perhaps to be identified with Q.
Caecilius’ subscriptor in Div. in Caec. 48; see Studies, 8. The spelling with
two Ts is normal in inscriptions.
11 Gratidio M. Gratidius (Flacc. 49) was doubtless a grandson of
his namesake, whose sister was Cicero’s paternal grandmother. They
were thus second cousins.
12 certo scio T am sure.’ For the meaning of this common
Ciceronian expression, which is not to be learned from dictionaries, see
F. 1, 278.
11, 1 quaestorem We do not know who he was; evidently not a
relative or friend, like the three Legates.
2 sors Cf. Mur. 18 consedit utriusque nomen in quaestura, nullum enim
vobis sors campum dedit in quo excurrere virtus cognoscique posset. In Fam. 116
(11.19). i ad eam necessitudinem quam nobis fors (sors R, vulg.) tribuisset I
followed the Mediceus.
11 [inter hos] hos (see app. erit.) cannot refer ‘generally to the
ministros mentioned above’, since §§10 and 11, from quamquam legatos on,
concern only publicly appointed subordinates (Legates and Quaestor);
cf. Madvig, Adv. 111, 193: ‘manifestissimum est mendum hic subesse, quod
obscuriore indicio aliquis suspicari posset vel ex hoc concursu insuavi
pronominum hos eos quos.’ I have suggested (SB1 34) that internos (actually
read by Kasten) may have been a marginal note on quos vero, sqq. to
mark the transition from state to private appointments.
11—12 negotiorum Governed by both the preceding substantives.
12, 1-3 aut... voluisti ‘Or those whom you have chosen to
accompany you from your personal entourage or as necessary staff.’
apparitionibus covers lictors etc., who for the most part would not have
done their current jobs for Quintus in Rome. Therefore in is to be read
for ex; cf. §17 sit in domesticis rebus et privatis.
3 qui. . . solent The humbler members of the governor’s staff, such
as lictors, though commonly included in the cohors praetoria (or amicorum;
cf. A. hi, 285), were not on the same footing as his personal friends (who
are included in ex domesticis convictionibus). Hence quasi.
6 facile diligere Cf. Att. 125 (vn.2)-3 et mehercule est quern facile
diligas.
13, 1-2 id quod audiunt I.e. ‘that is spoken aloud’.
3 anulus ‘Seal-ring.’
150
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. I (i.l) 14
!52
COMMENTARY Q.fr. I (i.l) 22
153
Q_.fr. I (i.l) 23 COMMENTARY
154
COMMENTARY Q.fr. I (i.l) 28
8-9 nescio quonam modo Sc. accipiatur, quo (susp. Ernesti) would
give the meaning ‘somehow or other’.
10 templum See A. hi, 235 (fana).
17 dignitas ‘Desert.’
18 lex Cornelia de provinciis rather than Quintus’ edict, as Constans
thought.
20 quibus. . .liceret ‘Who had lost what nobody owed them and
what they had no right to take’ (not ‘who had earned no such honour’).
This of course refers to the vectigal.
28, 3 inertiae aut levitatis ‘Indolence or frivolity.’ A Roman’s
devotion to Greek culture might invite such aspersions, but Cicero’s
career gave them the lie. ‘The bad side of the Greek character’ is not
involved.
4 studiis et artibus ‘Pursuits and accomplishments’, not ‘prin¬
ciples and qualities’ (!).
9 expromere ‘Exhibit’, not ‘exercise’.
29, 1 Flato Rep. 473D.
4 collocarent Ernesti was right: ‘Pro vulg. collocassent edidi
collocarent, necessario, nam si vulgatum verum esset, nihil hoc differret a
priori docti ac sapientes homines-, sed Cicero exprimit illud quod alibi sic
dictum est: si aut philosophi imperarent, aut imperantes philosopharentur.’
Conceivably the fault lies with the author.
6 aliquando In 63; cf. Leg. in. 14 fin.
10 (positum) Cf. Off. 1.78 in quibus. . .plus. . .operae studique ponendum
est, 11.2 in ea [sc. philosophia\ tantum me operae et temporis ponere, et sim.
30, 2-3 idem. . .videatur ‘May also appear in the light of an
extension granted for the salvation of Asia.’
8 honoribus Temples, statues, complimentary decrees; see below
and cf. Fam. 373 (xii.25).2 te. . . provinciae que honoribus amplissimis adfectum
vehementer gaudeo.
tuendis ‘Living up to.’ So below and in §43 and often {A. hi, 280).
31, 3 temporis causa ‘For opportunistic reasons.’
8 virtutes Inscriptions in temples would celebrate these.
10 hominum opinionibus Cf. Cluent. 79 iam praetorem opinionibus
hominum [omnium Clark!] constitutum; Verr. 11.1.60 quae est opinio hominum
de Antonio falsa, et sim. omnium (Ursinus) is uncalled-for.
32, 9-10 <diligentem>...facilem diligentem having dropped out
after rationem, facilem was transposed to rescue the syntax. The new
reading restores rhetorical structure, yielding three balanced pairs, and
is demanded by sense; cf. §21 facilitas in audiendo, lenitas in decernendo, in
satis faciendo ac disputando diligentia-, Brut. 246 in causis cognoscendis compo-
nendisque diligens.
*55
Q_.fr. I (i.l) 33 COMMENTARY
156
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. I (i.l) 36
J57
Q_.fr. I (l.l)42 COMMENTARY
26 (24). 10 fateor enim duriorem esse condicionem spectatae virtutis quam inco¬
gnitae: bene facta pro debitis exigimus; quae aliter eveniunt, ut decepti ab iis,
infesto animo reprehendimus.
42, 1 theatrum Cf. F. 1, 477 and Tuse. 11.64 nullum theatrum virtuti
conscientia maius est.
4 significationes ‘Demonstrations’ (£Triar)|Jiaaiai); cf. 19 (11.15).
2 and Sest. 122 quae tum significatio fuerit omnium. . .equidem audiebam.
6 his rebus. . .illa omnia his rebus has generally been interpreted
as Quintus’ position or performance in Asia. But his refers to Rome, i.e.
to Cicero’s achievements (res gestae) as Consul, ilia omnia = ‘all that has
ever been achieved in Asia’ (Cary). An elaboration of the point follows.
43, 3 nemini...ceteros I.e. nullius parti. . .ceterorum partes (com¬
paratio compendiaria).
4 reliqua et sperata ‘Hoped for in the future.’
5-6 quae. . .tuenda est ‘And we are more bound to live up to it
than we were to seek it’; cf. Sail. lug. 31.17 quo maius dedecus est parta
amittere quam omnino non paravisse.
10 istinc ‘From out there.’ Quintus’ achievements answer Cicero’s
from afar.
13 adiuvisti Not a reference to the Commentariolum petitionis, as T.-P.
unwarrantably think probable; cf. above quorum tu omnium particeps fuisti.
15 utendum ‘Take account of.’
44, 4 monumentis Quintus’ literary work, especially perhaps the
Annales mentioned in Att. 36 (ii.i6).4. This was probably a poem more
Enniano; cf. Miinzer, RE viia. 1305.47.
7 (non) modo or solum are not needed; cf. K.-S. 11, 66. The omission
of non is defended with other passages in the letters, such as Att. 60
(hi. 15).5 hic mihi primum meum consilium defuit, sed etiam obfuit (cf. K.-S.
l.c.; T.-P. 1, p. 392). In these, however, sed {etiam) may be regarded as
introducing an afterthought. Not so here, with ea. . . liberis nostris
preceding. On the whole it seems safer to make the addition; cf. Att. 92
(iv.i8).2 non modo (2xZb A: om. M) sucum ac sanguinem, sed etiam colorem
et speciem pristinam civitatis, which also differs essentially from passages like
Att. 60 (in. 15).5 and where also editors would doubtless still be following
M but for the improved evaluation of the MSS due to Lehmann.
45, 2 currentem incitasse A. in, 204.
7 domus Juv. 1.7 is quoted: nota magis nulli domus est sua quam mihi
lucus I Martis. But here the meaning may rather be ‘household’, since it
is the people, not the place, that count.
12-13 tua longissima quaque epistula Cf. Att. 420 (xvi.ii).2
cui. . .epistula (tua) longissima quaeque optima videtur', Fam. 192 (vn.33).2 sic
statuas, tuas mihi litteras longissimas quasque gratissimas fore. According to
158
COMMENTARY Q.fr. I (i.l) 46
T.-P. the sentence contains an unmistakable intimation that this letter
is designed as a sort of repayment for the Commentariolum!
46, 4 ftamquam tertiusf In view of what precedes, tertius actus
could only apply to the last act of a play; cf. Sen. 5 extremum actum [sc.
aetatis] tamquam ab inerti poeta esse neglectum, 64 ii mihi videntur fabulam
aetatis peregisse nec tamquam inexercitati histriones in extremo actu corruisse.
Apuleius (Flor. 16, Helm p. 24.21) says that the third act of a comedy
was as a rule especially effective: cumque iam in tertio actu, quod genus in
comoedia fieri amat, lucundiores adjectus moveret. But the Horatian rule (A.P.
189) that a play must have five acts seems to have been valid for New
Comedy; see Brink ad loc. Thus it appears necessary to take tamquam
tertius (actus) as an import from the margin (Constans) or to read tamquam
ultimus (actus}, ultimus could have been thus replaced after tertius
preceding.
6-8 tecum. . .interesse Cf. Att. 116 (vi.2).8 tu, cuius mehercule os
mihi ante oculos solet versari cum de aliquo officio ac laude cogito.
2 (1.2)
159
Q.fr. 2 (l.2) 5 COMMENTARY
l6l
Q_.fr. 2 (ii.2) 9 COMMENTARY
rather too harsh a comment (cf. i (i.i)-4-o), but perhaps Cicero deliber¬
ately left it to Quintus to take the word whichever way he liked.
2 tamen If quantum is understood positively, this implies: ‘even
though you have already paid heed to my admonitions, yet I ask you to
do so now.’
4 successorem Not C. Fabius (the cognomen ‘Hadrianus’ is not
attested for him; see Miinzer, RE vi. 1744.61) but, apparently, T.
Ampius Balbus; cf. F. 1, 372. The characterization of him is not quite
what might have been expected from other notices.
4-5 cetera...requirentur ‘For the rest, your qualities will be
greatly to seek after his arrival.’ cetera — ceterum-, or perhaps the latter
should be read (cf. Thes. 111.973.38). Not ‘all your other characteristics’
(Cary; Quintus was not perblandus), unless Cicero wrote loosely meaning
‘your other characteristics, apart from your roughness of speech’.
6 exorabilem Quintus was too ready to accommodate people by
sending out official letters at their request. The case of Fundanius in §10
was in point.
tolle ‘Remove’, i.e. ‘have destroyed’.
8 scriptas Already drafted by the interested parties.
11 selectarum Presumably by Quintus’ ill-wishers. Catienus (§6)
seems to have possessed such a selection.
9, 1-2 hoc de genere I.e. de litteris mittendis.
4 Theopompo Perhaps an unknown freedman rather than
Caesar’s friend Theopompus of Cnidus (A. v, 361); but cf. 15. (11.1 Q4.
mandavi shows that he had been in Rome (not ‘j’ai ecrit’).
11 Sulla Attested as a slave-name in an inscription dated to this
year (Degrassi, Inscr. Lat. liberae rei publicae, 200). The name is Greek;
cf. RE s.v. SuAAas and Josephus, Vit. 398. My proposal Simia is accord¬
ingly withdrawn in Studies, 68.
10, 1 tempore ipso Sc. scribebam.
2 tenerem Sc. in manibus-, cf. Att. 22 (n.2).2 rfsAArivouGOV in manibus
tenebam, texerem, referring to the process of composition, hardly suits an
informal letter like this.
L. Flavius An adherent of Pompey (A. 1, 333).
5 L. Octavi Nasonis Evidently a resident of Apollonis in Lycia.
6 C. Fundanio Probably a client of Cicero’s in 66 or 65 (fragments
of the speech survive); cf. Comm. Petit. 19. Miinzer (RE sub nom.)
favours identification with Varro’s father-in law (R.R. 1.2.1) and with a
Tribune of 72, C. Fundanius C.f.
12 iudicare Rarely of a magistrate’s decision, though cf. Dom. 45
ut ter ante magistratus accuset intermissa die quam multam irroget aut iudicet. In
this context an informal arbitrary judgement seems to be implied. Cf.,
162
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 2 (l.2) II
163
Q_.fr. 2 (l.2) 14 COMMENTARY
164
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 2 (l.2) l6
Coelius Caldus {F. 1, 427); cf. Linderski, Stud. Ed. Volterra (1969), 11,
288f. n. 42.
4 Gabinium A. 1. 361. He had been elected Consul with Pompey’s
backing. The elections in 59 had been postponed by Bibulus till October
{Att. 41 (n.2i).5). In Sest. 18 Cicero alleges that Gabinius made a boast
of having been rescued from the bribery charge by gangs {operis).
5 praetores The prosecution should have begun with a postulatio
before the Praetor in charge of the quaestio de ambitu (cf. Earn. 88 (vm.6). 1).
Who this was in 59 is uncertain. Gruen, Last generation, 291 n. 122,
suggests T. Ampius Balbus or Q_. Fufius Calenus. The plural implies that
if the appropriate Praetor was not available a colleague might act in his
stead; but in this instance none of them was willing to do so. Perhaps
they objected that there would not be enough time to conclude the case
before 1 January.
6- 7 privatum dictatorem I.e. Dictator in all but name, ‘an
unofficial Dictator’.
7- 8 propius. . .occideretur Cf. A. iv, 403.
16, 1 nostrae.. .causae In the prospective conflict with Clodius.
6 dixerit Sc. Clodius.
9 vi resistamus Cf. Sest. 39 vim vi depulsam, et sim.
13 regum The ‘Triumvirs’; cf. A. 1, 368.
14-15 quibus... deminuam Tfl take their word, I do not on that
account relax my preparations in the slightest.’ Cf. Liv. xxvin.44.7
quorum ego Jidei ita innitar ut bene tutus a perfidia sim.
16 amici With the exception, as went without saying, of Clodius
himself; cf. on 24 (in.4).6. But at least one of the Tribunes-Designate,
Aelius Ligus, supported Clodius in office. The other eight promulgated
a law for Cicero’s recall (A. 11, 159 {octo)). Note that L. Antistius (Vetus)
has to be transferred to 56 {Studies, 1 iff.).
consules Piso and Gabinius.
praetores They were a disappointment from Cicero’s point of view,
though less conspicuously so than the Consuls; cf. 4 (1.4).4 alienatio
consulum, etiam praetorum.
17-18 Domitium... Lentulum L. Domitius Ahenobarbus {A. 1,
295), P. Nigidius Figulus {A. 1, 354),C. Memmius {A. 1, 331), L. Cornelius
Lentulus Crus {A. ni, 274). A friendly intimation by the first named is
mentioned in Att. 60 (in. 15).6.
18 alios See Broughton’s list. One of them was the L. Flavius of the
foregoing letter.
19 qua re... bonam Accidental senarius.
20 gerentur It is easier to change a letter than to put a comma
after rebus and take quae (sc. res) as interrogative. Editors do neither.
165
Q.fr. 3 (1.3) I COMMENTARY
3 (i-3)
Exiled from Italy, Cicero reached Thessalonica on 23 May 58 and
remained there close on ten months. This letter was written on the same
day as Att. 54 (hi.9), 13 June.
1, 1 mi frater On the triplication see Leumann-Hofmann-
Szantyr, p. 811.
5 tua.. .invidia ‘Your unpopularity’, rather than‘jealousy of you’
with reference to Hortensius and the like, despite Ait. 54 (111.9).2 nos non
inimici sed invidi perdiderunt.
10-11 me.. .nolui Cf. the contemporaneous letter to Atticus, §1.
14-15 spirantis mortui The ‘living corpse’ motif goes back at
least as far as Sophocles {Ant. 1167; Philoct. 1018).
16-18 utinam... reliquissem I.e. ‘would that I had died with
my standing unimpaired, leaving you behind’.
16 prius ‘Before this happened’: not ‘before your departure for
Asia’.
aut audisses aut is corrective (cf. F. 11, 360). If Cicero had chosen
death in February/March, Quintus would not have seen his corpse.
2, 8 alienissimis ‘Total strangers’; cf. on Fam. 98 (viii.I2).2 homini
alienissimo.
10 iracundiae causam Lit. ‘a reason consisting in anger’; cf.
Phil. 1.28 nec erit iustior in senatum non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis, where,
however, causa = ‘excuse’. Cicero may have written iracundiam causae,
but not iracundiam in causa (F. 1, 294).
3, 5 suavitate, sqq. ‘Sic esse legendum veritas et ratio probat’
(Lambinus; contra Gruter, ‘qua emendatione nihil frigidius’). Watt and
others read from Lambinus’ margin suavitate [prope] fratrem prope aequalem.
But suavitas is not a matter of age; a younger brother should be suavis
whether the difference is one year or ten. Moreover prope aequalem
disturbs the rhetorical balance, suavitate [prope fratrem prope\ aequalem
(Tyrrell) would imply that suavitas is less naturally associated with a
brother than with a friend. Note that aequalis is far more common as
noun than as adjective, and cf. Plane. 29 amat vero ut sodalem, ut fratrem, ut
aequalem. Of course it can be objected to Lambinus’ reading that aetate
prope aequalem is not in strict correspondence with the other three terms
in the series, and it cannot be regarded as certain; but cf. F. 1, 375
{propinqui).
7-9 quid quod.. .quod Cf. Pis. 89 (Watt).
10-11 ferus ac ferreus Tib. 1.10.2 is quoted: quam ferus et vere
ferreus ille fuit!
13 tuam Granted the possibility that Quintus junior bore a close
166
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 3 (1.3) 4
167
Q.fr. 3 (1.3) 8 COMMENTARY
4 (i-4)
Written shortly after news of the elections in Rome and about the same
time as Att. 59 (m.13) of 5 August.
1, 2-3 imprudentiae miseriaeque ‘My unwisdom and hapless
plight’ rather than a hendiadys, ‘my pitiable shortsightedness’.
5 intimus Atticus, the most intimate of Cicero’s friends, can hardly
be entirely excluded. On Cicero’s dissatisfaction with his behaviour
during the crisis see A. 1, igff. But Cicero would not seriously have
charged him with treachery or selfish cowardice.
8 cautum meum consilium Cicero had confided too much in his
friends’ loyalty, aul is not logically necessary, since both the loyalty and
the wariness were lacking, but may well be right.
168
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 4 (1.4) 2
2, 2 molestia A prosecution.
4 Sestius One of the Tribunes-Elect (A. 11, 154^).
Piso Cicero’s son-in-law, Quaestor this year (A. 1, 188).
7-8 dominatione obtrectatorum I.e. dominantibus obtrectatoribus,
the attributive genitive standing in place of an adjective (K.-S. 1, 780).
3, 3 Curtius M. Curtius Peducaeanus (F. 1, 479b).
Fadius T. Fadius, Cicero’s Quaestor in 63 (A. n, 161; F. 1, 350,
486).
Atilius Since no Gratidius was Tribune in 57, a copyist is presum¬
ably at fault. The true name, as suggested in Cl. Rev. 12 (1962), 195,
will be Atilius (Sex. Atilius Serranus Gavianus, a connexion of Cato’s;
cf. A. 11, 171; Studies, 35b), palaeographically superior to the vulgate
Fabricius and intrinsically at least as good. To the first point I cited
Flor. 111.6.9, where atilius became gratillus or gratillius in the MSS, and
to the second Red. ad quir. 12 quem ego maximis beneficiis quaestorem consul
ornaram and Sest. 72 ineunt magistratum tribuni pi., qui omnes se de me promul¬
gaturos conjirmarant. Cicero was not to know that the object of his favours
would later join the opposition.
4, 2-3 quid tu igitur? ‘What about yourself then?’, i.e. ‘How did
you look at the situation, apart from what others may have said?’ Not
‘Why did you go then?’, as though haec. . .rediturus gave a reason for
staying.
3 quid? ‘Myself?’ Cicero echoes the supposed question. This is to
be distinguished from the ordinary use of quid? to introduce a question.
5 consulum, etiam praetorum Of 58; cf. 2 (1.2). 16.
timor publicanorum Cicero resentfully remembered the ingrati¬
tude, as he saw it, of the publicani at the crisis; cf. Att. 115 (vi.i).i6 fin.,
116 (vi.2).5.
5-6 {servorum) arma Cf. Alii. 73 civem. . .servorum armis extermi¬
navit, 36 cum maerentibus vobis urbe cessi, iudiciumne timui, non servos, non arma,
non vim? ibid, servorum et egentium civium etfacinerosorum armis meos civis. . .
pro me obici nolui; Pis. 23 cum servorum dilectus haberetur in foro, arma in
templum Castoris luce palam comportarentur, ibid, cum civis.. .nullo more
servitio atque armis pelleretur.
7 {tuendam) Cf. Off. 1.17 modum quendam et ordinem adhibentes hone¬
statem et decus conservabimus; Rose. Am. 114 honestatem omnem amitteret; Off.
in. 116 si honestatem ( = honestum) tueri ac relinere sententia est.
10 {et) laborem Cf. A. 1, 398 {et prudentia), et al. (on asyndeton
bimembre).
5, 3 tua interesse Sc. ut retineam.
3-4 ad spem servandam ‘To be preserved in hope of better
things’; cf. 3 (1.3).6 diutius quam aut tuum tempus aut firma spes postulabit.
169
Q_.fr. 5 (il.l) I COMMENTARY
The omission of ad, which Watt suggests had something to do with quo
for quaod above, somewhat simplifies the syntax, but perhaps the paradosis
is tenable. For ad spem (sc. revertendi) cf. Phil xi.4 qui. . .vexaret urbis non ad
spem constituendae rei familiaris. . .sed ad praesentem pastum mendicitatis suae.
5 Lentulum P. Lentulus Spinther (A. 11, 158).
6 quamquam. . .difficiliora I.e. encouraging words (from Lentu¬
lus) will not necessarily be followed up with positive action, sed non
(= seth) in GNM is doubtless a mere misreading of sunt.
6-7 tu...videbis ‘You will see both what the situation requires
and what it is.’
8 omnino ‘To be sure.’
8-9 si. . .despexerit I.e. ‘if you are subjected to a prosecution’;
cf. Att. 179 (ix.2) .2 a quo impurissime haec nostra fortuna despecta est. dispexerit,
read by T.-P., is absurd: Cicero’s exile and the fact that Quintus was
deprived of his brother’s support (tuam solitudinem) were obvious to
everybody.
11 non.. .agetur Quintus will not be expelled by armed force like
his brother, so that he can hope to save himself by his own efforts. The
implication perceived by T.-P. that ‘Quintus was better in the field than
in the law courts’ (had he seen any military service?) is illusory.
12 omnibus (rebus) Cf. 3 (1.3). 10 fin. (Watt). The addition is not
absolutely necessary (F.n, 359 (omnium)).
5 (n.i)
170
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 5 (il.l) I
perhaps et duo consules designati; see Att. 260 (xn.2i).i below) at the end
of the list. Cicero mentions himself first apart from the rest (therefore et),
who then follow with the Consuls-Designate first, because they were the
first to speak, then the Consulars in order of seniority. The Designates
are reckoned as Consulars because they spoke consulari loco. This is
acceptable, though in two other such lists Designates are named after
Consulars: Att. 260 (xn.2i).i etiam Silani, Murenae, designatorum consulum
(in the MSS etiam comes before the last Consular, M'. Glabrionis;
transp. Boot) and Phil. 11.12 D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui tum erant consules
designati.
The Designates in 57 were Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus and L. Marcius
Philippus. The five Consulars whose names follow held office in 79, 73,
66, 66, and 67 respectively. Sternkopf explains Glabrio’s appearance
after his two successors in office as a little lapse which Cicero did not
think it necessary to correct. But the names may be in order of speaking,
as probably in Att. l.c. (see Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 83 (1979), 282), where
also Glabrio comes last, after several juniors. On the spelling of Volcacius’
name see F. 1, 295.
The Senate had been convoked by one of the new board of Tribunes,
which had entered office on 10 December, P. Rutilius Lupus (A. iv,
350), a supporter of Pompey (cf. Fam. 12 (i.i)-3). He was now calling in
question Caesar’s lex Campana, thus raising doubts about Pompey’s
current attitude towards his confederate. And where were the Consuls ?
Lentulus Spinther may have left for his province of Cilicia (Crassus set
out for Syria in November 55; cf. Att. 87 (iv. 13).2). But according to
Dio, Metellus Nepos was in Rome (see on §2 below). Perhaps he was ill.
It does not seem likely that the Consuls were precluded from attending
a meeting convoked by a Tribune; at any rate this was not so a hundred
years later; cf. Dio lx. 16.8.
8 causam agri Campani See A. 1, 381. As to the situation at this
point see further on 10 (ii.6).i.
9 silentio Silence could indicate approval, or at any rate the
absence of opposition; cf. 7 (n.3).3 auditus est magno silentio malevolorum;
Fam. 16 (1.5A). 1 inimicorum magno silentio est accusatus. But see Marcellinus’
disclaimer below.
materiam rei Simply ‘the material’; not ‘What fine materials for
a speech!’
10 actionibus Relating to Rullus’ agrarian bill in 63; cf. especially
Leg. agr. 11.76fF. on the ager Campanus.
11 Gellium A lieutenant of Clodius, brother of L. Gellius Poplicola,
cos. 72 (A. 11, 174Q.
14 conviciis ‘Outcries.’
Q.fr. 5 (ii. I) 2 COMMENTARY
172
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 6 (ll.2) I
to C. Antistius Vetus, quaest. pro pr. 45 and cos. suff. 30, under whose
father Caesar had served as Quaestor. Caesar’s supposed Quaestor in 61
is a myth; see Studies, 11 ff.
7 ibatur I.e. Marcellinus’ motion would have been carried but for
Clodius’ filibuster. A discessio cannot actually have begun, but the
sententiae as far as Clodius, who spoke among the tribunicii, were running
in favour.
7-8 diem dicendo eximere ‘Talk out the sitting’; cf. Tull. 6 non
vereor ne dicendo dies eximatur-, Att. 75 (iv.3).3 Metellus calumnia dicendi
tempus exemit, whence Sjogren’s conjecture (Comm. Tull. 131). The Senate
rose before dark.
8 furebat Racilius’ defiant and witty attack infuriated Clodius.
Watt and others read inurbaneque, perhaps rightly. The adverbs will then
have been used by Clodius. But urbane suits furebat; a witty insult is more
exasperating than mere rudeness.
9-10 Graecostasi A platform near the Senate House on which
foreign envoys waited for audience (Varro L.L. v.155).
10 gradibus Sc. curiae.
11 Q. Sextilium Possibly the expropriated Pompeian of Att. 360
(xiv.6).i, whose name, however, was Sestullius. See addenda.
16 Plancius Cn. Plancius, who befriended Cicero in 58 (A. x, 299).
17-18 de mense Decembri Tn mid December’; cf. de nocte, de die.
6 (11.2)
173
Q.fr. 6 (ii.2) 2 COMMENTARY
7 (n.3)
174
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 7 (1I.3) 2
!75
Q_.fr. 7 (n-3) 3 COMMENTARY
accensum solitum [turn] esse iubere ubi ei videbatur horam esse tertiam, inclamare
horam tertiam esse, itemque meridiem et horam nonam. In February the daylight
hours contained about fifty minutes.
11 denique See on i (i. i).i.
176
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 7 (1I.3) 4
177
Q_.fr. 7 (ii.3) 6 COMMENTARY
178
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 7 (1I.3) 7
179
Q,.fr. 8 (ii.4) I COMMENTARY
8 (11.4)
1 Actually Ellis, who rarely got anything quite right, has ‘ “a hatred
that might suit Vatinius”, i.e. either such as Vatinius deserves, or such
as Vatinius feels against you,’ preferring the former.
180
COMMENTARY Q (11.5(4.3-7)) 1
7 Latiar Old name for feriae Latinae (A. 1, 287). The sponsalia were
held on 4 April (10 (ii.6).i).
9 (h.5(4-3-7))
The beginning of this letter and perhaps the end of the preceding one
are missing. On this and the date see G. Rauschen, Ephemerides Tullianae
(diss. Bonn, 1886), 39b and Sternkopf, Untersuchungen, 406b, 4i3fb
1, 1 dpcpiAoctplav ‘Affluence’, ‘ abondance’; cf. 19 (11.15) .3 apcpiAaqnav
illam tuam. The noun, from &pqnAa(pr)S, is post-classical and very rare.
1- 2 bono modo ‘In moderation’ (A. v, 378).
2- 3 sic. . .excitem ‘That is to say, if the creature comes my way,
I shall be glad to snap her up; but if she stays in hiding, I don’t intend
to flush her out.’ As a hunting term excipere ‘signifies lying in wait for a
quarry or attacking it when it comes or both’ (A. iv, 415). I fail to see
anything strange or inappropriate in the metaphor, etiam nunc must be
taken with latentem', nothing commends T.-P.’s transposition to precede
tribus locis.
3 tribus locis On the Palatine and at Tusculum and Formiae.
5 opus erat ‘It was called for.’ After the exile Cicero felt a need to
reassert himself.
paulisper fabris locum dares ‘You would be yielding to the
workmen for a little while’, i.e. T should be attending to them rather
than to you.’ darem, rendered T would let in the carpenters’, is neither
Latin nor sense.
6 et haec et may refer back to something in the missing part of the
letter.
2, 2 non impediente collega ‘And his colleague does not stand in
his way’ rather than ‘quand son collegue ne le gene pas’.
3 dies. . .omnis ‘He has blocked’ (lit. ‘removed’) ‘all the comitial
days’ (on which legislation might be put through). For exemit cf. 5
(n-0-3-
4 etiam Besides the celebration of supplicationes (cf. Fam. 91 (vm. 11).
10, the Latin Festival was repeated, on the ground of some alleged
irregularity.
3, 2 Catonis Cf. 7 (ii-3).i, 4.
cui. . .noster ‘On whom, by the by, our friend Milo has played a
splendid trick.’ tdmen = ‘anyhow’, ‘that apart’.
3 vindex.. .bestiariorum Manutius supposed that C. Cato had
proposed a law directed against Milo (the rogatio de Milone of 7 (11.3) .4
fin.) for using these people, thereby constituting himself their champion.
vindex, ‘penalizer’ (cf. Housman on Manil. v.410), would then rather
l8l
Q_.fr. g (n-5(4-3_7)) 4 commentary
be understood in the sense that the law penalized the use of these people.
This would give the story more point, but perhaps it is better to accept
ignorance.
6-7 dedit. . .negotium qui... emeret ‘Commissioned to buy’;
cf. Att. 347 (xin.ig).2 habuit suum negotium, ‘made it his business’.
8 unus. . .tribunus pi. ‘Our only Tribune’, i.e. the only one
deserving the name; cf. Att. 371A (xiv.i7a).3 (= Fam. 326 (ix.i4).3)
quem quidem post te consulem solum possumus vere consulem dicere, unus here is
more than praecipuus (cf. Propertiana, 171 f., Att. 19 (1.19). 8 init.).
10 placuerat It is not clear why the real purchaser, Milo, did not
come out into the open at this point.
11 in earn Cf. Fam. 2 (v.2).2 mediocris quidam est risus consecutus, non
in te sed magis in errorem meum.
12 a legibus removit ‘Kept him away from legislation’, a rather
odd phrase.
13 monstra These proposals for Caesar’s benefit were obstructed at
this time, but some of them at least later passed in the Senate with
Cicero’s support; see F. 1, 305 {stipendium. . .legati).
intercederet This was in Lentulus’ mind.
14 quod...agit Caninius’ bill commissioned Pompey to go to
Alexandria with two lictors and reconcile Ptolemy with his people (F. 1,
299 {laturos)).
15-16 in amicitia ‘With respect to his friendship.’ Pompey’s
supposed design to have the assignment transferred from Lentulus
Spinther to himself was regarded as a violation of their friendly relations.
16 idem I.e. eodem statu', see A. 1, 321 {iidem).
18 propter Milonem I.e. by supporting him.
4, 3 Sex. Cloelio Clodius’ lieutenant, formerly known as Sex.
Clodius {A. 1, 376 {Athenione)). Of his prosecution and acquittal in 56
nothing further is known. On his name see (finally, so far as I am
concerned) Studies, 27, to which accrues a hitherto disregarded note of
Gruter’s (an. 1618): ‘sed restituendum magis Cloelio, ita enim idem
nebulo semper vocatur a membranis melioribus, quem ad modum
saepius testati sumus in Orationibus Tullii.’
4-5 ei... defuerunt Cf. In Clod, et Cur. fr. 30 Schoell quattuor tibi
sententias solas ad perniciem defuisse.
8 vident damnatum Cf. Verr. 11.1.20 ut.. .nemo istum comperendinatum
sed condemnatum iudicaret.
10 adaequavit Sc. sententias.
12 Sevius Unknown. Servius is sometimes read, but Servius Pola
was politically active in 54 (16 (n.i2).2; cf. Fam. 98 (vm.i2).2) and so
cannot have been condemned in 56; cf. Studies, 66.
182
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 9 (11.5(4.3-7)) 5 (7)
adlisus est SB1 35: ‘Sevius (if that was really the man’s name) had
run upon the rocks; cf. Rab. perd. r. 25 nec tuas umquam ratis ad eos scopulos
appulisses ad quos Sex. Titi adflictam navem et in quibus C. Deciani naufragium
fortunarum videres [and for adlidere Accius 33 Ribbeck2 ad saxa adlidere].
Commentators who think this is, or may be, tantamount to saying that
he had a narrow escape from conviction might have asked themselves
whether an escape, however narrow or inglorious, could be covered by
such a metaphor, whether cottidianae damnationes can include an acquittal,
and why Cicero should be consoled by the acquittal of one enemy for
the acquittal of another, namely that of Sex. Clodius1 (hoc incommodum),
which was as bare and discreditable as could be. If, however, adlisus
must imply conviction, as is certain, and if conciduntur implies the same,
as is obvious from cottidianae damnationes, what significant distinction is
drawn between Sevius and the rest ? Did conciduntur mean, as is commonly
accepted, “are being massacred”, “are being made mince-meat of”, one
could but answer “none at all”, and accuse Cicero of perpetrating a
needless change of metaphor in the guise of an antithesis. For no stress
can be laid on the difference of tense; cottidianae must imply that others
had already been convicted besides Sevius. I prefer to think that
conciduntur pursues the ship metaphor: “are being broken up”; cf. Liv.
xxxviii.39.2 scripsit ut Patara extemplo proficisceretur quaeque ibi naves regiae
essent concideret cremaretque. The contrast will then lie between accidental
shipwreck and demolition; with the inference to follow that Sevius was
condemned for some private offence. . .while the rest were prosecuted
by their political enemies on public grounds.’
13 comitia In fact elections were not held until the beginning of
the following year; cf. Liv. Epit. cv cum C. Catonis tribuni plebis inter¬
cessionibus comitia tollerentur', Att. 90 (iv.i5).4; Linderski, Stud. Ed.
Volterra 11 (1969), 283b
14 Appius Ap. Claudius Pulcher (A. 1, 396) was Praetor in 57 and
governor of Sardinia in 56. Evidently he had not yet taken over the
province (cf. §5 clausum mare). He was present at the Luca conference in
mid April (Plut. Caes. 21) and this visit to Caesar (at Ravenna) may
have had a political purpose (cf. Constans, 11, 114).
5, 2 Ostiam On the neuter plural form Ostia see Neue-Wagener,
1, 718.
10 (11.6(5))
1, 1 litteras Lost.
2 Crassipedi See on 8 (n.4).2.
183
Q_.fr. IO (11.6(5)) 2 COMMENTARY
184
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 10 (11.6(5)) 4
from Populonia. It appears in the Itineraries in a variety of forms, as
Saleborna, Salebrone, Scabros Portus. H. Philipp, Berl. Phil. Woch. 41
(1921), 647b conjectures Scalabrone (‘Crassipes’ in his note is a slip for
‘Pompeius’).
4, 1-2 dictaveram conscripseramque Perhaps the letter up to
this point had been dictated before departure and the last paragraph
was added en route. Watt compares Att. 375 (xiv.2i).4 haec scripsi seu
dictavi apposita secunda mensa apud Vestorium, where seu may = seu potius.
2 T. Titium See F. 1, 356.
3 Laterio A. 1, 281, 11, 181.
8 Arcani A. 1, 281, in, 190.
11 (11.7(6))
simul et illud (sine ulla mehercule ironia loquor): tibi, sqq.; Att. 117 (vi.3).io
haec sunt, etiam illud: orationem Q_. Celeris mihi mittas. Fam. 346 (xn.22)
should perhaps end: illud profecto: quoad potero, famam, sqq.
cenabis A cena adventicia. No supplement is necessary: see Sjogren,
Comm. Tull. 133k
12 (11.9(8))
The date and place of origin have been much disputed. Cicero writes
from a villa which has only just been reconstructed (§2 apertam ac ne rudem
quidem)-, the builders are still at work (§3). This should have pointed
enquiry to the two villas destroyed by Clodius which were being rebuilt
in the spring of 56 (9 (11.5). 1), the Tusculanum and Formianum (prob¬
ably the former; see on §3 Anicium), and to a date in that year, probably
late spring or summer.
1, 1 si in isto essem ‘Even if I were occupied in the way you
think’, i.e. in literary work.
1-2 tu scis, sqq. ‘ “Fort, latet Graecum voc.”, says Watt. Most of
his predecessors print an te Ateius? [for antea te is) (sc. docuit: ed. Romana)
or Madvig’s Antiates. The former [and Lambinus’ an te Statius?\ ought
to have been ruled out by Heumann’s century-old observation “ mehercule
initio sententiae Cicero numquam videtur collocasse”, which Sjogren
cites on Att. v. 16.3 and ignores here and in Att. xvi.6.2. Both should be
ruled out by the ineptitude of tu scis quid sit interpellare as a separate
statement or question. For it is equally silly to say that Quintus did or
did not know the meaning of interruption (Watt’s proposed interpellari
does not seem to me to help). The corrupt letters must be made to give
the infinitive an object and a point. Quintus had feared that his letter
[or his presence?] might interrupt Cicero’s literary occupations (cf. §4).
But for a Roman statesman literary work was a kind of idleness (cf. De
orat. 11.57 otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda-, Tuse. v. 105 otio
litterato, et sim.); and to interrupt an idle man is to do him a service. . .
otiates; becomes dteateis’ (SB2 2).
2 docere It looked as though Quintus was suggesting that Cicero
should not interrupt him in future.
3-4 qua. . .abs te ‘For which I have no use, coming from you.’ The
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 12 'O
187
Ct-fr- 12 (n-9(8)) 4 COMMENTARY
13 (11.8(7))
1, i librum De temporibus suis, which finally ran to three Books (F. 1,
315; cf. 20 (11.16).5, 21 (hi. 1).24).
2-3 fnon curantiaf Probably a barbarous translation of a Greek
word, perhaps dbioctpopia (Sternkopf; cf. A. 1, 385). Faernus’ ingenious
and at one time generally accepted conjecture de nostra Urania would
refer to the conclusion of Urania’s speech in Div. 1.22 from Book III of
De consulatu: tu tamen anxiferas curas requiete relaxans | quod patriae vacat id
studiis nobisque sacrasti. But the following reference to Jupiter’s speech can
only relate to the Council of the Gods in the second Book De temporibus-,
cf. 21 (hi. i ) .24; Quint. Inst. xi. 1.24 Iovem ilium a quo in concilium deorum
advocatur, illo libro therefore looks back to librum II, making an intervening
reference to De consulatu unwelcome. E. Heikel’s theory that De temporibus
was an elaboration of De consulatu (cf. Pease on Div. l.c.; K. Buchner,
RE viiA.i25of.) would not help, since Urania’s speech and Jupiter’s were
at all events in different Books, the former being concerned with 63, the
latter with 58. It is clear that Quintus’ allusion to his brother’s poem
amounted to a recommendation to keep out of politics; cf. §2 ad nostrum
Iovem revertamur.
188
COMMENTARY Q,.fr. 13 (11.8(7)) 2
2, i sed tamen I.e. ‘In spite of my resolve to steer clear of politics,
I have been attending to one matter which has to do with them.’
2 Vibullio L. Vibullius Rufus {A. iv, 320), perhaps already
praefectus fabrum to Pompey.
3 operibus atque inscriptionibus Perhaps including a building
commemorating the suppression of Catiline’s conspiracy, on which
Clodius had effaced the original inscription and substituted one of his
own. The portico of Catulus and (pace E. Courtney, Cl. Rev. 10 (i960),
99) the temple of Tellus, which latter Cicero had been commissioned to
restore and in which he had placed a statue of his brother, may also be
involved (cf. 21 (111.1). 14; F. 1, 309 [monumentis), 312 {monumentum)), istis
may relate to a passage in Quintus’ letter.
10 P. Crassus Probably the elder of the ‘Triumvir’s’ two sons
{F. 1, 328).
12 legatio. . .libera Cf. A. 1, 359.
13 Byzantium. . .Brogitarum As Tribune Clodius had put
through the restoration of certain Byzantine exiles and the appointment
of Deiotarus’ son-in-law Brogitarus as High Priest of Cybele at Pessinus
(Sest. 56; Har. Resp. 28f.). He now wanted to go and ‘collect’.
3, 2 Afrani A. 1, 322b (Auli filium). No doubt he was acting at
Pompey’s request. The contents of the decree have been variously
divined; cf. Constans, in, 13 n.i: ‘On a cru a tort que la proposition
d’Afranius visait l’election des preteurs, alors qu’elle visait la brigue en
general’; Gruen, Last generation, 233 n. 93 ‘The s.c. de ambitu of February,
55, was an ad hoc measure aimed at the long-delayed praetorian
elections for that year. We know of it only because of the political contest
between the triumvirs and the Catonians. . . There is no suggestion that
it proposed alteration in the existing lex de ambitu.’ See on 20 (11.16).2.
quam...adesses ‘Which I had proposed myself when you were
present.’
4-5 ut...essent Normally, according to Plutarch {Cat. min. 42),
prosecutions for bribery could be brought against magistrates-designate
within a certain period of time from the date of election; cf. Phoenix 24
(1970), 165. But since the Praetors for 55 were not elected until February
of that year, they would enter office immediately, thus becoming immune
from prosecution for the duration of their term. Hence the amendment
which the Consuls refused to entertain.
6 Catonem M. Cato was a candidate for the Praetorship. The
action of the Consuls ensured his defeat (Plut. Cat. min. l.c.; Pomp. 52;
Dio xxxix.32; Liv. Epit. cv). He was elected for the following year.
tenent omnia Cf. A. 1, 386.
Q_.fr. 14 (ILI0(9)) 1 COMMENTARY
14 (11.10(9))
Cicero wrote this and the following from Rome in mid February 54.
Quintus had just left for a destination not far from Rome - not Arpinum
(see on 16 (ii.I2).4 fin.).
1, 1 convicio efflagitarunt ‘Vociferously demanded’; cf. F. 11, 492
{tacito. . .convicio). According to A. J. Marshall {Cl. Rev. 18 (1968), 16)
‘Cicero is making humorous reference to flagitatio, the popular method
of extra-legal redress. . . The characteristic feature of this procedure was
aggressive demand backed by strongly worded insult.’ See his biblio¬
graphy and, with him, cf. Quint. Ep. ad Tryphonem 1 efflagitasti cotidiano
convicio ut libros. . .iam emittere inciperem; Plin. Ep. v.io appellantur cotidie,
efflagitantur. . .cave ne eosdem istos libellos. . .convicio scazontes extorqueant.
codicilli A. 1, 305. A note sent on wax tablets called for an immediate
answer; see T.—P. ad loc. Cicero is not necessarily referring to the
wording.
nam Elliptical: ‘(Otherwise I should not be writing), for. . .’
1-2 res.. .dies A sort of hendiadys: ‘In actual material the day of
your departure offers practically nothing by way of a topic.’
2, 1 Tenediorum The Senate heard envoys from abroad in Febru¬
ary. The island of Tenedos, off the coast of theTroad, had petitioned for
the status of‘free community’, and been summarily refused.
securi Tenedia The proverbial expression ‘axe of Tenedos’, end
Toov daroTopcos Tt Kcd copoos SioarpcrrTopEVGOV, was in various ways
referred to the eponym of the island, Ten(n)es; see A. Lesky, RE VA.505 ;
Otto, Sprichworter, 343b
5 Pansae Nothing known; see Magie, 1244b, who explains unum as
‘alone (i.e. among the governors)’.
7 prid. Id. The occasion presumably concerned Pomponia. Perhaps
she was making her will.
3, 1 Lucreti poemata Taken along with the notice in St Jerome’s
Chronicle {cum aliquot libros. . .conscripsisset quos postea Cicero emendavit) this
passage used generally to be held as evidence that Lucretius was already
dead. But see F. H. Sandbach, Cl. Rev. 54 (1940), 72ff. On the uses of
poemata (76): Tt might be translated “the poetry of Lucretius”, “the
passages of Lucretius”, or “the passage of Lucretius” ’ - leaving in
doubt whether Quintus’judgement applied to De rerum natura as a whole
or to one or more extracts; also Brink, Horace on poetry, 1, 62.
1-2 multis... artis ‘Sparkling with natural genius, but with
plenty of technical skill.’ Vast effort has been expended on remaking this
criticism by scholars who ‘will not let Cicero say what he thought’
(T.-P. in, for once, a really sensible note). The meaning of ingenium
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 15 (il.ll(io)) I
and ars has been indefatigably canvassed. Enough here to endorse the
view that the antithesis intended by Cicero is exemplified in Ovid’s
Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis (Trist. n.424) or his judgement of
Callimachus, quamvis ingenio non valet, arte valet (Am. 1.15.14) - where
ingenio is evidently associated with the grand style, os magna sonaturum,
since nobody could deny Callimachus ‘wit’. Himself an imitator of
Alexandrian models and translator of the uninspired but technically
proficient Aratus, Cicero found Lucretius’ combination of genius and
technique extraordinary (it makes no odds to the supposed difficulty of
tamen whether multae tamen artis was part of Quintus’ verdict or, as
Hendrickson thought (Am. Journ. Phil. 22 (1901), 438b), an additional
comment, nor is there any way of telling). Cicero’s pronouncement on
Alexander Lychnus, author of poems on geography, raises a similar
point (Att. 40 (11.20).6 poeta ineptus, et tamen scit nihil). There too some
scholars have been disturbed by tamen, which implies that a tasteless poet
on such a theme might at least be expected to know his subject. That
passage was cited in this connexion by J. Preaux, Rev. Beige de Phil, et
d’Hist. 42 (1964), 60, but he did not understand what it meant.
2-3 virum. . .putabo ‘Ifyou read Sallustius’“From Empedocles”,
I’ll rate you a stout fellow - but not a member of the human species.’
From Cambridge Review 94 (1973), 190: ‘Housman [Cl. Quart. 13 (1919),
72b = Cl. papers, 986b] points out at some length that this is a contradic¬
tion in terms: “If one is not a human being, one cannot be a stout¬
hearted man nor a man of any sort.” True, but it is quite possible to say
of the same performance “you must be a real stalwart to read it” and
“you must be more (or less) than a human being to read it”. In a private
letter. . . Cicero says these two things in the same breath, not, if I am not
mistaken, because he was blind to a logical absurdity, but because he
thought it mildly amusing. It is one of Housman’s few weaknesses as a
critic that he occasionally brought logic into areas where it has no
business.’ Sallustius is probably Cicero’s friend Cn. Sallustius (A. 1, 286),
who had literary interests (cf. 25 (111.5). 1). The connexion with Lucretius
is, of course, obvious.
15 (11.11(10))
1,4 frigus I cannot believe with Lintott, Rh. Mus. 110 (1967), 658!.,
that the word is purely metaphorical both here and at the end of the
letter.
pipulo pipulum is regularly interpreted convicium in glossaries; see
Housman, Cl. papers, 578 and add Varr. L.L. vn.103 in Aulularia: ‘pipulo
[populo codd. Plaut. Aul. 446] te differam ante aedis’, id est convicio. Some
Q_.fr. 15 (ii. I I (IO)) 2 COMMENTARY
time can be wasted in tracking down Lewis and Short’s reference ‘On.
Matius ap. Gell. 20.9.4’ (also s.v. scii’amentum). The supposed fragment
was a fiction of Carrio’s (see Hertz ad loc.).
2, 1 Commageno Antiochus I had been king of Commagene since
69 or earlier (F. 1, 437b).
2 per Pomponium Atticus’ relations with Clodia ((3ocottis) in 59
may be recalled (Att. 34 (11.14). x, et al.). Cicero had been reconciled
with Crassus through Pompey; see below.
4 sterilem As presiding Consul Appius had hoped to garner a
harvest from foreign suitors. They would not pay only to have their
petitions blocked by Cicero.
eumque Antiochus.
5 in Euphrati Zeugmate For the genitive Euphrati see Neue-
Wagener, 1, 511. The bridge over the Euphrates (Strabo 749 to j£uypa
toO E09paTOU) was built by Seleucus Nicator, who founded settlements
at both ends called after himself and his wife Seleucia and Apamea (cf.
Plin. N.H. v.86). The former had been given to Commagene by Pompey
(Strabo l.c.). Later both places became a twin city known simply as
Zeugma. As this passage shows, that name even in Cicero’s time also
took in the surrounding territory; cf. Plin. N.H. vi.119 dicta est et in
Zeugmate Apamea; C.I.L. in.i 1701 civis Surus ex regione ZeuSma v^c0 Hernia.
See R. Dusseaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale (1927),
449, 458ff. The ‘little town’ in this area which Cicero wrenched away
from Antiochus naturally cannot be identified, nor do I share Watt’s
belief that there is a joke in hiding here. [I have again to thank Professor
G. W. Bowersock for guidance in this note.]
6 togam. . .praetextam It appears that in 59 Antiochus had been
presented with this garment (for precedent see Liv. xxvn.4.8ff.) and the
right to wear it. He was now asking for confirmation of this privilege.
The original grant might be called in question on procedural grounds,
like other Caesarian legislation; cf. F. 1, 458 {ratione).
7 Caesare consule Cf. Harv. Stud. Cl. Phil. 88 (1979), 259. The
single Consul here admits of two explanations: ‘Aut quia consulatum
Caesar solus gessit, Bibulo collega domi incluso: aut, quia Caesar ad
senatum retulit de honore togae praetextae Commageno regi imperti¬
endo’ (Manutius). Probably the latter, except that the gift is likely to
have been put through by legislation, at Caesar’s instance.
3, 3 quotannis interpolet Probably a sneer at the king’s poverty;
he could not afford a new gown, so would go on giving the old one an
annual re-dye.
4 Burrenum The joke, as suggested in SB1 36, is one of Cicero’s
customary plays on words. Commagenum means {a) a native of Commagene
192
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. I 5 (ii. I I ( I o) ) 4
and (b) a medicament made from the herb commagene (Plin. N.H. x.55,
XXIX-55)- Ps.-Apuleius (Herb. 86) , has burrhinon, ‘ox-nose’ (so not burrhinon,
as Lewis and Short), as the name of a herb, otherwise known as bucranion.
My conjecture Burrhinum, with the inference that ‘the nobles in Cicero’s
audience had resented the occupation of a curule magistracy by a certain
low-born person named or nicknamed “Burrhinus” ’ suggested to
Wiseman {New men, 217) that the pun is on the nomen ‘Burrienus’ and
refers to a son of the Praetor Urbanus of 83 mentioned several times in
the Pro Quinctio. Why not the Praetor himself? Inspection of the MSS
has shown that his name was probably ‘Burrenus’ {Studies, 19), so I now
read Burrenum as a pun on Burrhinum.
6 ignobilem Antiochus was the ‘descendant of a long line of
princes’ (Magie, 376) on his father’s side, and his mother was the daugh¬
ter of the Seleucid Antiochus VIII Grypus. But Commagene was small
and remote.
9 non faciam ut illum offendam ‘I shall not do anything to
offend him.’ committam is more usual in negative statements, as Fam. 5
(v-5)-3 non committam ut tibi ipsi insanire videar, faciam in positive ones.
10 ne imploret, sqq. From an unknown play. Biicheler {Coniectanea
Latina (1868) = Kl. Schr. 1, 645) suggested that the original was implorat
. . .convocat.
11 Iovis Hospitalis Zeus Sevios. Perhaps with reference to the
dinners which can be assumed to have celebrated Cicero’s reconciliation
with Appius (see below). Biicheler’s explanation (l.c.) that the ties of
hospitality are those between Appius and the Commagenians is less to
the purpose.
Graios ‘Graios Cicero ex tragoedia accitos quos vellet intellegi, ipse
declaravit adiectis his per quos mecum in gratia rediit. Reconciliatum autem
esse Ciceronem in Appi gratiam. . . per Caesarem Pompeiumque
conicimus’ (Biicheler, l.c.). We can do more than conjecture. Cicero was
reconciled to Appius by Pompey {F. 1, 314 {Appio)). The plural Graios
in the quotation may stand for Pompey only, though it is naturally
possible that others (Brutus?) were involved; see SB1 36, where Att. 124
(vii.i). 4 is compared: ‘aibEopai’ non Pompeium modo sed ‘Tpcoas mi
TpcoaSas’. ‘FTouAuSapas pot upcoTOS EAEyxeiBVKOTaQBtfE1’-?"^^^
scilicet. The vulgar error, going back to Manutius, according to which
actual Greeks are intended, has proved hard to eradicate.
4, 1 Theopompo See on 2 (1.2).9.
de Caesare I.e. about joining Caesar’s staff.
5, 1-2 eodem illo exemplo litteras ‘A duplicate of that letter.’
Another example of the proper meaning of eodem exemplo (see F. 1, 342,
if 353)-
193
Q.fr. l6 (lI.I2(ll)) I COMMENTARY
16 (11.12(11))
194
COMMENTARY Q_-fr. 16 (il. I2(ll)) 3
inclusive reckoning this would mean the ninth day. Plut. Cic. 9, however,
seems to imply an interval of at least ten clear days: EiOiapevoov tcov
crrporrriycov Sekcc TouAayicrrov ppEpas 8i6ovai toTs kiv8uveuoucti. No
more is known about this prosecution of Caelius Rufus, already defended
by Cicero in 56.
Domitius A Cn. Domitius had presided at Caelius’ earlier trial de vi
(Gael. 32). Cn. Domitius Calvinus was Praetor in 56, but presided over
the quaestio de ambitu (7 (11.3) .6). Cases de vi seem to have been tried by
courts set up ad hoc under the presidency of a quaesitor (see on 5 (11.1).2
(ut. . .sortiretur)). The president in the Pro Caelio will therefore have been
another man. The charge in 54 is not stated. The president could hardly
be the Consul, Ahenobarbus, though Ahenobarbus is clearly the
Domitius mentioned below. Either then Calvinus or the man who
presided in 56.
3 Pola Servius He attacked Caelius in 50 at Ap. Claudius’
instigation (Fam. 98 (vm.2).2f.).
4 oppugnatur Cf. Cael. 20 non enim ab isdem accusatur M. Caelius a
quibus oppugnatur.
gente Clodia I.e. Clodia (Metelli) and her half-brothers, Appius
and Publius; cf. Cael. 21.
6 Tyriis Their business probably concerned the city’s privileges,
which Gabinius had confirmed and perhaps extended; see Rostovtzeff,
Hellenistic world, 1572b
8-9 quod. . .prosecuti On his departure for Egypt to restore
Ptolemy.
9 Lamia One of the publicani', see A. in, 203 and Treggiari’s account
of him in Phoenix 27 (1973), 246ff. Gabinius had banished him from
Rome in 58. No praenomen is needed (cf. noster Caelius above).
11-12 nos. . .laudatis ‘We give verdicts and you (Senators) give
testimonials.’ See F. 1, 309 and especially Tam. 20 (1.9).19.
12 nox diremit Sc. controversiam, vel sim. (cf. Thes.v. 1, 1260.1).
3, i Quirinalia 17 February. The comitial days were 18-20, 22,
25, 28.
2 lege Pupia F. 1, 299b The lex Gabinia (F. 1, 300 (neque mente
Februario)), providing that the Senate should hear embassies throughout
February, evidently did not exclude comitial days specifically. Presum¬
ably it was passed after the Pupia, the provisions of which, as Appius
maintained, were overridden by the word cottidie, on the principle ubi
duo contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova (Liv. ix.34.7).
5 comitia Probably elections, praetorian or aedilician, which
naturally could not be held while the Senate was in session. For some
unknown reason the elections for 54 had been held up, as happened in
195
Q_.fr. l6 (ii. I2(l i)) 4 COMMENTARY
the previous year and the two following; cf. Att. 87 (iv. I3).i, of mid
November, comitiorum non nulla opinio est. If Plutarch implies that Cato’s
election to the Praetorship took place in 55 (Cat. min. 44 eis 5e to E^rjs
ETOS aip£0£is 6 Kcnrcov orponriyos), that may be a natural oversight. It
is just possible that comitia here refers to an assembly called to pass
legislation against Gabinius; cf. Div. 11.74 institutum. . .est ut comitiorum
vel in iudiciis populi vel in iure legum vel in creandis magistratibus principes
civitatis essent interpretes. The holding of a legislative assembly while the
Senate was meeting was no doubt unusual (and now normally precluded
by the lex Pupia), but, as the next sentence shows, not illegal (cf. A.
Michels, The calendar of the Roman Republic (1967), 44b). In any case
Appius will not have been acting in Gabinius’ interests (see on 22
(hi.2).3) but for his own financial profit (cf. 15 (ii.io).2).
196
COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 17 (11.13(12)) I
avOpcoTTOs), which was ordinary usage (cf. Red. in sen. 14;Att. 12(1.12). 1).
The trouble lies with notum.
4 capitalis ‘Capital’; apparently the only example of the word
used of a person.
creber ‘Close-packed’, ‘full of matter’; cf. Plin. Ep. 1.20.22 orationem
similem nivibus hibernis, id est crebram et adsiduam et largam. Thucydides is
called creber rerum frequentia in De orat. 11.56.
5 Thucydides Cf. De orat. 11.57 maximeque Thucydidem est, ut mihi
videtur, imitatus', Quint. Inst. x. 1.74 imitator Thucydidi et ut multo infirmior ita
aliquatenus lucidior. Dionysius (Ad Cn. Pompeium 5; De imit. 3.2) elaborately
compares the two historians, mostly to the disadvantage of the younger.
6 duo. . .corpora Philistus’ work was divided into two parts (for
corpora cf. F. 1, 320), the first of seven Books extending to the fall of
Agrigentum in 405 (TTepi XikeAiccs), the second of four Books covering
the elder Dionysius (Ilepi Aiovucriou). To this latter accrued two more
on Dionysius II (C. Laqueur, RE xix.24i3f.).
7 veterator magnus ‘A grand old fox.’
8-9 sed... potes ‘you add a question — shall you embark on history ?
You may do so with my blessing.’ The question is surely Quintus’, who
will have written adgrediorne (K.-S. 1, 120), not Cicero’s.
10 Lupercalibus 15 February. Cicero will have been writing in
the early morning of the 14th. A letter reporting the events of that day
could not have reached Arpinum the day following. Quintus must have
been much closer.
17 (11.13(12))
Quintus was on his way to Gaul. He may have joined Caesar at Ravenna
- not at Ariminum, ‘the first town in Caesar’s province entered by
Quintus’ (T.-P.! Constans, hi, 61 n. 1 makes the same error).
1, 1-2 alteram... datam Cf. Att. 276 (xii.37).i a te heri duas
epistulas accepi, alteram pridie datam Hilaro, alteram eodem die [a] tabellario,
374 (xiv.20). 1 ibi accepi duas epistulas, alteram Nonis, alteram VII Id.
Lanuvio datas, 394 (xv. 17). 1 duas accepi postridie Idus, alteram eo die datam,
alteram Idibus.
7 TioXiTixd De republica.
2, 1 in adiungendis Cf. Att. 273 (xii.34).2 (Watt), where I read
et {in) agendis nostris rebus et in consiliis ineundis.
4 scilicet ‘As goes without saying.’
sed I.e. sed etiam.
7 Cicerone nostro minore ‘Our younger boy.’ Not ‘my own, I
mean the younger Cicero’ (Cary).
J97
Q_.fr. 17 (ii. 13 (1 2) ) 3 COMMENTARY
18 (11.14(13))
198
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. l8 (11.14(13)) 3
(21 (m.i).ii, 26 (hi.6).3, 27 (hi.7).6). But it is possible that he had sent
a specimen for Caesar to read; cf. on 14 (ii.io).3 (Lucreti poemata).
3, 4 M. Curtio Not ‘M.’ Curtius Postumus, whose praenomen was
Gaius; see F. 1, 32gf., 11, 450.
6 se.. .facere Such an appointment could hardly have been made
by Domitius directly, since Military Tribunes were elected by the People
or nominated by army commanders (Mommsen, St. 11, 575ff.). No doubt
consular influence could normally secure such posts. Apparently Quintus
had suggested for some reason that Domitius would be a suitable person
to approach on Curtius’ behalf.
7-8 isse ad Caesarem The point disappears if this is referred to
Appius’ visit in 56 (9 (n.5).4). He must have met Caesar in north Italy
early in 54.
4,2-3 oriculainfima Cf. Catuli. 25.1 mollior. . .imula oricilla; Amm.
Marc. xix. 12.5 ima, quod aiunt, auricula mollior (Otto, Sprichworter, 46b).
5, 2-3 suspicio dictaturae The idea of Pompey as Dictator was
much in the air from this time forward.
6 roiauG’ 6 TXgptov, x.t.X. Eur. Suppl. 119, only loosely relevant,
as Cicero’s quotations are apt to be. ‘War’ stands for political strife. Or
perhaps more generally, as we say ‘the fortune of war’ or ‘a la guerre
comme a la guerre’ without necessary reference to combat.
19 (11.15(14))
199
Q.fr. ig (11.15(14)) 3 COMMENTARY
200
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 20 (11.16(15)) 1
7 petere eius arbitratu Cf. Att. 90 (iv.i5).7 iurarunt se arbitrio
Catonis petituros. Anyone judged guilty of improper conduct by Cato was
to forfeit his deposit, which would be divided among his competitors.
Presumably he would also be disqualified.
8-10 quae. . .iudices Att. 90 (iv.i5).8 quae [sc. comitia] si, ut
putantur, gratuita fuerint, plus unus Cato potuerit quam {omnes leges) omnesque
iudices.
20 (11.16(15))
A reply to Quintus’ first letter from Britain (§4), where Caesar probably
landed on 31 July. The trial of Scaurus (§3) ended on 2 September
(Ascon. 18.3 Clark).
1, 6-7 aut spei aut cogitationi vestrae ‘What you (i.e. you and
Caesar) are hoping for or thinking about.’ Quintus could choose which
word he preferred, cogitationi almost = ‘plan’, ‘project’; not ‘expectation’
(Shuckburgh) or ‘high opinion’ (Stockton). What was this? si id difficilius
fuerit shows that it was something specific. According to Wiseman (citing
Constans, in, 257) it was a Consulship for Quintus; he places the same
construction on 26 (111.6). 1 (Journ. Rom. Stud. 56 (1966), io8ff.). But iis
honoribus in 18 (11.14). 1 and honores in 25 (hi.5).3 are honours for Cicero,
and in all likelihood these are what he has in mind here.
12 aequis ‘Fair’, ‘non-partisan’.
2, 1 de ambitu The object seems to have been an ad hoc decree in
restraint of current excesses, not a new law (cf. on 13 (11.8) .3); see Gruen,
Last generation, 233 n. 93. Nothing emerged.
4-5 statui... accedere T have decided not to come forward to
cure the ills of the body politic without powerful backing.’ Cf. Rose. Am.
84 sic vita hominum est ut ad maleficium nemo conetur sine spe atque emolumento
accedere.
3, i Drusus A. i, 365b On his trial for collusive prosecution, perhaps
as prosecutor of C. Cato, see A. 11, 20if. His defence ‘doubtless was
another of those unhappy tasks extorted from Cicero by his new
“friends” ’ (Gruen, Haw. Stud. Cl. Phil. 71 (1966), 221).
2 in summa Majorities of the Senators and of the Knights voted
guilty, but the vote of the Tribuni Aerarii produced an overall majority
for acquittal.
4 Vatinium Cf. Fam. 20 (1.9).4 Vatinium autem scire te velle ostendis
quibus rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim, with reference to two separate
trials (F. 1, 309).
5 Scauri Acquitted on a charge de repetundis, with Cicero as one of
six patroni (A. n, 216 (partem eius)).
201
Q_.fr. 20 (ll.l6(l5)) 4 COMMENTARY
202
COMMENTARY Q_-fr. 21 (ill.l) I
4 (baGupoTepct Sc. putat, vel sim. ‘Surely Caesar meant remissiora (cf.
Sest. 115 remissiore uti genere dicendi), “languid”. The verses lacked drive
and tension’ (Cl. Quart. 12 (1962), 164). Perhaps ‘mechanical’ would
come as close as any English adjective; cf. Dionys. Thuc. 16 iroAAa kou
aAAa tis av eupoi Si’ oArjs Tty iaropias f| Tfjs axpas e^Epyaouas
TeTUXrlK°Ta Kotl P^te TrpoaOEaiv SEyopEva pf|-r’ d9cdpEcnv f| |5a0upcos
ETtiTETpoyaapEva Kai ouSe Tijv EAaytcrrriv Epcpaaiv EyovToc Ttjs
Seivottitos £Ke(vt)5. Caesar was not referring to faulty technique.
5-6 aut res...aut xaP01><'r,lP ‘Is either the subject or the style not
to his liking?’ (not quite ‘is it the subject or the style that he does not
like?’, which would be utrum. . .an). For yapocKTqpcf. Orat. 36, i34;Gell.
vi. 14.1 et in carmine et in soluta oratione genera dicendi probabilia sunt tria, quae
Graeci yapccKTrjpas vocant nominaque eis fecerunt aSpov, iayvov, pscov.
8 [scribere] Added in explanation of soles. The ellipse of scribe is
common; cf. e.g. Att. 424 (xvi.I3«(6)).2 tu mihi de his rebus quae novantur
omnia certa, clara.
fraterne Cf. 19 (n.i5).3n.
21 (iii.i)
203
Q_.fr. 21 (ill.l) 2 COMMENTARY
2, i—2 quo loco.. .placebat ‘They say you have written instruc¬
tions for a small court in a certain area of the colonnade. I like that area
better as it is.’ Not ‘I like the antechamber as it is better than in the
portico.’ For the construction quo loco. . .ut est [sc. is locus] magis placebat
cf. Lucr. 111.836 in dubioque fuere, utrorum ad regna cadendum \ omnibus
humanis esset; Housman, Manilius, 1, p. xli.
5-6 nunc. . .obtinebit ‘As it is, it will serve as a handsome vault or
a very good summer-room.’ testudo = ‘vaulted chamber’: ‘Le terme prit
une grande extension, comme on le voit par les passages des auteurs oil
testudo et testudinatum tectum designent le toit entier, forme de quatre plans
convergeant vers un centre, et meme la construction qui est ainsi
couverte’ (E. Saglio, Daremberg-Saglio, v, 158; cf. Varro, R.R. m.5.1).
aestivum is not found elsewhere, cenaculi would make a better supplement
than cubiculi (a bedroom in a portico seems unlikely).
8 assa ‘Sweating-rooms.’ So in a republican inscription (Degrassi,
Inscr. Lat. Lib. rei p., 1275).
9 vaporarium ‘Steam-pipe.’
11 hibernum alt(er)um ‘And the other winter one’ (both seem
to have been hiberna). As for altum, how should the bedrooms be on differ¬
ent levels, and why choose the higher one for winter? The questions
were asked by Lehmann (Berl. Phil. Woch. 10 (1890), 619), who com¬
pared Att. 220 (xi.g).2 epistula Vatinio et Ligurio altera. Watt cites Plin.
Ep. ii. 17.10, apparently in support of altum: post hanc cubiculum cum
procoetone, altitudine aestivum, munimentis hibernum, aestivum, Ernesti’s con¬
jecture for autem, certainly clarifies.
12 loco posita They would benefit from the warmth of the baths.
3, 1 Vitularia T.-P. cite from O. E. Schmidt, Arpinum, 26: ‘This
name belongs certainly to the same category as the via Salaria at Rome:
the chief product which was transported along this road gave it its name.
Accordingly the via Vitularia means “the calf-road”, because along it the
meat was conveyed from the region of Arpinum to the Greek cities on
the coast; and even still the Arpinates have a trade in live-stock with
Naples.’
2 Fufidio F. 11, 441.
8 salientibus Conduits’; cf. e.g. Vitr. 8.6 ad portum Piraeum ducti
sunt salientes. Not ‘fountains’.
fvirdicataf Ihe reading is quite uncertain. That viridi followed
silva is far from being ‘highly probable’ (T.-P.). Woods are usually green
in summer and Quintus knew what time of year it was.
9 tBobilianumf Watt reads Bovillanum, but the property must have
been near Arpinum, and the existence of an unknown Bovillae or
Bovilla or Bovillum should not be assumed. M. Maclaren’s discussion in
204
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 21 (ill. I) 4
Am. Jourti. Phil. 87 (1966), ig6ff. does not help. Probably the name was
personal, perhaps Babul(l)ianum or Babuleianum; cf. C.I.L. x.5370, found
near the Liris in the neighbourhood of Interamna: iter actum per fundum
Babuleianum in fundum Flaminianum. Not Fufidianum (Constans): ‘hunc need
not imply that the place is the “Fufidianus fundus”... in fact it is clearly
not the same. The Fufidian property had only just been bought for
Quintus, so why should there be any question about his keeping it?’
(Studies, 17). But I now think it better to read nunc.
10 Caesius The obvious name. As Roby pointed out (see T.-P.),
the advice related to value, not to law, so Camillus (A. hi, 203) is not
likely. Cascellius (cf. Reid ap. T.-P.) in Alt. 404 (xv.q6).4 is not
‘mentioned in connexion with water’.
10-11 aqua.. .imposita ‘With the water taken off, and the right
to the water legally certified, and a servitude placed on the property.’
Quintus planned to draw off water from this property for Arcanum,
which would depreciate its market value. Roby (Cl. Rev. 1 (1887), 67)
remarks that ius aquae (ducendae) constituere is legal phraseology (Dig.
viii.5.10, 18).
13-14 transegisse For the construction of an aqueduct.
15 praestabo Cf. A. in, 204.
16 Cilionem Cf. Treggiari, Freedmen, 99: ‘Sometimes, a man might
be both master-contractor or [j/c] labourer, as happened, it seems, with
Cillo, a slave responsible for an irrigation project at Q. Cicero’s house at
Bovianum [ffc]. He held the contract and was in charge of operations
conducted by at least four subordinate slaves, and he worked with them.
Whether he was a slave working independently on his master’s behalf
()(COpi$ OlKcbv) or one of Quintus’ own slaves (which seems unlikely if a
contract was necessary) we do not know.’ Cicero does not actually
mention a contract; cf. below on §5. Nor is the old view that conservos
means former fellow-slaves, Cillo being now a freedman, capable of
disproof.
4, 3 Fur(r)inae On the spelling see Wissowa in RE. Of this ancient
Roman goddess scarcely anything is known except the date of her
festival, the Furrinalia on 25 July, and the site of her principal sanctuary,
on the Janiculum, where C. Gracchus perished; cf. Varro L.L. vi.19
cuius deae honos apud antiquos. . .nunc vix nomen notum paucis; G. Dumezil,
Archak Roman religion, 47, 105.
4 Satricum A place near Fregellae (Liv. ix.12.5, 16.2f.), not the
town near Antium.
7 Lucustae. . .Varronis The former is unknown. Varro may be
Reatinus or another. On the absence of a second preposition see Sjogren,
Comm. Tull. 139b
205
Q_.fr. 21 (ill. I ) 5 COMMENTARY
ille viam For ille (Varro) cf. Tusc. 111.26 sed maeres videlicet regni
desiderio, non filiae, illam enim oderas, et iure fortasse: regno non aequo animo
carebas (Thes. vii.i, 345.63). The upkeep of the road will have been a
matter for agreement between Quintus and his neighbours, who would
also stand to benefit.
9-10 M. Taurum Unknown. The Statilii Tauri seem to have come
from Lucania.
5, 1 Nicephorum ‘There is a possibility that the bailiff of Q. Cicero
at Arpinum was a freedman, since he offered to make a contract to carry
out a building project and it is hard to see how a slave could do so with
his own master’ (Treggiari, Freedmen, 107). However, a slave possessing
a peculium and the right of libera administratio could engage in a wide
variety of business activities, subject to the withdrawal of the right by
his master; cf. W. L. Westerman, RE suppl. vi.993.11. Moreover, if both
parties trusted one another, the contract would not need to be legally
binding.
10 basim ‘Foundation-wall.’
11 palliati Greek statues, or at any rate statues of Greeks; cf. Verr.
11.1.51 illa (signa) quaero quae apud te nuper ad omnis columnas, omnibus etiam
(in) intercolumniis, in silva denique disposta sub divo vidimus. The ivy would
hang from the roof of the colonnade; cf. Serv. Georg. 11.389 membra
virilia de floribus facta, quae suspendebantur per intercolumnia.
12-13 iam. . .muscosius ‘Then there is the undressing-room,
which is cool and mossy to a degree.’ For the dative &TroSuTr|picpcf. dca</.
11.17 quod nihil esset clarius Evepyeia (A. 1, 309 (auditori)). But perhaps the
Latin form should be used, as in §2. iam is usually mistranslated ‘as it
now is’.
6, 1 urbanam expolitionem ‘The embellishment’ (or ‘finishing
touches’) of your town house’; cf. 23 (111.3). 1 expolitiones utriusque nostrum.
2 [et] Cf. 4 (1.4).3 de novis autem tribunis pi. est ille quidem in me
officiosissimus Sestius et (spero) Curtius, Milo, sqq.
Cincius Atticus’ agent would be interested on Pomponia’s behalf.
7, 3 utinam T.-P., Sjogren, and Constans put mi hi (see app. crit.)
in their texts (cf. Ter. Heaut. 820 scin ubi nunc sit tibi \ tua Bacchis?), but
it can hardly coexist with mecum.
4 quod Not ‘as to Pomponia’, but relative, with scribas, anticipating
cum aliquo. . .educat; cf. K.-S. n, 3206 Similarly in Greek, as Demosth.
Fals. leg. 86 Kcxi tcc ‘HpaxAei’ evtos TEiyous Gueiv EtpqtpijEcrGE,
eipr)vr|s oOaris. 6 koci Gocupdjoo, ei tov pqSe tous Geous, kocG’ 6
TTcrrpiov fjv, TipaaGai -TTOif|cravTa, toOtov dcTipcbpr|TOV d<pf|CTETE,
et al.
7 clamores efficiam T shall work wonders’ (‘bring the house
206
COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 21 (ill.I) 8
down T.-P.); cf. De orat. 1.152 haec sunt quae clamores et admirationes in
bonis orationibus efficiunt.
9 mercede This mysterious reward, ‘quam divinare, cum epistola
Quinti non exstet, nemo potest’ (Manutius), is mentioned again in 23
(in.3).4. Obviously it must have been something more specific than ‘the
gratitude and affection of Quintus and the boy’ (which Cicero thought
he already had).
8, 1 litteras.. . epistulis Not ‘letter sent in more than one packet’;
that would exclude the letters mentioned in §§ 13T litterae properly =
‘writing’, and so can be used for one letter or more than one. Compar¬
able, though not exactly analogous, are Att. 176 (ix.g).4 respondi epistulis
tribus, sed exspecto alias; nam me adhuc tuae litterae sustentarunt and Fam. 25
(v.8).5 has litteras velim existimes foederis habituras esse vim, non epistulae
(where T.-P. manufacture a distinction between litterae, ‘a formal
document’, and epistula ‘a mere letter’).
pluribus Actually five.
4 dies ‘Date’ (of despatch).
5-8 id facit. . .mittat There is a slight incongruity, id facit ut is to
be taken, not with impediatur (as T.-P., ‘makes a practice of being
prevented’), but with impediatur et mittat, i.e. impeditus mittat.
6 Oppius A. 11, 205.
9, 3 quod mones Perhaps not to let Pompey feel slighted.
5 Hippodamo Hippodamis (‘Hippodamus and his like’), retained
by T.-P. and Constans, makes et non nullis aliis superfluous. Cicero
disliked this man (§21).
8 Trebatium.. .est ‘There’s no reason for you to mix my friend
Trebatius in with that lot.’ isto = istuc = ad istos.
13 Trebonium A. n, 189.
10, 1 tribunatu Cf. 18 (u.i4).3.
3 in rogando ‘In making requests’ rather than ‘in making that
request’.
obiurgavit In the letter cited in Fam. 26 (vn.5).2.
12 Tironem His first appearance.
11, 2 Clodi ‘Commentators, understanding that Quintus had
begged Caesar not to leave Clodius’ letter unanswered out of considera¬
tion for himself or for Marcus, are reduced to falsifying amantissime by
such counterfeits as “per amicitiam”, “instandig”, “most politely”. Evi¬
dently the true meaning, “most affectionately”, would be inappropriate
of Quintus vis-a-vis Caesar; but it can quite well be related to Marcus
himself (cf. Q_.fr. 3.9.1 [ = 13.1] de Gabinio nihil fuit faciendum istorum quae
a te amantissime cogitata sunt). Quintus in brotherly solicitude had urged
Caesar to rebuke or restrain Clodius; but Caesar had thought it best
207
Q.fr. 21 (ill. I ) 12 COMMENTARY
not to reply at all, a decision which Marcus approves. This consists with
§17: Oppium miror quicquam cum Publio; mihi enim non placuerat written
after receipt of another letter from Quintus). Interpreters take this as a
general expression of disapproval that Oppius should have anything to
do with Clodius. In fact, Caesar would seem to have instructed Oppius
to remonstrate with Clodius; this, says Marcus, is a surprise to him in
view of Caesar’s earlier decision to ignore the letter, and for his part he
had not desired (note the pluperfect) any such intervention’ (SB1 36k).
5 Calventi Mari L. Piso Caesoninus (A. iv, 304) is called ‘Calven¬
tius’ in opprobrious allusion to his father-in-law, an Insubrian Gaul;
so Pis. 14 Caesoninus Semiplacentinus Calventius. In Pis. 20 he is compared,
to his disadvantage of course, with Marius, the person most responsible
for Metellus Numidicus’ exile in 100. Piso had evidently published a
reply to Cicero’s invective.
6 miror In the reading alterum est de Calventi Mari quod scribis ; miror
tibi. . .rescribere the superfluous quod scribis is hardly tolerable, miror seems
to have been omitted after rescribere and restored in the wrong place.
11 — 13 tibi, sqq. Cf. 20 (ii.i6).4. fontes politely acknowledges
Quintus as the superior poet. Cf. Otto, Sprichworter, 141, who remarks
that some refer the words to the heat-wave mentioned at the beginning
of the letter (!).
12, 1-2 bene comitatum ‘With a goodly company’ of soldiers to
vote in the elections; cf. Att. 89 (iv. 16).6 ut. . .Memmius Caesaris com¬
mendetur militibus.
5 ambitionem et . . . laborem Forensic work (not politics); cf.
25 (in.5).3 vivo tamen in ea ambitione et labore.
13, 3 Erigonam Another play composed by Quintus, no doubt from
Sophocles (Pearson, 1, pp. 173F). Accius wrote one under the same title.
4-5 quod (paene) praeterii So in 22 (hi.2).3 fin.
5 de eo, sqq. ‘The bit about the person who you say wrote to
Caesar about the applause for Milo.’
6 ego vero, sqq. Quintus seems to have written something to the
effect that Caesar’s correspondent would have been better employed in
writing about applause for Cicero.
14, 2 aede Cf. 12 (n.8).2n.
6 hortorum Misunderstanding of this term, fostered by the con¬
ventional rendering ‘gardens’, may be invincible; cf. e.g. Phoenix 30
(1976), 209. It means a suburban property, including a house (villa) and,
usually at any rate, more or less spacious grounds; though be it noted
that when Martial (v.62) talks about furnishing his horti he refers to the
dining-room in the villa. Naturally such places would usually provide
more amenities - space, quiet, perhaps produce - than a town house.
208
COMMENTARY Q-fr. 21 (ill.l) 15
Cicero’s house in the Palatine was an exception; cf. Fam. 218 (vi.i8).5
(as to its garden, ibid. 219 (xvi.i8).2).
8-10 quod. . .porticus ‘You had not wanted it to have a number
of gables above the living-rooms. It now slopes handsomely down to the
roof of the lower colonnade.’ The reference is to Quintus’ house on the
Palatine, not the one in Carinae, as supposed by Weinstock; see E.
Courtney, Cl. Rev. 10 (i960), 98. quod = ‘as to the fact that’. With esse
supply tectum.
12- 13 ingenium... video See on 3 (1.3).7 (cum. . .debes).
13- 14 cetera. . .debere ‘All else concerning him I take upon
myself and regard as my proper responsibility.’ For the absence of ita
or sic cf. Ad Brut. 17 (18).2 init. and 25 (24).3 puerum istum extulit, ut tu
iudicares, sqq., et al.
15, 1 factiones ‘Groups.’
postulant Sc. de pecuniis repetundis-, ‘are bringing charges’, i.e. have
announced their intention of doing so. As stated below, actual postulatio
was held up by Cato’s illness (though they could presumably have tried
another Praetor; cf. 2 (1.2). 15m).
2 flaminis Sc. Martialis, L. Lentulus Niger (A. 1, 400). He had
been defeated by Gabinius as candidate for the Consulship of 58, by
unfair means according to Cicero (Vat. 25). The eventual prosecutor,
his son, bungled the assignment and Gabinius was acquitted (24 (hi.4). 1;
Att. 92 (iv.i8).i). The statement in my note that ‘the relations of the
various contemporary Cornelii Lentuli are mostly incapable of recon¬
struction’ should now be qualified by reference to Sumner, Orators, 143.
Ti. Nero A. in, 269b
3 C. Memmius A. 11, 218.
3- 4 L. Capitone F. 1, 402.
4- 5 nihil. . .desertius ‘It was an ignominious homecoming, with
hardly a soul to greet him.’ Or perhaps understand illo (masc.); cf.§24
nihil illo turpius.
5 his iudiciis Abl., like hac iuventute in Att. 202 (x. 11).3, ‘the courts
being what they are nowadays’; ef. Att. 89 (iv. 16).5 de Procilio rumores
non boni; sed iudicia nosti.
6 Cato M. Cato, Praetor in charge of the quaestio de repetundis.
16, 1 coitione Cf. 19 (n. 15) .4.
7 Domitio Calvinus.
17, 4 casus The death of Julia, Caesar’s daughter and Pompey’s
wife.
8 Publio See above on §11.
18, 1 inferiore epistula ‘Lower down in your letter’; cf. §19 haec
infima and Thes. vii.i, 1393.14, 1397-53 (Watt).
209
Q.fr. 21 (ill. I ) ig COMMENTARY
210
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 21 (ill.l) 24
22 (111.2)
211
Q_.fr. 22 (in.2) 2 COMMENTARY
212
COMMENTARY Q,-fr. 22 (ill.2) 3
213
Q.fr. 23 (ill.3) I COMMENTARY
evidence’. Either way I do not think it likely that the names were
‘enrolled’.
verbum nullum Cf. Att. 18 (1.18) .6 Crassus verbum nullum contra
gratiam.
23 (m-3)
214
COMMENTARY Q^.fr. 23 (ill.3) 4
(23)-4 (enim). In Greek pgv (with neque ego. . .confidimus) would make
this clearer.
8 patiamur Associating Quintus. But in view of confidimus and the
following plurals for singulars, patimur, or rather patiemur, should perhaps
be preferred.
11 merces Cf. 21 (111.1).7.
13 quaspe ‘With what prospect.’ Manutius understood specifically:
‘tui ditandi, vel ex praeda bellica, vel e Caesaris liberalitate’.
24 (111.4)
215
Q^.fr. 24 (ill.4) 2 COMMENTARY
must have made it up with him, as he did with Cicero and Milo about
this time {Alt. 89 (iv.i6).5).
2l6
COMMENTARY Q.fr. 24 (ill.4) 5
Merc. 286 dicam, si videam tibi esse operam aut otium', Thes. ix.2, 664.49.
2 sed abest etiam £v0ouaiaap.o<; As they stand in the MSS, these
words interrupt the connexion between animum vacuum. . .desiderat and
non enim. . .timore. Nor can opera require a mind free from every care, as
poetic inspiration does (cf. 25 (iii.5).4, cited above). See SB2 4.
5, 4“5 quae quidem placeant ‘At least, not such as one would
like to have.’
6 Chrysippo Later a delinquent freedman; cf. Att. 125 (vii.2).8.
25 (ni.5(5-7))
1, 1 libris De republica.
2-3 saepe iam Cf. Phil, vm.2.2 saepe iam dixi, et sim. We have to
217
Q..fr. 25 (111.5(5-7)) 2 COMMENTARY
take Cicero’s word for it that he had already remodelled the work at
least once (cf. A. vi, 278 (saepius)).
5 consulibus In 129.
7 (P. Rutili) Cf. Att. 89 (iv. 16).2. It is of course possible that the
name was accidentally omitted by Cicero himself.
14 Heraclides A. v, 369b
16- 17 quae. . . ficta esse The argument is noteworthy as implying
that readers of De oratore were expected to believe that the dialogue was
at least in part based on real conversations.
17- 18 quod... dicendi Perhaps a marginal explanation of belle
(‘tactfully’). qui essent or qm esset is more natural, and translators are apt
to render accordingly, as Constans: ‘la conversation entre orateurs qui
est dans mon precedent ouvrage’; but after oratorum (or oratorium) the
words are superfluous anyway.
19- 20 quae... scribat In the Politics and probably the treatise
Ffepi |3acnAeias (see P. Moraux, Les listes anciennes des ouvrages d’Aristote
(195O» 38).
2, 5 et id vitabo While recognizing the danger, Cicero will in fact
avoid allusions which might offend contemporaries.
7 enim I.e. T send it because I think you will like it’ (moneo
propter T.-P.).
3, 3 honores Cf. on 18 (n.i4).i.
4, 3 ap.7Tu>Tei<; The ocean tides; cf. 20 (ii.i6).4 quos tu situs, quas
naturas rerum et locorum. . .habes!; SB2 4.
9 litteris For the moment forensic work (ambitio et labor) is left out
of account, except in so far as it too might involve litterae (cf. A. 1, 308b
(meis omnibus litteris)).
10 angor ‘In spite of such passages (written perhaps in part as a
sop to his own conscience) Cicero’s early fifties ought not to be regarded
as one of the blacker periods of his life. On the whole he was probably
less unhappy than at any time subsequent to his Consulship. The tone
of his letters is prevailingly cheerful, even gay’ (Cicero, 88).
12-13 illa auctoritate senatoria ‘The plenitude of senatorial
prestige.’ For illa cf. F. 1, 450.
13 debe<ba)t Cf. Ad Brut. 17(18).5 rei publicae vicem dolebo, quae
immortalis esse debebat (Watt).
15 noXAov, x.t.A. II. vi.208, xi.784. ttoAAov is probably a slip for
aiev (cf. Fam. 317 (xm. 15).2.). Homer and Cicero in Fam. l.c. have
UTreipoxov.
20- 1 qui.. .vellet Cf. Fam. 72 (hi.9).2 si me diligis, si a me diligi vis.
Even if Caesar’s affection for Cicero was not entirely sincere, at least he
thought Cicero’s affection worth winning. On the vulgate SB* 37: ‘Here
2l8
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 25 (111.5(5-7)) 5
we are presented with two schools of thought about Caesar’s feelings
towards Cicero. One held, what Cicero states for a fact, that Caesar was
the only man who loved him as he wanted to be loved. The other went
further and believed that Caesar alone wanted to love him to this
extent...No wonder Hoffa called it “locus duriusculus”. Those who
took the first view but not the second seem to have been committed to
the opinion that Caesar alone succeeded in loving Cicero to the right
degree, while others tried to do so and failed.’
5, 1 Pansa A. v, 273.
2 toti ordines ‘Non modo omnes ordines. . .sed omnium ordinum
omnes homines’ (Manutius); cf. totos dies, as in Att. 161 (vm.ii).i
lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies. This seems better than to take
toti as an early example of the common but mainly poetic post-Augustan
idiom illustrated in Propertiana, 49: ‘In none of these passages is totus the
precise equivalent of omnis; always it implies the merging of the separate
components of a group into a whole. . .For instance, Statius’ toti nepotes
means. . .totaprogenies. Now since any group can be regarded collectively
as a unit (whether or not there happens to be a singular collective
substantive), totus could be attached by this usage to any plural noun,
though obviously some groups are more easily so regarded than others;
e.g. toti montes is a more natural and hence a commoner expression than
toti dei.’
2-3 propter quern oderunt Sc. Gabinium, quem belongs with me
ipsum, not with ilium (as e.g. Constans, ‘a cause de lui’).
4-5 tantum... viderent I.e. giving evidence; cf. 27 (111.7). 1 testis
vehemens fui, praeterea quievi. The vulgate could only mean that Cicero had
not moved against Gabinius in secret; but it is his abstention from public
acts of hostility, apart from his evidence, that is relevant here.
6, 5 fCrebriust Watt suggests that M. Taurus of 21 (111.1) .4 may
be meant. More probably it is someone with whom Quintus had been
in contact in Gaul. C. Rebilus (Orelli; A. hi, 291 (Caninioque)) is graphic¬
ally very close, though not supported by other evidence of personal
relations with the Ciceros.
6 valde iuvat Cf. 16 (11.12). 1 valde me iuvat.
7 ab aerario Cf. 24 (hi.4).5.
7, 2-3 et. . .scripseris Evidently this concerns Cicero’s promise of
verses on the British expedition; cf. 20 (11.16).4, 24 (in.4).4, and §4
above. ‘Whatever is concealed by TTAEOC must stand in some special
(probably humorous) relation to Electram and “ Erodam” (also obviously
a tragedy). IP'FIAEOC” is itself the title of a drama and could at the same
time describe the British poem, then we should have a characteristic
Ciceronian jest. That is as far as one can go without a complete list of
219
Q.fr. 25 (111.5(5-7)) 8 COMMENTARY
titles, but if such a list existed I should not be surprised to find that
someone had written a play called IIAeovtes, “The Sailors” [returning
from Troy?]’ (SB2 5).Naturally TTAeovtccs cannot enter the text, though
it would make a better showing there than eAeos.
3 Troadas Sophocles is not known to have written a Troades. He
did write a Troilus and a Procris. But Quintus may not have restricted
himself to Sophocles.
6 Erigonam Cf. 21 (111.1). 13.
8, 1 ad Martis The ancient temple of Mars, two kilometres down
the via Appia from the Porta Capena.
2 horti For Crassipes’ suburban villa on the via Appia cf. Fam. 20
(1.9).20 fin.
3 magna vis Sc. est; see A. 11, 178 (pauci pannosi).
piscinam publicam A public bath and swimming pool near the
Porta Capena.
3-4 viget illud Homeri Not ‘the Homeric theory is still true’, but
‘the Homeric saying is much in vogue’; cf. Fam. 77 (vm.i).4 tui politici
libri omnibus vigent. The lines are from II. xvi.385ff.
7 Gabini Dio’s notice of this flood erroneously places it before
Gabinius’ return to Rome and represents popular sentiment as blaming
it on his restoration of Ptolemy in defiance of the Sibylline oracle
(xxxix.61).
9, 1 non curare dSiacpopElv.
3 Labienum A. in, 306.
Ligurium A. v, 278.
dabo T shall send letters to both Labienus and Ligurius’; cf. Att. 21
(11.1). 12 ad Octavium dedi litteras. Manutius inferred that Quintus had
asked his brother to write to these two ‘favourites of Caesar’ so as to keep
them friendly. But from §2 fin. of the next letter it would seem that
Cicero refers to letters from himself to Quintus which would be sent to
Labienus and Ligurius for them to forward. If Miinzer (RE xm.534.66)
understood the passage as I thought he did (A. v, 278), he understood it
correctly after all. But Miinzer’s German is oracular, and my colleague
Professor A. Henrichs has no doubt that he interpreted Cicero in the
sense that Quintus passed on letters to the persons named.
4 hanc Sc. epistulam; cf. Att. 386 (xv.6).4 obsignata iam.
26 (111.6(8))
220
COMMENTARY Q_.fr. 26 (ill.6(8)) 2
ad te litteras darem; Thes. v.i, 1665.56. That is as good as impossible.
Caesar’s winter quarters were at Samarobriva (Amiens), Labienus’ on
the frontier of the Treviri, Quintus was stationed about sixty miles away
in the Nervian country (Constans, hi, 46 n. 1). Labeo may have left for
Gaul in late September (21 (in. 1).21) and could have started his return
journey early in November.
6 consilium To gain Caesar’s good-will and support, as explained
below. According to Wiseman the plan was to put Quintus into the
Consulship, but see on 20 (ii.i6).i.
8 parva ac mediocria ‘Trifling and ordinary’, if ac is sound; cf.
Rose. com. 33 (decisionem) mediocrem et tenuem. But aut might have been
expected; cf. 2 (1.2). 13 sunt non nulla, sed tamen mediocria et parva potius; De
orat. 11.84 in parvis aut mediocribus rebus; Fam. 26 (v.8).5 de omnibus minimis,
maximis, mediocribus rebus.
8-9 quid. . .putaremus Not ‘what was it that we thought worth
the price of being separated?’, but ‘what would we have thought. .
i.e. hardly anything would have seemed worth it (so Constans).
11—12 plura. ..struentur ‘Our capital is in hope rather than in
money; if that hope is abandoned, all else will be piled up only to be
lost later on.’ Caesar’s good-will gave security, without which money
would be made only to be lost again. Quintus may have been grumbling
that he did not after all seem to be doing himself much good financially
by staying in Gaul, struentur is, of course, a conjecture, but it makes so
much better sense than the vulgate reserventur that I finally decided to
adopt it.
13 rationem ‘Rationale’; cf. Fam. 177 (ix.2)-4 habes rationem mei
consili et sim.
2, 6 deinde After young M. Cicero’s recovery. Not ‘hereafter’, as
Lewis and Short.
Caesarisne See on §1 (Labeoni).
3, 1 dolore For Julia.
3-4 etsi. . .magis ‘Although my time is much distracted and my
mind far more so.’ opera, ‘ability to work’ (see on 24 (iii.4).4) here
virtually = tempus, causing difficulty to translators, as Kasten: ‘zwar bin
ich korperlich und vor allem seelisch ziemlich hinunter’.
8 levatos Not ‘because the trials were suspended during the days
of supplicatio decreed in honour of Caesar’, but because the loss of
comitial days meant that the elections would not take place before the
new year (ad interregnum comitia adducta); cf. on 22 (iii.2).3. The supplica¬
tion was probably in connexion with the Tiber flood, not in honour of
Caesar, who says nothing about it in his Commentaries (cf. Constans, in,
257)-
221
Q.fr. 26 (lll.6(8)) 4 COMMENTARY
222
COMMENTARY Q-fr. 26 (ill.6(8)) 6
27 (iii-7(9))
1, 1 (a te sa)ne {
Watt’s text quae ne amantissime quidem a te) cogitata
sunt (= quamquam amantissime.. .sunt?) does not read to me like Latin.
2 TOT6 pot xavoi eupsla {II. iv.182, vm.150).
2, 5 finem adferat Sc. anxietati. Not ‘to his mad expenditure’,
enitar ‘Quam enisus sit, intelliget, qui epistolam ad Curionem libro
ii fam. legerit’ (Manutius).
8 6 Se, x.t.X. II. vm.355.
9 inconsiderantiam Orelli (see app. erit.) compared Suet. Claud.
39.1 inter cetera in eo mirati sunt homines et oblivionem et inconsiderantiam, vel ut
Graece dicam, peTECopiav et a(3Aeqnocv.
10 sustinebo ‘Shall restrain’; cf. Amic. 63 est igitur prudentis sustinere,
ut cursum, sic impetum benevolentiae. Cicero could hardly mean that he
would bolster Milo up financially; he was not rich enough for that, still
less was Quintus. ‘Shall put up with’ makes little sense so far as the
absent Quintus is concerned.
nervorum ‘Your powers’, i.e. force of character. Quintus could
write admonitory letters. Watt reads Nerviorum from Pluygers, Mnemos.
1 (1873), 71: ‘Nervii autem si carerent ceteris rebus, quibus Quintus
223
Q_.fr. 27 (lll.7(9)) 3 COMMENTARY
224
COMMENTARY Q .fr. 2 7 (ill. J (9) ) 9
225
Ad Brut. I (i(ll.l)) I COMMENTARY
EPISTULAE AD M. BRUTUM
i (i(ii.i))
The opening sentence ties up with Fam. 376 (xii.6).2 to Cassius: res, cum
haec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta discrimen', cf. 3 (2).2. §3 also relates
closely to the letter to Cassius, §2. Neither letter can be dated precisely,
but clearly Plancus’ despatch mentioned in 3 (2). 1, which was read to the
Senate on 7 April {Fam. 377 (x.i2).2), had not yet arrived. Beyond this
it is useless to argue from items which Cicero does not mention; for the
news of the day Brutus is referred to his regular informants (§3). The
allusion to the crisis at Mutina in Fam. 375 (x.io).i to Plancus of 30
March is to be noted, but the letters to Brutus and Cassius may have
been written a week or so before or after.
1, 2 Bruto Decimus.
6 consulum Cicero’s opinion of his old friends Hirtius and Pansa
before they came into office had been far from flattering. Hirtius he had
thoroughly distrusted {A. vi, 225, 28if.). But by now he was satisfied of
their good faith (impugned by Dio, XLVi.35.6), though still disposed to
criticize; cf. 7 (9).1, 8(10). 17 (18).2 ; F. 11, 516 {a quibusdam).
9 non enim, sqq. ‘You are well aware of the importance in public
affairs of the crucial moment, and what a difference it makes whether
the same decision or undertaking or action is adopted sooner or later.’
Cf. 23 (23). 12 scis quantum sit in temporibus, quantum in celeritate, idem illud
should not be rendered ‘just that same consideration, namely whether
9
226
commentary Ad Brut. 2 (3(11.3)) I
2 (3(lI-3))
227
Ad Brut. 2 (3(11.3)) 6 commentary
3 (2(11.2))
Written the day following the second of the two meetings of the Senate on
9 and 10 April described in Fam. 377 (x. 12).2ff. to Plancus.
1, 2 litteris Fam. 371 (x.8).
3 tui necessari Lepidus’wife Junia was one of Brutus’half-sisters;
cf. L. Hayne, Latomus 33 (1974), 76ff.
4 fratrem L. Aemilius Paul(l)us, cos. 50. His career shows that
he was the elder brother; cf. A. 1, 399 f.; Sumner, Orators, 65.
adfinis Brutus himself and Cassius, husband of Junia Tertia.
4-5 levitatem et inconstantiam Cf. 17 (18).2\ Fam. 380 (xi.g).i
(D. Brutus) hominem ventosissimum. Three weeks previously Cicero had
rebuked Lepidus’ letter to the Senate advocating peace with Antony in
his Thirteenth Philippic. The traditional view of Lepidus, based on the
representations of his enemies, has been challenged by L. Hayne (Acta
Classica 14 (1971), iogff.) andR.D. Weigel (ibid. 17 (1974), 67ff.). Thus the
latter (73): ‘The indecisiveness ascribed to him by Cicero and others seems
instead to have been the result of a calculated effort to keep his options open,
while at the same time remaining consistent in his loyalty to the Caesarian
cause.’ A ‘slight, unmeritable man’, however high-born, was hardly likely
to have been trusted by Caesar as Caesar trusted Lepidus.
3, 1 Servilio Cf. Fam. 377 (x. 12).3f.
7 ut...duceret Cf. A. 1, 331 (liberum non putavit), also Otto,
Sprichworter, 192.
8 dolore ‘Passion.’ For dolor = ‘emotion’ (ud0os) see Propertiana, 21.
per biduum On 8 and 9 April.
228
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 4 (4(11.4)) I
10-11 cum maxime ‘At the very time when. . . ’ Nothing is said of
Lentulus Spinther’s despatch (not extant) in the letter to Plancus, who as
a Caesarian could not be expected to rejoice in the successes of Cassius.
17 diu quo is obelized by Watt.
4 (4(ii-4))
1, 1 Scaptio A. hi, 236.
tuas 2 (3).
5 (5(ii-5))
The transmitted date, 19 April (§6), can hardly be correct. Facts point
to the 14th, the day following the meeting of the Senate on the Ides (§4).
Schmidt (De epistulis et a Cassio et ad Cassium post Caesarem occisum datis
quaestiones (1877), 38ff.) argues that the panic in Rome on 17-19 April
mentioned in 7 (9).2 (see ad loc.) must have occurred subsequently, and
opts for the 16th. xvi for xm is of course the minimum of change.
1, 1 tuo nomine “‘From you”, a phrase generally used of messages
sent by a second person; cp. Att 1.16.16, hi. 15.8’ T.-P. Rather ‘as from
you’; the wording of the two messages cited in comparison was that of the
persons transmitting them. Cf., however, Sail. Cat. 34.3 litteras Q. Catulus
in senatu recitavit quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat. The possibility
that the letter might not be genuine is thus left open.
2 Antoni Probably sc. nomine by assimilation, though the authen¬
ticity of C. Antonius’ letter was not in doubt; possibly sc. litterae. So in
§3 hic epistulas adfert duas, unam tuo nomine, alteram Antoni.
5-6 quo... sententia ‘How I judge and what I advise.’ sententia
does not refer to ‘motions in the Senate’; cf. §5 tuam sententiam defendam,
non relinquam meam.
229
Ad Brut. 5 (5(11.5)) 2 commentary
10 rege...regno Cf. Fam. 327 (xii.i).i non regno sed rege liberati
videmur and similar expressions in Att. 363 (xrv.g).2 and 368 (xiv. 14).2.
Here Cicero alludes to his alleged expression of regret that Antony had
not been eliminated with Caesar; cf. 23 (23).4, also F. n, 483 (molestus
nobis non esset).
lenius Sc. sentisti, vel sim.
13 ad pacem Sc. referebas. With this passage cf. 23 (23).5 init.
2, 2 deus Cf. Phil. hi.34, v.43, xiii.18.
8 repellit Cf. Att. 376 (xiv.22).2 etsi illi iuvenes ‘aAAois ev eaQAots
touS’ aTrcoOoOvTou vpoyov’.
10 severo ‘Stern.’
11-12 nuntius. . .litterae About the beginning of March M.
Brutus sent a despatch to the Senate on the developments in Macedonia.
It is the subject of the Tenth Philippic.
14 erat. . .Antoni ‘News was awaited about Antonius’ remnants.’
16 litterae A second despatch from Brutus, reporting the capture of
C. Antonius, arrived on 19 March.
18 Ciceronis mei Now serving with distinction under Brutus.
Earlier in the year he had taken the surrender of an Antonian legion
{Phil. x. 13), and in February defeated Antonius in an engagement near
Byllis (Plut. Brut. 26).
20 discessum Pansae. On 19 March, before the arrival of Brutus’
despatch.
3, 1 ecce tibi The first sentence of the letter is by now forgotten.
Celer Pil(i)us A. 11, 224.
2-3 bonarum.. .partium Cf. Cael. 13 quis civis meliorum partium
aliquando?, 77 civem bonarum artium, bonarum partium.
4 Servilio M. Servilius {F. 11, 506).
Cornuto Praetor Urbanus, acting in place of the absent Consuls
{F. 11, 518).
5 PRO CONSULE Cf. F. 1, 481. The evidence of republican
inscriptions is unanimous; cf. especially the verses in Degrassi, Inscr. Lat.
lib. rei. p. 342-3 auspicio [Antoni Marc]ipro consule, 6 pro praetore. In Div. 11.76
write a pro consulibus et a pro praetoribus, like consules prove consulibus (coss.) in
Phil. viii. 2 7. Cicero probably wrote pro cos. here and in §4. C. Antonius’
appointment as Proconsul in Macedonia had been rescinded by the
Senate in December, but Brutus allowed him to keep his lictors and
insignia (Broughton, 342).
6 DOLABELLA Declared a public enemy in mid March.
4) 3_4 natum.. .a me ‘True {omnino), I opened the game’.
5 suum filium L. Sestius {A. vi, 265). He had sailed east with Brutus
the previous year and was one of his most faithful followers.
230
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 5 (5(11.5)) 5
6 (8(1.20))
231
Ad Brut. 6 (8(1.20)) 3 commentary
3, 4 Apollinis Cf. Plaut. Pseud. 480 quod scibo, Delphis tibi responsum
dicito, et sim. (Otto, Sprichworter, 30).
6 XII Schmidt, followed by T.-P., wished to read XV because of
the absence of any reference to the panic mentioned in 7 (9) .2. But ‘vide
ne in manca ep. temerarium sit a codd. recedere’ (Watt).
7 (9 (1.3))
Written shortly after the news of Forum Gallorum reached Rome (20
April).
1, 1-2 certo scio ‘I have no doubt’, as usual.
2-3 qualis...exstiterunt In 18 (18).if., thinking of the Mutina
campaign as a whole, Cicero is retrospectively critical of Hirtius, but
praises Pansa. Here he is concerned only with the battle of Forum
Gallorum, in which Hirtius’ generalship seems to have left nothing to be
desired. Perhaps he is thinking primarily of the Consuls’ loyalty, in
which he had believed against the opinion of the majority (1 (i).i). But
he is also anxious to stress Octavian’s merits.
4 et honoribus et gratia To be taken with florentem, not with
regere et tenere, as apparently by Botermann, Soldaten, 135.
6 non diffidimus T do not despair’; not T am not losing confidence’
(Cary).
2, i triduo. ..quadriduo I.e. on 18 or 17 April. Speaking on 21
April Cicero uses the same words {Phil. xiv. 15), pointing to the 18th or
19th. The happenings he refers to will thus have extended over two or
three days.
4 quo quidem die, sqq. ‘That day I reaped the richest of rewards
for my many laborious days and wakeful nights - if there is any reward
in true, genuine glory. . . I am not a vain man, I do not need to be; but
the unison of all classes in thanks and congratulations does move me,
for to be popular in seeking the people’s welfare is a fine thing.’
10 inane Cicero’s utterances on this point have been observed to
vary; cf. F. 1, 448 {si quisquam, sqq.). Hence T.-P.: ‘So Cicero writes to
Brutus; but to Atticus he unlocks his heart.’ But here it is a matter of
mood and context rather than correspondent. After the events of
the previous day Cicero really felt himself elevated above all personal
vanity. W. Allen’s article on ‘Cicero’s conceit’ (TV. Am. Phil. Ass. 85
(!954), 121 ff.) is to be read with caution.
12-13 populi...est A general statement. The personal pronoun
{me) is not only needless but out of tune with Cicero’s exalted frame of
mind.
232
commentary Ad Brut. 8 (10(1.30))
8 (io(i.3a))
The battle of Mutina, in which Hirtius was killed, took place on 21 April.
The news probably reached Rome on the evening of the 25th, and
Antony was declared a public enemy the following day; cf. 9 (13). 1.
1 bonos quidem I.e. bene sentientes (Manutius). To be taken with
consules following, not preceding, as with the punctuation duos bonos
quidem, sed dumtaxat bonos consules, which would mean that they were
good as Consuls, but not in other ways.
3 magno proelio At Forum Gallorum.
fugerat An unpleasant and ungenerous word, not justified by the
facts; contrast the laudatory remarks in Phil. xiv. 26 and 1 7(18). 1.
5 et Caesar The report was untrue.
6 itaque C. Antonius had been appointed governor of Macedonia
on 28 November at his brother’s instance and had remained after the
appointment had been rescinded by the Senate, so that he could
reasonably be reckoned among his brother’s followers.
9 (i3(i-5))
233
Ad Brut. 9 (13(1.5)) 4 commentary
10 (11(1.4))
234
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 10 (11(1.4)) 2
where he thinks of the break-out as marking the end of the siege rather
than as an incident in the fighting; cf. 23 (23).8 D. Bruto liberato cum
laetissimus ille civitati dies illuxisset. So to Decimus himself, Fam. 413 (xi. 14).
1 tantam spem attulerat exploratae victoriae tua praeclara Mutina eruptio, fuga
Antoni conciso exercitu. Later accounts, reflecting triumviral or Augustan
bias, say nothing about a break-out, Dio (xLVi.40.2) stating that the
troops in the town did nothing but watch the fighting from the walls.
Botermann (Soldaten, iogf.) too takes Decimus’ statement in Fam. 388
(xi.i3).i Hirtium perisse nesciebam, Aquilam perisse nesciebam as showing that
after a sortie headed by Aquila Decimus still remained shut up in
Mutina. But that does not square with Decimus’ own presentation, and
I have for other reasons substituted Aquilam perisse sciebam in his text. All
in all, it seems likely that Decimus did break out successfully, but that this
happened in the closing stages of the battle. His contribution to the
victory might be variously estimated. Quite possibly M. Brutus’ infor¬
mation came from Decimus himself.
2, 1 quod scribis In 7 (9) fin.
3 senatus Brutus did not know that Antony and his followers had
been declared public enemies by the Senate on 27 April.
9 ei C. Antonius.
10 eripui ‘Hoc ideo dicit, quia ornamenta militaria illi reliquerat’
(Manutius).
11 quoad bellum fuit Properly this implies that the war was over
and Antonius set free; but it has to be taken as a careless way of saying
habuique in mea potestate habeboque quoad bellum erit.
12 conducere Much more satisfactory sense than concedere', cf. R.
Lamacchia, Atene e Roma 16 (1971), 16 ff.; Thes. iv, 161.55.
14 potentibus On the honours granted Octavian see 23 (23).7.
11 (12(1.40))
235
Ad Brut. II (12(1.4«)) 2 COMMENTARY
236
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. II (12(1.40)) 4
thought (see T.-P.), it is simply out of place. Brutus wishes that Cicero
could see into his mind now (which is impossible), not that he may be
able to do so at some future time.
4, 1 audivimus A false report; cf. the malicious story in Appian,
B.C. hi. 82.
3 si. . .videro Cf. Fam. 109 (xv. 13).3 cupio te consulem videre. Brutus
is thinking of his own return to Italy, not implying a doubt as to the
veracity of the report.
4 filius Cf. 12 (14).!.
12(14(1.6))
237
Ad Brut. 12 (14(1.6)) 3 COMMENTARY
nius (Aug. 11). Octavian was also suspected of having engineered Hirtius’
death (ibid.).
Achilleos Similarly Achilleus below. ‘The name of an obscure Greek
would not be Latinized’ (T.-P.). Greek names are usually latinized in
Cicero’s correspondence, obscure or not. But the Greek form of the
nominative is common in inscriptions; see Thes. s.v. Achilles.
3 Torquato Pansa’s Quaestor, parentage and praenomen uncer¬
tain; perhaps the man mentioned in Att. 420 (xvi.ii).8 and perhaps
Horace’s friend (cf.J. F. Mitchell, Historia 15 (1966), 26f.).
4 parricidam Cf. Catil. 1.29 hoc parricida civium. The murder of a
Consul was of course particularly heinous.
3, 1 Satrio Unknown (certainly not the M. Satrius adopted by
L. Minucius Basilus, who is called ‘Basilus’ in Phil. 11.107; see Studies, 53
Q.
2 Tillio Tillius Cimber, governor of Bithynia (F. n, 392).
4, 1 Flavius Brutus’ praefectus fabrum (cf. 25 (25).3), who fell at
Philippi (Plut. Brut. 51); cf. F. n, 45if.
6 necessariis tuis Cf. Fam. 8 (xiv.i).7, 9 (xiv.3).4.
13 (6(1.1))
238
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 14 (7(1.2)) I
volo Cf. Fam. 25(v.8).5 has litteras velim existimes foederis habituras esse
vim, non epistulae. Cicero does not have to justify his statement with detailed
evidence (multa indicia); he makes it on oath, as it were, vouching
personally for its truth, nolo (Watt, adopted by Kasten) is a Schlimm-
besserung. An affidavit carries more weight than a mere letter, so why
should Cicero wish his letter not to be so regarded?
15 beneficio Probably the Tribunate, as Manutius suggests.
14 (7(1.2))
The date must leave time for the news of the battle of Mutina (21 April)
to reach Brutus at Dyrrachium and for his reaction to reach Rome - a
matter of thirty days, if the news reached him via Rome, but only
twenty if it came direct from the battlefield.
1, 1 epistula Probably 13 (6).
3 Chersonesum Nothing else is known of this report.
6 te°t Not to be interpreted as ideo, ‘to that end’, since no end has
been mentioned. Watt’s conjecture contra would make a good substitute
if we postulate an abbreviation DO (found in insular scripts).
quinque legiones Actually seven: four Caesarian, one of Romans
raised by Brutus in Greece, two native, recruited by Hortensius in
Macedonia. Another was somehow added before Brutus left for Asia
(App. B. C. in.79, iv.75; see Botermann, Soldaten, 206; Brunt, Manpower,
486 n.6).
2, 3 eruptione See on 10 (ii).i.
3, 1 seditione Cf. Dio XLVii.22(4)ff.
1-2 quarta de(cima fraude) The Fourth was in Italy. The
Fourteenth had served under Caesar in Gaul, Spain, and Africa. It had
been under C. Antonius’ command in Apollonia before surrendering to
Brutus.
2 sed... accipies Referring to what follows, as in Att. 70 (111.25)
and Phil, vn.5, not to fraude C. Antoni. For sed (s;, explaining -oniis in the
MSS) Watt compares Att. l.c.
15 (16(1.8))
Nothing indicates the precise date of this letter except its place in the
series.
2, 2 Suessanum Miinzer (RE xvi. 1779.60) would have it that
Suessa Aurunca suffered at Antony’s hands for its sympathy with the
239
Ad Brut. 15 (l6(l.8)) 2 COMMENTARY
‘liberators’; but the passages he cites {Phil, ni.io, iv.4, xm. 18) refer
only to the execution of mutinous troops.
3 Cretensi bello 68-67.
3-4 octavum principem Sc. ordinem. As First Centurion of the
eighth cohort he ranked forty-third in the legion.
5 rei publicae partibus ‘Party loyalty’ (Cary); cf. 22 (22).2
animi hominum infecti partibus] Sail. Cat. 4.2 a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae
animus liber erat. Not ‘party divisions in the state’.
7 frugi Cf. A. 11, 190 {Fabio Lusco), in, 299 (libertinum).
8 si quid.. .locupletem Cf. Fam. 280 (xm.13), also to M. Brutus,
etiam fortuna, si quid hoc ad rem pertinet, ornatus.
16 (19(1.11))
Antistius Vetus (2 (3).5), who was leaving Brutus’ camp for Rome and
probably took this letter with him, left Rome to rejoin Brutus early in
July (21 (20). 1). He will have taken from two to three weeks to get to
Rome and probably did not stay there long (§2 statim. . .rediturum).
Brutus therefore probably wrote this in the first half of June. See,
however, on §2 consules.
1, 2 Caesare The Dictator. Antistius would have been one of the
assassins if he had been in Rome, like some other high Caesarian officers.
Antonio On the absence of a second preposition see Sjogren, Comm.
Tull. 139b and Eranos 16 (1916), 30.
4-5 cum Dolabella On his way to Syria in the autumn of 44.
9 sua pecunia State money which Antistius was bringing back to
Rome; cf. Plut. Brut. 25 019’ gov fjye mi ocutos sis MtccAiocv ypppaTcov;
Veil. 11.62.3. Plutarch gives an equivalent figure, 500,000 (drachmae),
but makes Antistius hand the money over in the autumn of 44. In fact
he will have done it subsequent to Brutus’ letter to the Senate, which was
received in February and apparently made no mention of Antistius
{Phil, x.24; cf. xm.32).
2, 4 legatione No doubt to Brutus, not, as Manutius thought, a
legatio libera.
5 consules If this means Hirtius and Pansa, the letter has to be dated
prior to the end of the first week of May. That is not impossible, since
Antistius could have stayed longer in Rome than he originally intended.
But probably the reference is to Consuls-Suffect who might be in office
when Antistius arrived.
8 rei publicae Cf., with Sjogren, Phil, x.12 omnes legiones, omnes
copiae, quae ubique sunt, rei publicae sunt.
240
commentary AdBrut. 17 (i8(i.io)) I
17 (18(1.10))
241
Ad Brut. 17 (l8(l.I0)) 5 COMMENTARY
18 (i7(i-9))
242
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 19 (15(1.7)) I
!9 (i5(i-7))
The date, despite F.L. Ganter’s discussion (Jahrb. Phil. (1894), 6326),
remains uncertain. This letter cannot be the ‘three little lines’ of 22
(22). 1, for they contained a promise to send a longer letter by young
Cicero.
1, 1 L. Bibulus A. v, 326. This step-son of Brutus and grandson of
Cato was about seventeen (F. Miltner, PE xxii.2 16.63), serving in
Brutus’ army (App. B.C. iv.104).
2-3 cuius. . .fuerunt So good a patriot as Cicero would not fail to
appreciate Brutus’ feelings for so loyal a young republican as his stepson.
6 necessario Cf. Off. 1.47 milium enim officium referenda gratia magis
necessarium est.
7 in Pansae locum In the College of Augurs. Cf. Phil, xi.n;
Ad Herenn. 1.20 (Watt).
eam I.e. eius.
nominationem See on 9 (13).3.
9 Bibulus Sc. est. On the nominative see Sjogren, Eranos 10 (1910),
!47 f-
2, 1 Domitio He too will have been interested in an Augurate; cf. 9
(13).3. Besides the two Consuls, Mark Antony’s place was presumably
vacant, and it is likely that Ser. Sulpicius Rufus had been either an
Augur or a Pontifex, though nothing attests it. Caesar had been both
Pontifex Maximus and Augur, and the elder Servilius Isauricus, Pontifex,
had died in the summer of 44; they do not appear to have been replaced.
Apuleio Presumably Apuleius, like Bibulus and Domitius, wanted
an Augurate, or possibly some other priesthood, in which case a pro-
sopographical persuasion has to be revised. He is clearly the M. Apu¬
leius {Phil, x.24), Quaestor (i.e. Proquaestor) in Asia, who handed over
money (probably not troops; see Botermann, Soldaten, 89 n.6) to Brutus
(see on 2 (3) .5). He may well be M. Apuleius, cos. 20, but cannot be the
Caesarian Augur Ap(p)uleius (A. v, 310), who would not have been
eligible for another major priesthood (F. 1, 430). The Augur may have
been Marcus’ elder brother Sextus, cos. 29, and perhaps the recipient of
Fam. 271 (xm.45; seeF. n, 438). He is attested as an Augur by an inscrip¬
tion dated after 26 (Broughton, 425). If M. Apuleius was to be a candi¬
date for an Augurate in a College which already contained a member of
his gens, an ad hoc adoption would be necessary, as in the case of the
younger Lentulus Spinther.
3 in sua epistula A letter which would recommend him and no
one else; cf. Phil, xm.50 ut proprio senatus consulto Pompeius collaudandus
esse videatur (Cobet).
243
Ad Brut. 20 (21 (1.13)) I COMMENTARY
5—6 nostris fautorum ‘Of us his backers’; cf. Cic. Phil. 11.111 tuum
hominis simplicis pectus, et sim. vestris paucorum, if not ‘quite senseless’
(Cl. Rev. 9 (1959), 201), makes very poor sense. Who besides Cicero
made up the select few? Not his fellow-Augurs surely. The praises which
Bibulus was to justify were not coming from Cicero, who evidently
knew little of him, but from Brutus and other friends unnamed.
20 (21(1.13))
21 (20(1.12))
244
COMMENTARY Ad, Brut. 21 (2o(l.I2)) 2
14 terra marique No naval activities by Lepidus are recorded, but
he doubtless had some ships on the coast of Narbonensis.
2, 9 id ipsum Confiscation of property, perhaps with loss of civil
rights.
12 rem publicam summam Unusual order, but cf. Fam. 211
(xiii.68).2 de re publica summa (Watt).
3, 5 illum Sc. venturum esse.
22 (22(1.14))
23 (23(1-15))
Besides introducing Messalla, its bearer (cf. 21 (20). 1 init.), this letter
replies to Letter 11 (12) with a general defence of the writer’s conduct
vis-a-vis Octavian. It will have been written shortly after the preceding.
1, 1 Messallam habes ‘You have Messalla with you.’ The
245
Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 2 COMMENTARY
246
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 23 (23 (i. I 5) ) 5
247
Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 8 commentary
anno superiore quaestor fuisset', App. B.C. 111.51; Dio XLVI.29.2. The words
cited from Phil, v are part of Cicero’s own motion, in which Servilius’
motion was evidently incorporated. Pansa, for whatever reason, had put
Ser. Sulpicius (cos. 51) and Servilius (cos. 48) ahead of Cicero in the
order of speaking (cf. Phil, vn.27; xiv. 11).
8, 1-2 sed. . .reperiuntur Cf. 25 (24).8 ac vide quanto diligentius
homines metuant quam meminerint.
4 natalis The date is uncertain, perhaps 26 April; cf. Fam. 413
(xi.i4).3.
248
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 23 (23(1.15)) 10
this Ovation was never celebrated. Indeed it is not certain that the
Senate passed the proposal. Livy (Epit. cxix) and Appian (B.C. 111.74)
imply the contrary; see T.-P. ad loc.
17 evertimus This will have been ordered in the decree of 30 June
declaring Lepidus a public enemy (Fam. 425 (xii.io).i).
10, 2 saepe ‘many’; cf. Nat. dear. 11.166 deorum saepe praesentiae,
quales supra commemoravi, declarant ab iis et civitatibus et singulis hominibus
consuli-, Propertiana, pp. 13b; K.-S. 1, 220. Adverbs so employed are not
really adjectival, but qualify a verbal idea associated with the noun.
saepe here can hardly be taken with intellexi as in Off. 1.146 magna saepe
intellegemus ex parvis.
4 sapienter Sc. fieri, which Muller proposed to add to the text, or
iudicari (cf. Fin. 1.61 multoque hoc melius nos veriusque quam Stoici, et sim.).
13 in praesens So in Sallust, Nepos, and Livy. That Cicero in his
speeches has in praesens tempus twice is no proof that tempus is required
here. On in praesenti see F. 1, 411.
15 documentum Plaut. Capt. 752 is compared: illis... documentum
dabo I ne tale quisquam facinus incipere audeat. Cf. Thes. v.i, 1805.77.
11, 5 liberi Presumably the three sons by Archippe (Plut. Them.
32). Themistocles’ great wealth had been confiscated, but a good deal
of it was smuggled out to Asia by his friends (ibid. 25).
10-11 quid senserim quidque censuerim ‘My speeches and
motions.’ sentire here refers to the delivery of a sententia in the Senate (F.
1, 376; not ‘opinions’), censere to a motion in set terms; cf. e.g. Phil. xiv.
36 sed ut aliquando sententiam complectar, ita censeo.
12, 4 sive enim vicerimus The natural meaning would be ‘if we
win’, but followed by sive certamen reliquum est the future perfect has to be
understood, ‘if it turns out that we have won’.
13, 1 sororis, sqq. Perhaps a postscript. But § 11 is concerned with
the theoretical justification of the Senate’s decree, not with the actual
consequences.
24 (26(1.18))
249
Ad Brut. 24 (26(1.18)) 4 COMMENTARY
the first young man who failed to implement Cicero’s guarantee: cf. Cael.
77-
5-6 animi et sententiae... pro altero... obligatio ‘Responsi¬
bility for someone else’s mind and sentiments.’
8-9 si.. .spoponderis ‘If the person for whom you have gone
surety is quite happy to have you pay up’ (more literally, ‘that a pay¬
ment be made’).
11 esse indoles Cf. Att. 203 (x.i2a)-4 est enim indoles (Watt).
12 falsi An honour (office) improperly gained is a sham.
14 machinas Cf. Plaut. Mil. 813 quantas moveo machinas!; Eur. I.T.
112 TT&cras TTpocrcpepovTE et sim- aP- Otto> Sprichworter, 204.
4, 4 (praeclarus) Cf. 23 (23).9 praeclara . . . ingenia-, Fatn. 364
(x. 28). 3 praeclarus D. Brutus, egregius puer Caesar) Sail. lug. 39.1 qui bello saepe
praeclari fuerunt. This or a word of similar meaning is definitely needed.
5, 2 obdurescunt ‘Grow obdurate.’
25 (24(1.16))
250
commentary Ad Brut. 25 (24(1.16)) 6
26 (25(1.17))
On the question of authenticity see Introd. pp. 10 ff. If the letter were
considered genuine, it would have to be dated no earlier than early
May, since Brutus had heard of Octavian’s Ovation (§2 triumphus). On
251
Ad Brut. 26 (25(1.17)) 1 COMMENTARY
the other hand, Cicero could not have told Atticus that Brutus had never
expressed any opinion about his own acta (§1) after receiving Letter 10
(n) about mid May. Atticus’ letter, to which this purports to reply,
would therefore have reached Brutus no later than the end of May, but
perhaps considerably earlier.
1, 2 actis Not the victory at Mutina, but Cicero’s general record in
the struggle against Antony. Brutus had indeed praised two of the
Philippics in his letter of 1 April (2 (3)4) and seems to have expressed
approval of Cicero’s hostility to the Antonii about the same time (6
(8).2), but that did not amount to much.
6 sed, sqq. ‘But in certain respects he has acted — shall I say
naively, of the most worldly wise of men? Or shall I say “with desire to
ingratiate”, of one who for country’s sake did not hesitate to incur the
enmity of Antony in the plenitude of his power?’ ‘Brutus’ has been much
misunderstood at this point, by me (SB1 6f.) and others. He knows that
Cicero’s behaviour to Octavian has been wrong, but what word to
describe it? imperite? But Cicero was experienced and wise, ambitiose?
But a man who had set himself up against Antony for the public good
was hardly to be accused of currying favour with Octavian. So let the
cause or motive remain undetermined. ‘Brutus’ will merely state the
fact. T.-P.’s strictures miss their mark as usual: ‘It was characteristic
assurance on the part of Brutus to censure Cicero for taking up the fight
against Antony when he himself had urged Cicero to this course and he
himself had shirked it.’ They were right, however, to end the sentence
with a question-mark and not, as Watt, with a full stop.
14 sicarium See Introd. p. 12.
Cascae See Introd. pp. 1 if.
15 imitetur SB2 7 (mutatis mutandis): ‘The statement that Cicero
is imitating Bestia (i.e. slandering Casca as Bestia slandered Cicero) is
conjoined with the statement that Cicero killed more than one man
(whereas Casca killed only one); both as showing how Cicero’s abuse of
Casca recoils upon himself. This does not fit. imitatur in Casca Bestiam
should run parallel to obiciat Cascae quod obicit, that is to say imitatur
should be imitetur.’
Bestiam See on Q_.fr. 7 (11.3) .6. As Tribune in 63-62 he joined
Metellus Nepos in attacking Cicero.
18 pulcherrimum factum This is what Cicero calls the assassin¬
ation in a letter to Cassius, Fam. 345 (xn.3). 1; cf. 364 (x.28).i illas
pulcherrimas epulas.
2, 5-7 ut iam.. .timentis sint Watt’s supplement makes good
sense. How the passage was ‘admirably interpreted’ by Sjogren can be
read in T.-P.
252
COMMENTARY Ad Brut. 26 (25 (i. I 7) ) 3
253
Ad Brut. 26 (25(1.17)) 6 commentary
254
ADDENDA
AD ATTICUM
16 (1. r6). 13 (qui...iniit): cf. Sen. De ira, 1.116 quid? tibi lex videtur irasci iis
quos non novit, quos non vidit, quos non futuros sperat? (personification of law).
25 (n.5). i (satietate nostri): add Liv. 35.10.6 accedebat quod alter decimum iam
prope annum assiduus in oculis hominum fuerat, quae res minus verendos magnos
homines ipsa satietate facit.
72 (111.27) (cito videbo): Leg. 11.7 implies that Cicero had never seen
Atticus’ property in Epirus. The lapse in their correspondence remains
unexplained.
105 (v. 12). 1 (citius quam vellemus): cf. Paulin. Nol. Carm. 24.357 tali
quiete temperans caelum et mare, | ne pace cursus haereat, \ periculosa nec ratem
flatu gravi | perurgeat velocitas.
116 (vi.2).7 (cupere): cf., however. Quine t. 21 res convenire nullo modo potest,
propterea quod hic mediocrem iacturam facere cupiebat, iste mediocri praeda
contentus non erat.
177 (ix.io).3 (iure): cf. Flor. 11.9 (m.2i).i2, of Marius, vi patriam repo¬
scens, unde vi fuerat expulsus, poterat videri iure agere, nisi causam suam saevitia
corrumperet.
187 (ix. 18).2 (f|pcos Celer): cf. Asius ap. West, Iambi et elegi Graeci, 11. p. 46
ycoAos, cmypcrnris, iroAuyf)paos, ictos aAf|Tr|i | fjAOe kvictokoAcc^,
eute MeAris eyapEi, | okAt|tos, joopou KEXprinsvos' ev 6e pectoictiv |
ppeos e1cttt)kei (3opPopou e^avaSus.
255
ADDENDA
191 (x.ia) (disertus magis quam sapiens): cf. Sali Cat. 5.4 satis eloquentiae,
sapientiae parum.
195 (x.4.).7 (a Curione...venire): add Rep. 1.18 cum puer nuntiavit venire ad
eum Laelium domoque iam exisse.
199 (x.8b).2 (vitae...iudicio): add Ov. Trist. v.6.15 nil nisi me solum primo
tutatus es; at nunc | me pariter serva iudiciumque tuum.
220 (xi.g).2 (cessi vel potius parui): cf. Lig. 22 cessit auctoritati amplissimi
viri vel potius paruit.
250 (xn.i3).2 (cum...dolore): cf. the anecdote in Sen. Contr. iv. praef.4.
368 (xiv.i4).2 (Victor numquam scriptus): cf. Quint. Deci. Mai. 1.16
(Lehnert, p.18.16) filius scriptus non timet paenitentiam testamenti.
AD FAMILIARES
32 (vii.i6).i (mi vetule): add Lucii. 826 (Marx) veteratorem illum, vetulum
lupum Annibalem.
193 (ix.20).2 (artolagani', see F.11, 573): probably just ‘bread-basket and
bottle’. Cf. Gow-Page, Garland of Philip, p. 402 and Plin. Epist. 1.6.3
licebit auctore me ut panarium et lagunculam sic etiam pugillares feras.
216 (xv.19).4 (virtutem): cf. Val. Max. ix. 2 Ext.2 Hannibal, cuius maiore ex
parte virtus saevitia constabat.
345 (xii.3).2 (productus): note the case of the Consul C. Piso in 67: tantum
non manibus tribunorum pro rostris collocatus (Val. Max. 111.8.3).
256
ADDENDA
AD QUINTUM FRATREM
2 (1.2).6 (enim): See now Watt’s article in Cl. Q_. 30 (1980), i2off. On
this passage he concludes ‘probably enim has (as frequently elsewhere)
been misplaced; or perhaps it should be deleted as an erroneous ditto-
graphy after te’.
21 (hi. i). i (Herum): P. Harvey notes (Am. J. Phil. 101 (1980), 115) that
‘the gentilicium Herius is attested well in towns close by Arcanum’
and suggests ‘a tenant or some local citizen with whom Quintus had
dealings’. Herium should probably be in the text.
21 (m. i). i (Diphilum Diphilo tardiorem); cf. the Greek idiom, e.g. Philostr.
Vit. Apoll. iv.27 a^poTspov ccutgov efyov.
257
CONCORDANCE
CONCORDANCE
AD QUINTUM FRATREM
This edition Vulg. Vulg. This edition
I 1.1 1.1 1
2 1.2 1.2 2
3 i-3 i-3 3
4 1.4 1.4 4
5 11.1 11.1 5
6 11.2 11.2 6
7 u-3 u-3 7
8 11.4 11.4 8
9 n-5 (4-3-7) n-5 (4-3-7) 9
10 n-6 (5) n-6 (5) 10
11 h-7 (6) n-7 (6) 11
12 n.g (8) n.8 (7) 13
13 n.8 (7) h-9 (8) 12
259
CONCORDANCE
AD M. BRUTUM
This edition Vulg. Vulg. This ed.
1 1 (ii.i) 1 (ii.i) 1
2 2 (11.2) 2 (11.2) 2
3 3 (n.3) 3 (n-3) 3
4 4 (n.4) 4 (n.4) 4
5 5 (n.5) 5 (n.5) 5
6 8 (1.2a) 6 (1.1) 13
7 9 (1.3) 7 (1-2) 14
8 10 (1.3a) 8 (1.2a) 6
9 13 (i-5) 9 (1.3) 7
10 11 (1.4) 10 (1.3a) 8
11 12 (1.4a) 11 (1.4) 10
12 14 (1.6) 12 (1.4a) 11
i3 6 (1.1) 13 (1.5) 9
*4 7 (1.2) 14 (1.6) 12
15 16 (1.8) 15 (i-7) 19
16 19 (1.11) 16 (1.8) 15
17 18 (1.10) 17 (i-9) 18
18 17 (1.9) 18 (1.10) 17
19 15 (i-7) 19 (1.11) 16
20 21 (1.13) 20 (1.12) 21
21 20 (1.12) 21 (1.13) 20
22 22 (1.14) 22 (1.14) 22
23 23 (i-i5) 23 (1-15) 23
24 26 (1.18) 24 (1.16) 25
25 24 (1.16) 25 (1.17) 26
26 25 (1.17) 26 (1.18) 24
260
INDIGES
This index lists proper names which appear in the text. References are to the text,
by letter and section. Annotation in the Commentary is indicated by bold type.
A. AD QUINTUM FRATREM
Acilius Glabrio, M’. (cos. 67), 5.1 Antonius (incertum quis ex tribus),
Acutius, Q., 22.3 2.13
Aelius Lamia, L. (pr. 42(?)), 16.2. Antonius, C. (pr. 44), 22.1
V. etiam Lamiae Antonius, L. (cos. 41), 22.1
Aelius Tubero, L., 1.10 Antonius, M. (triumvir), 3.7
Aelius Tubero, Q_. (tr. pl. ante Apamensis, v. Hephaestius
129), 25.1 Apollo, 21.24.
Aemilius Lepidus, M’. (cos.66), 5.1 Apollinis (aedes), 7.3
Aemilius Paullus, L. (cos. 50), 8.1 Apollonidenses, 2.10, 11
Aemilius Scaurus, M. (pr. 56), Appia via, 1.17; 25.8
19.4; 20.3; 21.11, 16; 22.3; Appius, v. Claudius Pulcher, Ap.
26.3 Aquilius, M’. (cos. 129), 25.1
Aeserninus Samnis (gladiator), Arcanum, v. Arx
24.2 Ariminum, 17.1
Aesopus (tragoedus), 2.14 Aristophaneus modus, 21.19
Afranius, L. (cos. 60), 13.3 Aristoteles, 25.1
Afri, 1.27 Arpinum, 21.3
Africanus, v. Cornelius Scipio Arpinas 10.4; 21.7, 8
Africanus Arrius, Q.. (pr. 73(F)), 3.8
Agesilaus, 2.7 Arx, 12.3
Alexandria, 7.2 Arcanum, 10.4; 23.1; 27.7
Alexandrinus rex, 6.3 Ascanio, 24.5
Alfius Flavus, C. (pr. 54 (?)), Asia, 1.8, 9, 20, 22, 24, 26, 30, 31,
21.24; 23.3 34, 42, 45; 2.14
Allienus, A. (pr. 49), 1.10 Asiatica itinera, 1.17
Ampius Balbus, T. (pr.59), cf. 2.8 Asiciana lectica 12.2. -num octo¬
Anagninum, 10.4 phoron, 12.2
Anicius, T., 12.3; 21.23 Ateius Capito, L., 21.15
Annalis (i.e. L. Villius Annalis?), Atellanum municipium, 17.3
21.20 Athenae, 2.14; 20.4
Annius Milo, T. (pr. 55), 4.3; 5.3; Atilius Serranus (Domitianus,
7.1, 2, 4; 9.3, 4; 10.4; 21.13; Sex.?), 26.5
22.2; 26.6; 27.2 Atilius Serranus Gavianus, Sex.
Antandrius, v. Megaristus (tr. pl. 57), 4.3
Antistius Vetus, L. (tr. pl. 56), 5.3 Attalus Hypaepenus, 2.14
261
INDICES
262
INDIGES
263
INDICES
264
INDICES
265
INDICES
266
INDICES
B. AD M. BRUTUM
Apuleius, M. (cos. 20?), 19.2 Clodius Pulcher, P.(tr. pl. 58), 26.1
Aquila, v. Pontius Aquila Cornelius Dolabella, P. (Cn. (?)
Asia, 2.5; 4.3; 9.3; 14.1 Cornelius Lentulus Dolabel¬
Attica, v. Caecilia Attica la?) (cos. 44), 2.5; 4.2, 3;
Atticus, v. Pomponius Atticus 5.3, 5; 6.1; 9.1, 2; 12.3; 14.1
Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, P.
Bestia, v. Calpurnius Bestia (minor), 3.3; 22.1
Bibulus, v. Calpurnius Bibulus Cornutus, v. Caecilius Cornutus
Brutus, v. Iunius Brutus Cretense bellum, 15.2
267
INDICES
268
INDIGES
This select index lists proper names which appear in the Commentary, excluding
references in Index nominum (i). References are to the Commentary by letter,
section and line. ‘B.’ = Ad Brutum.
269
INDICES
Urania, 13.1.2-3
Maera, 27.7.1-2
To Commentary
A. LATINORUM
‘B.’ = Ad Brutum
270
INDICES
271
INDICES
B. GRAECORUM
IV INDEX RERUM
To Commentary
272
INDICES
273
INDICES
V INDEX GRAECITATIS
To text
&AA’ aiei Tiva <pcoTa pieyav (Od. ©ETIKCOTEpOV, 23.4
ix-5‘3)j 2;i
aAA’ oipco^ETCO, 27.8 pOUaOTT&TOCKTOS, 12.1
9iAaAr)0cos, 20.5
fipar’ OTTCopivcp, k.t.A. (II. xvi.
274
Date Due
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