Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
VOLUME VIII
CONTENTS
Development of Moral and Physical Qualities of Student Youth by Means of Pedestrian Tourism
Valentina Kurilova, Viktor Diskovsky, Sergey Redko, Sergey Shchastlivy, Nikolay Pilipenko 149
Search of Ways to Increase Mental Working Efficiency of Children of Young School Age
Valentina Kurilova, Lyudmila Tsyukalo, Sergey Redko 154
Classification System of Ukrainian Folktales of M. Andreev: Role for the Ukrainian Fairylore
Svitlana Karpenko 188
Influence of Bioaerosol Source Location and Ceiling Fan Direction on Eggcrate Upper-room
Ultraviolet Germicidal Irradiation
Sumayah F. Rahman, Stephen N. Rudnick, Sonya P. Milonova, James J. McDevitt, Edward A. Nardell 219
Anna A. Ivanova,
3-year Student at St. Petersburg School of Social Sciences and Humanities,
National Research University Higher School of Economics - Saint Petersburg,
Russia,
Andrey V. Ivanov,
Ph.D., Sc. D., Professor, Head of Department of German,
Linguistics University Nizhny Novgorod, Russia
The relevance of the reference to British policy on under their mandate Pales-
tinian lands between 1922 and 1948 and the relationship between Palestinian Arabs
and Jewish immigrants entering the Palestinian territory stems from the fact that the
foundations of inter-ethnic and inter-religious conflict in the Holy Land were laid in the
period under review. The conflict involved not only the direct participants themselves-
Arabs and Jews, but also countries whose Middle East policy in one or another way
had to be aimed at preventing the conflict itself. Administrative and political miscalcu-
lations and mistakes in mandated territories monitoring have led to the Arab-Israeli
confrontation, continuing to this day.
1. The emergence of a mandated system as a form of administration of
former colonies. A characteristic feature of the colonial alterations of the twentieth
century was a special form of state dependence of the former colonies on the coun-
tries of Metropolitan areas, which was established by the Versailles and other treaties
and became known as the mandated system.
Art. 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations defined the mandated sys-
tem for the colonies management as follows: "The best method of giving practical ef-
fect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to ad-
vanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geograph-
ical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it,
and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the
League" [1].
122 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
Picot agreement also provided for the establishment of a fifth, brown zone, com-
posed of Palestine, excluding the ports of Haifa and Acre, mentioned above. An in-
ternational administration was to be established in the zone. By the time of the open-
ing of the Paris Peace Conference, this distribution of territories had already been
supported by the deployment of the Anglo-French armed forces.
3. Balfour Declaration. In parallel with the actions resulting from the Sykes-
Picot agreement, Britain, on the one hand, negotiated with the Arabs, guaranteeing
their support for the establishment an independent Arab state within the borders of
370 latitudes in the East and the Indian ocean in the South in exchange for assis-
tance in the war against the Turks, and, on the other hand, agreed with the Jewish
Diaspora to establish a so-called Jewish "national hearth" in Palestine. The active
participation in negotiations with the British Chaim Weizmann, head of the Zionist
Commission in Palestine in 1918, played, who became the first Israel President in
1949. These agreements were enshrined in the Declaration of the British Foreign
Minister Arthur James Balfour on the 2-nd of November 1917, which was included
into the text of the mandate for Palestine [3].
In historiographical literature, there are several explanations for the emer-
gence of Balfour Declaration:
(1) "Zionistic", according to which it is the merit of the British Zionists, led by
Ch. Weizmann, who were able to achieve their plans implementation;
(2) "Propaganda", explaining the Declaration as an attempt by Britain to enlist
the support of the Jewish Diaspora in the United States and Russia;
(3) "British-Imperial", justifying Britain's colonial claim to Palestinian territory;
(4) "Idealistic", which treats the appearance of the Declaration as a British
friendly gesture to the Jews [4, p. 7].
The above-mentioned "explanations" should be evaluated considering the po-
litical and economic objectives of the so-called Middle East settlement project direct
participants and beneficiaries - British people and Palestinian Arabs and Jews. At
the same time, it seems fair to argue that Jewish researchers are characterized by a
clearly expressed anti-Arab position in the Palestinian question, for Arab historians
this position is almost unambiguously anti-Jewish and neither of them is not interest-
ed in the whole set of factors that influenced British policy in the Holy Land.
It is for this reason that the legal status of the Declaration, the need for its
adoption and subsequent inclusion into the mandate of the League of Nations for
124 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
Palestine, and the degree of balance and non-relevance of its language are still con-
tentious among historians. "The international illegality of the adoption of the Balfour
Declaration, < ... > the very mandate, which is a manifestation of "mandate colonial-
ism", thus, led to Arab uprisings in Palestine in 1929 and 1936-1939.These docu-
ments mainly caused the issue of Palestine, and the whole Middle East conflict" [5, p.
287]. As noted by A.V. Shandra, "the future of Palestine since the publication of Bal-
four Declaration <...> finally became associated with the creation and development of
the national home for the Jews" [6, p. 13], however, "while maintaining the rights of
non-Jewish communities in Palestine" [7, p. 17].
4. The demographic, economic and political situation in Palestine during
the early years of the British mandate.
4.1. Demographic situation. The rural population of Palestine in the first dec-
ade after the establishment of the British mandate accounted for about 55 per cent,
urban for 33 per cent and Bedouin for 12 per cent. On a national basis the majority of
the population was Arabs (77%), Jews — about 18%.
The analysis of the data of table [8, p. 69] shows that the population of Pales-
tine over the described period and later grew mainly at the expense of the Arabs and
Jews who immigrated to this territory. The Arabs settled mainly on cross-border lands
between Palestine and Transjordan, where the possibility of crossing the border was
extremely high due to the weak border control.
The immigration of the Jewish population was stimulated by some of the spe-
cific conditions of the mandate that contributed to the establishment of a Jewish "na-
tional hearth" on the Palestinian territory. These conditions were stipulated by the
mandate holder as Britain and the Zionist organizations. The legal basis for Jewish
immigration was Art. 6 of the British mandate, which stated: "The Administration of
'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa' 125
Palestine <...> shall facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions and shall
encourage <...> close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and
waste lands not required for public purposes" [9].
The flow of Jewish immigrants from Diaspora countries increased in 1924-
1926 and came mostly from Poland, Romania and the Baltic States. The increase in
the number of immigrants is also recorded in 1931-1932 in connection with the global
economic crises and the rise of Nazis' power in Germany. The largest number of im-
migrants was in the last months of the year 1932, among which there were many
Jews with significant capital.
About 35 thousand immigrants entered the country as part of the third aliyah,
then about 85 thousand as part of the fourth aliyah. In 1929 the fifth, the most nu-
merous aliyah began, amounting to about 250 thousand people. Its peak was in the
mid of 30-ies [10, p. 165; 168]. During the third aliyah, the system of Jewish agricul-
tural communes (kibbutz) was actively developed in Palestine.
4.2. The situation in the sphere of land tenure and land use. During the
period of Turkish rule most of the land was owned by large landowners (effendis).
Since the establishment of the mandate, the situation has changed little as landown-
ers have continued to own more than 20,000 hectares of fertile land and have taken
possession of allotments, owned by fellahin. Jewish settlers also participated in the
land ownership redistribution, which led to open clashes between them and local
peasants who in fact were driven from their real lands. The situation was complicated
by the fact that Britain openly supported the Zionists. In 1920 The High Commission-
er of Palestine Sir Herbert Samuel signed the agreement with the Bedouin tribes, that
earmarked for transfer 179,545 dunams of state land to the Bedouin. It facilitated the
purchase of estates of Arab feudal lords by Zionist funds [10, p. 168].
Over the time, the trend towards buying up an agricultural land by the Jewish
national Fund has intensified. In 1930 the Jewish Fund has purchased 16,500 du-
nams of land, while the report by the Commission of Van Rees indicated the figure
24,516 dunams [11, p. 47]. In 1903, targeting to buy the Palestinian lands the Zion-
ists established the Anglo-Palestine Bank, a credit institution, also financing the erec-
tion of Jewish settlements in Palestine. "Land sale narrowed the rental land Fund,
which allowed landowners to create a competitive environment and maintain a high
rent. Due to the temporary nature of the lease, neither the landlord nor the tenant im-
126 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
proved the fertility of the leased land. The tenant also lacked motivation to fight for
higher yields..." [12, pp. 177-178].
The expressed property stratification between Arabs and Jews, as well as
Britain's support for Jewish returnees, largely determined the nature of relations be-
tween the Zionists and the local Arab population.
4.3. Political movements and parties in Palestine. Within the framework of
the mandate, a system of Palestinian national institutions was established by the lo-
cal population. In 20-40 years the Jewish colonization society ("the Yishuv") and its
socio-political structures were formed. The set of these structures became the basis
of the system, called Knesset-Israel. It consisted of the representative body of Asefat
ha-Nivharim (the "National Assembly"), executive body of the ha-Va'ad ha-Le'umi
(the national council or committee) and the Beit Mishpat ha-Shalom ha-Ivri (the He-
brew Court of Peace). A Department of the World Zionist Organization (WZO) also
functioned in Palestine, which functions were transferred to the Jewish Agency in
1929.
In 1930 a new Worker's party of Israel Mapai appeared, and it was led by D.
Ben-Gurion, who in 1935 headed the Jewish Agency, and 13 years later became the
first Prime Minister of the state of Israel proclaimed in 1948. The Religious Zionist
current was presented by the Mizrachi movement in the Yishuv. The Civil bloc Ez-
rahim united small political groups and represented the interests of the middle class.
The Ezrahim bloc more gravitated to the right wing of the movement "General Zion-
ists", which later proclaimed extreme radicalism and intransigence. Headed by V. Ja-
botinsky, the radical revisionists left the WZO in 1933. In 1937, they created an un-
derground national military organization Irgun Tsvai Leumi, which included up to 5
thousand militants.
In addition to the revisionists, the Palestinian Communist Party and the Jewish
religious Orthodoxy Haredim, represented by Agudat Yisrael, were marginalized in
political life.
The General Federation of Jewish workers Histadrut belonged to a number of
social organizations. It was established in 1920 and united in its staff approximately
70% of all employed people. However, this organization, as the researchers note,
paid more attention to party discipline and expansion of its political powers than to
the rights of Jewish workers [13, pp. 198-216].
'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa' 127
Political authority over the Muslims was concentrated in the hands of the
Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, who was elected in
1921, and in a year he headed the Supreme Muslim Council of Palestine, and in
1931, the international Congress of panislamists, gathered in Jerusalem.
Arabs' anti-British and anti-Zionist movement was led by the Arab Palestinian
Congress (APC), and its head Musa Kazim al-Husseini was till 1934.
In general, it should be agreed the Jewish and Arab communities have formed
their political institutions in different ways and with various degree of effectiveness. If
against Arabs it is fair to say that their political activity mostly had religious and na-
tionalist background, restricting the Arabs in the aspect of full-scale construction and
political authorities development, so concerning the Jews of Palestine it is true to
admit the obvious fact that they managed to create both the legislative and executive
bodies acting independently and they did not need guardianship and control exer-
cised by the British administration.
5. The inconsistency of the policy of the mandate and difficulties in ad-
ministration of the mandated territories. On the one hand, difficulties in the admin-
istration of the mandated territories were caused by conflicting provisions, written in
Art. 3 of the Mandate and Art. 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Accord-
ing to these documents, duties on the guardianship and development of the mandat-
ed territories were imposed on the mandate holders, who had to take into account
the interests of the local Arab population. But, on the other hand, Art. 2 of the Man-
date and the Balfour Declaration supposed the obligations of the mandate holders to
Zionist organizations to have been enshrined, because their main responsibility was
to care for Jewish settlers' interests. Since the Balfour Declaration had in fact recog-
nized Jewish immigrants, including future immigrants, as the indigenous population
of Palestine, the Arabs had been placed in the position of people, whose rights to
Palestinian land had been extremely violated. In the current situation, the British ad-
ministration actually had to express the interests of the "absent", i.e. not yet repatriat-
ed to Palestine Jewish population. However, this case did not prevent the British ad-
ministration from providing support to the emerging Arab national liberation move-
ment [7, p.18]. With a similar interpretation of the official political course of Britain,
conducted by it on the mandated territory, the opinion of a number of Israeli re-
searchers correlates, who disagree with the thesis that the British helped the Jews to
128 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
oust the local Arab population of Palestine and allowed the Jews to flood Palestine
[14, pp. 26-27].
However, Britain is known to have never attached much importance to its obli-
gations against the Arabs, though over time it was forced increasingly to act as "arbi-
trator for the two is fundamentally incompatible and politically uncompromising na-
tional movements" [15, p. 168]. A telegram of the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sir Ed-
ward Grey on September, 21 1916 to the British Ambassador in Rome Sir J. Rodd
can serve as a proof to the fact, that Britain was ready to recognize an independent
Arab state, if the Arabs succeeded in establishing their independence, and the only
promise that was made was to maintain independent Muslim control over the Holy
places of Islam [4, p. 22]. However, Arab leaders often compromised with the British
authorities in unjustified hoping to enlist their support in the fight against the Zionists
[16, p. 90].
During state-building on the mandated territory, including the formation of a lo-
cal government, there was a clear imbalance in the Arabs' and Jews' admission of
the country management in favor of the latter. This suggests the separation of the
entity indirect colonial control for the Arab and Jewish parts of the population. Jewish
settlers' interests were certain to have been represented not only by the British ad-
ministration, but also by the Jewish organizations themselves: the "moderate" Zionist
wing, which advocated the gradual economic and cultural development of Palestine,
that is, shared the provisions of the Balfour Declaration, as well as "irreconcilable" led
by V. Jabotinsky, who did not recognize compromises with the Arabs and aimed to
create a monoethnic Jewish state on Palestinian lands.
The British administration's support for Jewish immigrants and Jewish organi-
zations in Palestine had led the Arab and Jewish sides to have adopted irreconcilable
positions against each other, preventing the conflict resolution. At the very beginning
of the mandate, there had already been clashes between the Arab and Jewish popu-
lations in Palestine, accompanied by violence, scuffles and massacres.
6. The events of 1929. The conclusions and recommendations of the
commissions of W. Shaw and H. Simpson. A particularly bloody uprising was in
Jerusalem in 1929, known as the Events of 1929 (Western Wall Uprising, the Buraq
Uprising). The peasant Arab population took an active part in the uprising. During the
rebellion, which spread to Nablus, Haifa, Akka and Jaffa, according to official data of
the British authorities, 196 people were killed, 109 of them were Jews and 87 Arabs,
'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa' 129
more than 500 people were injured. The Arabs staged fighting in Hebron, Zefat, Na-
blus, Ramallah, Jenin and Gaza. The revolt was suppressed by the British Armed
Forces and made the League of Nations convene the special mandate Commission
in 1930, which dealt with the causes of the conflict and noted in its conclusions that
the Arabs' uprising was mostly directed against Britain, primarily against their inter-
ests on the mandated territory, while the Jewish population was only indirectly in-
volved in the bloodshed. This, at least, was the Vice-Chairman of the Mandate
Commission van Rees' opinion, voiced by him at the meeting of the XII session of the
Commission [11] and further confirmed by the boycott announced by the Arabs to the
British authorities.
The mandate holder himself established a commission, which gathered evi-
dence from both sides, to investigate the circumstances of the Arab unrest in 1929
under the leadership of Sir Walter Shaw [17]. The Shaw Commission concluded that
one of the causes of the unrest and violence was Palestinian discontent with the
mandate holder's Pro-Zionist policies. The Commission recommended the deletion of
the Balfour Declaration from the mandate, the restriction of Jewish immigration and
the purchase of land by Jews. The Minister of colonies, Lord Passfield included these
recommendations in the second White paper issued by the British government [16, p.
92].
In addition to the Shaw Commission in Palestine, there was also the British
Commission headed by Sir Hope Simpson, which published its report in 1930.
The Simpson Commission, noting that the British authorities had done their
utmost to prevent the unrest, indicated as the reasons for the latter: the increased
Jewish repatriation and acquisition of agricultural land by Jews, the expulsion from
the lands of the Arab fellas, which led to the emergence of the class of "landless" Ar-
abs, the rise of land value, the inability to lease these lands and carry out agricultural
activities on them Arabs, based on the position of the Jewish national Fund, the un-
employment growth among the Arab population, largely due to the refusal of Jewish
enterprises to employ Arab workers and artisans.
The Commission recommended limiting the Jewish immigration, stopping the
practice of buying up Arab lands by the Jews, the creation of a Palestinian legislature
with the Arab majority, increasing the number of mandatory armed forces, limiting the
power of Zionist organizations [18].
130 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
Although the proposed plan was not accepted by both conflicting parties, in
September 13, 1937, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Britain, Anthony Eden still pre-
sented the League of Nations a project for the partition of Palestine and proposed to
send a technical Committee to develop a detailed plan section. The implementation
of this plan was postponed because of the Arab and Jewish position. Despite the fact
that the held the same year Zionist Congress in Basel endorsed the idea of partition,
the Jews did not support Lord Peel's plan due to "the hostility of the Arabs" [15, p.
164].
In 1938, to identify the possibility of implementing Lord Peel's plan, the Com-
mission of Sir John Woodhead was accepted, which was to formulate recommenda-
tions on the establishment the borders of the Arab and Jewish states, the degree of
their economic independence, ethnic population composition, etc. Sir J. Woodhead
and his Commission concluded that it was impossible to implement Lord Peel's plan
in practice in the current conditions and taking into account the positions of the con-
flicting parties.
By 1939, fighting between the Jewish and Arab Palestinian communities had
ceased, and during the World War II Britain had to postpone the process of their terri-
torial separation.
8. The final period of the British mandate and the division of Palestine.
During the World War II the Arab liberation movement was divided. The Grand Mufti
escaped and openly joined the German Nazis. In 1944, the political Arab factions,
forced to unite by Syrian Prime Minister Jamil Mardam, nominated Musa Al-Alami as
a delegate to the Alexandria Conference on the establishment of the League of Arab
States (LAS). In 1945 Jamil Mardam contributed to the revival of the WAC, and Al-
Alami organized a Palestinian Bureau abroad with the help to the LAS to combat
against Zionist colonization.
In the wartime, the British Palestinian authorities expressed their support for
the Zionists, believing them allies in the war against Nazis Germany. 18,800 Palestin-
ian Jews served in the British Army. They subsequently formed the nucleus of the
Israeli Army after 1948, the mandatory power tried to prevent the resettlement of Eu-
ropean Jewish refugees, survivors of the war and genocide by all means. Realizing it,
the Yishuv resisted both Arabs and the British administration, increasingly resorting
to terrorist acts. D. Ben-Gurion noted in his diaries that the Jews' repatriation and
132 'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa'
References:
1. The Covenant of the League of Nations. URL: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/
Covenant_of_the_League_of_Nations#Article_22. (accessed 27.03.2018).
2. Pre-State Israel: The Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916). URL: http://www. jewishvir-
tuallibrary.org/jsource/History/sykes_pico.html (accessed 05.12. 2017).
3. Pre-State Israel: The Balfour Declaration (November 1917). URL: http://www.
jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/baltoc.html (accessed 05.12.2017).
'Science, Education and Culture in Eurasia and Africa' 133
VOLUME VIII