Pacariqtambo and the Mythical Origins of the Inca

Brian S. Bauer

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 2, No. 1. (Mar., 1991), pp. 7-26.

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 PACARIQTAMBO AND THE MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA

Brian S. Bauer

In this study the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the Inca, as described in a number of dlflerent Spanish chronicles,
is analyzed through examining archaeological data from the Province of Paruro (Department of Cuzco, Peru).
Thefindings suggest that the rock outcrop of Puma Orco, located in the District of Pacariqtambo, may represent
the Tambotoco of the Pacariqtambo origin myth, and that the nearby Inca ruins of Maukallaqta may have
contained an oracle of thefirst mythical Inca, Manco Capac. It is suggested that these ruins were built by the
ruling elite of Cuzco to commemorate their mythical progenitor and to legitimate their sacred status within Inca
society.
Uno de 10s mecanismos centrales que tienc, lugar en la formaci6n de sociedades complejas es el desarrollo y
legitimaci6n de la autoridad central, por parte de grupos emparentados de la Plite. Dentro de 10s estados antiguos,
a menudo 10s grupos dominantes promovieron y mantuvieron sus posiciones privilegiadas dentro de la sociedad
por medio de referencias a su descendencia a partir de una figura mitica considerada creadora del orden social
existente. A1 igual que muchas monarquias de origen divino, el origen ancestral de la dinastia inca estci unido a
un viaje mitico desde la periferia del reino hasta el centro. El objetivo de este trabajo es de ilustrar c6mo el mito
de origen de 10s incas concuerda con 10s lineamientos de otros mitos de origenes de sociedades, y explicar c6mo
un conjunto de ruinas arqueol6gicas ubicadas a1 sur de Cuzco puede ser asociada con el origen mitico de 10s incas.
El hallazgo sugiere que el afloramiento rocoso de Puma Orco, ubicado en el distrito de Pacariqtambo, puede
representar el Tambotoco en el mito de origen de Pacariqtambo, y que las ruinas incaicas cercanas de Maukallaqta
pueden haber incluido un orciculo de Manco Capac, primer inca de acuerdo a la mitologfa. Se sugiere que estas
ruinas fueron construidas por la elite gobernante de Cuzco para conmemorar a su progenitor mitico y para
legitimar su estado sagrado dentro de la sociedad inca.

One of the central mechanisms involved in the formation of complex societies is the development
and legitimization of centralized authority by elite kin groups. Dominant groups within early states
frequently promoted and maintained their privileged positions within the society through references
to their descent from a mythical figure credited with establishing the existing social order. The origin
myths of these kin groups tend to take a similar form (Hocart 1970; Sahlins 1981, 1985). The
purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the origin myth of the Inca conforms to the general outlines
of other societal origin myths, and to explain how a particular set of archaeological ruins south of
Cuzco may be associated with the mythical origins of the 1nca.l
The events contained within most, if not all, societal origin myths are thought to have taken place
in a primordial setting of time, just before the modem era began. Indeed, the events that occur in
the origin myth are used to define the beginning of the modem era and frequently determine the
social parameters in which later historical actions must take place. Typically the origin myth begins
with an explanation that the father of the original ancestor was a god or the king of a mythical
realm. Accordingly, the original ancestor is said to have emerged from, or to have been born outside
of, the territory that the elite kin group would later control. The emergence or birth of the ancestral
king outside of the dominated region defines him, and his descendants, as foreigners. As Sahlins
(1985:78) notes:
It is a remarkably common fact that the great chiefs and kings of political society are not of the people they
rule. By the local theories of origin they are strangers,. . . Typically, then, these rulers do not even spring
from the same clay as the aboriginal people: they are from the heavens or-in the very common case-they
are of distinct ethnic stock. In either event, royalty is the foreigner.

Brian S. Bauer, 5514 South University, Apt. 1724, Chicago, I L 60637

Latin American Antiquity, 2(1), 1991, pp. 7-26.

Copyright O 1991 by the Society for American Archaeology

8 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

Thus there is an inseparable link between the perceived foreignness of dynastic rulers, as delineated
in their origin myths, and the legitimization of their privileged positions within the complex society.
The geographical and genealogical distance between the rulers of a state and the population they
rule serves to define them as a separate category of social beings that legitimately inherits elite social
powers and rights.
Within origin myths, it is frequently said that the original ancestor undertook a journey from his
former temtory to the new area. The journey often involves a series of tests or challenges that
require heroic feats of strength or prowess. For example, it is commonly said that the original
ancestor fought and won a battle with the indigenous rulers of the region. At the end of the battle
the triumphant original ancestor is able to establish his rule over the realm. In other words, the
foreigner's amval at and conquest of the new region reinforces his definition as a powerful outsider
in the local society. His victory has won him and his descendants the right to dominate and rule
the indigenous people of the area.
The original ancestor's triumph over the local rulers is, however, frequently coupled with a crime
against the social order. The performance of a barbaric act, such as murder or incest, further defines
the original ancestor as stronger than, or outside of, the social order, just as his conquest of the
region establishes the ancestor's domination over the native peoples. According to Sahlins (1985:
79), "Power reveals and defines itself as the rupture of the people's own moral order, precisely as
the greatest crimes against kinship: fratricide, pamcide, the union of mother and son, father and
daughter, or brother and sister." As a divine conqueror, or a stranger-king, the original ancestor is
able to found a new dynastic line and to establish a new social hierarchy. Origin myths of elite kin
groups thus serve as indigenous explanations of the origin of the social order and confirmations of
the dominant social group's right to power.
The nobility of the Inca empire (A.D. 1400-1 532) was no exception to this general phenomenon
and traced its lineage back more than 10 generations to a stranger-king. The Inca elite were believed
to be the direct descendants of a mythical first Inca, named Manco Capac, who emerged from a
cave in a region called Pacariqtambo. Manco Capac is said to have traveled to the valley of Cuzco,
where he battled the local inhabitants for control of the region. Manco Capac is also said to have
mamed one of his sisters, Mama Ocllo, and to have murdered one of his brothers during their
journey to the Cuzco region. The Inca were, however, unusual in that, as part of a larger cultural
tradition of acknowledging mythical origin places, they explicitly associated a region south of Cuzco,
and a cave within that region, with the primordial emergence of Manco Capac. The traditional
identification of ancestral origin places by the Inca provides opportunities to modem scholars to
investigate locations associated with the mythical progenitors of Andean people. Archaeological and
historical evidence presented in this work indicates that two archaeological sites in the modem
District of Pacariqtambo (Department of Cuzco) may represent the remains of a shrine and a temple
complex built by the dynastic rulers of Cuzco. It is suggested that this shrine and temple complex
were related to the origin myth of the Inca nobility and as such may have been used to reconfirm
the Inca nobility's descent from Manco Capac and to legitimize their elite social status over the
local inhabitants.

PACARIQTAMBO AND THE ANDEAN CONCEPT OF ORIGIN PLACES

In Inca mythology, the peopling of the earth occurred as the creator-god Viracocha walked across
the Andes establishing a multitude of origin locations and called humans to emerge from them to
populate the land. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:27 [1572:Chapter 7]), for example, wrote:
Y las voces que daban todo lugar obedeci6, y asi salieron unos de lagos, otros de fuentes, valles, cuevas,
arboles, cavernas, peiias y montes, y hinchieron las tierras y multiplicaron las naciones que son hoy en el
Piru.
At his [Viracocha's] calling every place obeyed, and so people came forth, some from lakes, others from
springs, valleys, caves, trees, caverns, rocks and hills, peopling the land and multiplying to form the nations
that are today in Peru. [All translations from the Spanish are by the author.]
The specific locations from which ancestral kin were believed to have emerged were classified by
Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 9

the indigenous populations of the Andes as huacas, or sacred places, and were called paqarinas, or
origin places. The pan-Andean recognition of ancestral origin places is noted by Crist6bal de Albornoz
(1 984: 197 [I 5821):
Ay, como dixe arriba, el prencipal gCnero de guacas que antes que fuesen subjetos a1 ynga tenian, que llaman
pacariscas, que quieren dezir criadoras de sus naturalezas. Son en diferentes formas y nombres conforme a
las provincias: unos tenian piedras, otros fuentes y rios, otros cuebas, otros animales y aves e otros gCneros
de arboles y de yervas y desta diferencia tratavan ser criados y descender de las dichas cosas, como 10s yngas
dezia[n]ser salidos de Pacaritambo, ques de una cueba que se dize Tambo Toco y 10s angaras y soras descender
de una laguna llamada Choclo Cocha y desta manera todas las provincias del Piri.
There is, as mentioned above, the principal kind of huaca that they had before they were subjects to the Inca,
that they call paqarisqas, which means creators of their natures. They have different forms and names according
to their provinces: Some are stones, others springs and rivers, others caves, others animals and birds and
others types of trees and herbs, and were said to have been created and to descend from these different things,
like the Incas are said to have come forth from Pacariqtambo, which is a cave that is called Tambotoco, and
the Angaraes and Soras descend from a lake called Choclo Cocha and likewise [descended] all the provinces
of Peru.
The prevalent belief of Andean people in origin places for mythical ancestors was also noted by
the indigenous writers of the immediate Postconquest period. Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui,
a native of the Department of Cuzco, not only recognized their existence, but attributed their creation
to Manco Capac:
[Y] por ser mas conocidos, 10s mando que cada prouin~iay cada pueblo se escogiesen 6 heziessen de donde
descendieron, 6 de donde venieron; . . . 10s escogieron por su pacarisca 6 pacarimusca, vnos a las lagunas,
otros manantiyales, otros las peiias biuas y otros a 10s serros y quebradas [Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua
1950:218 (1613)l.
And for the sake of being more distinguishable he [Manco Capac] ordered that each province and each village
should choose where they descended from or where they came from; . . . some chose for their pacarisca, or
pacarimusca, lakes, others springs, others bare rocks and others the mountains and ravines.
The chronicler Garcilaso de la Vega provides additional information on the nature of Andean
paqarinas. During a discussion of the kin groups of the Lake Titicaca region, Garcilaso mentions
many of the locations where their mythical ancestors were thought to have emerged. In addition,
he notes that these locations were frequently visited and that offerings were made to the paqarinas
for the continuation of the kin groups:
Otros se precian venir de una gran fuente, de la cual afirman que sali6 el primer antecessor dellos. Otros
tienen por blas6n haver salido sus mayores de unas cuevas y resquicios de peiias grandes, y tenian aquellos
lugares por sagrados, y a sus tiempos 10s visitavan con sacrificiosen reconocimiento de hijos a padres [Garcilaso
de la Vega, El Inca 1945:105 (1609:Book 2, Chapter 20)].
Others claimed to descend from a great fountain which they declared was their first ancestor. Others took
pride in the appearance of their forefathers from caves and nooks in great rocks, and held these places sacred
and visited them in due season with sacrifices and the thanksgiving of children to their parents [Garcilasode
la Vega, El Inca 1966:llO (1609)l.
Consequently we learn that Andean kin groups, or ayllus, did not think of themselves as simply
belonging within certain boundaries, but as being defined by and originating from mythical ancestors,
who emerged from specific sacred locations. These paqarinas could take various forms on the Andean
landscape, including caves, lakes, boulders, or ravines. Members of the kin groups would return to
their origin places on special occasions to make sacrifices for the continuation of their lineage.
While there appear to have been a vast number of origin places located across the Andes, the
focus here is on one specific paqarina and the role of that origin place in the development and
legitimization of a ruling elite in the Cuzco region. The particular paqarina is the origin place of
Manco Capac, the mythical progenitor ofthe dynastic rulers of Cuzco. Its existence is known through
many references contained within the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the Incas, which recalls the
emergence of Manco Capac from a royal paqarina, a cave called Tambotoco, at a place called
Pacariqtambo. The myth also describes Manco Capac's northward journey from Pacariqtambo to
the valley of Cuzco, the founding of the imperial capital, and the establishment of a new dynastic
order in Cuzco by the Inca.2
10 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 19911

Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa's Segunda parte de la historia general llamada indica provides one
of the most detailed versions of the Pacariqtambo origin myth (Sarmiento de Gamboa 1906:33-37
[1572:Books 11 and 121). Because this presentation of the Pacariqtambo origin myth is critical in
identifying the location of the royal paqarina, sections of his chronicle are outlined below.
Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote that some six leagues3(approximately 33 km) to the south-southwest
of Cuzco there was a place called Pacaritambo (or Pacariqtambo), in which there was a hill called
Tambotoco with three windows, or caves. The caves were called Maras-toco, Sutic-toco, and Capac-
toco. Four men and four women, the first Inca, are said to have emerged from the central cave of
Capac-toco. The men were named Manco Capac, Ayar Auca, Ayar Cache, and Ayar Ucho, while
the four women were called Mama Ocllo, Mama Guaco, Mama Ipacura, and Mama Raua.
Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote that these eight Inca left Tambotoco and walked to Guanacancha
(or Huanacancha), where Manco Capac had intercourse with his sister Mama Ocllo, who became
pregnant. From Guanacancha, the Inca walked to several other villages including Tamboquiro,
Pallata, and Haysquisrro. In Haysquisrro, seven of the Inca decided to kill their brother Ayar Cache.
In order to achieve this, Manco Capac sent Ayar Cache, with a helper called Tambochacay, back
to Tambotoco to retrieve various items said to be left in the cave. When Ayar Cache entered the
cave, Tambochacay sealed him in with a large boulder. Tambochacay was, however, then trans-
formed into a stone by the entombed Ayar Cache. Sarmiento de Gamboa specifically noted that
even in his day the natives of the region would point out the stone Tambochacay beside the cave
of Capac-toco.
After the death of Ayar Cache, the seven remaining Incas left Haysquisrro and walked to the
mountain of Guanacauri [or Huanacauri], where a second brother of Manco Capac was transformed
into stone. It is said that Manco Capac then descended from the mountain of Huanacauri into the
valley of Cuzco. After considerable fighting, Manco Capac and his sister/wife Mama Ocllo defeated
the indigenous settlers of the Cuzco Valley and established a new dynastic order in Cuzco.
The ruling elite of Cuzco at the time of the Spanish conquest were thought to be the direct
descendants of Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo and as such were viewed as the legitimate rulers of
the Inca state. The association between Manco Capac and the Inca nobility is most eloquently stated
by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui (1950:273 [1613]) as he describes the elite of Cuzco as
the mancopchurzncuzco (Cuzco Sons of Manco [Capac]).

THE REGION OF PACARIQTAMBO

The modern District of Pacariqtambo, in the Province of Paruro, lies approximately 32 km by
trail (or 5.75 leagues) due south of Cuzco (Figure 1). Residents of this district traditionally associate
three locations with the Inca and the Pacariqtambo origin myth. The first of these locations is the
large Inca site of Maukallaqta. The extensive ruins of Maukallaqta, containing over 200 stone
foundations, stand on a wide, slightly curving, mountain shelf on the western side of the Huayna-
cancha Quebrada, a small tributary of the Yaurisque River (Figure 2). The ruins include several
architectural zones, with buildings aligned along grid systems in each zone. Other distinguishing
features of Maukallaqta are several elaborate stone gateways, cobblestone streets, and an unusual
central court (Bauer 1988, 1990, 199 1).
The second location in the region traditionally associated with the Inca is the stone outcrop of
Puma Orco situated immediately to the east of Maukallaqta (Figure 3). This massive outcrop, with
a rockfall at its northern end, towers above the surrounding river valley on a small spur of land. A
cave, approximately 6 m wide, 4 m high, and 4 m long, is located at the northern base of Puma
Orco. This is not a cave in the true geological sense, but instead is a shelter formed by the super-
position of several large boulders. A carved passageway between the boulders that form one side
of the cave and the vertical face of Puma Orco leads into the northern rockfall area. A number of
carved boulders lie in the rockfall area, including a large pyramid-shaped boulder with a series of
steps carved on its top (Figure 4). On the eastern side of Puma Orco are the remains of three Inca
buildings, a carved outcrop, and a series of terraces leading down to the Huaynacancha River. Inca
stone craftsmen transformed the rocky summit of Puma Orco into a continuous series of horizontal
 Figure 1. The mythical route of Manco Capac (shown by dotted line). Survey boundary indicated by dashed
line.
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY vol. 2, No. 1, 1991
Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 13

Figure 3. The outcrop of Puma Orco.

and vertical planes and two pumas were carved on the highest point of the rock outcrop. Settings
for stone blocks run along the summit's outer edge, indicating that the summit was circumscribed
by a stone wall. The carved boulders and summit of Puma Orco, as well as the buildings at the base
of the outcrop, appear to date to the Inca period. According to the traditions of the residents of
Mollebamba, a village between Maukallaqta and Puma Orco, this latter site, despite its name,
represents the legendary Tambotoco of the royal Inca.
The third location in the region associated with the royal origin myth of the Inca is a small cave
(1.8 m in height, 2.6 m in width, and 6.5 m in length) located near the modem community of
Pacariqtambo (Figure 5). The cave, currently called "Tamputoco," (or Tambotoco), is marked on
the Carla Nacional Cuzco 1:100,000 (Instituto Geogrbfico Nacional 1973:28s). It is located on the
western face of a ridge, approximately 2.5 km east of the town. Neither the cave's entrance nor its
interior shows indications of worked stone, and the semicircular entrance of the cave is unobstructed
and visible Erom a distance. The dirt floor contains scattered human skeletal remains.
Because of the association of the Pacariqtambo region with the mythical origin of Manco Capac,
the ruins of Maukallaqta and Puma Orco have been the foci of several research expeditions. The
first of these expeditions, dating to 1912, was led by Hiram Bingham (19 13, 1922). Bingham's work
in the region was followed by two additional expeditions in the early 1940s led by Jorge Muelle
(1945) and Luis Pardo (1946, 1957). The latter two researchers were the first to suggest that the
ruins of Maukallaqta and Puma Orco were related to the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the Incas.
They appear, however, to have been unaware of the existence of the small cave near the modem
village of Pacariqtambo.
14 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

Figure 4. Large pyramid-shaped boulder at Puma Orco.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF TAMBOTOCO OF THE

PACARIQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH

Two different locations in the Pacariqtambo region, the rock outcrop of Puma Orco and a small
cave called Tambotoco, are specifically associated with the royal paqarina of Manco Capac by the
oral traditions of the inhabitants of the region. Several lines of evidence may be investigated to
determine which of these locations most likely represents the legendary Tambotoco. The first line
of evidence consists of three graphic representations of the cave preserved in the texts of seventeenth-
century chronicles. The work of Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui contains the earliest known
drawing of the cave of Tambotoco (Figure 6). The drawing of the cave is, however, highly stylized.
Tambotoco is represented by Pachacuti Yamqui with three closely nested rectangles. The four interior
corners of the third rectangle are marked by small circles. In the center of this rectangle are two
additional nested rectangles; the first has been rotated 45 degrees while the second has been rotated
90 degrees. The nesting is terminated with a dot in the innermost rectangle. On either side of
Tambotoco is a tree said to represent the father (Apotampo) and mother (Pachamamaachi) of Manco
Capac. Pachacuti Yamqui also depicts the caves of Marastoco and Sutictoco on either side of
Tambotoco as two sets of three nested rectangles.
Two other graphic representations of Tambotoco are found in Guaman Poma de Ayala's thousand-
page letter of protest to the King of Spain. The first drawing (Figure 7) shows a coat of arms divided
into four panels (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980:62 [1615:f. 791). The first panel contains the sun,
the second the moon, the third a star, and in the fourth panel the idol of Huanacauri is depicted
standing on top of a hill called "Pacaritambo." At the base of the hill are three caves labeled
Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 15

Figure 5. The cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtembo.

"Tamputoco." The four figures of the coat of arms are reproduced as background elements in a
second drawing (Figure 8) that depicts the Inca and his wife praying during the month of Capac
Ynti Paymi (Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980:238 [1615:f. 264]).4 The sun, the moon, and a star,
which we are told by Guaman Poma de Ayala represents Venus, are depicted above the kneeling
figures. Behind and to the right of the Inca is the hill of Pacariqtambo with three caves at its base.
Both of these drawings by Guaman Poma de Ayala, although somewhat reminiscent of the rock
outcrop of Puma Orco, appear to be stylized representations of the cave, and as such cannot be
directly used to identify the actual place that the Inca called Tambotoco.
The narrative descriptions of the royal paqarina of Manco Capac, as presented in the Spanish
chronicles, may also be examined for information concerning its probable location. As stated above,

Figure 6. The caves of Marastoco, Tambotoco, and Sutictoco as represented by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti
Yamqui.
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 199 1

Figure 7. The Inca's coat of arms according to Guaman Poma de Ayala.

there are two places in the region of Pacariqtambo that may represent the mythical origin place of
the Inca: the outcrop of Puma Orco and the cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtambo.
These two possible origin places vary, however, in terms of their physical appearance. Puma Orco's
summit and several boulders along its base have been altered by Inca carvers, while the cave currently
called Tambotoco, near the community of Pacariqtambo, remains in its natural state.
The simple presence or absence of Inca stone carving at a site does not, however, directly aid in
the identification of Inca shrines. Both historical sources and archaeological remains suggest that
Inca shrines could take the form of either natural or carved stones. For example, the stone shrine
of Huanacauri, one of the most sacred shrines of the Inca empire, appears to have been worshiped
in an uncut, natural form (Cobo 1956:18 1 [1653:Book 131). On the other hand, the intihuatanas of
Machu Picchu and Pisac, the elaborately carved stones of Sayhuite and Rumiquillayoc, as well as
 MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA

Figure 8. The Inca and his wife praying during the month of Capac Ynti Paymi as drawn Guaman Poma
de Ayala.

the vast number of carved stones surrounding Sacsayhuaman, Kenk'o, and Chinchero in the Cuzco
region underscores the importance that stone carving had for the Inca. Nevertheless, if the early
Spanish descriptions of the Pacariqtambo origin myth indicate that worked stone was present at
Tambotoco, then this would support the suggestion that the carved rock outcrop of Puma Orco
marks the mythical origin place for Manco Capac. If, on the other hand, the chroniclers state that
the shrine was of uncut stone, then this would support the suggestion that the natural cave of
Tambotoco, near the town of Pacariqtambo, was viewed by the Inca as the royal paqarina.
Brief descriptions of the cave of Tambotoco can be found in two chronicles. Polo de Ondegardo
(1 9 16:49-50 [l57l]), a Spanish offical who lived in Cuzco for a number of years, describes the cave
of Tambotoco in the following passage:
[Clinco leguas del Cuzco, . . . est labrada antiquisimamente vna ventana de canteria arrimada a un cerro que
fut antiguo adoratorio suyo.
18 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

Five leagues from Cuzco, . . . there is an anciently carved window of stone, near a hill that was itself an old
shrine.
In this quotation Polo de Ondegardo not only suggests that the cave of Tambotoco was carved, but
it seems that the hill in which the cave was found was also a shrine. Polo de Ondegardo's description
of the royal paqarina of the Incas as a carved cave in a worked hill depicts the sculpted rock outcrop
of Puma Orco more closely than the natural cave of Tambotoco near the town of Pacariqtambo.
The second description of the origin place of Manco Capac is provided by Bernabt Cobo, a Jesuit
scholar who lived much of his life in Cuzco, and who, according to his chronicle, may have actually
visited the area of Pacariqtambo:
[Y] en la entrada de aquella famosa cueva de Pacarictampu, labrada curiosamente una ventana de piedra en

memoria de que sali6 della Manco Capac [Cobo 1956:64 (1653:Book 12)].

And in the entrance of that famous cave of Pacariqtambo [there is] a curiously worked stone window in

commemoration that Manco Capac came forth from it.

Thus, both Cobo and Polo de Ondegardo specifically described the legendary cave of Tambotoco
as being carved. These representations suggest that Puma Orco, with the elaborate carvings on its
summit and on the boulders and caves around its base, is more likely the royal paqarina of the
Incas than the natural cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtambo.
The identification of Puma Orco as the royal paqarina of the Incas is also strengthened through
comparisons of the physical features of the outcrop with events mentioned within the narrative of
the myth. For example, Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:33 [1572:Chapter 111) wrote that at a place
called Pacariqtambo there was a hill called Tambotoco in which there were three caves. Near the
modem community of Pacariqtambo is a ridge that contains a single cave. The outcrop of Puma
Orco, on the other hand, contains several caves at its base. In addition, several of the Spanish
accounts of the myth suggest that one of Manco Capac's brothers returned to the royal paqarina
and was sealed inside. The cave of Tambotoco near the community of Pacariqtambo contains a
clear, unobstructed entrance, while the outcrop of Puma Orco contains a large rockfall on its northern
side. It is possible that this northern rockfall is a physical representation of the mythical boulders
that sealed the brother in the cave. Furthermore, near the center of Puma Orco's rockfall is a carved
rock. This rock may have been carved to represent Tambochacay, who was turned to stone by the
angered brother, and who, as Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:36 [1572:Book 121) wrote, can still be
seen near the cave entrance (Figure 4). Finally, the remains of three Inca structures may be noted
at the base of Puma Orco (Bauer 1990, 199 1). In contrast, there is no clear evidence of Inca activities
in the immediate confines of the cave of Tambotoco near Pacariqtambo. On the basis of these
observations, it appears that Puma Orco is the most likely candidate for being the royal paqarina
of the Inca.

THE MYTHICAL JOURNEY TO CUZCO

The journey of the mythical ancestor of a ruling elite from the periphery of the kingdom to the
center is an important aspect of most origin myths of ancestral kings, because it defines the first
ruler and his descendants as foreigners. The preliminary identification of Puma Orco as the mythical
origin place of the first Inca makes it possible to trace the mythical journey of Manco Capac from
the royal paqarina to Cuzco. Cieza de Le6n, Sarmiento de Gamboa, Cabello Balboa, and de Murfia
each wrote that the four original Inca brothers emerged with their sister/wives at a place called
Pacariqtambo, outside of the valley of Cuzco. These chronicles also presented detailed discussions
of the brothers' legendary journey from the royal paqarina to the valley of Cuzco via the mountain
of Huanacauri (Figure 1, Table
Both de Murha (1962:21 [1605]) and Cabello Balboa (195 1) mention that the royal brothers and
sisters, after emerging from the origin cave, first visited a place called Pachecti. For example, Cabello
Balboa wrote:
[Llegaron a] Pachete y no auiendoles agradado la tierra acordaron entre ellos volverse por el camino que
auian traydo y llegaron a Guamancancha [Cabello Balboa 1951:261 (1586:Part 3, Chapter 9)].
Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 19

Table 1. The Mythical Journey of Manco Capac from Pacariqtambo to Huanacauri.

-

Cieza de Cabello Balboa Archaeological

Leon [I5531 Sarmiento [I 5721 [I5861 de Murua [I6051 Sites

Pacarec Tampua Pacaritambo Pacaritamboa Pacaritamboa Maukallaqta

Tambotoco or Tambotoco Puma Orco
Marastoco
Capactocoa
Sutictoco
Pachete Pachete Pachecti
Huancanchat Guamancanchb.' * Guaynac Cancha
Huaynacancha
Tampu Quiru Tamboquiroc TambuquiL ?
Pallata ?
Haysquisrrod Chasquitod Yaurisque
Quirirmanta ?
Guanacaure Guanacaure Guanacauri Huanacauri Huanacauri
a Manco Capac and Ayar Brothers emerge with sister/wives.
Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo conceive Cinchi Roca.
Cinchi Roca is born to Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo.
An Ayar Brother (either Auca or Cache) returns to the cave and is sealed in by Tambo Chacay.

They anived at Pachecti and not having liked the land they agreed among themselves to return along the
trail on which they had come and they arrived at Guamancancha [Huaynacancha].

At the time of the Spanish invasion, the settlement of Pachecti was the fifth and northernmost
ayllu (or kin group) of the Hanansaya (upper part) of the Pacariqtambo moiety system. This ayllu,
according to local informants and historical records, was situated on a small hill immediately south
of Puma Orco (Urton 1984, 1988, 1989, 1990). Its precise location on this hill has been confirmed
by the presence of an archaeological site with both Killke (ca. A.D. 1000-1400) and Inca (ca. A.D.
1400-1 532) pottery (Bauer 1987, 1990).6
The Pacariqtambo origin myth suggests that the royal brothers, after their brief trip to the ayllu
of Pachecti, walked to a place called Huaynacancha where Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo conceived
a child. This child was named Sinchi Roca, traditionally known as the second ruling Inca. He is
said to have married a daughter of a local lord of the Cuzco area and to have continued the rule of
the lncas after Manco Capac's death. Approximately one kilometer north of Puma Orco stands the
Hacienda of Huaynacancha. Evidence of an Inca occupation at this site is presented through the
remains of several Inca-style terrace walls noted behind the main hacienda building as well as
through Inca pottery recovered in the courtyard and the surrounding fields (Bauer 1990; Muelle
1945). It seems apparent that this Inca site marks the location of the Huaynacancha mentioned in
the origin myths.
From Huaynacancha, Manco Capac turned northeast and followed the course of the Yaurisque
River toward the mountain of Huanacauri. According to Cieza de Le6n (1959:33 [1553:Part 2,
Chapter 61) the first stop of the royal entourage after leaving Huaynacancha was at a village called
Tampu Quiro. Sarmiento de Gamboa and de Murha mentioned the same resting place, spelling it
Tamboquiro and Tambuqui, respectively. Using the spelling provided in de Murfia, Pardo (1946,
1957) suggests that this stop represents a visit to the site of Hacienda Tamboqui, which lies some
12 km to the southeast of Huaynacancha in the Paruro River valley (Figure 1). Archaeological
survey work in the valley of Paruro, however, has found no evidence of Inca remains at this hacienda.
According to Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:35 [1572:Book 121) the royal brothers then walked
to a village called Pallata, which is described as being close to Tamboquiro. The location of this
village is currently unknown. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1906:35 [1572:Book 121) wrote that the
20 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

brothers left Pallata and continued on their journey to Cuzco, stopping at the village of Haysquisrro.
De Murka mentions the same location but wrote the name as Chasquito. Pardo (1946) and Urton
(1989, 1990) suggest that Haysquisrro is an orthographic error for Yaurisque, a village between
Pacariqtambo and Cuzco.
From Haysquisrro, Sarmiento de Gamboa wrote, Manco Capac traveled to Huanacauri stopping
briefly at the site of Quirirmanta. Crist6bal de Molina (de Cuzco) also refers to the site of Quirirmanta
when describing the descent of the young warriors from Huanacauri to Cuzco after the male maturity
rite of Wiracikoy (de Molina 1943:5 1 [I 5751). The Pacariqtambo origin myth also states that at the
summit of Huanacauri one of Manco Capac's brothers was transformed into stone, and was then
worshipped as a shrine. The mountain of Huanacauri, one of the highest in the immediate Cuzco
area, is located on the divide between the Valley of Cuzco and Yaurisque/Pacariqtambo region
(Rowe 1944:42).

THE RUINS O F MAUKALLAQTA

AND THE PACARlQTAMBO ORIGIN MYTH

If the rock outcrop of Puma Orco does mark the mythical origin point for Manco Capac, then
the major Inca occupations of the Pacariqtambo region may be examined and interpreted in light
of the information presented in the Pacariqtambo origin myth. Critical in this investigation is the
relationship of the Inca ruins of Maukallaqta, which lie west of Puma Orco, with the Pacariqtambo
myth. It may be asked if these ruins represent a religious center for the Inca, directly tied to the
Pacariqtambo origin myth and the legitimization of the Cuzco elite, or whether they are the remains
of a regional administrative center for Inca control over the local ethnic groups south of Cuzco.
The most impressive feature of the ruins of Maukallaqta is the central court of Zone 1 (Figure
9). This court of fine Inca stone masonry measures approximately 13.5 meters across and is laid
out on a north-south alignment. Each of its three sides has three large triple niches (Figure 10). The
niches measure approximately 2.80 meters at the base and are recessed more than one meter into
the walls. Although their height is difficult to determine, because of poor preservation of adobes at
their tops, the niches would have measured more than three meters high.
While each of the nine niches is striking, the central one on the north wall deserves special
attention (Figure 11). Unlike the other eight niches in the central court, this one has no back wall,
but rather a niche-entrance, which provides access to a passageway leading into an inner chamber
of the court, composed of four adjacent rooms in a line with a smaller connecting room off its
southeast comer. The central court of Maukallaqta includes an outer chamber as well, to the east
of and sharing a wall with the inner chamber. The outer chamber consists of two rooms and a small
side room, also off its southeast comer. The two chambers share a common inner-wall and are
connected by three small windows (Bauer 1990, 1991).
Archaeological research was conducted at the site of Maukallaqta during 1984 and 1986. During
these field seasons surface collections and excavations were made at the site (Bauer 1990, 1991).
Although limited excavations in the inner chamber provided no evidence of the exact activities
which took place in it, this small cluster of rooms with restricted access most certainly represents
an area of nonpublic, sacred activities. Given the ruins' close proximity to Puma Orco, it is possible
that the inner chamber was used for an oracle of Manco Capac. If the inner chamber of Maukallaqta's
plaza did house an image of the first mythical Inca, then the unusual niche entrance between the
plaza and the inner chamber may have represented a window or cave through which the image of
Manco Capac could have emerged. The reemergence of Manco Capac on certain ceremonial oc-
casions, such as the installation of a new successor, would have reestablished the Inca elite as, in
the words of Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui, the mancopchurincuzco.The ruins may have represented
a religious pilgrimage point for the Incas. The pilgrimage, retracing the mythical route of Manco
Capac, could have taken the travelers to the shrine of Huanacauri near Cuzco and then continued
down the Yaurisque River Valley, past the site of Huaynacancha, to Maukallaqta.
The suggestion that the ruins of Maukallaqta are related to the Pacariqtambo origin myth of the
Inca is supported by a number of references in Spanish documents. Sarmiento de Gamboa (1 906:
 MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA

~ W ~

@~ i c h e
I I

Excavation Area
0 Inca Burial
-CaMl
-
SCALE

Figure 9. The central court of Maukallaqta.

5m.
22 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

Figure 10. The west wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

68 [1572:Book 30]), for example, while reviewing the legendary deeds of Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui,
notes that an oracle did exist at the place of Pacariqtambo. In addition, Cieza de Le6n (1985: 113,
1959:195 [1553:Part 2, Chapter 32]), who may have confused Pacariqtambo with Tampu Quiro,
mentions three major oracles associated with the Pacariqtambo origin myth. It is Cobo, however,
who after discussing a version of the Pacariqtambo origin myth, provides the most detailed de-
scription of an Inca state installation being built at the site of Pacariqtambo in commemoration of
the mythical appearance of Manco Capac. Cobo wrote:
[Dlemls de lo que contienen las dichas fibulas, tengo por no pequeiio indicio en apoyo de mi opini6n el
haber 10s Incas fundado un pueblo en aquel asiento de Pacarictampu y labrado en 61, para ilustrarle, un
grandioso y real palacio con un templo suntuosSimoque a ~ duran
n hoy dia sus ruinas y se ven en ellas algunos
idolos y estatuas de piedra [Cobo 1956:64 (1653:Book 3, Chapter 3)].
Besides what is contained in the mentioned fables, I consider no small evidence in favor of my opinion, [that]
the Incas founded a village at the site of Pacariqtambo, and built on it, in order to make it famous, a grand
and royal palace with a splendid temple, which ruins still stand today, and in them there can be seen some
stone idols and statues.

Cobo's description of an Inca ruin south of Cuzco is important as it appears to represent an early
visit to the Pacariqtambo region. It is possible that Cobo's account of a "grand and royal palace"
built by the Inca as a monument to Manco Capac refers to the ruins of Maukallaqta. More specifically
still, his description of a "splendid temple" may refer to the impressive central court and inner
chamber of the site. The "stone idols and statues" he mentions may well have been the two pumas
carved on the summit of Puma Orco.
Another important document that links the ruins of Maukallaqta with the site of Pacariqtambo
has been found by Urton in the archives of the Ministerio de Agricultura: Cuzco (Urton 1989,
1990). The document is a petition from ayllu Pachecti to the Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos
Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 23

Figure ll. The central niche of the north wall of Maukallaqta's central court.

Indigenasrequesting official recognition of Pachecti as a rural community. In the petition, the author,
Hilario Galindo G., uses archival documents dating back to 1614 to record the modem land
boundaries of the community. Galindo specifically states that the "old town of Pacariqtambo" lies
within the lands owned by ayllu Pachecti (Archivo del Ministerio de Agricultura: Cuzco 1964; Urton
1989, 1990). Because the ruins of Maukallaqta represent the only large set of ruins within the
boundaries of ayllu Pachecti, there can be little doubt that the reference to "the old town of
Pacariqtambo" in the document refers to Maukallaqta.
If Maukallaqta is the place called Pacariqtambo in the Spanish chronicles, then there is evidence
to suggest that the Inca occupied Maukallaqta until the Spanish conquest and that Hernando Pizarro
and Diego Almagro (the Younger) actually visited and looted the site. Cieza de Le6n wrote:
[Y] por ellos fue determinado de hazer en aquel lugar una nueva poblacibn, a la qual pusieron por nombre
Pacaritambo; y fue hecha brevemente, porque para ello tuvieron ayuda de 10s naturales de aquella comarca;
y andando 10s tiempos, pusieron gran cantidad de oro puro y en joyas con otras cosas preciadas en aquella
parte, de lo qual ay fama que ovo mucho dello Hernando Piprro y don Diego Almagro el m o p [Cieza de
Le6n 1985:14 (1553:Part 2, Chapter 6 ) ] .
They decided to build a new settlement on that spot, to which they gave the name Pacaric-Tampu; and this
was quickly accomplished, for they had the help of the natives of the region in this work. And as time went
by, they brought to that place a great quantity of pure gold and jewels, and other valuable things, of which
it is believed that Hernando Pizarro and Don Diego de Almagro the Younger acquired a large part [Cieza de
Le6n 1959:32 (1553)l.
The change of the site's name, from Pacariqtambo to Maukallaqta, most likely resulted from the
Spanish reduccibn (reduction) movement. Before the arrival of the Spaniards the indigenous pop-
ulation of the Pacariqtambo region was located in dispersed kin group settlements scattered across
the western side of the Molle Molle River, south of Maukallaqta (Bauer 1987, 1990, 1992; Urton
24 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 2, No. 1, 1991

1984, 1988, 1990). In 157 1, the Spanish administration in Cuzco, under the authority of Viceroy
Toledo, implemented the reduction of the scattered settlements of the Andes into large centralized
towns. During this movement the settlements, which formed and defined the rural moiety system
of the Pacariqtambo region, were reduced to a central location and the modem village of Paca-
riqtambo was founded (Ulloa 1909). With the establishment of the reduccibn settlement of San
Pedro de Pacariqtambo, the former Inca installation would have been referred to as the old town
of Pacariqtambo or simply Maukallaqta (Mauka = old, llaqta = city).

SUMMARY
Like many societal origin myths, the Pacariqtambo myth suggests that the existing social order
was determined by a set of events that occurred outside the social order in a primordial setting of
time and space. The social order of the Inca, like that of other societies, was hence seen to be
unchangeable by human actions, because its establishment involved the operation of powers that
were beyond the normal range of human existence. Furthermore, like many divine kingships, the
ancestral origin of the Inca dynasty was linked to a mythical journey from the periphery of the
kingdom to its center. Manco Capac was a stranger-king who through marriage to his sister, Mama
Ocllo, and their mythological conquest of the indigenous inhabitants of the Cuzco Valley, legitimized
his right to found the sacred city of Cuzco, and their descendants' rights to rule the empire.
However, unlike many other societies, Andean peoples believe that the ancestral founders of kin
groups emerged from sacred locations in the landscape, called paqarinas. These origin places were
not abstract, nonlocalized notions, but were linked with recognizable, topographic features of the
landscape. Sacred origin places are found throughout the Andes and represent principal foci for
indigenous religious rites. Consequently, within the Andean logic of paqarinas, the Inca associated
a region south of Cuzco, and a specific cave in that region, with the mythical appearance of Manco
Capac.
This study provides evidence suggesting that the outcrop of Puma Orco, in the Province of Paruro,
may represent the royalpaqarina of the Inca. In addition, it is suggested that the ruins of Maukallaqta,
perhaps once called Pacariqtambo, may have held an oracle of Manco Capac. Although the evidence
presented in this study has enabled us to map the route that the mythical Incas are thought to have
taken from the royal paqarina to the Valley of Cuzco, the route should not be seen as a simple
journey, nor the sites as simply shrines, but instead as a medium through which the Inca established,
defined, and legitimized the spatial and social relationships that existed between the ruling Cuzco
elite and the populations surrounding Cuzco. By establishing their origin place outside of the Valley
of Cuzco, the ruling Incas portrayed themselves as powerful conquerors of the region, who had
triumphed over the local inhabitants and who had won the right to rule. In this way, the major
Inca installations south of Cuzco can be seen as components of the processes of mythification and
mystification of centralized rule which took place during the development of the Inca empire. The
establishment of a temple complex at the site on the eve of imperial expansion would have reaffirmed
the sacred role of the ruling elite in the social-ritual organization of the empire and strengthened
their claim to dynastic power.

Acknowledgments. This work has profited from critical readings provided by Paul Goldstein, Alan Kolata,
Martina Munsters, Don Rice, Charles Stanish, Gary Urton, and three reviewers for Latin American Antiquity.
Their criticisms and suggestions are gratefully acknowledged. Additional aid was provided by Luis Barreda
Murillo and Alfredo Valencia Zegarra as well as members of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura in Lima and
Cuzco. The research presented in this work was conducted through the generous support of foundations, cor-
porations, and individuals. Major funding was provided by The L. J. Skaggs and Mary C. Skaggs Foundation,
The Organization of American States, The Institute for New World Archaeology, The American Can Foundation,
and the Fulbright-Haysfellowship committee. This work was first presented in 1988 at The International Congress
of Americanists, Amsterdam.

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Bauer] MYTHICAL ORIGINS OF THE INCA 25

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NOTES
I In a recent article and book, Gary Urton (1989, 1990) presented a detailed study of the Pacariqtambo origin
myth of the Inca from the point of view of the rural community of Pacariqtambo. Urton's ethnographic and
ethnohistorical analyses document and explore the presentation of self-interested representations of the past, by
Spaniards and indigenous informants, during the immediate Postconquest and Republican eras. Through his
research, Urton was also able to identify the locations of Puma Orco and Maukallaqta as the legendary places
of Tambotoco and Pacariqtambo.
This investigation on the Pacariqtambo origin myth, an outgrowth of the Pacariqtambo Archaeological Project
(1984-1987), was conducted independent of Urton's research. This work differs from Urton's research in its
reliance on information presented in the Spanish chronicles and on data gathered during my archaeological work
in the Pacariqtambo region. While there is some overlap and similarity between the two studies both make
distinctly separate contributions to the study of Inca mythohistory.
Urbano (1981) has published a collection of the Pacariqtambo origin myths. See Muelle (1945) and Pardo
(1946, 1957) for early discussions of Maukallaqta and Puma Orco in relation to the Pacariqtambo origin myth,
and Bauer (1990, 199 1) for a description of recent archaeological research at these Inca sites.
A Spanish league was approximately 5.5 km.
The logic of the coat of arms is explained elsewhere in the chronicle by Guaman Poma de Ayala (1980:82
[I 6 15:f. 621):
[Qlue auia de salir de Pacari Tanbo un Capac Apo Ynga rrey llamado Mango Capac Ynga, hijo del sol y de
su muger la luna y ermano de luzero. Y su dios auia de ser Uana Cauri, queste rrey ania de mandar la tierra
y auia de ser Capac Apo Unga.
That there was supposed to leave from Pacariqtambo a Capac Apo Ynga [Royal Lord Inca] king named Royal
Manco Inca, son of the sun and of his wife the moon and brother of [the] morning star. And his god was to
be Huanacauri, that this king was to rule the earth and was to be Capac Apo Ynga.

The territory between the modem town of Pacariqtambo and the Inca ruins of Huanacauri was included
within an archaeological survey of the Province of Paruro that took place between 1984 and 1985. The research
design as well as the boundaries and procedures of this survey are described in Bauer (1990). Also see Pardo
(1946, 1957) and Urton (1989, 1990) for descriptions of Manco Capac's journey from Pacariqtambo to Cuzco.
For a discussion of the Prehispanic settlement pattern in the area of Pacariqtambo see Bauer (1987, 1990,
1992).

Received May 10, 1990; accepted January 17, I991