Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Production % Change
Transformation
of Petroleum Products 3.1 7.7 20.0 17.0
India China
Literacy (%) 65 86
Life Expectancy (yrs) 63 72
GDP ($tr) 0.4 1.2
Total Trade ($bn) 93.9 851
FDI in 2003 ($bn) 5.1 57
Income/cap 04 ($) 454 960
Av inflation (%) 8.0 6.5
Steel consp/cap (kg) 32 118
Crude Prod 03 (Mt) 32 220
Vehicles/1000 pop 0.84 2.52
Steel production declined in nearly all the major steel producing countries and regions including
the EU, North America, South America and the CIS in 2009. However, Asia, in particular China
and India, and the Middle East showed positive growth in 2009.
In December 2009, world crude steel output for the 66 countries reporting the World Steel
Association (worldsteel) was 106.4 mmt, an increase of 30.2% compared to December 2008.
Most major-steel producing countries showed two-digit growth in December 2009. The world
crude steel capacity utilisation ratio of the 66 countries in December 2009 was 71.5%, a
decrease from 74.7% in November 2009. Compared to 2008, the utilisation ratio in December
2009 increased by 13.4 percentage points.
China's crude steel production in 2009 reached 567.8 mmt, an increase of 13.5% on 2008. This
is a record annual crude steel production figure for a single country. China's share of world steel
production continued to grow in 2009 producing 47% of world total crude steel, an increase of 9
percentage points compared to 2008.
Asia produced 795.4 mmt of crude steel in 2009, an increase of 3.5% compared to 2008. Its
share of world steel production increased to 65% in 2009 from 58% in 2008. Japan produced
87.5 mmt in 2008, a decrease of -26.3% on 2008. India's crude steel production was 56.6 mmt
in 2009, 2.8% growth on 2008. South Korea showed a decrease of -9.4%, producing 48.6 mmt
in 2009.
The EU-27 where all major steel producing countries including Germany, Italy and France
showed substantial decline recorded a decrease of -29.7% compared to 2008, producing 139.1
mmt of crude steel in 2009.
In 2009, crude steel production in North America was 82.3 mmt, a decrease of -33.9% on 2008.
The US produced 58.1 mmt of crude steel, 36.4% lower than 2008.
The CIS showed a decrease of -14.7% in 2009. Russia produced 59.9 mmt of crude steel, a
-12.5% reduction on 2008 while Ukraine recorded a decrease of -20.2% with year-end figures of
29.8 mmt.
Table 1: Top 10 steel-producing countries
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LONDON (ResourceInvestor.com) -- India and China are frequently mentioned in the same
breath; they are neighbours, both have populations of more than a billion, both have enjoyed fast
growth in recent years contributing a joint 30% to global growth since 2001, and both are poised
to be in the world’s three largest economies in the twenty-first century. But to date their impact
on the commodity markets has been quite different.
For most commodities Chinese demand far outweighs that of India. China is the world’s number
one consumer of all the major base metals and either first or second (after the U.S.) for most of
the energy markets and agricultural products, (with the notable exception of coffee where it is
ranked 45th).
Meanwhile India’s ranking generally hovers between five and fifteen for the major metals. It has
a greater presence in energy and agricultural commodities, generally ranking in the top half
dozen. The Indian production base for agricultural commodities is large but its international trade
is modest.
Typically however China, which has a population which is 20% more than India’s but three
times the GDP, consumes anywhere from six to twenty times as much as India in metals, two to
five times as much energy and more than twice as much cotton and rubber.
The only exceptions to Chinese supremacy over India are in the tea and sugar markets and in
gold and diamonds. India is the world’s largest consumer of gold accounting for 23% of world
demand in 2005, and it is the third largest consumer of diamonds after the U.S. and Japan.
Why Are India and China so Different?
A book published recently by Edward Luce, the Financial Times’ bureau chief for South Asia
from 2001-2005, suggests some interesting answers as to why the two countries are so different
despite starting at a similar state of development some 50 years ago when they had roughly equal
incomes per head (and also much the same as Korea’s).
The rather long-winded title of the book, “In Spite of the Gods: The Strange Rise of Modern
India,” is also its main thesis; the rise of modern India has been unusual. While India is now
expanding rapidly, and has been since 1991, it has not followed the typical developmental
pattern of most countries.
China has developed in much the same sequence as most western economies have done. It began
with agricultural reform, moved to low-cost manufacturing, is now climbing up the value-added
chain and will probably eventually break into the internationally tradeable services on a large
scale.
India meanwhile has grown from the other end. The service sector was more than half the
economy in 2006, a similar figure to mature economies, yet there has been no agricultural reform
(India’s average yield per hectare is half that of China) and no broad-based industrial revolution.
The country’s economy is now booming but it is a lop-sided or a multi-speed economy. The
images of the new Indian economy, with its successful IT sector, its offshore call centres, its
Bollywood film industry and its successful communities outside India in the U.S., U.K. and
elsewhere, (there are several thousand Indian millionaires in Silicon Valley), are indeed a reality.
But they are only a small part of the whole picture.
The GDP per capita in India is still just over $700 compared to China’s $1,700, (Korea’s
$16,000 and the U.S.’s $44,000). India is home to over a third of the world’s malnourished
children. The average life expectancy (63 years) and literacy rate (61% of adults) are well behind
those of other developing countries; in China for example the life expectancy is 71 years while
91% of the adult population are literate.
As Luce points out less than 7% of India’s 430 million strong labour force is in the formal
economy, and only 35 million pay income tax. The remainder are in the villages, “milking the
cow, making up the armies of mobile casual farm workers, running street stalls etc.” Twenty-one
million of the 35 million people working in the formal sector are employed by the government
leaving just 14 million in the private sector of which just one million are in IT. Seven million
work in the manufacturing sector compared with 100 million in China.
So why it is thus? Why has the service sector been so successful and why is the manufacturing
sector so small? It is not possible here to begin to do justice to the full historical, religious,
economic and political analysis presented by Luce, or to his assessment of the enduring legacy
left by three key figures of the twentieth century; Gandhi (who among many other things was
anti-materialist and saw the village as the building block of society), Nehru (who sought to build
a self-sufficient state-dominated economy) and Ambedkar. But a few points should be noted.
Luce writes, for example, about the importance of the English language. Since India’s middle
classes speak English this has given India a huge competitive advantage over China in the
service sector where the ability to converse in the world’s business language makes a big
difference.
The success of the service sector can also be attributed to the historic allocation of the education
budget, with equal measures devoted to universities and primary education. This has resulted in a
society with a highly educated elite but a poorly educated majority. India produces a million
engineering graduates every year (compared to 100,000 in the U.S.) but its literacy rate is under
65%. China by contrast has invested much more heavily in elementary schooling for those at the
bottom of the social ladder.
According to Luce the Indian manufacturing sector though small is nonetheless competitive and
strong. He cites examples in the pharmaceutical and biotech sectors, Tata Steel (turnover $4
billion+) which supplies high quality steel for export, and Gokaldas Exports which manufactures
two million garments per month for brand labels around the world. Both of the latter use
complex capital- intensive manufacturing and are very flexible, but both have been constrained
by labour laws, taxes, bureaucracy; and in the textile example, by regulations to fragment the
production lines so that each line is small.
So Will India Be the New China for Commodities?
The growth rate of India has broadly doubled since 1991 when India sharply altered its economic
course by dismantling a tight system of controls. It is now growing at 6%-7% pa which is behind
China’s growth rate (which is closer to 10%) so it is not yet catching up with China, though it is
with most of the rest of the world.
However there are plenty of examples already of what can happen as Indian demand for a
product explodes. Take mobile phones. In 2000 India had just 3 million mobile phone users
while China was adding that number every month to its subscriber base. By the end of 2005
India had 100 million users and was expanding at rate of 4 million per month. Or take diamonds.
The market has trebled in just ten years.
Looking ahead Luce forsees many challenges for India to overcome. Besides the overriding need
to lift 300 million people out of poverty, he lists challenges related to environmental degradation,
Aids and in protecting India’s democracy. But he cites an awareness among policy markets that
the best way to cure poverty is through accelerating economic growth.
However Luce also lists a number of opportunities and colossal advantages that India enjoys.
Firstly the demographic profile is favourable. From 2010 China’s dependency ratio – the
proportion of China’s working-age population to the rest - will start to deteriorate. India’s, by
contrast will improve until the 2040s. In the next 20 years the proportion of dependents to
workers will fall from 60% of the population to 50% which will give the economy a large
‘demographic dividend’. In 2032 India is projected to overtake China to become the most
populous country in the world.
The higher workforce will also boost the savings ratio which will lift investment which in turn
will boost economic growth. Already the savings rate has improving from 18% of GDP in 1990
to 26% in 2006. At this level it is still well below China’s 40%, but China’s is falling while
India’s is improving. India is projected to overtake Japan as the world’s third largest economy in
the 2020s.
Luce’s conclusion is that India is not on autopilot to greatness, but that it would take an
incompetent pilot to crash the plane. He asks too whether the Indian tortoise will overtake the
Chinese hare? For the investor in resources the question about which country will be the larger
consumer is perhaps academic.
India won’t be the new China for commodities tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. It still has a
long way to go. But it is already becoming a major consumer of commodities, it has the scale as
shown already in the gold sector to be number one, it is gaining momentum all the time, and it
looks set to be a crucial prop for the supercycle and commodity prices in the decades to come.
China
This section requires
expansion.
The People's Republic of China is by far the largest producer of coal in the world, producing
over 2.8 billion tons of coal in 2007, or approximately 39.8 percent of all coal produced in the
world during that year.[10] For comparison, the second largest producer, the United States,
produced more than 1.1 billion tons in 2007. An estimated 5 million people work in China's coal-
mining industry. As many as 20,000 miners die in accidents each year.[26]
Most Chinese mines are deep underground and do not produce the surface disruption typical of
strip mines. Although there is some evidence of reclamation of mined land for use as parks,
China does not require extensive reclamation and is creating significant acreages of abandoned
mined land which is unsuitable for agriculture or other human uses, and inhospitable to
indigenous wildlife. Chinese underground mines often experience severe surface subsidence (6–
12 meters), negatively impacting farmland because it no longer drains well. China uses some
subsidence areas for aquaculture ponds but has more than they need for that purpose.
Reclamation of subsided ground is a significant problem in China.
Because most Chinese coal is for domestic consumption and is burned with little or no air
pollution control equipment, it contributes greatly to visible smoke and severe air pollution in
industrial areas using coal for fuel. Air pollution control equipment is being installed on some
plants, but there are unconfirmed reports it is only turned on when inspectors visit.[
Ne
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Can India's infrastructure rival China's? E n te r e - m a il
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ManjeetKripalani, BusinessWeek | May 08, 2006
Ar
ticl
The commotion over the building of a dam over the Narmada River E
ema
in the western Indian state of Gujarat hogged the headlines in India To
over the past few weeks. MedhaPatkar, activist and leader of the il
ols
thi
Narmada BachaoAndolan (Save Narmada movement), went on a 20-
day fast to protest the government's failure to come to the aid of an sTo
estimated 500,000 villagers who have lost their livelihood as a parti
consequence of the SardarSarovar dam, which will supply electricity cle
em
to Gujarat state. ail
ed
The issue has become a classic one of haves vs. have-nots: On one Pri
lin
side are the farmers who need the dam to irrigate their fields, and on nt
ks
the other are those who have lost access to their land because of it. thi
And true to type, the ruling Congress administration in New Delhi, s
Co
afraid of alienating any bloc of potential voters, didn't make a arti
nta
decision. Instead the government left it to the Supreme Court to direct cle
ct
the state to speed up its program for compensating and relocating the the
area's inhabitants. edi
Di
Power struggle tor
scu
s
ss
It all generates a rather depressing sense of deja vu. Patkar has staged
thi
several hunger strikes in the 20 years the dispute has been running, in
s
support of the rights of the local tribespeople. The Supreme Court has
arti
handed down several decisions and directions on the building of the
cle
dam and compensation and relocation efforts -- and reaffirmed them
last month.
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The federal, state and local governments have been lax in implementing either their promises, the
law or the Supreme Court directives. In short, it's been business as usual in the world's 10th
largest economy.
It's a grim scenario for a country that aims to be a world super power. India is at a critical
juncture in its development. Its private companies have performed so well that the Bombay
Stock Exchange attracts $1 billion a month in foreign investment. India's software, telecom,
pharma and auto industries are globally competitive, and the country's vibrant culture produces
movies and music that are popular in Asia and gradually gaining an audience in the West.
Endless delays
But concerns about India's ability to sustain the boom are cropping up. There's the overheated
stock market and the real-estate gold rush -- both indications that there's too much money
chasing a limited supply of a good thing. For India to keep up its momentum, it must make a
giant leap into China-style 10% annual growth. And that growth will only come when
policymakers begin a serious campaign to tackle the country's gaping infrastructure deficit.
Sadly, as the Narmada dam shows, this is not regarded as a pressing issue in New Delhi. For the
last two years, during his visits to foreign capitals, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has
invited investors to participate in India's $150 billion infrastructure buildout -- large projects for
power, water, mines, roads, ports, rail, airports, townships, and more recently, special economic
zones. All these, of course, require the acquisition of land and the relocation and proper
compensation of locals with money, training, and social services.
India's Narmada dam, with all its issues of federal and state permissions, environmental
approvals, and equitable rehabilitation of the inhabitants, could have been a showpiece for
foreign investors. Instead, it's a disgrace: a sorry tale of a 20-year delay, cost overruns, state
negligence, and bitter local resistance -- and a reason why foreign direct investment bypasses
India and heads for China, whose infrastructure is first rate.
Riled residents
Narmada-style failures are happening across the country, especially in the resource-rich but cash-
poor eastern states of Orissa, Jharkhand, and Chattisgarh. Foreign investors such as Korea's
Posco have committed $13 billion to mine iron ore and build a steel facility in Orissa, and
billions more have been pledged by Indian heavyweights like Tata Steel, aluminum major
Hindalco, and London-based Indian expats Lakshmi Mittal and Vedanta Resources' Anil
Aggarwal.
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But the portents are gloomy: None of those projects has really gotten off the ground, and the one
that has ran into inevitable trouble.
In January, violent protests erupted when Tata Steel, widely regarded as a benevolent employer,
began construction of a steel mill on land it had acquired in Kalinganagar in Orissa. The locals,
however, claimed the land was still in their possession. The state police were called in and 12
tribespeople were shot dead.
Tata executives say they paid the government full price for the land. But the locals felt they had
not been adequately compensated by the government. Officials in Orissa could not be reached
for comment. "The fruits of development must be shared, and until these issues are resolved,
India's development will be stymied," says Tata director IshaatHussain.
Invisible institutions
Such clashes are a sure deterrent for foreign investors. India has ample supplies of iron ore,
bauxite and coal. But though the government has allowed private players to bid for mining
rights, not many have actually taken the bait. Roddy Sale, a British consultant in Bombay who
represents Anglo-Australian giant BHP Billiton, says the company is interested in mining
bauxite in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh, and perhaps building a refinery and smelter there at some
future time.
But BHP is daunted by the prospect of poor implementation of the law by the state governments
on issues like properly compensating and relocating inhabitants affected by big projects. "There
aren't really institutions which can manage these processes," Sale says.
Many development experts think the government can do better. Even in India's road-widening
efforts or its attempts to acquire land to build airports or develop stunted cities, the state
"expropriates the land for paltry compensation," says Nasser Munjee, an infrastructure expert
and chairman of the Development Credit Bank. If this keeps up, India can bid farewell to its drea
ms of becoming an Asian power and successfully rivaling China.
‘Ban on iron ore export a ploy to help illegal miners’ Bangalore:July 29, DHNS:
Indian mining industry has dubbed the Karnataka government’s action of imposing ban on
transport of iron ore for export as a move to indirectly help those into illegal mining.
The industry is of the view that the Chief Minsiter, instead of punishing those into illegal
activities, has only robbed business from those who are into legal business.
R K Sharma, Secretary-General, Federation of Indian Mineral Indutry (FIMI), said those who are
into illegal mining don’t need permit to carry on their business.
“In Karnataka all are into legal mining except some people. Instead of taking administrative
measures to set right the system, the Chief Minister has stopped giving permits for transport of
ore. He lacks political will to provide good governance. This action will not help in curbing
illegal mining as those who are into illegal never take any permits, be it for mining, transport or
shipping,” he said.
Sharma said that of the 40 million tonnes of iron ore extracted annually in the State, only 15 per
cent is used domestically and the rest is exported. Both the Centre and the State will lose revenue
while illegal trade will thrive, he argued.
Sharma said the South Indian chapter of the Association will meet shortly to take a decision on
this issue.
Congress’ Santosh Lad, partner of V S Lad Mining Company, said the Chief Minister should
justify the reasons for imposing such unreasonable restriction. “We are into mining from last
three decades. How can the Chief Minister assume that we are all into illegal mining? We will
meet him to educate how the industry works. If we are not heard, then we will approach court,”
he said. Lad is an active participant in the Congress padayatra against illegal mining.
He said that mine owners may resort to selling ore to steel plants in other states and later export.
There is no restriction on steel industry to export ore. “None can trample my right to conduct
legal business. We will find ways of carrying on our business”, he asserted.
KRaghavacharyulu, senior counsel for OMC owned by the Reddy brothers, said trade policies
come under the domain of Parliament and the Centre. The prohibiting the exports is
unconstitutional and violative of fundamental rights granted under the Constitution.
The counsel said that the state government has jurisdiction over only minor minerals and not
major minerals like iron ore.
“Having banned export of iron ore, why doesn’t the Chief Minister ban export of steel and
finished product manufactured within the State? The Chief Minister has erred. He is trying to
help a particular steel company of Bellary,” he said.
However, the Reddys, on record, have welcomed the Chief Minister’s decision.
The Reddys are mining in Andhra Pradesh and the mainly export through Krishnapatnam port.
Rahul Kumar Baldota of Hospet-based MSPL mining company said that no one takes permit for
illegal mining, and hence the Reddys would continue their illegal business through Andhra
Pradesh.
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Hidden Companies Set to Profit From China’s Hunger for Iron Ore
by Tony Daltorio, Investment U Research
Wednesday, April 21, 2010
If you read my article on April 5, you know that the iron ore market is changing… a lot.
In the past, iron ore producers and steelmakers negotiated fixed, yearly prices. Now though,
prices will be set in quarterly contracts linked to the spot market.
That means major iron ore producers can expect huge profits going forward, especially
considering that prices are 100% higher than last year’s.
And it could easily go higher, considering China’s latest move on the subject.
Chinese firms can no longer import low-quality iron ore, which means anything with less than
60% iron content in this case. That means they can’t buy from India, the market’s third largest
exporter in the world. Shipments from there contain only between 55% and 58% actual iron.
Australia and Brazil – the two leaders in the trade – don’t have to worry. Australian ore weighs
in with 62% iron content, while Brazil boasts 63.5%-65%. But with India out of the running, the
market has little choice but to tighten in the next few years considering China’s growing demand.
China leads the world in importing the commodity, with about 70% of the seaborne market, up
from 16% in the last ten years.
Investors can get involved through one of the big boys, like – BHP Billiton ADR (NYSE: BHP),
Rio Tinto ADR (NYSE: RTP) and Vale ADR (NYSE: VALE).
Or they can choose a more risky but potentially more rewarding way of banking on the changing
times.
Brazil’s “Hidden” Iron Ore Treasures
Long before the 100% rise in iron ore prices, Brazil’s rich mining sector was gearing up to meet
rising demand from China and other fast-growing markets.
That includes CompanhiaSiderurgicaNacional – CSN ADR (NYSE: SID), commonly thought
of as only a steelmaker.
It does make steel. But it also has plans to spin off its iron ore and logistics assets some time this
year. It’s just deciding whether to offer them together or separately at this point.
Its properties include a 32% stake in rail company MRS, along with other rail and port facilities.
It also has a dominant position in Namisa, which produced 5.5 million tons of iron ore last year.
But its biggest cash cow is Casa de Pedra, one of the largest iron ore mines in the country.
Casa de Pedra produced 17.1 million tons in 2009. And CSN believes it can yield over 70
million tons per year after investing $3 billion into it. By 2014, the company even sees it
producing 109 million tons annually.
That would make it a decent-sized competitor for even Vale, a fellow Brazilian company and the
world’s largest iron ore producer at 300 million tons per year.
Two Calls To Profits
CSN has long argued that its share price does not factor in the value of its non-steel assets. And it
believes that dividing itself into two companies would solve that problem.
It has a point too, considering that it is also Brazil’s fourth largest cement producer, and yet its
shares remain significantly undervalued. Still, that shouldn’t last for long once it blatantly calls
attention to its iron ore assets.
Investors should get in while the going is so good.
Another way to do that is through UsiminasADR (PINK: USNZY). Brazil’s biggest maker of
flat steel products, the company has its own plans of spinning off its mining and logistics assets.
Back in February 2008, Usiminas bought four iron ore mines for the bargain price of $925
million. And it plans on boosting annual output there to 29 million tons by 2014… more than
five times their current yields. Clearly, according to the company, the mines have significant
promise.
On the logistics side, Usiminas has 20% ownership in the rail company MRS and a planned port.
Though not as far along as CSN in its plans, USNZY aims to complete a spin-off this year. It
then wants to look for a strategic investor to purchase 20% of the new company.
Chances are, it will find one.
Even if big miners or steel companies don’t jump at the chance, China is actively trying to boost
its iron ore supplies. Last November, its Wuhan Iron and Steel bought 21.5% of Brazil’s MMX
ADR (PINK: MMXMY) for $682 million.
And in March, East China Mineral Exploration & Development signed a letter of intent to buy
Brazilian iron ore producer ItaminasComercio de Minerios for about $1.2 billion.
Steel: One More Reason To Get Into The Iron Ore Industry Now
CSN and Usiminas have talents in other areas as well, specifically steelmaking.
That works well considering Brazil’s rising star as the world’s third largest auto market. And
with the country building up its infrastructure for the upcoming World Cup and Olympics, both
companies are well placed to sell their goods.
In short, the global iron ore industry looks very bright moving forward. And CSN and Usiminas
offer relatively cheap entry points into it. Though who knows how long that may last…
Good investing,
Tony Daltorio
More on this topic (What's this?)
Top ten reasons you know China has a financial bubble on its hands (naked capitalism, 3/24/10)
Satyajit Das: Chinese Contradictions (naked capitalism, 9/27/10)
Iron Mining Companies: The Best Iron Mining Stocks (Learn Mining News, 10/8/10)
Read more on Iron Ore Prices, Investing in China at Wikinvest