Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy - Corporate Diversity Communication Strategy - An Insight Into American MNCS' Online Communities and Social Media Engagement-Palgrave Macmillan (2020)

Roxana D.
Maiorescu-Murphy
Corporate Diversity
Communication Strategy
An Insight into American
MNCs’ Online Communities
and Social Media
Engagement
Corporate Diversity Communication Strategy
Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy
Corporate Diversity
Communication
Strategy
An Insight into American MNCs’ Online
Communities and Social Media Engagement
Roxana D. Maiorescu-Murphy
Emerson College
Boston, MA, USA
ISBN 978-3-030-29943-9 ISBN 978-3-030-29944-6 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29944-6
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‫בס"ד‬
With gratitude to my husband, Brian Murphy, and to our parents.
Contents
Part I Online Corporate Diversity in the Financial Industry 1
1 Introduction 3
2 Online Diversity Communication at JPMorgan Chase 23
3 Online Diversity Communication at Wells Fargo 41
4 Online Diversity Communication at Bank of America 55
5 Online Diversity Communication at Citigroup 69
6 Conclusions from the Financial Industry 81
Part II Online Corporate Diversity in the Tech Industry 101
7 Online Diversity Communication at Microsoft103
vii
viii Contents
8 Online Diversity Communication at Google121
9 Conclusions from the Tech Industry139
Part III Online Corporate Diversity in the Consumer Goods

Industry 155
10 Online Corporate Diversity at Johnson & Johnson157
11 Online Corporate Diversity at Altria Group173
12 Conclusions from the Consumer Goods Industry181
Part IV Industry Comparison 191
13 New Directions for Theory and Practice193
I ndex211
List of Figures
Fig. 6.1 Diversity in context 94

Fig. 9.1 Organizational legitimacy through diversity communication 149
Fig. 13.1 The online diversity communication model (ODC) 204
ix
PART I
Online Corporate Diversity in the

Financial Industry
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The multifarious projects that corporations develop to promote diversity

and inclusion speak to the importance they attribute to embracing differ-
ences so as to abide by current legislation, understand and appeal to con-
sumers, and attract and recruit top talent (Baker & Kelan, 2018; Knights
& Omanović, 2016; Kulik, 2014; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Singh &
Point, 2004; Swanson, 2002; Trittin & Schoeneborn, 2017; Wondrak &
Segert, 2015). Despite these efforts, the recent discrimination lawsuits
faced by corporations such as Ford (Associated Press, 2018), Lockheed
Martin (Campbell, 2018), and IBM (Bloomberg, 2018) raise concerns
about the effectiveness of diversity programs. The 13.6% surge in the
number of sexual harassment charges that the US Equal Opportunity
Commission addressed in 2018 (US Equal Opportunity Commission,
2019) and the recent research that evinces the reticence of job seekers
to apply for jobs that stress commitment to diversity (Windscheid et al.,
2017), showcase that the present approaches to diversity are in need of
serious revamping. Internally, companies are facing employee fatigue and
reluctance toward diversity trainings, programs, and recruitment strate-
gies (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Kidder et al., 2004; Maiorescu & Wrigley,
2016) and such corporate initiatives were shown to lead to anxiety, fear
(Schwabenland & Tomlinson, 2015), misunderstanding, suspicion, and
conflict (Bassett-Jones, 2005; Theodorakopoulos & Budhwar, 2015).
Finally, studies showed that diversity recruitment and training may rein-
force stereotypes and lead to employee backlash (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016;
© The Author(s) 2020 3

R. D. Maiorescu-Murphy, Corporate Diversity Communication
Strategy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29944-6_1
4 R. D. MAIORESCU-MURPHY
Kidder et al., 2004). These results indicate that, in order to trigger sig-
nificant societal changes and contribute to the well-being of the commu-
nities in which they operate, companies should take a different approach
to diversity.
In addition, given the changes that took place and are underway at a
societal and global level, revisiting corporate diversity practices represents
a desideratum for business success. It is expected that by 2060 no ethnic-
ity will represent a majority in the US (Colby & Ortman, 2015; Madera,
2013; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Vespa, Armstrong, & Medina, 2018).
Further, the typical generation Z employee values collaborative projects
to an even greater degree than their millennial predecessor and appreci-
ates the varied expertise, opinions, skills, along with the creativity and
innovation that stem from collaborating with diverse colleagues (Forbes
Couching Council, 2018). Finally, corporate approaches to diversity
should be revisited as a result of the ongoing globalization of the mar-
ket and the omnipresence of information and communications technolo-
gies (ICTs) that require companies to be culturally competent in order
to survive and thrive in the marketplace (Den Hond, & de Bakker, 2016;
Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Roberge et al., 2011; Sriramesh & Verčič,
2019; Theodorakopoulos & Budhwar, 2015).
By analysis of the diversity communication employed by America’s
2017 most profitable companies (Wieczner, 2017), this book led to
the development of a theoretical framework with practical applications,
which has the potential to address the aforementioned corporate chal-
lenges. Past research in business sciences and communication studies
determined that the decreased interest in diversity programs, manifest
by both employees and consumers, constitutes a consequence of the
companies’ implementation of a business approach to inclusion, which
revolves predominantly around gaining competitive advantage (Egan &
Bendick, 2003; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Mazzei & Ravazzani, 2008;
Uysal, 2013; Wrench, 2005) and leaves little to no room for stakeholder
feedback. While several researchers pointed to the need for companies to
address diversity by engaging their stakeholders in dialogue (Ciszek, 2019;
Mazzei & Ravazzani, 2008; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Uysal, 2013),
to date, few studies have attempted to explore how dialogue should be
construed (Ciszek, 2019; Mundy, 2015, 2016) and what its impact may
be on a company’s stakeholder groups. For example, Ciszek (2019) deter-
mined trust to be a precursor to dialogic communication with LGBTQ
1 INTRODUCTION 5
publics and Mundy (2015, 2016) stressed the importance of an ongoing

internal and external dialogue that organizations should foster in order to
effectively embrace diversity. These studies have forged a new direction for
research on communication and diversity that the current book is taking
in order to contribute to the understanding of how dialogue should be
construed. Further, the book contributes to the field by analyzing dia-
logue in online settings. The author was intrigued by the potential of the
internet to foster conversations on diversity, particularly as offline settings
were shown to be less conducive to doing so in general and with respect to
dialogue during corporate trainings in particular (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016;
Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
The current chapter first discusses the literature review that led to the
research questions investigated throughout this book. The literature
review consists of recent and relevant research studies from social psychol-
ogy, business, and communication studies. The interdisciplinary approach
was necessary given the fact that the fields of social psychology and busi-
ness have a longer tradition in diversity research than communication
studies. However, the communication field in general and public relations
in particular have the potential to make a significant contribution to creat-
ing effective dialogue on diversity. Further, this section will define the key
concepts assessed in the book and explain the rationale behind their use.
Next, the chapter will detail the research methodology employed for the
purpose of this study and shed light on the data collection and analysis.
The final section will provide a preview of the chapters.
Literature Review
The business studies literature has a long tradition in investigating diver-
sity and researchers focused predominantly on (1) the potential impact of
diversity on the bottom line (Christian et al., 2006; Knights & Omanović,
2016; Shoobridge, 2006; Theodorakopoulos & Budhwar, 2015); (2)
inclusive organizational cultures (Fairfield, 2018; Ferdman, 2018;
Hayashi, 2016; Mor Barak, 2015); (3) leadership and diversity (Ashikali &
Groeneveld, 2015; Randel et al., 2018; Trittin & Schoeneborn, 2017);
(4) the critique of corporate approaches to diversity (Lee et al., 2017;
Ozturk & Tatli, 2016; Poulis & Poulis, 2016; Rachele, 2017; Wrench,
2005); and finally (5) diversity and corporate citizenship (Downey, van
der Werff, & Plaut, 2015; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Trittin &
Schoeneborn, 2017). The critique of corporate approaches to diversity
revolved around the diversity management paradigm with the help of

which corporations proactively reach out to diverse groups so long as
these represent primary stakeholder groups, who have the potential to
impact the bottom line (Knights & Omanović, 2016; Rachele, 2017). It
is within this context that the ethical dimension of embracing differences
emerged and raised concerns with respect to societal issues faced by ethnic
and minority groups that lack buying power and, therefore, fail to garner
the attention of corporate conglomerates (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016;
Wrench, 2005). Researchers argued that by dedicating resources to cer-
tain causes over others, corporations define diversity in accord with their
business interests, intruding into a domain reserved for governments and
elected officials (Wrench, 2005). The utmost power that corporations
exert over the society is manifest at various levels (Alcadipani, & de Oliveira
Medeiros, 2019; Deetz, 2004; McKee, Steele, & Stuckler, 2019) and,
currently, a business focus on diversity enables them to “manage people
with diverse characteristics” (Singh & Point, 2004, p. 296).
Given the external pressure to engage in corporate social responsibility
(CSR) and to take an ethical approach to diversity, companies have started
to address societal concerns raised by minority and ethnic groups that do
not represent primary stakeholder groups. Research studies showed that
companies have recently commenced to embrace differences by blending
a business approach with a socially responsible one. Yet, the former pre-
vails over programs directed at diverse groups that do not display buying
potential (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Uysal, 2013).
Given their tremendous amount of resources, where could corpora-
tions make the most contribution to the cause of diversity and what argu-
ments could be made with respect to a return on investment that would
mobilize them to take action? Our diverse neighborhoods are character-
ized by few interactions, leading to concerns about building social capital
(Putnam, 2007). Interactions increase among diverse residents as a con-
sequence of identification with a neighborhood and a perceived sense of
belonging, yet do not surge between Anglo groups and minorities (Liu,
2018). Addressing the concern of offline interactions and social capital,
Bouchillon (2018) ascertained the potential of the internet to lead to
increased interactions and the display of trust among individuals who live
in racial and ethnic diverse neighborhoods and had been shown to display
a high level of distrust offline (Bouchillon, 2014; Putnam, 2007). It is
within this context that corporations can make a significant contribution
to the cause of diversity. Namely, companies foster the development of
1 INTRODUCTION 7
brand communities (Carlson et al., 2019; Clark, Black, & Judson, 2017;
Herhausen et al., 2019) or online communities that form around a firm’s
official social media accounts, as users bond through the identification
with the company. While brand communities have been studied in rela-
tion to their potential to shed light on consumer behavior (Liu et al.,
2019; Snyder & Newman, 2019) and with regard to the relationship
building process among users (Dass et al., 2019; Lima, Irigaray &
Lourenco, 2019), research studies are yet to determine how diversity
communication emerges in in this context. The present book aims to fill
in this gap.
Online communities represent an important means to communicate
(about) diversity as a result of their potential to erase social barriers among
which gender, socio-economic status, and race (Matei & Bruno, 2015;
Ruggs et al., 2016; Stevens et al., 2017). In contrast to offline environ-
ments, brand communities foster anonymity and, therefore, increase self-
disclosure, blurring the boundaries between internal (employees) and
external (e.g., consumers, activists, journalists, government officials)
stakeholder groups (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). Today power relations
have shifted from management to well-connected online users who have
the tools needed to expose current corporate practices (Weinberger, 2011)
and exert pressure on companies to take a different course of action. By
shedding light on how a company’s stakeholders socially construct diver-
sity in their online communication, the results of this study have the
potential to address the current challenges that companies face in their
diversity programs. Specifically, while engendering dialogue on diversity in
offline settings (employee forums, trainings, induction days, etc.) may be
impeded by the employees’ reluctance and reticence about the topic
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016), the anonymity of the internet can foster
genuine dialogue and allow for a deeper insight into the stakeholders’
stances on present and future corporate programs. In addition, by com-
municating (about) diversity in online settings, companies can contribute
to bridging social capital, as explained at a later stage in the chapter.
Given the fact that corporations represent for-profit organizations, it
behooves one to ask what they can gain by engendering dialogue and
interactions around diversity in their online communities. Internally,
diversity engagement through a dialogic lens has the potential to lead to
long-term benefits for corporations as a result of a socially responsible
approach. Such benefits include increased employee identification with
the company, loyalty, work motivation, and low turnover intentions
(Aguinis & Glavas, 2012; Brammer & Pavelin, 2006; Brammer, He, &
Mellahi, 2015; Jones, 2010). External stakeholders too may be more
prone to identify with a company that uses dialogue to facilitate their
direct participation in the development of diversity programs. For exam-
ple, having direct input in corporate practices enables consumers to per-
ceive diversity engagement as conducted out of a concern for the society,
as opposed to representing attempts to shun litigation and gain competi-
tive advantage. In turn, perceptions of the corporations’ genuine interest
in doing good may lead to increased engagement in organizational pro-
grams conducted offline (Korschun & Du, 2013; Maiorescu, 2013).
Above all, corporations would gain the reputation of moral employers that
past studies showed to represent an aura that allows for the recruitment
and retention of top talent (Knights and Omanović, 2016; Trittin and
Schoeneborn, 2017).
Based on past research studies, online users initially join a brand com-
munity as a result of an identity-based attachment (Chung, Nam, & Koo,
2016; Grabowicz et al., 2013; Ren et al., 2012) or identification with the
company and the overall online community that serves the brand’s pur-
pose. In the present book the concepts of identity-based attachment and
corporate identification are used interchangeably. In time, and by engag-
ing in online interactions with other users, members of online communi-
ties are likely to exhibit bond-based attachment or attachment to other
members (Grabowicz et al., 2013; Tausczik, Dabbish, & Kraut, 2014; Yu
et al., 2017). Both identity-based attachment and bond-based attachment
are likely to co-exist at some time or another in the life of an online com-
munity and the prevalence of one type of attachment over the other is
contingent upon the number of newcomers and the degree to which
online community members are willing to engage in interactions with one
another (Grabowicz et al., 2013; Tausczik et al., 2014).
This book assesses if and to what extent a company’s online communi-
cation about diversity manages to increase the bond-based attachment
among members. Determining the presence of bond-based attachment is
important due to its potential to bridge social capital (connecting people
of different backgrounds) that would translate in offline settings
(Bouchillon, 2014, 2018). Specifically, the reduced social distance fos-
tered online (Atzori, Iera, & Morabito, 2014; Bauernschuster, Falck, &
Woessmann, 2014) may lead to a perceived common identity as well as
closeness, effects that are no longer found in offline settings (Putnam,
2007). It is likely that the way companies communicate about diversity in
1 INTRODUCTION 9
their online communities will exert influence on the extent to which users
display bond-based attachment. Consequently, a first research question
was posed:
RQ1: Is there a relationship between the company’s use of dialogic com-

munication with respect to diversity and the users’ display of bond-
based attachment?
Dialogic communication was assessed by coding for the presence or

absence of mutuality (Do companies attempt to collaborate with publics
on diversity programs/proposals, etc.?), propinquity (Do companies ask
online users for suggestions/recommendations for future diversity initia-
tives?), empathy (Do companies show support for the goals of a specific
ethnic/minority community?), risk (Do companies create dialogue about
diversity on the publics’ own terms?), and commitment (Are companies
committed to diversity and to fostering dialogue about diversity? Do they
value opposite views and do they try to find common ground?). These
variables were derived from the main principles of dialogue developed in
studies conducted in the realm of communication and public relations
(Kent and Taylor, 2002; Sommerfeldt & Yang, 2018; Taylor & Kent,
2014). In addition, the companies’ dialogic communication was assessed
by coding for their use of one-way versus two-way communication. One-
way online communication was assessed by determining the presence or
absence of the sole transmission of information with no request for
involvement or feedback (McQuail & Windahl, 2015). By contrast, the
presence of two-way communication was determined by assessing whether
companies asked direct questions, whether open- or closed-ended.
To ascertain whether corporate communication was conducive to trig-
gering bond-based attachment, the study made use of several variables
developed in social psychology (Bouchillon, 2014, 2018; Putnam, 2007),
namely social distance, closeness (Do companies communicate about
equality and/or commonalities among individuals and/or the common
issues they face?), and shared experience (Do companies encourage their
followers to share stories, talk about their experiences as these relate to
diversity?). More precisely, the study assessed whether the companies’
online communication aimed to decrease social distance, increase close-
ness among online followers, and encourage information sharing and
storytelling. The concept of commonalities is not used to suppress differ-
ences in any way. Rather, it refers to the erasure of social barriers such as
gender, ethnicity, and race in online settings (Matei & Bruno, 2015). The
concept has the potential to lead to a bridging effect should companies
enact it to complement communicative practices that revolve around the
uniqueness of minority and ethnic groups.
The users’ comments present in the discussion thread pertaining to
each company tweet were assessed with the help of theoretical concepts
from social psychology. Past research on online communities (Ren, Kraut,
& Kiesler, 2007; Ren et al., 2012) determined that social interaction, self-
disclosure, and personal attraction represented the main ingredients for
bond-based attachment. Therefore, to assess the display of bond-based
attachment among users, the study aimed to determine the extent to
which online users made recurrent contributions in each discussion thread
(social interaction) and the degree to which they engaged in storytelling
which brought to light personal experiences with diversity (self-disclosure).
Finally, personal attraction was assessed by taking into account the extent
to which online users communicated around perceived similarities (Ren,
Kraut, & Kiesler, 2007; Ren et al., 2012).
RQ2 asked if there was a relationship between the companies’ use of
one-way communication and the users’ display of bond-based attachment.
The question was posed to explore whether the prevalence of one-way com-
munication led to a low display of bond-based attachment. In other words,
it could be possible that the predominance of one-way corporate commu-
nication about diversity prevents users from engaging in dialogue and fails
to create online bonds. In time, One-way communication may not lead
to the conversion of identity-based attachment, which users display when
they initially follow a company online, in to the bond-based attachment
they should finally exhibit toward other members of the online commu-
nity. While the assessment of one-way communication was explained in the
previous paragraphs, it is important to mention that identity-based attach-
ment was coded by the display of the users’ agreement with a company’s
operations, values, and products/services, namely in line with past studies
that assessed corporate identification in online settings (Maiorescu, 2013).
RQ3 investigated possible relationships among the users’ display of
bond-based attachment and their online interactivity (recurrent contribu-
tions within a discussion thread) as well as their expressed intention to
participate in corporate diversity initiatives offline. This question aimed to
assess whether bond-based attachment has the potential to translate into
offline action, consequently showcasing the potential of brand communi-
ties to build social capital. Finally, RQ4 assessed if there was a relationship
1 INTRODUCTION 11
among the users’ display of identity-based attachment and their expressed

intention to take part in diversity initiatives offline. RQ4 was worth pursu-
ing in order to determine whether a solid corporate identification led users
to take action offline and independent of the emergence of bond-based
attachment. The four research questions were investigated in the case of
each company analyzed in the present book.
Furthermore, companies were classified based on their industry, such as
the banking, the financial sector, and the consumer goods industry.
The study aimed to answer to three research questions, as follows: (1) Are
there any differences in corporate diversity communication across the
companies in a specific industry? (2) Are there any differences in the users’
display of bond-based/identity-based attachment across the companies in
a specific industry? And, finally, (3) Are there any differences in the users’
online engagement and their stated intention to take part in diversity ini-
tiatives offline? These questions were considered paramount in under-
standing the most effective diversity communication practices within
each sector.
The last stage of the study involved a comparison among the three
industries analyzed. The comparison was conducted to reveal whether and
to what extent there were differences in diversity communication among
industries that relied more or less on innovation. Specifically, past studies
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Wrench, 2005) alluded to the likelihood
that companies that rely more on innovation, such as those pertaining to
the pharmaceutical and tech industries, may value diversity to a larger
degree than those whose operations revolve primarily around routine
practices (Wrench, 2005).
Lastly, while tangential, the analysis also assessed the valence of the
users’ messages as well as the users’ reactions to the companies’ diversity
communication in the US versus abroad. The assessment of these variables
will be discussed throughout the book and represents an important step
toward understanding how consumers react and respond to local and
global corporate diversity efforts, a present gap in the current literature.
Methodology
This book focuses on America’s most profitable multinational corpora-
tions in 2017, as determined by Forbes. The selection of these companies,
whose collective profit represents $890 billion (Wieczner, 2017), is
appropriate for the purpose of this study, due to the extensive resources
that such companies invest in programs meant to foster inclusion. The

most profitable companies in 2017 were Apple, JPMorgan Chase & Co.,
Berkshire Hathaway, Wells Fargo, Alphabet, Bank of America, Microsoft,
Johnson & Johnson, Citigroup, and Altria Group. Because Apple lacked
a social media presence, the company was excluded from the analysis.
Furthermore, Berkshire Hathaway’s social media communication did not
allow for a robust analysis, given the company’s low online communica-
tion and user engagement. Therefore, Berkshire was excluded from the
study. It was considered that the analysis of the four remaining banks—
namely JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Wells Fargo, and Citigroup—
would provide sufficient information to understand how diversity is
communicated across the financial sector. In a similar vein, Alphabet’s
low online interactions would have made it impossible to draw reliable
conclusions about its communication practices. Consequently, for the
purpose of this analysis the researcher replaced Alphabet with Google
and considered that being Google’s parent company, Alphabet shared its
values and employed similar communication practices.
The period of analysis for this study was 60 months, namely from
January 1, 2013, to December 31, 2017. It was considered that studying
social media communication over a period of five years will allow for an
in-depth and robust analysis. The samples of analysis represented the
companies’ tweets that revolved around diversity and the discussion
threads they triggered among online users. Tweets that did not make
reference to diversity and inclusion were excluded from the sample, as
were user comments that were not written in English or were classified as
spam. Each tweet and each comment it generated represented a unit of
analysis. The companies were analyzed separately based on their own
sample. Finally, the total sample of analysis was used to analyze discrepan-
cies in diversity engagement across industries and the companies therein.
Each chapter that follows provides further details about the sample of
analysis and breaks down the number of user comments and corpo-
rate tweets.
The data were collected from the social networking site Twitter. First,
Twitter was considered the most suitable platform for this study due to
user anonymity and increased self-disclosure. Second, Twitter was regarded
as a medium where online users interact with corporations to a larger
extent than other platforms and for reasons that range from product com-
plaints to holding companies accountable for responsible business p ractices
1 INTRODUCTION 13
(Einwiller & Steilen, 2015; Nitins, & Burgess, 2014; Read, 2019/
in press).
The present study took a mixed-methods approach. Because to date
no studies combined the dialogic theory (Taylor & Kent, 2014) of public
relations with concepts from social psychology, the variables discussed in
the previous paragraphs were assessed with the help of a codebook that
had previously been compiled after conducting a thematic analysis of the
first 50 tweets posted by each company in 2017. In addition, the user
comments pertaining to each tweet were analyzed to determine the direc-
tion that the codebook would be taking to assess user perceptions. The
thematic analysis was conducted at a latent level, namely by looking at
not only semantic meanings, but also covert ideas and assumptions
(Braun & Clarke, 2006; Maguire & Delahunt, 2017) to ensure the rigor-
ous study of online communication. The thematic analysis took an induc-
tive-deductive approach and was driven by both the collected data and
the theoretical concepts (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Maguire & Delahunt,
2017) previously discussed. During the first stage of the analysis, the
researcher became familiar with the data corpus and took notes of first
impressions, as recommended by Maguire and Delahunt (2017).
Afterwards, the data were organized to generate initial codes that cap-
tured relevant information regarding the research questions asked in the
study. New codes emerged as a result of multiple exposures to the text.
The data were coded by hand, as recommended (Maguire & Delahunt,
2017) when the purpose of the analysis is to capture covert and subtle
meanings within text, something that cannot be accomplished by the use
of qualitative software. The next step of the thematic analysis involved the
search for preliminary themes that emerged as a result of the examination
of the codes and of the extent to which the latter fitted together. It was
determined that some codes were part of more than a single theme and
were listed as such. The themes were later reviewed and defined (Maguire
& Delahunt, 2017).
Each company’s communication was coded based on the guidelines
that resulted from the preceding thematic analysis. Several coders were
trained in the procedure and took turns in assessing intercoder reliability.
The details of the process are provided in each chapter. Several frequency
analyses, goodness of fit tests, and chi-square tests were conducted in
order to answer to the research questions asked in this study. In the case
of each company, a thematic analysis was conducted to provide a deeper
understanding of the users’ comments. The researcher took a bottom-up,
inductive approach, determined by the data themselves (Maguire &

Delahunt, 2017). Finally, comparisons among the companies in a specific
industry and among industries were done with the help of several chi-
square tests.
Chapter Preview
The book is divided into four parts. Each part tackles a specific industry.
The first part is dedicated to the financial industry. Chapter 2 discusses the
details of a study conducted on JPMorgan Chase’s online community and
diversity communication. The chapter sheds light on the impact of a solid
corporate reputation on the users’ perceptions and response to diversity
practices. Chapter 3 is dedicated to Wells Fargo. The results of several
quantitative analyses conducted to assess online diversity communication
revealed that the company’s enactment of dialogue did not lead to bond-
based attachment. The thematic analysis performed on the users’ com-
ments provided valuable explanations in this sense: the company’s
recurrent crises and the need to reestablish trust. Diversity at Bank of
America is discussed in Chap. 4 and the analysis reveals that the company
should further detail and clarify its diversity approaches in order to enhance
the users’ understanding of their impact. Diversity communication in
Citigroup’s brand community is discussed in Chap. 5, which highlights
the importance of corporate identification as well as its potential to trans-
form online users in active participants in diversity initiatives offline.
Further, Chap. 6 compares and contrasts the banks’ diversity communica-
tion and the users’ interactions in order to ascertain the most effective
ways to communicate (about) diversity in the financial sector. In addition,
it proposes a model with practical applications.
The second part of the book tackles the tech sectors by looking at
Microsoft (Chap. 7) and Google (Chap. 8) and draws comparisons
between the two companies’ online communities in Chap. 9. Chapter 9
discusses the development of an organizational legitimacy model that can
be applied in the context of diversity communication in the tech sector.
The third part of the book discusses diversity communication in the
consumer goods industry. Chapter 10 discusses the results of several anal-
yses conducted on Johnson & Johnson’s online community. Chapter 11
looks at Altria and assesses the company’s diversity initiatives and their
communication from the perspective of the “sin industry.” Despite the
fact that the two companies are classified as belonging to the consumer
1 INTRODUCTION 15
goods industries, their divergent business profiles make it impossible to

compare their communication strategies. Consequently, Chap. 12
discusses the main implications of the studies conducted for each com-
pany, without making any analogies or drawing conclusions for the indus-
try. The last part of the book (Chap. 13) discusses the result of a comparison
across industries, introduces a model for the implementation of online
diversity communication, and tackles the limitations of the current book
while giving directions for future research.
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CHAPTER 2
Online Diversity Communication

at JPMorgan Chase
JPMorgan Chase & Co., America’s largest bank (McKinney, 2018), prides
itself on cutting-edge diversity programs, among which is the Women on
the Move, a global initiative that aims to ascertain the career barriers that
women face through townhall meetings held worldwide. Since its inception
in 2013, Women on the Move has reached 6000 female employees world-
wide due to the commitment of two JPMorgan Chase executives, Marianne
Lake and Mary Erdoes (JPMorgan Chase & Co., 2018a). Additional laud-
able efforts include the work of the company’s Office of Disability inclu-
sion, that concentrates on the hiring and promotion of neurodiverse
employees, such as those suffering from autism. The company’s contribu-
tion to the society through fighting and breaking the stigma around autism
is notable. Other noteworthy contributions include a commitment to racial
equality manifest in both the US and the UK. Specifically, the company’s
mission statement details the role of Carol Lake, a JPMorgan executive, in
serving on the advisory board of the UK’s Prime Minister to help facilitate
equality in youth employment (JPMorgan Chase & Co., 2018a).
Diversity at JPMorgan is developed and implemented in light of orga-
nizational values such as integrity, exceptional client service, operational
excellence, and corporate responsibility (JPMorgan Chase & Co., 2018b)
and its contributions represent the top talent that enables the company to
meet/exceed its business objectives (David, 2017). Therefore, diversity
appears to be triggered by integrity, exceptional client service, operational
excellence, and corporate responsibility and, in turn, may exert influence

on these values within a cyclic process. At any stage in this process, diver-
sity approaches would be modeled by the needs of the company as the
latter shapes its preceding values according to the business objectives it
aims to meet and the expectations in the macrosystem (as evident in
JPMorgan’s emphasis on corporate responsibility). Specifically, the high
level of activism present in the US (Sriramesh & Verčič, 2019) may trigger
diversity initiatives that do not necessarily impact the bottom line directly,
but add to a positive reputation that proves an investment in the long run
as a result of low turnover intentions and identification with the company
manifest by both external and internal stakeholder groups (Maiorescu &
Wrigley, 2016). For example, responding to increased media attention
regarding the death of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at a Saudi Embassy in
Turkey, the company’s CEO, Jamie Dimon, joined the leaders of
MasterCard, BlackRock, and Blackstone in their decision to drop out of
an investment conference in Saudi Arabia (Tan, 2018). In addition, in a
response to calls from the Congressional Black Caucus, the company part-
nered with several financial firms to create “The Diversity Project” whose
aim is to ensure diversity in the financial workforce (Holman, 2018).
Despite the aforementioned efforts, the bank hasn’t been spared of
controversies and lawsuits. In September 2018 JPMorgan agreed to invest
$4.5 million in an anti-bias program and paid $19.5 million to present and
former employees in a settlement that ensued from a lawsuit claiming uni-
form and national racism. Further, the company recently settled for $55
million to avert a lawsuit that claimed discrimination against mortgage
borrowers (Laursen, 2018). It is important to note that JPMorgan is not
alone in facing discrimination lawsuits. Banks like Wells Fargo & Co. set-
tled a similar lawsuit for $35.5 million (Laursen, 2018) and in 2013 Bank
of America paid $160 million for the same purpose (Braswell, 2017;
Laursen, 2018; Rosenblatt & Son, 2013). These lawsuits come in a con-
text in which banks are still restoring their reputation, after the 2008
financial crisis revealed an internal culture that encouraged tremendous
risk taking (Marria, 2018) and led to subsequent government bailouts.
Not only do discrimination lawsuits continue to erode the reputation of
the financial industry, but they also illustrate corporate cultures that have
likely failed to accommodate the needs and expectations of employees. In
its various forms, diversity (whether related to ethnicity, gender, profes-
sional experiences, or thought) and the way a company approaches it play
a paramount role in the development of corporate cultures as employees
should feel included, respected, and an integral part of the organizations,
all of which in turn determine motivation, commitment, and finally turnover.
2 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT JPMORGAN CHASE 25
The present chapter takes a look at JPMorgan’s social media communi-

cation and discusses the results of its diversity communication as well as its
followers’ responses. It presents the findings of an inquiry into how the
company communicates about diversity online, the responses its commu-
nication ensues along with its potential to trigger dialogue and create a
bridging effect that would contribute to building social capital.
The results stem from the application of mixed-methods of research.
Several chi-square tests, frequency analyses, and goodness of fit tests were
conducted for this purpose. In addition, the study made use of a thematic
analysis lest the subtle meanings in the text be lost as a result of the sole
implementation of statistical tests (Aronson, 1995). The total sample of
analysis comprised N = 280 (42.5%) company posts that were related to
diversity and N = 378 (58%) user responses. The data were collected for a
period of five years, namely from January 1, 2013, to December 31, 2017.
It was considered that this period of analysis would provide sufficient data
for a robust analysis of how diversity is approached and communicated at
JPMorgan. For the purpose of the interrated reliability 20% of the com-
pany’s posts and 20% of the user comments were coded by an additional
coder who had been previously trained in the procedure. Every fifth com-
pany post and user comment were selected and the coder received a total
of 75 user comments and 56 company posts. The interrated reliability was
calculated with the use of Cohen’s kappa and was found to be k = 0.78 for
the company’s posts and k = 0.81 for the users’ comments. These results
indicate substantial agreement (Viera & Garrett, 2005).
Because the thematic analysis involves an inductive-deductive approach
that relies heavily on the researcher’s perspective and does not require
intercoder reliability, the researcher conducted a rigorous analysis to ascer-
tain the coherence of themes, patterns, and subthemes in the text
(Leininger, 1985). The next paragraphs detail the results of the statistical
tests and are followed by a discussion of the findings pertaining to the
qualitative analysis. The chapter ends with a discussion of theoretical and
practical implications.
Quantitative Analysis
Two frequency analyses and goodness of fit tests were conducted on the
collected data: the first analysis revealed the frequency of the assessed vari-
ables across the company’s posts and was followed by the frequency analy-
sis of the users’ comments. The company discussed its diversity programs
in the US in 33.4% of the posts (n = 220) while its efforts abroad emerged
to a lesser degree (9.0%, n = 59). In doing so, JPMorgan focused on
employee diversity in 10.6% (n = 70) of its overall diversity communica-
tion, while programs addressed to external constituencies emerged to a
larger degree (24.4%, n = 161). Online communication does not necessar-
ily mirror a company’s operations; therefore, the results do not imply that
JPMorgan focuses on external diversity to a larger degree than it does on
employee programs. Further, depending on the company’s overall reputa-
tion and history of diversity-related crises, the attempt may be perceived as
sincere and, therefore, embraced by online users, or viewed as disingenu-
ous and, rejected as “window dressing,” a term used by Trittin and
Schoeneborn (2017) to illustrate the public relations practices involved in
the process of diversity promotion. The qualitative analysis of user com-
ments will provide further insight into the effectiveness of these messages
and will be discussed at a later stage in the chapter.
In its overall diversity communication, the company expressed commit-
ment to diversity in 13.8% (n = 91) of its posts and its pursue of minorities’
best interests in 19.0% (n = 125). The dialogic approach the company was
taking was evident in posts that denoted empathy toward the issues faced
by minority communities (10.0%, n = 66), a focus on developing diversity
programs through stakeholder collaboration (4.1%, n = 27), along with
messages on equality (17.3%, n = 114). Despite a low presence (7.3%,
n = 48), the communication process denoted commonalities among indi-
viduals of various backgrounds (n = 48), which has the potential to trigger
a bridging effect.
The analysis revealed that JPMorgan could further expand its dialogic
approach to diversity through the dimension of risk (Taylor & Kent,
2014), that in this study was assessed by the degree to which the company
engaged its minority online followers in discussions aimed to inform
future corporate practices. Specifically, the analysis looked at whether the
company was asking for feedback on its past/current projects or for rec-
ommendations for the development of future ones. During the period of
analysis, the dialogic risk emerged solely once (0.4%, n = 1).
The frequency analysis conducted on the user posts (58%, n = 378)
generated by JPMorgan’s diversity communication revealed recurrent user
contribution in 23% of the posts (n = 87), as followers returned to the
company’s initial diversity tweets to engage in further conversation. These
results corroborate previous findings that revealed the potential of the
internet to reduce social distance (Atzori, Iera, & Morabito, 2014;
Bauernschuster, Falck, & Woessmann, 2014); erase social markers such as

gender, ethnicity, and race (Matei & Bruno, 2015); and enable engage-
ment in dialogue around topics that are generally rather difficult to discuss
in offline settings (Maiorescu, 2016; Turner, Grube, & Meyers, 2001).
Given the fact that past studies showed that diversity communication has
the potential to lead to anxiety, fear (Schwabenland & Tomlinson, 2015),
reticence, and fatigue (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016), the role of social
media platforms in engendering diversity-centered conversations cannot
be overstated. The recurrent user engagement in these conversations
could perhaps be best explained by Jin et al. (2013) who determined self-
efficacy and satisfaction to be predictors for recurrent online contribu-
tions. The company’s dialogic communication could lead to perceptions
of self-efficacy that, in addition to increasing online engagement and
despite a low presence, resulted in expressed intention to engage in offline
diversity projects (0.8%, n = 3). Moreover, the online engagement may
have been engendered by user satisfaction (coded here in terms of the
valence of the user comments; a positive tone emerged in 9.5%, n = 36).
The potential of social media to trigger conversation around diversity
was further bolstered by the fact that online users shared their experiences
with diversity in about a fifth of their online interactions (18.3%, n = 69),
as they discussed discrimination, opined on corporate diversity practices,
and made suggestions for future diversity approaches.
While the majority of the online interaction had a positive valence
(9.5%, n = 36), users expressed a negative stance toward the company’s
approaches to diversity in 7.7% (n = 29) of the comments. The difference
isn’t substantial and, therefore it becomes paramount to understand the
reasons behind the positive versus negative reception of diversity mes-
sages, something that the chapter will tackle at a later stage, as it intro-
duces the results of the qualitative analysis.
Interestingly, while predominantly the users’ posts denoted no identi-
fication with the company (63.8%, n = 241) and disagreement with
JPMorgan’s overall business strategies emerged in more than a quarter of
the posts (27.8%, n = 105), users showed support for its diversity efforts
(16.1%, n = 61) to a larger extent than they expressed disapproval (11.6%,
n = 44). The fact that stakeholders are likely to embrace diversity pro-
grams regardless of whether they agree or disagree to the company’s
other operational aspects suggests the potential of diversity programs to
add to a company’s overall reputation. Moreover, such perceptions may
emerge as a result of the morality behind diversity programs which
appeals to the general public on a more personal level (Maiorescu &

Wrigley, 2016).
It is worth mentioning that user responses to diversity tweets were pre-
dominantly neutral (72%, n = 272) and further investigation is required to
determine the extent to which and how dialogic communication may
transform inactive users into active ones. In line with these findings, the
study showed a low presence (0.8%, n = 3) of the users’ intention to take
part in diversity initiatives offline. A low presence emerged for posts that
denoted the users’ perceptions of similarity (6.1%, n = 23), therefore
implying the company’s online community can further benefit from mes-
sages that trigger a bridging effect among users of different backgrounds
which, in turn, may increase the likelihood of offline engagement in diver-
sity programs.
Following the preceding frequency analyses, several chi-square tests
were conducted to answer to the study’s four research questions (RQs),
whose investigation is discussed next. RQ1 aimed to ascertain the rela-
tionship between the company’s dialogic communication and the users’
development of bond-based attachment. The question investigated
whether dialogue had the potential to trigger a shift from identity-based
attachment (Grabowicz, Aiello, Eguíluz, & Jaimes, 2013; Tausczik,
Dabbish, & Kraut, 2014) or the identification with the brand, which
determines online users to first join an online community, toward their
later attachment for other community members.
The company’s dialogic communication was assessed with the help of
the five dialogic principles (Kent & Taylor, 2002; Taylor & Kent, 2014)
and the data were coded for mutuality, propinquity, empathy, risk, and
commitment, as detailed in Chap. 1. Additional variables were introduced
to assess the company’s dialogic efforts, namely the degree to which cor-
porate messages stressed commonalities among individuals (to increase
online interaction through perceived similarities) and attempted to trigger
user engagement through the enactment of open- or closed-ended
questions.
The users’ bond-based attachment was assessed by coding for interac-
tivity (the extent to which discussion threads included recurrent
contributions from users), the social distance that these interactions

denoted, as well as the extent to which users were comfortable enough to
share their experiences with diversity. The following paragraphs detail the
results by tackling each dialogic tenet (empathy, equality, risk, propin-
quity, mutuality, commitment) and its possible impact on the creation of
bond-based attachment. Each tenet was assessed with the help of the vari-
ables discussed in Chap. 1 and mentioned in the next paragraphs.
The extent to which the company communicated about empathy
did not exert influence on the users’ responsiveness to and interac-
tion with diversity-related posts (x2 (1, N = 657) = 11.19, p = 0.00).
Similar results were found for the company’s messages on equality that
aimed to increase bond-based attachment by reducing social distance (x2
(1, N = 657) = 21.05, p = 0.00). Moreover, the company’s attempt to
emphasize that its programs addressed the best interests of minorities
(risk taking) did not trigger higher engagement in conversations about
diversity (x2 (1, N = 657) = 23.56, p = 0.00). An additional dialogic vari-
able that was tested for its impact on interactivity was the communica-
tion style. Interestingly, the users’ interaction with a specific tweet was
not triggered by the company’s two-way communication versus one-way
communication style (x2 (1, N = 657) = 74.48, p = 0.00). Furthermore,
corporate messages that reflected a commitment to diversity did not
impact user interaction (x2 (1, N = 657) = 16.12, p = 0.00) and nei-
ther did messages aimed to have a unifying effect among online users (x2
(1, N = 657) = 8.08, p <0.00).
Results in this direction raise concerns about the ingredients of suc-
cessful stakeholder engagement in online dialogue about diversity. For
example, user interaction did not surge as the company updated its stake-
holders on internal versus external diversity programs (x2 (1,
N = 657) = 54.37, p = 0.00). Regardless of whether JPMorgan discussed
employee policies, minority advancement in the workplace, or its contri-
bution to program dedicated to the community in which it operated, the
company did not influence its followers’ interaction. Moreover, user
engagement remained unaffected by the communication of diversity pro-
grams developed in the US versus those in foreign environments in which
JPMorgan operates. Given the fact that the US is characterized by a high
level of activism (Maiorescu, 2017; Sriramesh & Verčič, 2019), these
results may appear surprising. A possible explanation can be found in the
company’s lack of a direct request for feedback on diversity initiatives,
which can constitute an important dialogic principle, namely what Taylor
and Kent (2014) would define as risk. The denomination clearly illus-
trates the vulnerable position that companies that are willing to take this
risk put themselves into as a result of the possible negative feedback that
may ensue online. Yet, it is likely that if a company embraces dialogic risk
consistently and actively incorporates stakeholder feedback into its
rograms, in time, online users may be more responsive due to the com-
p
pany’s fostering of self-efficacy that affectively appeals to activists.
Further, the study results pointed to a lack of bond-based attachment
in the users’ responses to diversity, as the company’s messages on equality
did not lead to an increase of the users’ perceptions of similarities (x2 (1,
N = 657) = 5.4, p <0.05). Namely, the degree to which the company com-
municated about diversity from a lens of equal opportunity, equality, and/
or similarities among individuals did not exert influence on the users’ per-
ceptions thereof.
The second research question (RQ2) investigated whether the compa-
ny’s communication style (one- way versus two-way communication)
played a role in the users’ identification with the company. This question
was considered especially relevant because the study aimed to ascertain
whether and to what extent dialogic communication in general and two-
way communication in particular enabled a bridging effect and led to the
development of online bonds. The analysis revealed that the company’s
communication style (x2 (1, N = 657) = 5.4, p <0.05) did not lead to an
increase of the users’ perceived similarity, implying that whether the com-
pany engages in information giving or attempts to trigger online dialogue
by raising questions, it does not engender bonds among its followers. If
the communication style does not lead to a bridging effect, what commu-
nication aspects could achieve this goal? Despite not being directly related
to RQ2, the results of several chi-square tests showed that the company’s
communication about its commitment to diversity (x2 (1, N = 657) = 3.8,
p = 0.05) and the type of diversity programs it engages in (internal versus
external) (x2 (2, N = 657) = 12.92, p = 0.00) did not influence online
interaction to the extent to which the latter displayed potential for bond-
based attachment. Finally, the extent to which users communicated around
perceived similarities remained unaffected by the company’s discussion of
its diversity programs abroad versus in the US (x2 (2, N = 657) = 5.4,
p = 0.00) and by the interactivity (the length of discussion thread trig-
gered) that the company’s initial diversity tweets generated (x2 (1,
N = 657) = 5.8, p <0.05). Therefore, lengthy discussions on diversity did
not have an effect on the perceived similarities that would have established
bond-based attachment.
RQ3 investigated relationships among user interactivity, shared stories
related to diversity, user communication around perceived similarity, and
approval of the company’s diversity approach. This approval was assessed
by coding for the users’ expressed intentions to partake in JPMorgan’s
offline initiatives. In addition, the study investigated the overall valence of

each user post. Several chi-square tests were conducted for this purpose.
The results showed that the more the users’ communication displayed
perceived similarities, the more they showed agreement to the company’s
diversity programs (x2 (3, N = 634) = 137.06, p = 0.00). For example, per-
ceptions of similarities were displayed by users who agreed to the compa-
ny’s diversity programs in 29.5% of the online posts. By comparison, users
who took a neutral stance vis-à-vis JPMorgan’s efforts communicated
around similarities in 1.1% of the posts (n = 3) and those who criticized
corporate programs communicated around similarities in 4.5% (n = 2) of
their online interactions. These results imply that users who focus on simi-
larities between themselves and others are more open to diversity initia-
tives, probably due to the convergence of their own personal values and the
perceived values of diverse individuals. Undoubtedly, as mentioned in the
preceding paragraphs, the internet augments perceptions of similarities by
erasing social markers gender, ethnicity, race, etc. (Matei & Bruno, 2015)
that would otherwise lead to lower convergence in offline settings.
Further, stakeholders are more likely to agree to and embrace diversity
programs that align with their personal values, interests, and causes they
stand for (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). Supporting programs that reso-
nate with stakeholder groups and communicating about them on social
media is likely to lead to bond-based attachment as a result of the
increased user interaction that emerges through their personal invest-
ment in a cause. Because the findings suggest that users tend to commu-
nicate and interact to a larger extent in response to diversity approaches
and programs they agree to, it behooves companies to engage their con-
stituencies in the development of such initiatives by asking for and incor-
porating stakeholder feedback. By doing so, corporations enable their
stakeholders to actively partake in the development of such programs,
therefore facilitating future stakeholder agreement. Furthermore, as
these results indirectly imply, communicating (about) diversity by openly
asking and embedding user feedback (which represents the dialogic
dimension of risk, discussed in the preceding paragraphs) may also lead
to bond-based attachment. The benefits of the creation of bond-based
attachment around diversity go beyond directly informing a company on
initiatives that the latter has specifically asked for. The online interactions
that result from bond-based attachment lead to the social construction of
diversity that can shift the general trajectory that a company is tak-
ing. Given the fact that online users represent stakeholder groups that can
affect a company’s operations (consumers, employees, journalists, activ-

ists, etc.), the way they view diversity should converge with the approach
a corporation is taking. Consequently, by leading to increased interac-
tions, bond-based attachment triggers online communication that com-
panies can regularly assess to ascertain whether their diversity approaches
and programs meet and/or exceed their stakeholders’ expectations.
The findings further corroborated the fact that online communities dis-
play potential for bond-based attachment in relation to diversity commu-
nication insofar as users agree to the company’s approach and around
conversations that are positive in valence. Specifically, posts that were
more positive in valence were more like to exhibit perceived similarities
(52.8%, n = 19) than those that denoted a neutral (0%, n = 0) or negative
tone (3.4%, n = 1).
Finally, the results revealed no relationship among agreement to the
company’s diversity approach, intention to participate in offline initiatives,
and message valence.
The final research question (RQ4) investigated relationships among the
users’ identification with the company’s values, business practices, prod-
ucts, and services, agreement to its diversity approach, message valence,
and intention to participate in the company’s activism efforts offline. In
other words, RQ4 aimed to ascertain whether identity-based attachment
played a role in user agreement with diversity, intention to contribute to
causes offline as well as message valence.
The findings revealed a relationship between corporate identification
and agreement to the company’s diversity approach (x2 (1,
N = 657) = 799.26, p = 0.00). For example, 32.8% of the posts (n = 20)
revealed both diversity agreement and corporate identification, in contrast
to 1.6% (n = 1) that denoted agreement to diversity programs and low
corporate identification. However, these results do not necessarily imply
that the more online users identify with a company, the higher their agree-
ment to the company’s diversity approach. Specifically, chi-square tests
revealed that the majority of the users who expressed agreement with
JPMorgan’s diversity initiatives displayed a neutral stance toward the com-
pany’s general operations (63.9%, n = 39). These results signal the poten-
tial of the internet to trigger conversations around diversity and point to
the openness of the users to participate in them, regardless of their degree
of identification with the company’s business operations, products, or ser-
vices. In other words, diversity seems to transcend consumer loyalty to
appeal to morality. These results complement past studies that highlighted

the need for morality in corporate initiatives (Alcázar, Fernández &
Gardey, 2013; Greene & Kirton, 2015; Wondrak & Segert, 2015) and
argued that doing so is not only socially responsible, but also more appeal-
ing to stakeholders on a personal level (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
Consequently, stakeholder groups do care about diversity and may display
reticence, anxiety, fear, and fatigue (Schwabenland &Tomlinson, 2015)
when corporations frame it around their bottom line, leaving out the
morality behind such programs (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). Most
importantly, these results reveal the fact that companies can make use of
social media platforms in general and Twitter in particular to discuss
about diversity. Users are open to engage in conversations and their par-
ticipation can influence and shape future corporate programs that, being
developed by stakeholders themselves, are less likely to lead to the negative
perceptions previously mentioned.
It is worth noting that in approximately a third of the online posts
(29.8%, n = 81) users displayed indifference toward diversity programs
and a neutral stance on the company’s operations. Therefore, it behooves
researchers to further investigate what kind of online messages companies
should enact to transform “tourist” users (who lack social ties and deep
interest in the community) into insiders (who represent long-standing and
often referenced community members) (Kozinets, 2002).
Further, the results revealed a relationship between the valence of the
users’ comments and the extent to which they displayed corporate iden-
tification (x2 (1, N = 657) = 94.9, p = 0.00). The majority of the user
comments 56.7% (n = 24) displayed a neutral stance vis-à-vis JPMorgan
and a positive valence. Their prevalence was followed by posts that dis-
played corporate identification and a positive tone (22.2%, n = 8). The
least presence was found for posts that revealed a negative attitude toward
the company while displaying a positive valence (11.1%, n = 4). Users
commented more negatively when they displayed no corporate identifica-
tion (72.4%, n = 21) than when they disagreed to the company’s opera-
tions and products (27.6%, n = 4). These findings require the further
investigation of a possible impact of a company’s reputation as this influ-
ences perceptions of its overall business approach and operations as well
as diversity programs. It is likely that JPMorgan’s 2008 bailout and recent
discrimination lawsuit impact users’ perceptions and identification with
the company.
Qualitative Analysis
The thematic analysis performed on the users’ interactions ascertained the
emergence of two major themes: negative perceptions of the company’s
business operations and critique of corporate approaches to diversity.
Despite the fact that this analysis assessed only the users’ interactions that
ensued from the company’s diversity-related communication, comments
that expressed disagreement with the company’s overall business strategies
prevailed over those that discussed diversity. These findings suggest that
oftentimes, online users would use a company’s online communication to
express frustration regardless of whether the respective tweet is related to
the topic they want to discuss or not.
The predominant theme—negative perceptions of the company’s busi-
ness operations—emerged in two subthemes: financial concerns regarding
corporate operations and diversity. The fact that diversity emerges under
the umbrella of business operations implies that a company’s reputation
may influence how stakeholders perceive its diversity approaches and
receive its diversity-related communication. These findings bolster the
results discussed in the previous paragraphs, namely the fact that users
who agreed to the company’s diversity approaches tended to take either a
neutral or a positive stand toward its overall business operations.
The subtheme of financial concerns revealed the users’ disagreement
with the company’s subsidies and tax benefits as well as its 2008 bailout,
when the Treasury Department invested $25 billion to save JPMorgan.
Most of the tax-related comments emerged in 2017, when the media
extensively covered and rank-ordered the corporations who had benefited
from the tax evasion or subsidies (Cohen, 2017). Finally, comments also
raised concerns regarding the high charges that users perceived to be char-
acterizing the company’s business strategies.
Further, the subtheme of diversity entailed comments that made refer-
ence to both internal and external diversity. Users referred to acquain-
tances that worked for JPMorgan and allegedly felt that the internal
environment was not inclusive enough. In addition, the comments entailed
frustration with the customer service department and users argued that
the company tackled customer issues based on race. It is important to note
that subtheme of diversity emerged to a less degree than the one of finan-
cial operations. Consequently, comments accusing the company of dis-
criminatory behavior were few and were not followed up by either users or
the company.
Finally, political stances emerged as a subtheme of the negative percep-

tions of the company. Predominantly, online users criticized the company
for its CEO’s support of the 2017 tax reform and argued that it implied
bolstering the efforts of a president whom they perceived to oppose diver-
sity. Conversely, other users expressed disagreement with the company’s
diversity programs in general and those that emphasized recruitment and
promotion in particular. They opined that these practices were not rooted
in meritocracy but rather in the company’s socialist approach.
The second subtheme entailed a critique of the company’s diversity
practices as users commended JPMorgan’s initiatives, provided recom-
mendations, and/or criticized the company’s programs. Recommendations
included the company’s possible focus on stressing similarities rather than
differences and an emphasis on recruitment processes that embrace both
diversity and meritocracy. The former results inform the findings of the
statistical analysis, which revealed that perceived similarities increased the
interaction in the online community. In addition, the users’ recommenda-
tions for increased emphasis on individual commonalities may explain why
the statistical results showed that the company’s one-way versus two-way
communication did not impact user interaction. Namely, whether the
company engaged in sole information giving or attempted to trigger dia-
logue, its communication was less effective as it lacked a focus on com-
monalities that would trigger a bridging effect.
The latter results, namely the users’ suggestions for recruitment com-
munication, become especially important in light of recent studies that
showed that job seekers shun positions at companies that emphasize com-
mitment to diversity (Windscheid et al., 2017). Therefore, corporate com-
munication that fails to highlight both diversity and merit is likely to
further bolster negative perceptions of a company’s recruitment process
and lead to the continued avoidance of positions that stress the impor-
tance of diversity. It is also probable that both minority and nonminority
job applicants will be reluctant to apply, given the fact that past research
established that employers should be appealing to the affective commit-
ment of minorities by triggering a sense of belongingness to the organiza-
tion (Ashikali & Groeneveld, 2015; Randel et al., 2018; Shore et al.,
2018) along with an appreciation for their uniqueness. More precisely, job
applicants in general and minorities in particular should perceive a poten-
tial employer as an organization that will value their expertise in a specific
field along with the unique perspectives that they bring as a result of their
diverse background. Undoubtedly, the company’s recruitment practices
combine diversity and meritocracy and these results stress the importance
of clear communication in this respect.
While none of the comments emerged to the extent to which they
could be classified as patterns or subthemes, several of them recommended
that the company conduct its external diversity programs with the assis-
tance of their employees. While such comments didn’t expand on the
rationale behind the recommendation, it is likely that stakeholders prefer
a more personable approach that renders diversity initiatives more appeal-
ing on a personal level and are likely to trigger identification with con-
sumer values. These findings merit further investigation and future
research should determine the extent to which consumer identification
with a diversity-related cause leads to engagement in community pro-
grams that the company develops for this purpose. Finally, JPMorgan’s
efforts abroad were both applauded and criticized. For example, while its
support of nonprofit organizations in India was lauded for its positive
impact on blood donation, users disagreed to the company’s focus on job
creation for veterans in the UK. They argued that the company contrib-
uted more to the veterans’ wellbeing abroad than in the US and users
pleaded for the creation of an increased number of jobs in the US.
Conclusion
The quantitative and qualitative analyses of JPMorgan’s online diversity
communication revealed several interesting findings. First, online users
welcomed and agreed to the company’s diversity programs as long as they
displayed a positive or neutral stance vis-à-vis its overall business practices.
These results hint at the impact of the company’s reputation on stake-
holder perceptions of diversity programs. It is possible that the discrimina-
tion lawsuits the company had been entangled in triggered a negative
reputation (Kim, Krishna, & Dhanesh, 2018) that still impacts reactions
to diversity communication. These lawsuits make it even more paramount
for the company to 1. take risks in its online communication to go beyond
stressing its good intentions vis-à-vis a minority community to actually
engage in dialogue with minority groups; such conversations can inform
future diversity programs and/or improve present ones, and 2. clearly
communicate its diversity approaches and detail its programs lest they be
perceived as enacted to counteract the effects of discrimination lawsuits.
Finally, the results imply that by taking a dialogic risk to engage users in
conversations about diversity, the company is likely to trigger higher online
engagement, therefore creating a bridging effect among online users and
contributing to building social capital.
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CHAPTER 3

at Wells Fargo
This chapter tackles online diversity communication at Wells Fargo.

Known for promoting diversity into its every organizational structure, fos-
tering inclusion through an extensive focus on mentoring and internal
groups, as well as for its three-decade-old support for the LGBTQ com-
munity, Wells Fargo has also been mired in crises that impacted its
reputation.
In 2012 the company settled a discrimination lawsuit for $175 million
(Mui, 2012; Rothacker & Ingram, 2012) and in 2018 was accused of
pushing African American and Latino homebuyers into mortgages that
were more expensive than those offered to white consumers (Egan, 2018a,
b). In the preceding year, Wells Fargo agreed to pay $35 million to settle
a lawsuit that accused the corporation of discriminating against African
American financial advisors (Braswell, 2017). The company’s reputation
was further tarnished by the fake accounts scandal. Namely, in 2016 it was
revealed that Wells Fargo employees had opened over three million bank
accounts without the consumers’ knowledge or permission (Egan, 2018a,
b). Most recently, as a result of a technical glitch, about 400 Wells Fargo
consumers had their homes foreclosed in 2018 (Chu, 2018; Wattles, 2018).
This chapter takes a crisis communication lens to discuss the results that
emerged from the analysis of the company’s online diversity communica-
tion. The first part tackles the statistical analysis, its results, and their impli-
cations. The next section elaborates on the results of the qualitative analysis
conducted on the users’ comments. The chapter ends by drawing

c onclusions about the theoretical and practical implications of the findings

in light of diversity and crisis communication.
Per the book’s use of case study methodology, the sample of analysis
consisted of company posts (n = 397) and the user comments it generated
(n = 1142) that had been collected over a period of five years, namely from
January 1, 2013, to December 31, 2017. Tweets and comments that were
not in English were removed from the sample. Interrated reliability was
established using Cohen’s kappa. Every fifth user comment and every fifth
company tweet were selected for this purpose, comprising 20% of the user
posts (n = 229) and 20% of the company’s tweets (n = 80), respectively.
Interrated reliability was established at k = 0.85 for the users’ posts and
k = 0.81 for the company’s messages. The interrated reliability for the
users’ posts was established after the two coders engaged in the negotia-
tion of 11 units of analysis.
Several chi-square tests, frequency tests, and goodness of fit tests were
run on the interactions within the company’s online community. A the-
matic analysis was applied to study the user comments in an attempt to
shed light on subtle communication processes that would better inform
the results of the statistical tests.
The chapter begins by discussing the results and implications of the
quantitative analyses.
First, the frequency analysis conducted on Wells Fargo’s Twitter commu-
nication revealed that the company communicated predominantly around
its diversity programs in the US (99.5%, n = 395) and discussed its pro-
grams abroad in 2 out of its 397 tweets (0.5%, n = 2). Therefore, pro-
grams that the company developed for Europe, Latin America, Asia, and
Canada did not reach US consumers. Moreover, diversity communication
revolved extensively around external programs (84.1%, n = 161) to the
detriment of internal ones (3.8%, n = 15), a communication choice that
outside stakeholders may perceive as promotional and one that showcases
the technical role that PR practitioners play in diversity. The results further
bolster this assertion as the company’s diversity communication was dia-
logic (two-way) in 0.5% of the tweets (n = 2) while information giving
(one-way communication) emerged in 99.5% of the overall online diver-
sity communication (n = 395). Yet, several tenets of the dialogic engage-
ment (Kent & Taylor, 2002; Taylor & Kent, 2014) revealed that public
3 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT WELLS FARGO 43
relations may play more than a technical role. For example, the company
stressed its commitment to diversity engagement in more than a third of
its posts (36.5%, n = 145) and expressed its focus on working toward the
best interests of minorities in more than a half of its online communication
(51.4%, n = 204). The latter represents the dimension of risk, an essential
ingredient for successful dialogic communication. It constitutes a risky
rhetoric especially online since it requires corporate transparency and no
history of past crises related to diversity. Specifically, should an organiza-
tion make the preceding assertion when its functions and operations
denote the opposite, it is likely that the avalanche of negative reactions
that will ensue online will trigger a reputation crisis of great proportions.
Further, the analysis revealed no presence of the dimension of risk that
refers to openly asking minority stakeholders for suggestions regarding
past, present, and future initiatives. Similarly, the company asked for feed-
back from the general public in 0.5% of its tweets (n = 2). Therefore, it can
be argued that public relations misses out on a major opportunity to
shape, inform, and contribute to the company’s programs through direct
input from online users. It is worth mentioning that, although to a low
degree, the company did discuss about its collaborations with nonprofit
organizations (0.5%, n = 2). Such communication can be interpreted as
openness to address genuine concerns raised by the communities in which
it operates, as nonprofit organizations generally reflect the best interests of
their stakeholders.
An additional dimension that characterizes dialogue, namely that of
empathy, emerged in more than half of Wells Fargo’s online communica-
tion (51.4%, n = 204) as the company stressed its understanding, support,
and respect for diverse internal and external stakeholder groups as well as
for the general public. Moreover, the company’s attempts to reduce social
distance among its online users by stressing equality (50.4%, n = 200) and
individual commonalities (27%, n = 107) are effective communication
strategies that, if enacted consistently, create a bridging effect among
online users.
To increase the likelihood for reduced social distance and the creation
of a bridging effect, Wells Fargo should encourage its users to share their
experience with diversity, an attempt that is currently missing in the com-
pany’s online communication. Undoubtedly, this strategy entails a degree
of risk, but it can also lead to online engagement. Users communicated
about their experience with diversity in more than a third of their posts
(36%, n = 268), findings that illustrate the potential for further online
engagement should the company decide to encourage and foster a culture

of storytelling.
A second frequency analysis was conducted on the user comments and
revealed a predominantly positive tone (29.3%, n = 218). By contrast,
negative reactions to the company’s diversity communication emerged in
solely 6% of the user comments (n = 45) while in 0.7% (n = 5) of the posts,
users took a neutral stance. Further, the analysis assessed the presence of
statements that reflected the users’ identification with the company. The
findings showed that in most of their online interaction, users disagreed to
the company’s business practices and/or services (36.4%, n = 271). Less
than 10% of the posts revealed corporate identification (9.1%, n = 68) and
the majority of comments revealed low to no identification with Wells
Fargo. Similar to the case of JPMorgan (Chap. 1), these results indicate
that despite a low identity-based attachment, users are open to communi-
cate about diversity and agree to the importance of extant programs.
Consequently, the internet in general and Twitter in particular represent a
means through which companies can trigger dialogue around and about
diversity. For example, the majority of the comments expressed agreement
to the company’s diversity approach and/or to the importance that the
company argued it placed on differences (32.1%, n = 239)—compared to
less than 10% of the comments that expressed a negative stance (8.7%,
n = 65). Yet, the fact that more than half of the user comments reflected
indifference to diversity and inclusion (59.2%, n = 441) leaves room for
the further exploration of opportunities for online engagement, the most
important of which remains the company’s encouragement for storytell-
ing. A promising finding represents the users’ continued interactivity
around the company’s diversity communication as 21.1% (n = 157) of the
discussion threads entailed recurrent user contribution. While interactivity
can be considered relatively high, only 0.1% (n = 1) of the user posts
revealed intention to engage in diversity initiatives in offline settings.
As is the case for any company this book analyzes, several chi-square
tests were conducted to explore the four research questions this study
raised. RQ1 inquired after the nature of relationships between the com-
pany’s dialogic communication and the bond-based attachment extant in
the company’s online community. Specifically, if the company is truly
committed to dialogic diversity communication, does it manage to trigger
a bridging effect and create bonds among its online users? The bond-
based attachment was assessed by the interactivity that online users gener-
ated, the reduced social distance in their interactions, and, finally the
extent to which they opened up about their diverse experiences and/or

shared stories related to diversity.
The results revealed that the extent to which the company stressed com-
monalities (x2 (4, N = 1142) = 18.96, p = 0.00) did not increase online
interactivity. In other words, the degree to which users engaged with one
another around the topic of diversity was not influenced by whether the
company communicated in ways that denoted the fact that our individual
similarities surpass our differences. Further, the findings revealed that the
communication style the company engaged in (two-way versus one-way)
did not influence an increase or decrease in user interactivity (x2 (4,
N = 1142) = 97.72, p = 0.00). Neither did the communication style impact
the extent to which users displayed bond-based versus identity-based
attachment. These results support preceding findings that determined the
potential of the internet to foster conversations about diversity and suggest
that users react to diversity communication without necessarily being
encouraged to. It is important to note that reactions to diversity commu-
nication entail different valences. It is likely that corporate communication
that entails encouragement for storytelling will transform latent users into
receptive ones given the personal appeal and the identification that story-
telling renders. As theorists argue, all meaningful communication is ren-
dered via storytelling (Fisher, 1985). Regardless of one’s background,
aspects of a narrative may resonate on a deeper and personal level, trigger-
ing identification with the narrator and a convergence between personal
values and the perceived values emerging in the story. Further, the analysis
revealed that the company’s stated commitment to diversity did not exert
influence on a surge in user interactivity, findings that point to the users’
potential delineation of corporate rhetoric that illustrates concrete results
and alleged organizational commitment (x2 (4, N = 1142) = 26.89,
p = 0.00). Such findings are in line with several results of this analysis.
Namely, the study found no impact of the company’s stated empathy for
minorities and minority causes on the extent to which users communicated
and responded to diversity statements (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 39.89, p = 0.00).
Similarly, the degree to which the company stressed individual commonali-
ties did not lead to an increase in the users’s interactions around the topic
of diversity (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 38.93, p = 0.00). In addition, online inter-
action was not influenced by Wells Fargo’s communication about its part-
nerships with nonprofit organizations that foster diversity. These results
raise further questions regarding what triggers online interactivity around
diversity. While the frequency analysis revealed increased interactivity, the
chi-square tests failed to ascertain which of the dialogic factors contributed
to it. The results suggest that users do not respond to Wells Fargo’s promo-
tion of its diversity programs. It is possible that the company’s aforemen-
tioned crises played a role in the stakeholders’ openness and reception of
the company’s communication. This represents a pertinent question given
the fact that the frequency analysis revealed a high presence of agreement
to the company’s diversity programs and a low emergence of overall iden-
tification with the company. Several additional factors that this analysis
assessed might have enabled a better understanding of what triggers user
interactivity, among which are the company’s encouragement for storytell-
ing and feedback on diversity projects. However, the company’s online
communication was devoid of these dialogic factors. Therefore, the quali-
tative analysis that will follow at a later stage is likely to shed light on the
subtle aspects of user interactions that may more in-depth explain these
statistical results.
The users’ perceived similarities represented the second variable of
bond-based attachment that the analysis investigated through the lens of
dialogic communication. The study assessed the impact of the dialogic
principles on the users’ communication of decreased social distance
(emphasis on similarities among individuals rather than differences).
The results showed that the company’s communication style (one-way
versus two-way) did not lead to an increase in perceived similarities (x2 (2,
N = 1142) = 55.85, p = 0.00). Whether the company enacted open-
ended questions or engaged in information giving it was not successful in
influencing a reduced social distance among online users that would facil-
itate bond-based attachment. However, it is important to note that Wells
Fargo’s two-way communication had an extremely low presence (0.5%,
n = 2) compared to the posts in which the company was solely giving
information (99.5%, n = 395). Therefore, this result merits further inves-
tigation and the low presence of a two-way communication style makes it
unwise to draw definite conclusions about its impact on social distance.
Additional results revealed that the users’ engagement in communication
that denoted social distance occurred irrespectively of the company’s
diversity communication even in cases in which the latter emphasized
commitment to embracing differences (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 27.80,
p = 0.00), argued that it represented minorities’ best interests, empha-
sized empathy for diversity-related causes (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 22.76,
p = 0.00), stressed equality (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 22.25, p = 0.00), or aimed
to build bridges by highlighting commonalities (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 10.84,
p = 0.00). In sum, none of the dialogic principles played a role in the

users’ perceived social distance. The users seem to have interacted around
the company’s diversity tweets, and not in response to them. In this case,
too, the qualitative analysis will shed light on whether the company’s past
crises may have played a role in the apparent rejection of its diversity
communication.
Lastly, RQ1 investigated whether the company’s enactment of dialogic
communication impacted the extent to which users engaged in storytell-
ing. If a company communicates about diversity in ways meant to open
up conversations, are users more likely to share about their experiences?
The findings revealed that a one-way versus a two-way communication
style did not exert influence on the extent to which users shared personal
stories related to diversity (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 186.605, p = 0.00). Neither
did the company’s expressed commitment to embracing differences (x2
(2, N = 1142) = 51.33, p = 0.00), its alleged pursuit of minorities’ best
interests (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 76.16, p = 0.00), or its empathetic commu-
nication style (x2 (2, N = 1142) = 76.16, p = 0.00). Further, the users’
storytelling did not increase with Wells Fargo’s communication of its
partnerships developed to more successfully embrace diversity (x2 (1,
N = 1142) = 6.87, p = 0.00). Finally, because the company encouraged its
users to share their experience with diversity in a low number of posts
(2.5%, n = 10), encouragement played no role in the frequency with
which users shared personal stories.
In sum, the results of the analysis conducted to answer RQ1 revealed
no impact of the dialogic principles in increasing bond-based attachment,
and raised further questions about the additional factors (reputation, his-
tory of crises, etc.) that may influence the users to communicate around
diversity in a process that appears independent of the company’s own
communication.
The second research question (RQ2) investigated whether the company’s
online communication (one-way versus two-way) influenced the users’ dis-
play of identity-based attachment. Generally, when users join a brand com-
munity they display corporate identification (identity-based attachment). In
time, and as a result of online interactions, they may transition toward creat-
ing bonds with other members (bond-based attachment). Both bond-based
and identity-based attachments are likely to co-exist at any given time in the
life of an online community (Grabowicz, Aiello, Eguíluz, & Jaimes, 2013;
Ren, Kraut, & Kiesler, 2007; Tausczik, Dabbish, & Kraut, 2014). While this
transition has been shown to be facilitated by the degree to which online
community members are willing to engage in interactions with one another
(Grabowicz, Aiello, Eguíluz, & Jaimes, 2013; Ren, Kraut, & Kiesler, 2007;
Ren, Harper, Drenner, Terveen, Kiesler, Riedl, & Kraut, 2012; Tausczik,
Dabbish, & Kraut, 2014), to date, no investigation has been conducted to
determine if the company’s communication style could also play a role in this
process. It is very probable that the company’ scarce use of a two-way com-
munication style (0.5%, n = 2) played a role in the low presence of the con-
cepts investigated for this purpose. Yet, a further inquiry in communications
remains paramount for future studies on online communities in general and
on diversity communication in particular. Namely, stakeholders develop para-
social relationships with companies through the perceived interactivity and
open communication (Kupfer et al., 2018; Labrecque, 2014; Simon &
Tossan, 2018). Such parasocial relationships enable companies to exert tre-
mendous influence in the communication process and can encourage the
establishment of bonds within an online community (through two-way com-
munication) or impede it by fostering a predominantly identity-based attach-
ment (via a one-way communication style).
RQ3 investigated whether the users’ display of bond-based
attachment/identity-based attachment and their online involvement in
diversity communication played a role in their expressed intention to par-
ticipate in diversity projects offline. Several chi-square tests were con-
ducted to ascertain whether the degree to which users interacted around
diversity communication, shared personal stories, and displayed reduced
social distance exerted influence on the overall valence of their communi-
cation as well as their expressed intention to partake in the company’s
diversity initiatives offline.
The results revealed a relationship between corporate identification and
online interactivity. Specifically, the users who displayed low to no identi-
fication with Wells Fargo (n = 58) tended to engage in online conversa-
tions to a larger degree (x2 (6, N = 1142) = 103.0, p = 0.00) than users
who displayed moderate to high identification (n = 10). The qualitative
analysis discussed at a later stage in the chapter reveals that predominantly
users engaged in negative communication about the company, a phenom-
enon that could have been triggered by the company’s past crises and by
the ease with which negative behavior proliferates online (Cheng et al.,
2017). Further, users who identified with the company were more likely
to share about their experience with diversity and engage in storytelling

(n = 53) than users whose communication displayed low to no identifica-
tion (n = 31) with Wells Fargo (x2 (3, N = 1142) = 363.86, p = 0.00).
Despite the fact that the following results should be viewed with cau-
tion given the low presence of the variables studied, they do suggest that
users who interact more around diversity topics (n = 8) are more likely to
express intention to participate in corporate activism offline (x2 (4,
N = 1142) = 14.70, p = 0.00). Moreover, the more users shared about
their experience with diversity the more likely they were to express inten-
tion to participate in the company’s offline programs (x2 (2,
N = 1142) = 10.47, p = 0.00). While additional tests are required to inves-
tigate the relationship between offline activism and online diversity com-
munication, these results highlight the possible impact that corporations
have in opening up online conversations about diversity.
No statistical significance was found for the relationship between per-
ceived social distance among online users and their expressed intention to
partake in diversity initiatives offline as well as between user interactivity
and post valence. As far as the latter is concerned, it is important to note
that personal storytelling was predominantly positive (n = 218), followed
by stories that entailed negative connotation (n = 45) and, finally, neutral
ones (n = 5). The results suggest that, generally, when people communi-
cate something personal related to diversity, they choose to discuss posi-
tive experiences, which in this case were present almost five times more
than the negative ones. We can also infer that, because diversity has become
an increasingly sensitive topic in today’s society, people are reticent to
share about their personal experiences so long as these are negative.
Undoubtedly, anonymity plays a role in the users’ self-disclosure and
future studies should establish its role in diversity communication.
Finally, RQ4 investigated whether the users’ identification with the
company exerted influence on their agreement to diversity programs,
intention to participate online, and message valence. The results revealed
that the more the users interacted online around diversity the more likely
they were to agree to the company’s programs [(6, N = 1142) = 103.00,
p = 0.00]. These results imply that increased communication within an
online community helps to potentially address questions that users have
about corporate programs. In sum, the online community makes sense of
the company’s programs and elaborates on their purpose, effectiveness,
and so on.
Next, the analysis revealed a relationship between corporate identifica-

tion and intention to participate in corporate activism offline. For exam-
ple, users who displayed a higher identification with the company’s brand,
business strategies, and so on were more likely to discuss their intention to
contribute to initiatives offline [(6, N = 1142) = 35.43, p = 0.00]. Finally,
users who identified with the company tended to engage in more positive
diversity communication (n = 52) than users who displayed low to no
corporate identification [n = 15; (x2 (9, N = 1142) = 411.66, p = 0.00)].
The thematic analysis conducted on the users’ posts led to the emergence
of two major themes. The first theme was predominant and subsumed
posts that expressed the rejection of the company’s diversity communica-
tion as users pointed to minority groups the company had been accused of
discriminating against. For example, they made reference to Wells Fargo’s
2012 crisis when the company agreed to pay over $175 million to settle
accusations of having lured African American and Latino consumers into
high-cost loans and charging them disproportionate fees (Mui, 2012).
Users brought up additional crises, among which are the company’s 2018
accidental foreclosure of 400 consumers as a result of a computer glitch
(Wattles, 2018) and its 2016 scandal that dealt with 3.5 million accounts
opened without consumer knowledge and permission (Chu, 2018).
Referring to these crises, users pointed at their impact on minority com-
munities and commented on the need for ethical business practices when
approaching diversity. This main theme entailed two patterns that referred
to what the users perceived to be the groups that the bank affected the
most through the preceding scandals, namely African Americans and vet-
erans. It is paramount to note that an important amount of comments
defined the company’s diversity communication as “public relations,” a
finding that reflects the extant perceptions of the communication field on
the one hand, and the users’ view of the company’s diversity practices on
the other hand. Such comments constituted the subtheme of the users’
communication processes that denoted the rejection of the company’s
diversity messages.
The second main theme emerged to a lesser extent and contained the
users’ enthusiasm for the company’s commitment to the LGBTQ com-
munity in general and the #togetherisbeautiful campaign in particular.
The users praised the social media campaign and the personal stories other
users shared and that aligned with their perceptions, experience, and
stance on LGBTQ issues. Additionally, the users predominantly referred
to Wells Fargo’s commercial that featured a lesbian couple learning
American Sign Language in preparation for their adoption of a deaf child
(Bologna, 2017).
The company’s focus on storytelling and the LGBTQ community is
laudable and effective. Moreover, its 30-year-old commitment to the com-
munity has materialized in scholarships for high school and college stu-
dents, the improvement of life conditions for the elderly, and programs of
crisis intervention and suicide prevention (Wells Fargo, 2018). Yet, the
programs that Wells Fargo discussed online and that addressed other
minority groups were not met with acclaim but were rather eclipsed by the
company’s past crises. Consequently, the company has to communicate
more extensively around these crises to regain stakeholder trust. Without
trust, diversity communication will continue to be perceived as win-
dow dressing.
In addition, failing to communicate about past crises online and to
provide clear corrective action may lead users to interact to a larger extent
in an attempt to make sense of the unknown. This communication process
creates rumors that spread online and can further erode the company’s
reputation (Arif et al., 2017; Coombs, 2018). Hence, the users’ percep-
tions of diversity communication as a PR gimmick are understandable.
Finally, the LGBTQ community entails a consumer power of $1 trillion
and surpasses that of other minority groups (Green, 2016). Without
addressing the responsibility that users attribute to the company for past
crises and the minorities impacted by them, it is likely that stakeholders
will consider diversity programs as a business attempt meant to reach out
to consumers with high buying power.
Finally, the third theme that emerged in the users’ communication was
unrelated to diversity. Such comments represented responses to the com-
pany’s diversity communication and entailed complaints and questions
about products and services. While they emerged less than the preceding
themes, they do showcase that online users are not yet ready to engage in
diversity communication if their consumer concerns have not been previ-
ously addressed, an argument that harkens back to communicating about
diversity after (re)establishing consumer trust—in this case, through an
effective customer service line.
Conclusion
The quantitative analysis of Wells Fargo’s online community and diversity
communication therein revealed surprising results that were later explained
through a thematic analysis. Specifically, the chi-square tests revealed that
the dialogic principles (Sommerfeldt & Yang, 2018; Taylor & Kent, 2014)
did not lead to the creation of bond-based attachment among online
members. Regardless of the extent to which the company made use of
dialogic features such as commitment and risk, it failed to open conversa-
tions that would trigger a bridging effect. Yet, the interactivity among
online users was high as they shared stories on diversity, commented on
the company’s programs, and offered further insight and perspective. The
users interacted predominantly around the topic of diversity, not in
response to the company’s diversity communication. When they did
respond to it, they mostly expressed negative views that stemmed from
past corporate crises whose negative impact was still lingering. The quali-
tative analysis revealed that users reacted to messages that discussed diver-
sity as it related to groups that the company had been previously accused
of discriminated against. While corporations should not overreact or
underreact to a crisis (Coombs, 2018), the perceptions of responsibility
attribution still linger and companies should address them. Without
regaining trust and reputation, corporate diversity communication cannot
produce the expected results as a result of low corporate identification and
decreased trust. Conversely, high corporate identification has the potential
to lead to increased storytelling, a main ingredient of bond-based attach-
ment. Namely, users who identify with the company are more likely to
self-disclose which, in turn, enables identification with other online com-
munity members. The latter emerges through the convergence of personal
values and can lead to the creation of a bridging effect that can translate
into offline activism, enabling corporations to contribute to the communi-
ties in which they operate.
Finally, this analysis revealed that while corporate identification plays a
paramount role in the extent to which users disclose information about
their diverse backgrounds and experiences, it remains independent of the
stakeholders’ agreement to corporate diversity programs. Consequently,
stakeholders understand their importance and agree to their implementa-
tion. With the right crisis communication tools (taking corrective action
and addressing the lingering effects of past crises to restoring reputation
and trust) companies in general and Wells Fargo in particular can increase
their corporate and societal impact of their programs.
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CHAPTER 4
Online Diversity Communication at Bank

of America
This chapter tackles diversity at Bank of America, a company that has been
investing its resources to support diversity programs both in the US and
abroad. Most of the company’s external and internal diversity initiatives
have been conducted through partnerships. For example, in an attempt to
address the challenges that women face in Eastern Europe, the Middle
East, and North Africa, Bank of America partnered with Vital Voices and
encouraged public forums, one-on-one mentorship programs, as well as
trainings that aimed to hone leadership skills (Bank of America, 2018c). In
the US, the bank has a military partnership with Degreed, an education
technology company that facilitates the veterans’ transitioning into the
corporate world (Bank of America, 2018d). Undoubtedly, these partner-
ships allow for a deeper insight into the local culture and a better under-
standing of the challenges that diverse groups face in such environments.
Without partnering with the preceding organizations, the company would
rely heavily on its public relations departments, whose employees would
scan the environment for societal issues that the company should address.
It is likely that Bank of America relies on both partnerships and PR offi-
cers. Depending on the degree to which the company’s PR departments
have access to the decision making process and practice relationship man-
agement and two-way communication, diversity programs would reflect
the concerns raised by women and minorities.
By analyzing the company’s online diversity communication, the pres-
ent research study enables a better understanding of the role that public

relations plays at Bank of America and ascertains whether corporate com-

munication reveals a proclivity for dialogue and stakeholder engagement.
In line with the companies studied in this book, the conclusions were
drawn from analyzing the company’s communication over a period of five
years, namely from January 1, 2013, until December 31, 2017. The sam-
ple of analysis consisted of N = 1637 tweets, 759 of which constituted
Bank of America’s communication and 878 represented user responses. It
is worth noting the balance between the amount of online communication
that the company produced and the responses this ensued. By looking
solely at this interactivity, this balance illustrates a potential symmetry in
the communication process (Dozier, Grunig, & Grunig, 2013; Lee, 2018)
as the company seems to not only “talk” at its stakeholders, but to also
listen. The results of the quantitative and qualitative analyses discussed in
the following paragraphs will enable an insight into the company’s com-
munication process and an assessment of whether the latter is indeed dia-
logic. First, the chapter will discuss the results of the chi-square, frequency,
and goodness of fit test runs to answer the four research questions that this
book is asking. Next, the results and implications of the thematic analysis
conducted on the users’ comments will provide further understanding of
how stakeholders perceive and communicate about the company’s diver-
sity initiatives. The chapter will then draw final conclusions about the
practice and research of diversity.
For the purpose of this quantitative analysis, every fifth corporate tweet
and every fifth user comment were selected to determine whether there
was agreement between the two coders. Therefore, interrated reliability
was performed on 20% of the user comments (n = 176) and 20% of cor-
porate tweets (n = 152). The coders reached an agreement of k = 0.80 for
the user comments and k = 0.79 for the company’s posts.
The frequency analysis conducted on the company’s online diversity
communication revealed that this revolved both around the programs that
Bank of America developed in the US (67.9%, n = 515) and the ones
abroad (32%, n = 243). In contrast to other financial institutions analyzed
in this book, the company communicated more extensively about its
global diversity initiatives. To a certain extent, one could argue that the
abundance of posts that tackle global diversity initiatives reflects a greater
emphasis on embracing differences abroad than the rest of the industry.
4 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT BANK OF AMERICA 57
Yet, without access to internal documents, the conclusion would be

premature.
Similarly to other banks analyzed in this book, the company communi-
cated predominantly about its external diversity programs (82.6%,
n = 627). Employee programs and diversity recruitment emerged in 13.8%
of the company’s diversity communication (n = 105).
While two-way communication represented less than 1% of the compa-
ny’s total online engagement (0.4%, n = 3), several dialogic principle
emerged to a greater extent. For example, commitment to diversity engage-
ment emerged in more than a third of the corporate tweets (35%, n = 266)
and 85% of them stressed a focus on pursuing the best interest of minorities
(84.6%, n = 642). In addition, the company communicated extensively
around equality (80.6%, n = 612), therefore contributing to reducing the
perceived social distance among its online followers. In more than a quarter
of its communication (28.2%, n = 214) it discussed diversity in relation to
individual commonalities, therefore increasing closeness among its online
followers. Finally, the company’s communication exhibited the dialogic
principle of mutuality (28.3%, n = 215) in posts that discussed collabora-
tion with for- and non-profit organizations dedicated to specific causes and
communities. It is important to note that mutuality could be expanded to
include feedback and suggestions from online users (minority and nonmi-
nority group members). For example, Bank of America asked for direct
feedback from the general public in 0.3% of its online communication
(n = 2) and none of its posts encouraged minority community members to
discuss or bring up issues that impact them. Indubitably, the company
could assess its followers’ perceptions and expectations of diversity pro-
grams by conducting a qualitative analysis similarly to the one performed
for the purpose of this study and discussed at a later stage. Yet, direct and
open-ended questions expedite this process and prompt answers that a
mere analysis of online communication would not reveal.
Finally, to increase online interactions and dialogue around diversity
the company should encourage storytelling, which the preceding chapters
showed to exert influence on reduced social distance and increased inter-
actions. During the period of analysis used for this study, the company did
not encourage storytelling.
The results of the frequency analysis conducted to study the user com-
ments revealed that these stemmed predominantly from outside stake-
holder groups (99.2%, n = 7). Several posts, however, entailed statements
that denoted the fact that they were written by employees, yet their pres-
ence was low (0.8%, n = 7). Interestingly, despite the fact that the com-
pany did not encourage storytelling, online users shared personal views,
opinions, and experiences related to diversity in more than a third of the
tweets (36.1%, n = 317). The thematic analysis conducted to assess user
comments and discussed in the second part of the chapter will provide
more insight that may explain these surprising results.
The positive valence of the user comments (20.5%, n = 180) prevailed
over negative responses (13.6%, n = 119). Recurrent interactions emerged
in almost a fifth of the posts (18.7, n = 164) as users contributed multiple
responses within the same discussion threads. Despite the fact that inter-
activity was relatively high, only 16 of the posts (1.8%) expressed intention
to participate in the company’s offline activism. The low extent to which
users communicated their intention to participate in the company’s diver-
sity projects offline can be explained by the low corporate identification
revealed in their posts (1.5%, n = 13). By contrast, 17.5% of the user com-
ments (n = 154) denoted agreement to the company’s diversity programs.
These apparently contradicting results imply that online users are commit-
ted to the cause and, consequently, engage in the company’s diversity
communication online. However, given the fact that identification with
the company is low, they express less intention to participate in offline set-
tings, in which case they may be joining organizations whose values (in
addition to diversity) they resonate with. The qualitative analysis that fol-
lows at a later stage in the chapter will perhaps provide further explanation
of the discrepancy between agreement and intention to participate. For
now, the discussion will tackle the exploration of the research questions.
RQ1 asked if there was a relationship between dialogic communication
and the creation of bond-based attachment among the company’s online
community members. The low presence of several dialogic variables made
it difficult to investigate the emergence of this relationship. For example,
the low emergence of corporate posts that aimed to engage the general
public in conversations about diversity (0.3%, n = 2) impeded the analysis
of their impact on online interactivity, as no statistical significance could be
established. Similarly, the low presence of corporate communication that
revolved around empathy (0.1%, n = 1), asked for minority suggestions for
diversity programs (0%, n = 0), or enacted two-way communication (0.4%,
n = 3) hindered the study of a possible impact of dialogue on online
interactivity.
Several additional variables, whose presence did enable the exploration
of this question as a result of statistical significance, revealed that dialogic
communication did not increase online engagement. These variables rep-

resented corporate communication that stressed the company’s pursuit of
the minorities’ best interests (x2 (3, N = 1637) = 119.19, p = 0.00) and
communication that aimed to reduce social distance by stressing individ-
ual commonalities (x2 (3, N = 1637) = 27.78, p = 0.00). Similarly, the
company’s emphasis on commitment (x2 (6, N = 1637) = 36.65, p = 0.00),
equality (x2 (3, N = 1637) = 110.30, p = 0.00), and its announcement of
external/nonprofit collaborations for the purpose of diversity (x2 (3,
N = 1637) = 27.93, p = 0.00) did not exert influence how often users
responded to and engaged in diversity communication.
Furthermore, the use of diversity messages that connoted the compa-
ny’s empathy for social causes did not influence the users’ perceived social
distance, a paramount dimension of bond-based attachment. An opposite
result would have been expected given the users’ aforementioned commit-
ment to the cause of diversity. Additionally, the findings revealed an indi-
rect relationship between the users’ perceived social distance and the
company’s emphasis on pursuing the best interests of minorities: users
displayed decreased social distance (60.8%, n = 995) to a greater extent in
responses to corporate communication that did not communicate Bank of
America’s focus on the best interest of minority groups (x2 (2,
N = 1637) = 60.00, p = 0.00). The effects of past and recent crises that
Bank of America faced could have played a role in the users’ reaction to
communication that aims to showcase the company’s genuine commit-
ment to diverse groups. For example, recently Bank of America was sued
for failure to promote and maintain foreclosed houses in Latino and
African American communities and, therefore, contributed to a surge in
crime and a decline in the quality of life in these neighborhoods. The law-
suit argued that the situation is different in predominantly white neigh-
borhoods. Bank of America denied these accusations and stressed the
uniformity of its practices (Bui, 2018). In addition, in 2013 the bank was
fined $2.2 million for discriminating against African American candidates
for enacting “unfair and inconsistent” selection of job applications, that
resulted in discrimination of African American candidates (Petroff, 2013).
Further, the study found that corporate communication that revolved
around commonalities did not increase the users’ display of social distance
(x2 (2, N = 1637) = 13.98, p = 0.00). Despite the fact that almost a third
of the company’s communication revolved around unity it did not exert
influence on the users’ communication to the extent to which this would
reveal decreased social distance. In other words, the company’s communi-
cation was not persuasive enough to engender a mirroring effect. Similarly,

when the company communicated about diversity in terms of equality (x2
(2, N = 1637) = 55.27, p = 0.00) it failed to lead to decreased social dis-
tance among online users. These results imply that the communication
process was not convincing enough to engender a trickle-down effect
through a unifying message that would appeal on a personal level. The low
presence of two-way communication (0.4%, n = 3) and the company’s
little encouragement of online users to participate and share their insights
and stories related to diversity (0.3% 9 = 2) may explain the latter results.
Communicating about equality is less effective than triggering a dia-
logue around it and leaving users in charge of a conversational direction
that is meaningful to them. While this may represent a perilous communi-
cation strategy, it is important to note that companies have clear rules and
guidelines that enable them to remove potentially abusive comments.
The second research question (RQ2) investigated whether there was a
relationship between the company’s communication style and the users’
display of identity-based attachment. Namely, past literature showed that
users first joined an online community out of identification with the brand.
In time, their interactions may lead to the development of bond-based
attachment. Both identity-based and bond-based attachments co-exist at
any given time in the life of an online community (Grabowicz, Aiello,
Eguíluz, & Jaimes, 2013; Tausczik, Dabbish, & Kraut, 2014). The role of
corporate communication becomes paramount in fostering online interac-
tions that would lead to the creation of bond-based attachment. The chi-
square tests conducted for this purpose revealed no statistical significance.
RQ3 asked whether there was a relationship between the bond-based
attachment extant in the online community and the users’ online involve-
ment as well as their expressed intention to participate in diversity pro-
grams offline. Statistical chi-square tests conducted for this purpose
assessed bond-based attachment with the help of several variables, among
which the users’ recurrent online contributions, engagement in storytell-
ing, and perceived similarities.
The findings showed that users were more likely to contribute recur-
rent comments to diversity conversations if they agreed to the company’s
programs and approaches to diversity (x2 (9, N = 1637) = 170.58 p = 0.00).
In turn, the users’ interactivity was influenced by the overall valence of the
discussion thread (x2 (9, N = 1637) = 31.60 p = 0.00). A positive valence
(11.6%, n = 19) dominated recurrent contributions. No statistical signifi-
cance was found when testing for a relationship between the users’
expressed intention for offline involvement and online interactivity, results

that would have proven important in understanding the impact of online
communication on offline activism. Similarly, no statistical significance was
found for a relationship between reduced social distance (fostered by
online interactions) and intention to contribute to diversity pro-
grams offline.
Finally, RQ4 assessed if there was a relationship between identity-based
attachment on the one hand and agreement to diversity programs, inten-
tion for offline activism, and message valence on the other hand. It was
important to ascertain if and to what extent identification with the com-
pany played a role in expressed intentions to partake in offline activism and
to agree to the company’s diversity programs. The results showed a rela-
tionship between corporate identification and agreement to the compa-
ny’s diversity approaches and programs (x2 (9, N = 1637) = 1807.98
p = 0.00). Unlike the findings presented in the preceding chapters, users
who displayed a higher corporate identification (46.2%, n = 6) were more
likely to agree to the company’s stance on diversity than those who exhib-
ited low identification (1.3%, n = 3). Yet, the low presence of corporate
identification in the users’ posts compel one to look at these findings cau-
tiously. It is important to note that almost a third of the users’ posts
(22.9%, n = 144) denoted a neutral stance vis-à-vis the company’s opera-
tions and values and a high agreement to its approaches to diversity. These
results imply that stakeholders understand the importance of diversity and
value it, irrespective of their general agreement/disagreement with the
company. Similarly, additional chi-square tests revealed that users who dis-
played a neutral stance vis-à-vis the company (neither low nor high corpo-
rate identification) were more likely to express intention to participate in
the company’s diversity programs offline (x2 (9, N = 1637) = 25.96
p = 0.00). In addition, the posts that denoted a neutral valence (22.9%,
n = 144) expressed agreement to the company’s diversity initiatives to a
larger degree than the posts characterized by a negative and positive tone
(x2 (9, N = 1637) = 411.70 p = 0.00).
The second stage of the analysis involved the study of the user comments
(N = 878) that ensued from the company’s diversity communication.
These comments were analyzed with the help of a thematic analysis per-
formed at a latent level. Namely, an inductive/deductive approach was
undertaken to ascertain themes and subthemes that went beyond what

users posted to “examine underlying ideas, assumptions, and conceptual-
izations” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 84; Maguire & Delahunt, 2017).
The thematic analysis revealed the emergence of three major themes,
the most present of which represented the stakeholders’ support for inter-
national diversity engagement. The second most employed theme consti-
tuted user comments that viewed diversity as an integral part of business
operations and practices, followed by comments that revolved around
diversity and hiring practices. The next paragraphs provide more details
about each theme and the pertaining subthemes that the thematic analysis
shed light on.
The majority of the users’ comments expressed support for diversity
practices in general and in international settings in particular. For example,
Bank of America’s Global Ambassadors Program was extremely well
received online. Developed through a partnership with the nongovern-
mental organization Vital Voices, the initiative involved providing men-
torship to emerging women leaders in over 30 countries (Bank of America,
2018c). The users praised the company’s efforts in developing countries
among which are Poland, Mexico, India, and South Africa. Indeed, by
providing mentorship, the Global Ambassadors Program addresses the
very cause of the glass ceiling effect. Past research studies showed that a
lack of solid networks prevents women from reaching top management
positions and that, when they do reach them, women leaders enjoy shorter
tenures than that of their male counterparts (Glass & Cook, 2016). The
latter represents a direct consequence of lacking the connections that
would provide specific guidance and resources in precarious situations
(Kulich, 2015; Main, & Gregory-Smith, 2018).
By matching emerging leaders with established mentors, Bank of
America’s program “provides essential connections,” “strengthens exist-
ing networks,” and enables emerging female leaders to hone business skills
(Bank of America, 2018a). Yet, users expressed confusion vis-à-vis the
company’s application of the program in the US and asked for further
details on what women empowerment and women advancement in the
American society meant. In this respect, the need for clearer communica-
tion further emerged in the users’ second most employed theme, diversity
as an integral part of the company’s business strategies. In the discussions
pertaining to this topic, users tried to make sense of diversity programs
that the company should have elaborated on more extensively. For exam-
ple, the users viewed women empowerment as possible bank loans for
women entrepreneurs and social responsibility behind diversity programs
as addressing homelessness in big cities through mortgage loans. In other
words, users regarded diversity as an integral part of the company’s daily
practices and operations. This entailed three subthemes, namely: (1) the
prevention of past crises through ethical business practices, (2) diversity as
social responsibility, and finally, should the preceding expectations of
diversity implementation not be met, the users’ referred to the company’s
efforts as (3) diversity as a public relations tool. It is important to note that
the preceding expectations pointed to the stakeholders’ regard of diversity
practice as an inherent part of organizational legitimacy. Widely used in
business and communication studies, the concept refers to the require-
ments imposed on organizations by the macrosystem in which these oper-
ate. Such requirements could range from expectations of quality products
to socially responsible business behavior (Boyd, 2000; Deephouse, Bundy,
Tost, & Suchman, 2017). Organizational legitimacy is usually assessed
through accreditation bodies, news media, and surveys. However, recently,
business scholars have proposed that companies go beyond the “formally
organized stakeholder groups” to include the voices that arise in new
media in an attempt to better meet the expectations of “heterogeneous
social norms” (Etter, Colleoni, Illia, Meggiorin, & D’Eugenio, 2018,
p. 60). Therefore, companies can use online communities to scan for and
assess the constantly changing expectations that stakeholders have in gen-
eral and with respect to diversity in particular, an argument that will be
explored later in the chapter.
Based on the results of this analysis, organizational legitimacy would
enable the company to genuinely embrace the causes espoused by diverse
groups. Diversity becomes an inherent part of business approaches that
provide products and services that benefit the society as well as corporate
operations whose nexus represents the well-being of internal and external
stakeholder groups. The online users discussed the incongruity of the
company’s business and communication practices as these related to diver-
sity. For example, they made reference to Bank of America’s 2013 foreclo-
sure scandal, during which several employees testified against the
company’s encouragement of Massachusetts homeowners into foreclosure
(Schoen, 2013). As mentioned in the previous chapter, several other banks
were accused of similar unethical practices which culminated in a $8.5 bil-
lion settlement paid by Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo,
and Citibank, among others (O’Toole, 2013). Consequently, the decreased

trust in these financial institutions precluded users from regarding corpo-
rate diversity as genuine. As a result of the preventability of the preceding
crisis (Coombs, 2007; Ma & Zhan, 2016), online users held the company
accountable to a high extent. This, in turn, transformed its diversity com-
munication into a stratagem meant to distract from a reputation that had
not been regained. The users’ emphasis on diversity as an integral part of
ethical business practices reveals that the company has not yet fully restored
its stakeholders’ trust. Past crises that continue to cloud a company’s repu-
tation along with the skepticism they engender lead to closer scrutiny with
regard to the company’s alignment of communication and business prac-
tices. For example, in the present analysis Bank of America discussed
extensively about its support for women entrepreneurship. Among multi-
farious initiatives, the company collaborates with Cornell University to
enable women to gain the skills and knowledge necessary to manage their
own business (Bank of America, 2018b). In response to this communica-
tion, users referred to the company’s low representation of women on the
executive board and several contended that the company did not focus on
diversity internally, but rather used diversity as a promotional tool.
The third most employed theme comprised comments that referred to
the company’s hiring practices. These comments denoted that users
viewed diverse recruitment as hiring practices that did not necessarily
revolve around meritocracy, but were enacted out of what they perceived
to be “left-wing policies.” Such perceptions require that the company
communicate more extensively about its recruitment procedures to enable
an understanding of its hiring processes.
Addressing the aforementioned concerns implies that the company
tasks the PR/communication department with conducting continued dia-
logue with employees to understand the daily issues that they face in the
workplace. For this purpose, the company can use internal surveys and
interviews, but can also conduct observations during meetings and ana-
lyze the company’s internal social media platforms. Above all, should the
company inform its external stakeholders that their suggestions have been
taken into account, it would perhaps more readily regain trust and rebuilt
relationships.
Finally, the fourth theme mostly employed by online users contained
comments related to issues they were facing regarding products and ser-
vices, all of which were unrelated to diversity.
Conclusion
Several results of this study have implications for online diversity commu-
nication. The initial findings revealed symmetrical interactivity, namely a
balance between Bank of America’s diversity communication and the
ensuing user comments. A closer look at the company’s communication
showed this balance not to have been achieved through a two-way com-
munication style, but rather by enacting dialogical features among which
commitment to diversity communication, following the best interests of
diverse groups, an emphasis on equality and commonalities, and, finally,
embracing mutuality through collaborations with nonprofits.
Communicating about quality and commonalities wanes perceived
social distance and enhances the closeness among online users.
Undoubtedly, the uniqueness of diverse groups along with the specific
societal issues they face should continue to be discussed: without such
conversations these utmost relevant issues remain unaddressed. However,
a blend of the aforementioned communication style and communication
that aims to cut across differences has the potential to engender a bridging
effect. The latter is triggered by perceived similarities that create a com-
mon identity and interpersonal bonds (Panigrahi, Srivastava, & Sharma,
2018; Ren, Kraut, & Kiesler, 2007, p. 388; Vătămănescu, Andrei, &
Pînzaru, 2018). In time, the bond-based attachment that emerges thereof
widens the experience through exposure to users of different backgrounds
and beliefs (Norris, 2002), an important step toward building social capi-
tal (Gürsoy & Yücelen, 2018; Meek, Lambert, Ryan, & Ogilvie, 2018).
An important precursor to the emergence of perceived similarities rep-
resents storytelling. As users share their experience with diversity, aspects
of this self-disclosure process tend to engender bonding through the con-
vergence of personal values. Moreover, the previous chapters found that
storytelling was conducive to reduced social distance and increased online
interactions. Despite the fact that the company encouraged storytelling to
a low degree, its followers shared about their experience in approximately
a third of their interactions. These findings foreshadow the potential to
trigger increased dialogue on diversity that would ultimately translate in
offline settings.
Despite the high interactivity present in online community solely 2% of
the users expressed intention to take part in the company’s diversity initia-
tives offline. The qualitative analysis provided further insight into these
findings as users expressed confusion with regard to diversity and recruit-
ment and women empowerment in workplace. To address this, the com-

pany should go beyond communicating about its commitment to hiring
and promoting diverse employees to explain the process through which it
achieves this. Clarity in communication should also be employed to
address the lurking effects of past crises that online users referred to as
they recommended embedding diversity in the very practice of ethi-
cal business.
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CHAPTER 5

at Citigroup
This chapter tackles online diversity communication at Citigroup. In a

traditionally male-dominated industry, the company was the first to admit
to wage discrepancies between its female and male employees. Pressed by
the activist shareholder Arjuna Capital, in January 2019, the bank revealed
that its female employees earned 29% less than their male colleagues and
that minorities in US subsidiaries were paid 7% less than their non-minority
counterparts (Frank, 2019; Umoh, 2019). Bank representatives argued
that these differences denoted the median total compensation when fac-
tors such as position level and function as well as geography were not
taken into account (Umoh, 2019). While to date other financial institu-
tions in the US have not made public similar information about their
wages, the situation is no different in international environments. For
example, last year it was revealed that the UK-based bank Barclays had
been paying female employees half as much as their male counterparts
(Carrig, 2018).
Yet, it is important to note Citigroup’s endeavors to embed diversity in
every organizational structure as by 2021 the bank is striving to reach a
representation of 40% female executives worldwide and 8% African
American leaders (Umoh, 2019). Globally, the company aims to foster an
inclusive workplace through its 150 employee network chapters that oper-
ate in 38 countries (Citigroup Inc., 2019), an important step toward
equity in environments in which the rights of women and minorities

remain oftentimes unprotected by external legislation (Maiorescu &

Wrigley, 2016).
This chapter takes a look at Citigroup’s diversity communication in
online settings. It discusses the results of the quantitative and qualitative
analyses performed on the company’s Twitter account over a period of five
years. It begins with a discussion of the results of the statistical tests per-
formed for this purpose. The implications and results of the qualitative
(thematic) analysis follow suit to inform and shed deeper light on the
quantitative results of this study. The chapter ends with a discussion on the
implications of the present study.
Quantitative Analysis Results

The data for this study were collected over a period of five years, namely
from January 2013 until December 2017. The final sample of analysis,
after the exclusion of posts that were not written in English, consisted of
N = 1024 units, out of which n = 236 represented Citigroup’s posts and
n = 638 constituted the user comments that ensued from the former. The
data were coded based on a codebook that was applied to every analysis
discussed in the present book. For the purpose of interrated reliability a
second coder was trained in the procedure and given 20% of the compa-
ny’s posts (n = 77) and 20% of the user comments (n = 128). The agree-
ment between the two coders was too low to be considered reliable.
Because for the previous analyses interrated reliability was established
without encountering any issues, an additional coder was trained in the
procedure. The results revealed that the previous coder did not pay enough
attention to the coding procedures. The interrated reliability was estab-
lished with the second coder at k = 0.91 for the user comments and
k = 0.86 for the company’s tweets.
Several frequency analyses and goodness of fit- and chi-square tests
were conducted to ascertain the company’s diversity communication and
its impact on online users, as overall, the study aimed to explore the effec-
tiveness of corporate communication in triggering dialogue and engage-
ment in diversity initiatives.
Almost 60% of the Citigroup’s diversity communication generated
interactivity (59.8%, n = 231) despite the fact that solely 6.5% (n = 25) of
the company’s diversity communication denoted a two-way communica-
tion style. Yet, similar to previous analyses conducted in the financial
industry, several dialogic principles may have compensated for the lack of
5 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT CITIGROUP 71
a two-way communication style, among which are a commitment to diver-

sity communication (50.3%, n = 194) and an effort to emphasize the
development of programs that work toward the best interests of diverse
groups (13.2%, n = 51). Additional dialogic dimensions were, however,
present to a lower degree. For example, the company expressed empathy
toward diverse causes in about 5% of its online communication (4.4,
n = 17), conveyed equality (6.5%, n = 25), and stressed individual com-
monalities (4.1%, n = 16) in similarly low percentages. Further, the
Citigroup discussed its collaborations with nonprofits that support diver-
sity in almost a quarter of its overall communication (22%, n = 85). This
communication strategy has the potential to engender a positive reception
of diversity programs as collaborations with nonprofit organizations tend
to relay the morality behind diversity initiatives. By contrast, diversity pro-
grams developed by companies with no input from outside stakeholders or
organizations raise queries about the financial interests that may have
driven them. In this respect, Chap. 1 discussed concerns that scholars
raised when corporations define and implement diversity solely around
their financial interests.
It is important to note that the frequency analysis revealed a low pres-
ence of corporate communication that revolved around encouraging sto-
rytelling (1.6%, n = 6) and asking online followers for feedback on diversity
projects (0.8%, n = 3). The low enactment of these dialogic dimensions
may prevent the company from enjoying an increased impact of its pro-
grams. Specifically, unlike initiatives that are designed and implemented in
collaboration with nonprofits, programs developed with the stakeholders’
input increase the latter’s self-efficacy and have the potential to materialize
in consumer loyalty in general and commitment to the causes the com-
pany espouses in particular (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
The corporate communication revolved predominantly around diver-
sity programs in the US (59.8%, n = 231) and initiatives in international
environments were addressed in about a quarter of the online communi-
cation (n = 26.4%, 102). In addition, external diversity programs (57.8%,
n = 223) were discussed to a slightly higher degree than those dedicated
to current employees (42%, n = 162). Yet, in contrast to the rest of the
financial industry that the book analyzed, Citigroup’s communication
entailed a better balance of internal (42%, n = 162) and external diversity
communication (57.8%, n = 223).
Further, the results of the frequency analysis conducted on the com-
ments that ensued from the company’s diversity communication revealed
that about 10% (9.2%, n = 59) were made by Citigroup employees.

Undoubtedly, the fact that such assertions cannot be verified represents a
limitation of this study. However, it does represent a step toward the fos-
tering of an online community that welcomes both internal and external
stakeholders, which ultimately illustrates transparency and an emphasis on
dialogic communication. Specifically, in a recent study van den Berg and
Verhoeven (2017) found that managers who valued dialogic communica-
tion were more inclined to allow their employees to use social media plat-
forms. By contrast, leaders who preferred a one-way communication style
displayed less proclivity for their employees’ social media use (van den
Berg & Verhoeven, 2017).
The findings revealed that despite the fact that the company seldom
encouraged storytelling (1.6%, n = 6), online users shared their experience
with diversity in 15.4% of the posts (n = 98). The analysis found slight dif-
ferences among positive comments (34.5%, n = 220), negative (35.7%,
n = 228), and neutral ones (29.8%, n = 190), and the users took predomi-
nantly a neutral stance toward the company’s overall reputation (61.8%,
n = 394). By contrast, low identification prevailed in 22.7% of the com-
ments (n = 145) while 14.3% posts (n = 91) revealed a high identification
with Citigroup. It is possible that the low identification eroded the users’
reception of messages related to diversity, which may explain why a nega-
tive tone was prevalent in about a third of the posts. The qualitative analy-
sis discussed at a later stage in the chapter will allow for a deeper insight
into these results as well as in the findings that revealed the fact that while
36.5% (n = 233) of the posts connoted agreement to the company’s diver-
sity approaches and initiatives, a quarter of the comments expressed the
opposite (25.4%, n = 162). Predominantly, users took a neutral stance
vis-à-vis diversity (37.8%, n = 241).
Finally, perceptions of individual similarities emerged to a low degree
(4.1%, 26), indicating that, in diversity-related discussion threads, close-
ness among online users was low and, consequently, social distance high.
A promising finding represents the users’ expressed intention to partici-
pate in the company’s initiatives offline (11.4%, n = 73).
The first research question (RQ1) asked whether there was a relation-
ship between the dialogic dimensions of the company’s online communi-
cation and the extent to which users displayed bond-based attachment.
Several chi-square tests were conducted for this purpose and the findings
will be discussed with regard to the variables whose testing revealed statis-
tical significance.
First, the company’s communication type (one-way versus two-way)

did not exert influence on user interactivity (x2 (3, N = 1024) = 15.31,
p = 0.00). Regardless of whether the company posed direct questions or
engaged in sole information giving, the communication style had no impact
on the degree to which users interacted around and responded to diversity
posts. Moreover, the tests found that the company’s communication style
did not impact the extent to which the users’ interactions displayed reduced
social distance (x2 (3, N = 1024) = 15.94, p = 0.00). Surprisingly, the
results showed an inverse relationship between corporate posts that aimed
at asking for stakeholder feedback and the extent to which users shared
their experience with diversity (x2 (1, N = 1024) = 225.55, p = 0.00).
However, the latter findings should be viewed with caution, given the
low presence of such corporate communication (0.8%, n = 3). Further,
an inverse relationship was found between the company’s communication
style and the users’ engagement in storytelling (x2 (3, N = 657) = 29.12,
p = 0.00) and users shared their experience with diversity programs pre-
dominantly as responses to tweets that did not entail dialogic features.
RQ2 asked if there was a relationship between the company’s commu-
nication style (dialogic versus non-dialogic) and the users’ display of
identity-based attachment. In other words, the analysis aimed to assesses
whether non-dialogic communication fostered overall identification with
the brand and impeded the development of bond-based attachment. The
results found that one-way corporate communication did not lead to a
surge in the users’ display of identification with the company in this respect
(x2 (6, N = 1024) = 986.52, p = 0.00).
The third research question (RQ3) aimed to investigate whether
there was a relationship between the users’ display of bond-based
attachment/identity-based attachment, their online involvement in diver-
sity communication, and their expressed intention to participate in diver-
sity projects offline. No statistical significance was found in this respect.
Next, the fourth research question (RQ4) set out to ascertain whether
the users’ identity-based attachment, as evident in their expressed identifi-
cation with the company’s values, business practices, and operations,
played a role in their online contribution as well as in their expressed
intention to participate in the company’s initiatives offline. Several chi-
square tests were conducted for this purpose. Users who displayed high
corporate identification (18.9%, n = 17) expressed more often their inten-
tion to partake in the company’s diversity initiatives offline than users who
displayed low identification (6.2%, n = 9). Not surprisingly, users who
displayed high identification (89%, n = 81) were more likely to agree to

the company’s diversity initiatives than users whose communication prac-
tices revealed low identification (3.4%, n = 5%). Those who took a neutral
stance vis-à-vis Citigroup’s reputation contributed predominantly neutral
comments (41.9%, n = 165). However, the presence of such comments
was followed by statements that expressed agreement with the company’s
approaches in this direction (35.5%, n = 140).
Further, only 5% (n = 3.4%) of the users who displayed high corporate
identification disagreed to the company’s diversity approach, programs,
and/or initiatives. As for the valence of the posts, users who displayed
high corporate identification were more likely to engage in positive online
communication (94.5%, n = 86) rather than use a negative (1.1%, n = 1)
or neutral tone (0.3%, n = 1). Conversely, followers whose messages
denoted low corporate identification were more likely to comment nega-
tively (93.8%, n = 136) about the company’s diversity programs than posi-
tively (0.7%, n = 1) or neutrally (5.8%, n = 8). Lastly, users who took a
neutral stance toward the company were predominantly responding to
diversity tweets in a neutral way (44.9%, n = 177), yet this presence was
followed by the emergence of a positive reception of these programs
[32.2%, n = 127; x2 (9, N = 1024) = 1645.68, p = 0.00]. These results
suggest that diversity programs might in time lead to corporate identifica-
tion by appealing to the stakeholders’ personal values. Namely, stakehold-
ers may become supporters of a brand as a consequence of the latter’s
commitment to a cause they deeply care about.
To sum up, corporate identification leads to positive perceptions of
diversity programs and higher intention to engage in corporate activism
offline. Stakeholders who took a neutral stance toward the company still
expressed support for its diversity programs. The support may stem from
initiatives that are appealing on a personal level and a convergence between
the values of the respective users and the perceived values of the company.
In time the convergence can lead to the users’ identification with the com-
pany. Consequently, corporate identification constitutes a precursor to
diversity engagement, while the latter informs the degree to which users
may in time identify with the company.
Despite not having been investigated under the preceding research
questions, several aspects that arose in the analysis are germane to the
present study and, therefore, worth discussing. Specifically, the study
found that interactivity was higher in negative discussion threads (72%,
n = 18) than positive (8%, n = 2) and neutral ones [20%, n = 5; x2 (3,
N = 1024) = 63.42, p = 0.00]. This could be a consequence of online

contamination (Baxter, Aurisicchio, Mugge, & Childs, 2017) as users who
have not yet formed their own opinion on a matter may emulate the
behavior extant in an online group. The anonymity (“fake usernames”)
fostered by social media platforms like Twitter was shown to be a predic-
tive factor of online disinhibition (Lapidot-Lefler & Barak, 2012) in gen-
eral and aggression and negative behavior in particular (Zimmerman &
Ybarra, 2016). Online anonymity may have constituted a trigger for the
prevalence of uncivil comments found in this study. While a predomi-
nantly negative discussion thread may impede contributions from users
who hold a different view, a recent study found that users exposed to
uncivil online communication display less trust in the latter (Graf, Erba, &
Harn, 2017). These results are encouraging with respect to the use of
social media platforms to create dialogue around diversity.
Another interesting finding of the present study concerns the degree to
which users self-disclosed and shared their experience with diversity pro-
grams. The users who displayed high (46.9%, n = 46) and low (40.8%,
n = 40) corporate identification were more inclined to share about their
experience than those who took a neutral stance toward the company
[11.2%, n = 11; x2 (3, N = 1024) = 116.52, p = 0.00]. At first glance, these
results suggest that storytelling is predominantly embraced by users who
find themselves at the opposite sites of the opinion spectrum, a possible
consequence of the company’s low encouragement for storytelling (1.6%,
n = 6). Finally, no relationship was found between the extent to which
users engaged in storytelling and the degree to which they communicated
their intention to participate in diversity initiatives offline (x2 (1,
N = 1023) = 34.06, p = 0.00), a possible consequence of the fact that
Citigroup rarely continued to engage with users beyond its initial post.
More precisely, the company responded to comments regarding its prod-
ucts and services and seldom addressed those related to diversity. These
responses may have triggered higher online engagement, a better under-
standing of the company’s diversity approaches, and possibly an increased
intention to participate in corporate activism.
Qualitative Analysis Results

The thematic analysis conducted on the users’ comments (n = 638)
revealed the presence of three main themes, whose emergence in online
communication occurred in the following order: the positive reception of
the company’s diversity programs, diversity as “public relations,” and

diversity as a unifying concept.
The most employed theme represented the positive reception of the
company’s diversity programs and entailed two subthemes: the company’s
initiatives in the US and its efforts abroad. For example, the users praised
Citigroup’s programs for veterans and women empowerment in the
US. As far as global initiatives are concerned, users applauded the com-
pany’s educational programs that tackled child illiteracy worldwide and
with the help of which the company had been sponsoring the Malala fund
(Citigroup Inc., 2018). Similarly, online users agreed to the need to con-
duct regular employee surveys, which the company committed to in col-
laboration with LinkedIn. These surveys investigated the employees’
financial and career concerns (Citigroup Inc., 2014). Furthermore, the
bank’s Vital Voices initiative received significant commendation as it
enabled women entrepreneurs and business leaders to grow their network
of connections. The program reached women in 87 countries through the
company’s organization of 190 events (Citigroup Inc., 2013). Finally,
users commented positively on the company’s PRIDE celebration in gen-
eral and abroad, in Dublin and London in particular.
The positive reception of the company’s programs was followed by
what users referred to as diversity as “public relations,” the concept being
used to describe the promotion of initiatives and their perceived discon-
nect from the company’s general business practices. Specifically, users
pointed to the need to embed diversity into operations and argued that
practices such as outsourcing jobs abroad worked to the detriment of
minority and ethnic communities. These comments referred to the com-
pany’s past decisions that concerned outsourcing mid- and upper-
management positions to India (Goodwyn, 2007). Negative comments
also emerged in relation to customer service issues, as users perceived dif-
ferential treatment regarding the opening of accounts or the approvals
for loans.
Lastly, the third theme comprised comments that made reference to
diversity as unity and had the least presence in the online communication.
For example, users argued that programs meant to put an end to illiteracy
should be dedicated to all children irrespective of gender and argued that
hiring and promotion should revolve around meritocracy. It is within such
discussion threads that the users’ contribution was most recurrent, as evi-
dent in the previously discussed results of the quantitative analysis. These
comments require clear corporate communication that facilitates the
stakeholders’ understanding of the reasons behind these initiatives, the

process through which they are conducted, as well as how they benefit
diverse communities and ultimately the society.
Conclusion
The present study raises several points for consideration, the most impor-
tant of which represents the role of corporate identification in diversity
communication. The results revealed that users who displayed high iden-
tification with the company were more likely to express intentions to take
part in diversity initiatives offline. In addition, corporate identification
impacted the reception of diversity-related messages and, consequently,
the sentiment of online responses. Not surprisingly, users who displayed
high identification were more inclined to comment positively and to agree
to the company’s diversity approaches and initiatives. These results imply
that companies that use online communication to foster corporate identi-
fication are more likely to be successful in engaging online users in their
diversity initiatives whether online (through interactivity) and offline
(through corporate activism). In time, this engagement is likely to engen-
der increased bond-based attachment among users of varied backgrounds
as a result of continued online dialogue.
To increase corporate identification companies should communicate
more extensively about the diversity projects they are conducting within
a socially responsible framework. Numerous past studies showed the link
between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and company identifica-
tion (Ali, 2019; Maiorescu, 2013; Tsai, Joe, Lin, Chiu, & Shen, 2015)
in the case of both employees and consumers. In addition to a significant
positive impact on the society, CSR projects provide multifarious benefits
for companies as well. It suffices to mention consumer loyalty and low
turnover intentions (Lee, Lee, Gao, Xiao, & Conklin, 2018; Ng, Yam,
& Aguinis, 2019), which directly impact the bottom line. Most impor-
tantly, communicating about diversity programs conducted from a CSR
lens addresses past concerns raised by scholars who argued that corpora-
tions “manage” diversity by defining the concept in accordance with their
financial interests, abandoning the morality behind equality and equal
opportunity (Hoobler, Masterson, Nkomo, & Michel, 2018; Wrench,
2005). Moreover, corporate communication that discusses predominantly
the positive impact of diversity on creativity, innovation, and/or the
quality of products and services that a company provides is less likely to
engender corporate identification as it fails to resonate with stakeholders

or appeal to them on a more personal level (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
Yet, CSR-driven diversity projects should be clearly communicated and
detailed. Undoubtedly, the character limitation imposed by Twitter is an
impediment in this direction and, therefore, the company should follow
up on initial posts by responding to comments and addressing the ques-
tions raised by its followers. For example, the analysis revealed that stake-
holders needed clarification on hiring and promotion procedures as well
as further details about educational programs sponsored by the company.
The bond-based attachment formed as a consequence of the aforemen-
tioned corporate identification is likely to translate into offline interac-
tions, therefore contributing to social capital by addressing serious societal
issues highlighted in past studies. Namely, past research showed that in
offline settings, exposure to diversity leads to low social capital (Bouchillon,
2014; Putnam, 2006) as a result of the physical distance among individu-
als and the perceived lack of trust. The interactivity fostered on social
media platforms has the potential to counteract the preceding phenomena
and to enable the development of trusting relationships, yet solely for the
users who are “sociable,” or active social media users (Bouchillon, 2018).
Therefore, it behooves companies to engender online interactivity by facil-
itating dialogue on diversity. To achieve this, Citigroup should encourage
increased storytelling and regularly embrace a two-way communication
style, two dialogic dimensions that emerged to a low degree in the
present study.
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CHAPTER 6
Conclusions from the Financial Industry
Previously, the book has discussed online diversity communication at

JPMorgan Chase, Wells Fargo, Bank of America, and Citigroup. The pres-
ent chapter draws a comparison among the four companies. Several chi-
square tests and goodness of fit tests were conducted to assess discrepancies
and similarities in corporate online communication and user interactions,
all of which are presented in the first section. The second section tackles
comparisons among the responses provided by the companies’ followers.
Afterward, the chapter discusses the implications and the limitations of the
present study and introduces a model for diversity communication.
Results
The findings revealed little difference in the extent to which companies
communicated about the diversity programs they initiated for the US
(33.5% for JPMorgan; 34.6% for Wells Fargo; 31.5% for Bank of America;
27.6% for Citigroup). However, greater discrepancies emerged with
respect to the banks’ communication of the diversity programs they imple-
ment abroad (x2 (9, N = 4460) = 188.20, p = 0.00). For example, Bank of
America communicated the most about its initiatives in global settings
(14.8%), followed by Citigroup (10.0%) and JPMorgan (9.1%). Finally,
Wells Fargo informed its followers about its global diversity initiatives in
less than 1% of its online communication (0.2%). The greatest discrepancy
emerged in terms of a global versus local focus in diversity c ommunication.

Indubitably, the audience represents the rationale behind this focus. The
Twitter accounts analyzed represent the companies’ official ones, and it
can be assumed that they address a global audience. Yet, online interac-
tions occurred prevalently among US-based users and attracted fewer fol-
lowers from other countries in which the banks operate. The low
international turnout implies fewer opportunities for dialogue creation
and for feedback on the company’s present initiatives. In turn, the lack of
stakeholder feedback can lead to the implementation of Western perspec-
tives in diversity initiatives and less focus on more localized projects that a
specific community needs (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). For example,
companies in general and the banks analyzed in this study in particular
have been focusing on empowering women internationally. Undoubtedly
such efforts are laudable especially when such programs reach women
entrepreneurs and leaders from cultures considered high in male domi-
nance such as those of South America, Asia, Eastern and Central Europe,
and Africa (Hofstede Insights, 2019). However, recent research found
that women reach more executive positions in these countries than they
do in the US (Coric, 2018), results that countervail Western research and
the glass ceiling effect. In a 2018 study, Coric ascertained that the precari-
ousness of the political economy that characterizes developing countries
propels women to top executive positions, yet deprives them of decision
making power. More precisely, women are appointed to leadership boards
in an attempt to keep a business within family confines as opposed to
external recruitment. This, in turn, enables more control over operations
and less vetting from external legislative bodies. The results of this study
show that patriarchy constitutes a multidimensional concept with a myriad
of causes and consequences (Benstead, 2016; Coric, 2018) that research
is yet to focus on. Finally, the preceding study sheds light on the complex-
ity of political and economic systems worldwide that, compounded by the
intricacies of local cultures, can impede a company’s understanding of
how to best approach and embrace diversity. By performing issues scan-
ning, public relations departments from international subsidiaries can
inform the US headquarters on how diversity is construed in a specific
environment (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). Yet, given the fact that in
developing countries the public relations practice is mostly conducted at a
technical level with little decision making power, this information may not
reach the US headquarters consistently (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
Therefore, online platforms such as Twitter facilitate the collection of sug-
gestions, recommendations, feedback, and so on that c onsumers/employ-
6 CONCLUSIONS FROM THE FINANCIAL INDUSTRY 83
ees from abroad bring to the attention of a company. It goes without

saying that to facilitate this communication flow, the companies’ online
communication should focus on global diversity programs to a greater
extent. In addition, it should encourage interactivity by posing questions
that directly ask for user feedback and/or engender a sense of urgency that
prompts a response.
Further, the fact that the companies under study communicated less
about global diversity initiatives has a direct impact on how US-based
stakeholders view these MNCs. Specifically, by failing to communicate
about operations and contributions abroad, companies miss out on an
opportunity to engender corporate identification. The present study
showed that online users agreed to and praised global initiatives, results
that show a likely convergence of stakeholder and corporate values.
Next, the results of the current analysis shed light on differences with
respect to the communication of internal versus external diversity pro-
grams (x2 (9, N = 4460) = 247.134, p = 0.00). While companies commu-
nicated extensively about their external programs, among which are
educational opportunities and recruitment (24.5% JPMorgan, 29.9%
Wells Fargo, 38.3% Bank of America, 21.8% Citigroup), their employee
programs and their focus on developing an inclusive culture were addressed
to a significantly less extent. Among the four banks studied, Citigroup
communicated the most about its internal diversity initiatives as these
emerged in about 15% of its posts (15.5%, n = 162). JPMorgan was the
next corporation that discussed its internal focus on diversity (10.7%,
n = 70), while a great discrepancy emerged between the preceding banks
on the one hand and Bank of America (6.4%, n = 105) and Wells Fargo
(1.3%, n = 15) on the other hand. A prevalent focus on external diversity
communication and little emphasis on the company’s internal commit-
ment may result in perceptions of diversity communication as promotion,
an aspect raised by users across the four companies analyzed as well as in
past research on corporate diversity (Trittin & Schoeneborn, 2017).
One-way communication dominated the online discourse across the
industry and slight differences emerged in terms of the extent to which
companies enacted it (x2 (9, N = 4460) = 113.35, p = 0.00). For example,
almost half of Bank of America’s diversity communication revolved around
information giving (46.1%, n = 754) and JPMorgan followed suit (42.6%,
n = 280). One-way communication was also prevalent in Wells Fargo’s
posts (34.6%, n = 395) as well as in those pertaining to Citigroup (34.9%,
n = 357). Conversely, two-way communication, assessed as the degree to
which the companies posed direct questions, ask for feedback/sugges-

tions, or encouraged storytelling, had a low presence across the industry.
From the companies analyzed, Citigroup enacted a two-way communica-
tion style to the largest extent, yet the presence of such communication
was still extremely low, namely less than 2.4% (n = 25). Less than 1% of
Wells Fargo’s (0.2%, n = 2) and Bank of America’s (0.2%, n = 3) diversity
communication revolved around feedback and suggestions, and
JPMorgan’s diversity tweets were informative in their totality.
While the low presence or, at times, complete absence of two-way com-
munication may be viewed as indicative of the companies’ lack of commit-
ment to creating dialogue around diversity, the study found several dialogic
features that shed light on their penchant for triggering conversation. For
example, the companies’ online communication denoted commitment to
having conversations on diversity. The presence of commitment was
assessed by drawing on the dialogic theory of public relations (Taylor &
Kent, 2014) that defines it as a company’s acknowledgment of all view
points, including opposing ones, and its dedication to finding middle
ground (Kent & Taylor, 2002). The present study coded any references or
statements made by a company that displayed a penchant for including
varied points of view regarding diversity programs and initiatives. The
results revealed that Citigroup enacted commitment to the largest extent
(18.9%, n = 194), followed by Bank of America (16.2%, n = 266),
JPMorgan (13.9%, n = 91), and Wells Fargo (12.7%, n = 145).
Furthermore, the companies’ penchant for dialogue was also analyzed
by coding for the number of times they asked minority group members
for feedback and/or suggestions about diversity approaches and pro-
grams (x2 (6, N = 4460) = 15.86, p < 0.05). The findings revealed that,
with the exception of Citigroup (0.3%, n = 3), none of the companies
under study attempted to reach out to minority stakeholders to reshape/
redefine their present approaches. It is important to note that in the case
of Citigroup this communication style emerged in less than 0.5% of the
company’s overall online communication practices. Asking minority
stakeholders for feedback and suggestions involves taking a dialogic risk,
a term defined in the PR literature as willingness to communicate with
publics on their own terms which renders companies vulnerable due to
potential unexpected turnouts (Kent & Taylor, 2002; Taylor & Kent,
2014). Specifically, in the case of diversity communication users can
openly disagree with the company’s programs. The banks communicated
extensively that their diversity programs followed the best interests of
minorities (x2 (3, N = 4460) = 454.91, p = 0.00), arguments that users

may challenge when companies are openly asking for feedback. The anal-
ysis revealed that Citigroup informed its followers on its pursuit of minor-
ities’ best interests in 5% of its overall diversity communication (n = 51).
By contrast, Bank of America (39.9%, n = 642), JPMorgan (19%, n = 125),
and Wells Fargo (17.9%, n = 204) made significantly more statements in
this respect. When a company contends that it pursues the best interest of
minority groups, it takes a risk insofar as stakeholders can bring counter-
arguments that foster and fuel negative responses that go viral. This is
especially applicable for companies that experienced past crises (lawsuits
and settlements) regarding discrimination that tarnished their reputation
and left lingering effects as revealed in the qualitative studies discussed
previously in the book.
While this risk makes the company vulnerable by unearthing negative
perceptions form past crises, it also facilitates the emergence of dialogue
by giving the company the possibility to address the crisis and to provide
details of a renewed commitment. The findings of the study revealed that
none of the companies analyzed transformed online criticism into conver-
sations. While companies showed transparency by leaving negative com-
ments on their platforms (Ott & Theunissen, 2015; Stevens, Spaid,
Breazeale, & Jones, 2018), they missed out on opportunities for redress
and remedy.
An addition dialogic dimension studied was that of empathy (x2 (6,
N = 4460) = 169.76, p = 0.00), which was assessed by the extent to which
the banks mentioned or implied that they understood and supported the
communities in which they operated. More precisely, the dimension of
empathy was used to assess the presence of corporate communication that
revealed a communal mindset (Kent & Taylor, 2002; Taylor & Kent,
2014). Among the companies studied, Wells Fargo enacted empathy in its
online communication to the greatest degree (17.9%, n = 204). This pres-
ence was followed by the emergence of empathy in JPMorgan’s posts
(10%, n = 66). The banks that displayed empathy the least were Bank of
America (8.4%, n = 138) and Citigroup (1.7%, n = 17).
The companies also bolstered perceptions of a communal mindset by
highlighting their collaboration with nonprofit organizations (x2 (3,
N = 4460) = 131.95, p = 0.00). As mentioned in the preceding chapters,
nonprofit organizations render corporate diversity approaches a lens of
morality that distracts from the financial benefits that companies pursue
through their diversity programs. Nonprofit organizations serve the pub-
lic good and have a predominantly positive reputation, as determined by

the ambiguity of their programs and the involvement of multiple actors in
a myriad of programs (Willems, Jegers, & Faulk, 2016). In this study,
Bank of America and Citigroup communicated about diversity around
their nonprofit collaborations in 13.1% (n = 215) and 8.3% (n = 85) of
their posts respectively. However, banks like JPMorgan (4.1%, n = 27) and
Wells Fargo (1.9%, n = 22) relied less heavily on nonprofit collaborations
as they promoted their diversity programs. Indeed, such collaboration
could best serve the interest of minority groups as nonprofits are commit-
ted to a specific cause and have a good grasp of its depth and ramifications.
Therefore, corporations that collaborate with nonprofits do not have to
rely so extensively on PR departments for issue scanning. By contrast,
nonprofits provide them with an exact platform for reaching a minority
group and, consequently, companies avert addressing causes in ways that
can be perceived as insensitive. Pepsi’s 2017 commercial is a good illustra-
tion of the insensitivity that companies cause when they take on a social
justice stance while promoting their brand. The ad, which depicts a pro-
testor smiling and offering a can of Pepsi to a police officer, triggered tor-
rid criticism along with the company’s subsequent apology after being
accused of trivializing the Black Lives Matter movement (Victor, 2017).
While the collaboration with nonprofits signifies a more genuine com-
mitment to diversity and one that goes beyond the bottom line, engaging
in two-way communication and asking for continued feedback from stake-
holders has the potential to boost the effectiveness of extant programs.
Because the anonymity of the internet is likely to trigger transparency, the
response from followers in general and those belonging to minority groups
in particular, while blunt at times, can greatly inform corporate practices
that address the specific needs of a certain community. In turn, if the com-
pany regularly communicates about whether and how it has incorporated
this feedback, it increases the self-efficacy of its online followers and boosts
their identification with the company. Yet, companies can engender stake-
holder feedback through communicative acts that go beyond addressing a
specific question related to their programs. Namely, they can encourage
storytelling on diversity. Organizations that encourage storytelling engage
stakeholders into a sensemaking process through which the latter comple-
ment individual memories with institutional ones (Boje, 1991, 2008). By
engaging in sensemaking stakeholders go beyond critiquing organiza-
tional practices to understand their own experiences with diversity.
Therefore, storytelling can prove an important step toward engaging users
in a process at the end of which they redefine their commitment to a

certain cause. In time and with consistency, storytelling may enable com-
panies to increase online exposure to diversity and foster bonds that can
translate in offline settings. In the current analysis the four companies
under study did not encourage storytelling considerably (x2 (3,
N = 4460) = 18.27, p = 0.00). More precisely, encouragement for the
sharing of stories, experiences, and so on related to diversity emerged in
less than 1% of the tweets analyzed for Wells Fargo (0.9%, n = 10) and
Bank of America (0.6%, n = 6) while JPMorgan’s and Citigroup’s online
communication was devoid of this dialogic feature. For the purpose of this
study, storytelling was used to assess the dialogic dimension of propin-
quity, defined by Taylor and Kent (2014) as a company’s constant asking
for public input before decision making processes. It was considered that
storytelling enables public relations departments to gain valuable insights
into stakeholders’ perceptions especially when used with asking for direct
feedback from stakeholders, something that the chapter has previously
discussed.
As for fostering exposure and bonds among users of different back-
grounds, this study drew on theory from social-psychology and used the
concepts of equality and individual commonalities to ascertain whether
the company attempted to achieve a bridging effect among its followers.
Specifically, cultural differences should be embraced and valued. Yet, by
emphasizing solely differences, companies may trigger a bonding effect
online that leads to members of a specific group interacting with little
exposure to users of varied backgrounds. By contrast, communicating
both differences and commonalities has the potential to engender a bridg-
ing effect by first triggering a convergence of values among online users
(diverse and nondiverse). The current analysis found a relatively high pres-
ence for the variable of equality (x2 (3, N = 4460) = 485.43, p = 0.00) and
a low emergence of individual commonalities (x2 (3, N = 4460) = 107.50,
p = 0.00). Bank of America was the company that stressed the importance
of equality the most (37.4%, n = 612), followed closely by Wells Fargo
(17.5%, n = 200) and JPMorgan (17.4%, n = 114). Similarly, Bank of
America emphasized individual commonalities most considerably (13.1%,
n = 214). Wells Fargo’s (9.4%, n = 107) and JPMorgan’s (7.5%, n = 49)
analysis revealed a lower presence of messages that denoted commonali-
ties, while Citigroup’s posts had a presence of less than 2% (1.6%, n = 16).
The next stage of the study conducted several chi-square tests for the
purpose of comparing the online responses provided by followers across
the financial industry. A low percent of the followers argued that they were
employed by the respective company they were responding to (x2 (3,
N = 4460) = 119.51, p = 0.00). It is impossible to assess the veracity of
such statements, yet the low presence of alleged employees online show-
cases potential for further internal engagement in online diversity com-
munication. The highest presence of alleged employees emerged for
Citigroup (5.8%, n = 59) while overall the results for the rest of the indus-
try read less than 1% (0.9%, n = 6 for JPMorgan; 0.7%, n = 8 for Wells
Fargo; and 0.4%, n = 7 for Bank of America). Engaging employees in
online external communication denotes transparency. While the concept
may seem risky at first glance, it can facilitate the identification of external
stakeholders with the company 1. by decreasing the perceived distance
between stakeholders (especially consumers) and corporate conglomerates
through the online people they relate to and 2. through the promotion of
transparency and consistency in the application of diversity principles
internally and externally. The latter represents an especially important step
given the very recommendations that online users made and that were
discussed in previous chapters. According to these suggestions, companies
should engage their employees in diversity programs in lieu of promoting
causes through the participation of their top executives at diversity events.
Therefore, a consistent online presence of corporate employees that do
not represent top management can be a testament to the company’s genu-
ine commitment to diversity. Moreover, it can potentially address the con-
cerns that online users raised with respect to past discrimination crises and
litigation/lawsuits that companies had faced. Specifically, the employees’
free use of social media platforms to comment on their companies’ inter-
nal practices point to a company’s renewal and facilitate its dissociation
from previous scandals. This, in turn, precludes the stakeholders’ view of
corporate diversity communication as “public relations” or window dress-
ing. Above all, employee communication on Twitter can facilitate a speed-
ier development of bonds by creating a bridging effect far quicker than
standard corporate communication. This represents a consequence of per-
ceived authenticity of individual messages. This recommendation is fur-
ther bolstered by the results that showed that, at the time of this analysis,
the users’ communication denoted a low presence of bonding among
diverse and nondiverse followers (x2 (3, N = 4460) = 44.13, p = 0.00). For
example, the users’ online interaction denoted a low presence of reduced
social distance (3.5%, n = 23 for JPMorgan; 8.4%, n = 96 for Wells Fargo;
5.3%, n = 87 for Bank of America; and 2.5%, n = 26 for Citigroup).
The findings also revealed discrepancies in the valence of the users’

posts (x2 (3, N = 4460) = 119.50, p = 0.00). For example, in the case of
JPMorgan the majority of the user comments had a positive tone (5.5%,
n = 36). Negative ones followed suit and were present in 4.4% of the user
posts (n = 29) while the neutral ones emerged in less than 1% of the
responses (0.9%, n = 6). It is important to point out the slight differences
between the positive and negative reception of JPMorgan’s diversity com-
munication. The qualitative analysis conducted on the user comments
revealed that the company’s past settlements of discrimination lawsuits
negatively influenced the users’ perceptions of current diversity practices.
As a result, users perceived diversity messages as promotional.
Similarly, Wells Fargo and Bank of America received predominantly
positive responses to their diversity communication, followed by negative
reactions, and, lastly, neutral messages. Contrary to JPMorgan the dis-
crepancy between positive and negative messages was greater. For exam-
ple, about 19% of the users that followed Wells Fargo reacted positively to
the company’s diversity messages (19.1%, n = 218) while less than 4%
(3.9%, n = 45) disagreed to them. The results may seem surprising given
the recent crises that Wells Fargo has faced along with their magnitude. It
is important to note that the company has been engaging in extensive
crisis communication and has emphasized its detachment from past busi-
ness practices consistently through marketing, advertising, and public
relations campaigns. The company’s focus on renewal may explain the
diffusion of the crisis effects and, consequently, the stakeholders’ positive
reception of corporate communication related to diversity.
In response to its diversity communication, Bank of America received
predominantly positive responses (11.0%, n = 180) followed by negative
ones (7.3%, n = 119) and neutral reactions (1.1%, n = 18). Conversely,
negative reactions were prevalent in the users’ responses to Citigroup’s
diversity communication, yet the difference between the negative and
positive valence of the responses was insignificant. In 22.3% (n = 228) of
the cases users reacted negatively and 21.5% (n = 220) of the online com-
ments were positive. Users praised Citigroup’s diversity initiatives both in
the US and abroad, yet expressed concern as regards the development of
programs that address a certain group to the detriment of the entire spec-
trum of the population. One example represents the users’ concern regard-
ing the company’s sponsorship of educational programs for girls. Users
contended that such programs should be directed at all children.
Further, the analysis assessed whether the user comments denoted cor-
porate identification (x2 (9, N = 4460) = 169.62, p = 0.00). Coding for
identification or assessing its absence in the comments was considered

paramount given the fact that a convergence between the stakeholders’
values and the perceived values of the companies studied may have influ-
enced the degree to which users were responsive to diversity communica-
tion. For this purpose, corporate identification was assessed by ascertaining
the users’ agreement to the company’s products, services, business opera-
tions, ethics, and values. In contrast, no identification was determined in
posts that expressed disagreement with the preceding corporate aspects. It
is important to note that agreement or disagreement with a company’s
diversity programs was coded separately and the findings of these tests will
be discussed at a later stage in this chapter.
The findings revealed that in JPMorgan’s case corporate identification
was present in less than 5% of the communication generated by users
(4.6%, n = 30), 16% of the responses (n = 105) expressed disagreement
with the company, and the majority of posts took a neutral stance toward
JPMorgan (36.7%, n = 241). Interestingly, the neutral stance also per-
meated the online content generated by the followers of Wells Fargo
(23.7%, n = 271), Bank of America (38.4%, n = 628), and Citigroup
(38.5%, n = 394).
The next step of the study involved the assessment of the users’ (lack
of) agreement with the companies’ diversity approaches and programs (x2
(9, N = 4460) = 253.71, p = 0.00). Analogous to the concept of corporate
identification discussed in the previous paragraphs, the preponderance of
user comments revealed a neutral stance (41.4%, n = 272 for JPMorgan;
38.6%, n = 441 for Wells Fargo; 33.2%, n = 544 for Bank of America;
23.5%, n = 241 for Citigroup). With the exception of Bank of America,
that received more disagreement (10.9%, n = 178) than agreement (9.4%,
n = 154) to its diversity initiatives, the users’ communication connoted a
penchant for approval of corporate efforts that ranged from embracing
differences to addressing societal concerns. The qualitative analysis con-
ducted on Bank of America’s followers revealed that users predominantly
viewed diversity as an integral part of business practices. For example, their
communication referred to the fact that the bank should avert crises,
among which are discrimination lawsuits, by focusing on ethical business
practices and operations. Further, an emergent subtheme in the users’
communication recommended that the company approach differences
from a socially responsible lens. Without embracing diversity as social
responsibility, users argued that corporate diversity communication con-
stitutes “public relations” practices.
Over 9% of the comments that JPMorgan received denoted an appre-

ciation for the company’s efforts (9.3%, n = 61) and almost 7% of the
responses expressed disagreement (6.7%, n = 44). Despite several recent
crises, Wells Fargo’s diversity communication was lauded in over 20% of
the comments analyzed (20.9%, n = 239) and received criticism in solely
5% (5.7%, n = 65). Citigroup’s followers agreed to the company’s diversity
initiatives in almost a quarter of their responses (22.8%, n = 233) and criti-
cized the bank’s programs in over 15% (15.8%, n = 162).
Despite the users’ agreement with corporate diversity initiatives, few
expressed their intention to contribute offline by participating in the pro-
grams they showed support for (x2 (9, N = 4460) = 125.47, p = 0.00).
These results can be the consequence of low interaction between the com-
panies and users. Generally, the findings showed that companies inform
their followers on diversity programs and seldom follow up in the discus-
sion threads that the initial posts engender.
The highest expressed intention to engage in corporate activism
stemmed from the responses received by Citigroup (7.1%, n = 73). For the
rest of the industry analyzed, expressed offline engagement emerged in
about 1% of the users’ online communication. The findings of the the-
matic analysis performed on the content generated by Citi’s followers
revealed the fact that they predominantly agreed to the programs the
company implemented both in the US and abroad. Because the prepon-
derance of global diversity initiatives is usually conducted from a corporate
social responsibility (CSR) approach, it is likely that the bank’s diversity
communication was more appealing on a personal level (Maiorescu &
Wrigley, 2016).
More precisely, Wells Fargo’s followers discussed their potential partici-
pation in 1.6% of their posts (n = 18), Bank of America received the prom-
ise of offline engagement in 1% (n = 16) of the users’ responses whereas
JPMorgan in 0.5% (n = 3). The predominance of user responses that were
devoid of the intention to participate denotes further room for diversity
communication that appeals to the stakeholders’ personal values to tackle
a range of societal causes that the latter identify with. It remains unclear
whether companies conduct research to ascertain this range of causes.
Nonetheless, the very use of dialogic communication on social media can
engender a myriad of responses that would facilitate this understanding.
For example, by making use of two-way communication, companies can
gain insight into how their stakeholders define and socially construct
diversity. As a result, companies can develop programs that appeal to
stakeholders on a more personal level, therefore increasing offline

participation.
Undoubtedly, the fact that the materialization of the expressed inten-
tion to participate in these programs could not be assessed in this study
represents an important limitation that should be accounted for in light of
past research on slacktivism (Piat, 2019; Wilkins, Livingstone, & Levine,
2019). Specifically, the term refers to instances in which users may per-
ceive a high sense of self-efficacy as a result of online actions, among which
are changing a profile picture to support a cause and retweeting a post or
liking it. This form of online activism does not necessarily translate into
offline settings. While every form of activism, including slacktivism, repre-
sents an important step toward building awareness for a cause (Piat, 2019),
companies can ascertain the impact of their social media communication
on their offline programs of diversity by asking participants to these events
whether they have been following the company’s efforts online. This way
they can determine varied ways to engage their online communities so as
to trigger increased offline participation.
Conclusions
This chapter revealed that stakeholder perceptions of diversity initiatives
are contingent upon a company’s reputation in general and its reputation
vis-à-vis diversity in particular. Specifically, companies with a history of
crises related to their products, services, or operations tend to be viewed
as disingenuous when they communicate about diversity. Not surprisingly,
companies with a history of discrimination lawsuits face an even harsher
backlash in their attempts to convince their publics of their commitment
to embracing differences. The lack of trust that ensued in the aftermath of
crises potentially triggers further skepticism about whether morality or
business interests undergird diversity practices that corporations engage
in. As a result, companies should address the lurking effects of past crises,
regardless of how much time has passed since a crisis took place. As shown
in the current study, crises that struck companies over a decade ago resur-
faced and triggered a chain of negative comments on present diversity
communication. As users pointed out, diversity practices should be syn-
onymous with ethical internal and external operations. If companies put
their primary stakeholders first (employees and consumers), diversity
becomes embedded in every organizational function and structure as ethi-
cal business practices enable companies to gain the reputation of moral
employers and to establish, regain, or retain their organizational legiti-

macy. In addition, regaining trust after a crisis increases the stakeholders’
identification with an organization. The findings of this study revealed the
importance of the latter. More precisely, there was a direct relationship
between the users’ display of corporate identification and their agreement
to the company’s diversity approaches.
Further, in cases where users raise concerns regarding diversity
approaches, companies can consider communicating about them more
clearly and in-depth. For example, the analysis revealed that across the
industry users perceived recruitment practices that revolved around diver-
sity to be devoid of meritocracy. While Twitter limits communication by
imposing a character limit, the opportunities for continued dialogue are
endless in the discussion threads. Yet, this analysis showed that companies
seldom follow up with a response that would alleviate these concerns.
Addressing such comments may prove paramount given recent research
that brought to light the fact that organizations that emphasize an identity-
conscious approach in their recruitment practices become less appealing to
job candidates (Windscheid, Bowes-Sperry, Mazei, & Morner, 2017).
Companies could also explore the use of clear communication when
they emphasize causes espoused in the political spectrum. The results
showed that users perceived diversity as a primarily left cause. Depending
on their political views, they either embraced or dismissed the companies’
messages. Corporations could consider defining diversity in terms of
morality and human rights while dissociating the concept from political
rhetoric. Not only may this type of communication prevent the alienation
of certain followers, but it could also constitute an important step toward
informing and educating online users.
The findings of both the qualitative and the quantitative analyses shed
light on the role played by similarities in the reception of diversity mes-
sages, indicating that diversity messages could revolve both around the
appreciation of differences and the finding of common ground. Specifically,
while emphasizing solely differences may create a bonding effect (con-
necting users of similar background, values, stances, etc.), emphasizing
similarities may lead to the creation of a bridging effect (connecting users
of diverse backgrounds, divergent points of view, etc.). Per the results of
the statistical analysis, diversity messages that also stressed similarities
among groups and individuals led to increased interaction. Across the
industry similarities played a greater role in determining online engage-
ment than two-way communication.
In addition to the importance of a positive reputation, the findings also

revealed the paramount role played by corporate identification. For exam-
ple, users who displayed higher identification with a company were more
likely to engage in more dialogue on diversity, to express intentions to take
part in programs offline, and to produce more positive online content.
In sum, the analysis revealed that effective diversity communication
does not emerge in a vacuum but, rather in a context of organizational
legitimacy, favorable reputation, and corporate identification. Because
legitimacy refers to quality products/services and a focus on social respon-
sibility, it can be argued that it facilitates a favorable reputation which, in
turn, triggers external and internal stakeholder groups to identify with the
company. Figure 6.1 presents the results in conjunction with directions for
REACTIVE STRATEGIES
External communication:
-address the lingering effects of past crises
-clearly communicate diversity programs and
recruitment
Internal communication:
Organizational -collaborate with HR to clarify present and past
legitimacy diversity initiatives
↓ -collaborate legal dept to determine best strategies
Reputation to address past crises
↓
Identification
PROACTIVE STRATEGIES
External communication:
-communicate around both differences and
similarities
-enable the social construction of diversity
online
-communicate (diversity) in context (around
other corporate values)
-encourage storytelling
Internal communication:
-diversity as social responsibility
-diversity in the context of external and internal
operations
Fig. 6.1 Diversity in context

the application of diversity communication in the context of organiza-

tional legitimacy, reputation, and identification.
According to the proposed model, to regain or maintain a favorable
context for diversity communications, companies should enact reactive
and proactive public relations strategies, both of which should be embraced
at an external as well as an internal level. For example, the implementation
of reactive strategies implies addressing the lingering effects of past crises
as well as any misunderstandings or additional questions that stakeholders
bring up with regard to the company’s diversity approaches. In the case of
the former, companies usually ask communication professionals to col-
laborate with the legal department to ensure that public relations initia-
tives do not cause further litigation. Consequently, the work of PR
practitioners may be restricted by legal concerns. For the purpose of
addressing misunderstandings and concerns about the company’s diversity
practices, PR practitioners should collaborate with HR departments. For
example, as the analysis across the financial industry revealed, clearer com-
munication about recruitment processes may reveal details that facilitate a
better understanding of why and how the approach is taken and might
perhaps even transform passive attitudes toward diversity into more active
ones. To conclude, reactive strategies should be implemented to address
the effects of past crises and the concerns and misunderstandings around
past or present business operations and corporate practices. In other
words, reactive strategies are enacted to regain/maintain reputation and/
or organizational legitimacy.
Conversely, proactive strategies revolve around organizational legiti-
macy and reputation with the ultimate purpose of facilitating organiza-
tional identification. Based on the findings of this study, PR professionals
should communicate diversity in terms of both differences and similarities.
While differences trigger a bonding effect by enabling the interactions of
users pertaining to a respective group, communicating about similarities
has the potential to engender a bridging effect among users of varied
backgrounds. While the primary role of diversity communication is to
enable the appreciation of differences, complementing it by discussing
similarities may generate increased interactions online, participation in
offline settings, and, potentially, the building of social capital. The analysis
revealed that users who displayed perceived similarities were more likely to
agree to diversity initiatives, perhaps as a consequence of metapersonal
self-construal. In contrast to individuals who view themselves as indepen-
dent or interdependent (part of a community), individuals who display
metapersonal self-construal understand themselves as “profoundly inter-

connected with all humanity” (DeCicco & Stroink, 2007, p. 11; Deng, Li,
Wang, & Zhang, 2019; Diebels & Leary, 2018; Stroink & DeCicco,
2011). It is possible that messages of similarity trigger the emergence of
metapersonal self-construal. By contrast, messages that focus solely on dif-
ferences may facilitate the emergence of interdependent self-construal and
impede a bridging effect among diverse and nondiverse individuals.
However, future research is needed in order to ascertain the preceding
impact of communication on self-construal.
Further, the results revealed that users engaged in storytelling despite
the fact that companies encouraged the sharing of experience with diver-
sity, recommendations, and so on to a low extent. Public relations prac-
titioners should facilitate storytelling as this enables companies to gain
an insight into what diversity means to its stakeholders and what pro-
grams interest them the most. Above all, online users may bring to atten-
tion causes related to societal issues that companies have not been aware
of, especially in international environments. In other words, stakehold-
ers socially construct diversity and by regularly scanning their brand
communities, companies can ascertain diversity-related issues that reso-
nate with their stakeholder groups. Clearly, as previous research studies
contended, corporations represent for-profit organizations and, hence, it
is understandable that their prevalent initiatives aim to positively impact
the bottom line (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). While companies pre-
dominantly enact a diversity management paradigm that enables them to
focus on projects for diverse groups that impact their revenue, recently
there has been a penchant for additionally embracing diversity from a
CSR perspective (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Uysal, 2013). Through
the creation and implementation of initiatives that help a certain cause
without directly engendering profit, companies ensure a reservoir of
goodwill and morality that enables them to attract talent, reduce turn-
over, and increase consumer loyalty (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). Social
media communication and the degree to which users engage in storytell-
ing can shed light on the causes that stakeholder groups espouse. By
embracing them, companies can determine the stakeholders’ identifica-
tion with their values.
Finally, the analysis revealed that users are open to diversity messages as
long as companies enjoy a positive reputation acquired as a result of their
quality products, services, and customer service. For example, despite the
fact that several of the banks studied had a Twitter account specifically
dedicated to customer service, users brought up product-related issues in

response to diversity messages and in order to question their veracity. In
addition, the results of the thematic analyses performed on the users’ com-
ments revealed that they considered commitment to diversity as ethical
operations/practices and quality services. Therefore, public relations
departments should communicate about diversity in relation to other
organizational values, among which are quality, innovation, and so on.
Communicating diversity in conjunction with additional corporate values
stresses the fact that diversity bolsters the company’s operations and is
embedded in every organizational function. For example, companies
could feature stories on how a specific international employee of an
American subsidiary led to the increased innovation of a service. It is
important to note that in doing so, public relations efforts should take a
customer approach. Namely, much too often in the past companies
stressed the impact of diversity on their bottom line through its visible
contributions to product innovation, creativity, and problem solving.
While the increased quality products benefit consumers, corporate com-
munication has left out the consumer and rendered diversity as an ingredi-
ent for revenue.
The aforementioned recommendations cannot be implemented with-
out internal public relations efforts that communicate to management the
importance of socially responsible approaches to diversity and the devel-
opment of programs that address issues pertaining to diverse groups
regardless of their buying potential. Such programs can be informed via
social media communication and should address societal concerns raised
by online users. In turn, their implementation can lead to higher corporate
identification, commitment to diversity, and a bridging effect. The present
analysis shed light on the fact that diversity should emerge not only in
terms of an external context comprised of legitimacy, reputation, and cor-
porate identity, but also in connection with an internal one that implies
the enactment of ethical business practices. Such practices relate to the
treatment of employees, employee compensation and benefits, as well the
company’s focus on delivering high-quality products and services as well
as customer assistance. In a nutshell, without a focus on ethical operations,
diversity messages are less effective. Public relations departments should
work with management to ensure the implementation of ethical business
practices and the companies’ constant focus on employees and consumers.
Internal social media platforms as well as external ones like Twitter pro-
vide tremendous opportunities for the assessment of perceptions, organi-
zational identification, as well as recommendations and reactions to

diversity initiatives. Yet, in order to assess such perceptions companies
should engage in constant dialogue with their stakeholder groups.
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PART II

Tech Industry
CHAPTER 7

at Microsoft
Introduction
In 2019 Microsoft had been embroiled in an internal scandal related to
sexual harassment and glass ceiling. In March 2019, a discussion thread
brought to light disconcerting allegations regarding gender discrimina-
tion in response to an employee’s request for advice on her struggle to get
promoted (Levy, 2019). It was revealed that women were still performing
administrative tasks irrespective of the strategic management positions
they found themselves in, faced disparaging comments as well as situations
that constituted sexual discrimination (Tiku, 2019). For example, a female
employee argued that she had been asked to sit on a colleague’s lap two
times during business meetings in the presence of HR and other execu-
tives. Despite her complaints, nobody who had been present objected
(Levy, 2019; Tiku, 2019). The latest employee concerns came as Microsoft
had been facing a gender discrimination lawsuit according to which
women were facing systematic discrimination. The lawsuit originated in
2015. As of April 2019, it was being reviewed by the US 9th Circuit
Court of Appeals (Levy, 2019).
The company’s executive vice president of human resources, Kathleen
Hogan, addressed the latest concerns via an email sent to the company’s
employees. Her email expressed regret and revolved around urgency and
corrective action as she detailed the concrete steps she planned to take to
put an end to gender discrimination at Microsoft. First, she encouraged
everyone who faced discrimination to email her directly. Direct involvement

represents a strategy that maintains employee trust and identification with

the company. General Motor’s CEO, Mary Barra, was able to turn the com-
pany’s 2014 ignition switch crisis into an opportunity for renewal, mostly as
a result of her personal involvement (Feloni, 2018). While GM and
Microsoft faced different types of crises, they both stemmed from an inter-
nal culture in which communication processes did not appear to have
reached top management. A top executive’s direct involvement in managing
a crisis enables a quicker breakdown of silos and encourages a constant com-
munication flow across the company, all of which can help to avert the reoc-
currence of crises.
Kathleen Hogan’s email further discussed the future employee sessions
that were set up to obtain employee feedback on current diversity initia-
tives and to determine what aspects had to be reshaped, removed, or kept.
This initiative represents a bottom-line approach to diversity as a result of
its focus on empowering employees to participate in crisis management.
The bottom-up approach may lead to a discrimination-free environment
given that it will be triggered by the voice of employees who experienced
discriminatory behavior and, therefore, they represent the ones that can
propose viable solutions. Further, the discussion forums set up for this
purpose will enable employee to socially construct diversity, providing the
company with new definitions of the concept that reflect the former’s
experiences and perspectives and that stem from their varied social-
psychological backgrounds (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). In other words,
diversity is triggered by diversity as the employees’ diverse social-
psychological backgrounds facilitate the social-construction of diversity.
Moreover, the bottom-up approach to diversity goes beyond addressing
the crisis to increase identification with the company as a result of the
employees’ self-efficacy and power of decision making. Self-efficacy can
lead to increased involvement in the cause of diversity and its related initia-
tives (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016) while access to decision making helps
to develop or foster an inclusive organizational culture. Past research
showed that input into a company’s decision making processes was key to
the employees’ perceptions of inclusive work environments (Downey, van
der Werff, Thomas, & Plaut, 2015). It is important to note that by includ-
ing employees in decision making processes, the company will be able to
create diversity programs that resonate with employees and around causes
they are personally passionate about. Therefore, it is likely that the com-
pany will also address the reluctance, reticence, and fatigue that past
research found for employee perceptions in corporations (Choi, Hong, &
7 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT MICROSOFT 105
Lee, 2018; Livermore, 2016; Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016), increasing

employee engagement and commitment to espoused causes.
Despite an apparent existence of silos that may have prevented Microsoft
employees from communicating their concerns in offline settings, Kathleen
Hogan’s email reflects the fact that the company fosters an environment
that encourages employees to speak up, as evident in the internal discus-
sion board. Indeed, Microsoft’s culture has a reputation for being condu-
cive to open discussions, as the company has always aimed to provide for
a workplace atmosphere that triggers innovation by allowing employees to
experiment, fail, and regard failure as part of the creative process
(Michelson, 2019). In addition, employees have been encouraged to con-
stantly challenge the status quo and voice their views, all of which enable
the company to adapt to an ever-changing industry (Michelson, 2019).
Prior to the recent crisis, leadership aimed to trigger the company’s cul-
ture as well as define inclusivity. For this purpose, the leadership team
stressed ten inclusive behaviors and asked each employee to focus on one
(Hogan, 2017). In a 2019 interview, Mary Snapp, VP and Head of
Philanthropies, argued why she chose to focus on assumptions and high-
lighted the importance of understanding one’s own prejudices that indi-
rectly impede innovation (Michelson, 2019).
By asking every employee to choose a specific inclusive behavior the
company aims to ensure that it creates an internal culture that aligns
with the overall corporate strategy, yet allows each employees to feel an
active part in the process. In addition, perceptions of what constitutes a
certain inclusive behavior (e.g., understanding one’s assumptions) may
vary across the employee base, yet the overall behavior has a unifying
effect that emerges as a consequence of strategic ambiguity. The concept
of strategic ambiguity was discussed in past research studies in commu-
nication and business (Eisenberg, 2007; Scandelius & Cohen, 2016).
Strategic ambiguity was shown to have a unifying effect across several
corporate functions among which is internal culture. Above all, studies
revealed that the implementation of the concept in practice produces a
unifying effect for both diverse and nondiverse stakeholder groups
(Scandelius & Cohen, 2016). In the case of Microsoft, each employee
holds and defines their assumptions differently, yet they all relate to the
overall importance of understanding their assumptions and the impedi-
ments that these can engender in the workplace. While the ten inclusive
approaches make room for individual interpretation and input into
diversity, they represent a top-down approach implemented by manage-
ment to foster an inclusive culture that aligns with the company’s values
and strategy. It can be argued that being initiated by management it is
not necessarily conducive to the organic development of a workplace
atmosphere that emerges as a consequence of the employees’ daily inter-
actions and communicative practices (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
Conversely, Kathleen Hogan’s approach to addressing the recent dis-
crimination crisis through employee input constitutes a bottom- up
approach that would lead to a quicker shift in the internal culture given
that norms and rules set to guide future behavior will be established by
the employees themselves. In addition, it is likely that the culture that
forms as a result of the enactment of new rules and norms will prove
sustainable: internal cultures evolve as a result of constant interactions
and communicative processes. Because the cultural shift is determined
by employees themselves, diversity is likely to emerge organically
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016) while the internal culture will continue to
evolve around diversity as a result of their interactions and communica-
tive practices. Given Microsoft’s focus on giving employees access to the
decision making process, the approachability of the leadership team, and
their commitment to urgently addressing gender discrimination, it is
likely that the company will transform the crisis into an opportunity
for renewal.
The present analysis was written as Microsoft’s crisis was unfolding.
Therefore, the present analysis of the company’s online diversity commu-
nication may provide further insight into potential diversity approaches, as
these emerge in online interactions. In line with the methodology pre-
sented throughout this book, the chapter analyzes the company’s com-
munication on Twitter and the users’ online responses. The period of
analysis consisted of five years, namely from January 1, 2013, until
December 31, 2017. The data collection involved only the online com-
munication that made reference to diversity and inclusion, as the terms are
defined in Chap. 1. Online comments that were not written in English
were removed from the sample, along with comments made by organiza-
tions. It was considered that solely the collection of comments made by
regular users will provide an accurate understanding of how users interact
and respond to the company’s diversity communication. The final sample
of analysis comprised n = 3187 user comments and n = 321 posts made by
Microsoft. The interrated reliability was tested on 20% of the user com-
ments (n = 638) and 20% of the company’s tweets (n = 64) after every fifth
post was selected from each sample. The agreement between the two
c oders was reached at k = 0.80 for the users’ comments and k = 0.91 for
the company’s tweets.
The data were analyzed statistically by the use of frequency analyses,
goodness of fit tests, and chi-square tests. To provide a deeper understand-
ing of the users’ online communication, the next step in the analysis
involved a thematic analysis that revealed the major themes and subthemes
in the users’ interactions, as detailed in Chap. 1.
This chapter starts by presenting the results of the quantitative analyses,
after which it provides an insight into the users’ comments by discussing
the findings of the qualitative study performed for this purpose. The chap-
ter ends by providing conclusions for the theory and practice of online
diversity communication at Microsoft. Finally, it discusses the implications
of the findings in light of the company’s recent crisis.
The results of a frequency analysis conducted on Microsoft’s online diver-
sity communication revealed that the company discussed predominantly
about its diversity initiatives in the US (5.5%, n = 262), in contrast to
programs dedicated to its international subsidiaries (1.6%, n = 56). Similar
to the companies discussed in the previous chapters, Microsoft communi-
cated more extensively about external diversity programs (6.6%, n = 232)
and focused less on diversity practices in the workplace (2.5%, n = 88).
The company made use of two-way communication in about 4% of its
online posts related to diversity (3.9%, n = 138) and encouraged its users
to provide suggestions and feedback in less than 2% of its tweets (1.7%,
n = 61). The latter presence was similar to the emergence of posts in which
the company asked minorities for recommendations (2.1%, n = 73).
Additional dialogic dimensions that emerged in the company’s online
communication constituted Microsoft’s commitment to engendering dia-
logue around diversity (3.6%, n = 126), its empathy for causes related to
diversity in the US and abroad (2.1%, n = 75) as well as its focus on bridg-
ing differences by communicating around equality (1.5%, n = 53) and
commonalities (1.2%, n = 42).
Furthermore, the analysis revealed a low emphasis on encouraging
online followers to share their views, experiences, and perspectives on
diversity (1.5%, n = 53). Yet, despite the low presence of 5% (n = 175),
online users engaged in storytelling related to diversity and more than 10%
(10.7%, n = 374) of their online communication comprised recurrent
c ontributions. The users’ interactivity and engagement were higher than

what the analysis found in the case of the companies analyzed in the pre-
ceding chapters. Similarly, the dialogic dimension of stakeholder collabo-
ration was present in less than 2% of the company’s tweets (1.3%, n = 47).
Finally, the company emphasized its pursuit of the best interests of minor-
ity and ethnic groups in about 3% of its overall diversity communication
(2.9%, n = 100).
The users’ contributions shed light on agreement to the company’s
approaches to diversity as well as programs, products, and services related
to diversity that ensue from these approaches. Specifically, almost half of
the users’ communication denoted agreement to diversity (46%, n = 1612).
Similar to the results found in the case of the financial industry, agreement
to diversity occurred independently of the users’ display of corporate iden-
tification. Despite the fact that less than 6% of the comments revealed that
users identified with the company, almost half their online communication
revolved around agreement with diversity. These results imply that identi-
fication with the cause of diversity prevails over identity-based attachment,
as predominantly users who disagreed with the company supported its
diversity practices.
The sentiment of the user-generated content was predominantly posi-
tive (44.1%, n = 1547). A negative sentiment vis-à-vis the company’s
diversity communication emerged in about 15% of the user comments
(16.6%, n = 586) while less than a third of the online content denoted a
neutral stance (30%, n = 1054). These results showcase the effectiveness of
the company’s online communication and the qualitative analysis dis-
cussed at a later stage will enable a deeper understanding of the commu-
nication factors that determined the sentiment of diversity messages.
Despite the fact that online interactivity was high, users expressed
intention to participate in diversity projects online in solely 2.6% of the
comments (n = 91). Finally, it is worth mentioning that less than 1% of the
users (n = 33) argued that they were current or past Microsoft employees.
While this statement cannot be verified and therefore represents a limita-
tion of the study, it can shed light on the extent to which the company
encourages the breaking of the boundaries between external and internal
stakeholder groups for the purpose of collaboration and information shar-
ing. It is likely that the more employees communicate with the company’s
followers, the higher the latter’s identification with the diversity-related
causes. Specifically, the communication that employees generate is likely to
be regarded as more relatable and personable than corporate messages
and, consequently, conducive to relationship building with external

stakeholders.
The second stage of the analysis involved conducting multiple chi-
square tests that aimed at responding to the study’s research questions.
The first research question (RQ1) asked if there was a relationship between
the company’s use of dialogic communication and the bond-based attach-
ment that users displayed. Specifically, would the company’s use of dia-
logic communication engender increased online communication among
users of different backgrounds and would this interaction show potential
for a bridging effect? Several chi-square tests were conducted for this pur-
pose and their results revealed a relationship between the extent to which
the company reached out to its users for suggestions, feedback on diver-
sity, and the interactivity that this communication style engendered (x2
(12, N = 3508) = 218.01, p = 0.00). Namely, the more the company
reached out to its stakeholders online for suggestions, the higher the users’
interactivity in response to corporate communication and to other users’
comments. Similar results were found for instances in which Microsoft
aimed to receive feedback from minority and ethnic groups (x2 (12,
N = 3508) = 492.83, p = 0.00). This type of communication revolved
predominantly around products that the company developed to help the
visually impaired, people suffering from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis
(ALS), and so on as well as educational programs it sponsored or
implemented.
Further, the findings revealed a positive relationship between the com-
pany’s emphasis of its pursuit of minorities’ best interests and user interac-
tivity (x2 (12, N = 3508) = 1363.85, p = 0.00). Namely, interactivity was
higher for corporate communication that denoted the fact that the nexus
of diversity programs represented the best interests of minority and ethnic
groups. These results imply that users respond positively to diversity com-
munication that they perceive as genuine. Undoubtedly, diversity pro-
grams are perceived as sincerely enacted if a company has a positive
reputation. As the previous chapters revealed, companies that have a his-
tory of crises are less likely to convince the public that they embrace diver-
sity without a focus on the bottom line. Microsoft’s internal crisis occurred
in April 2019, therefore after the period of analysis in this study.
Despite the fact that the company discussed its collaboration with out-
side stakeholder groups to a low extent (1.3%, n = 47), the analysis shed
light on the potential of this communication type to engender increased
interactivity (x2 (12, N = 3508) = 609.45, p = 0.00). While the low
resence of posts that denoted such collaborations compels one to view

p
these findings with caution, it is worth considering that communicating
about diversity by highlighting collaborations with stakeholder groups
and nonprofits has the potential to empower online followers. The users’
increased self-efficacy may explain the fact that they engage in online inter-
action so as to influence future decision making processes. An example of
a collaboration that triggered extensive interactivity represented
Microsoft’s support for Estella’s Brilliant Bus. Initiated by Estella Mims
Pyfrom, the program delivers customized mobile instructional training for
the African American community and beyond (Estella’s Brilliant
Bus, 2019).
Findings regarding a potential relationship between dialogic communi-
cation and interactivity revealed that the latter increased as corporate com-
munication revolved more around the company’s commitment to diversity
(x2 (12, N = 3508) = 624.68, p = 0.00) and its focus on promoting equal-
ity (x2 (12, N = 3508) = 735.15, p = 0.00). The results are not surprising
given the fact that, as a result of Microsoft’s strong reputation during the
period analyzed, diversity communication that stressed commitment and
equality rendered diversity program genuinely enacted for the benefit of
the communities in which the company operates. As expected, the study
found a relationship between the communication type and interactivity:
the latter increased as the company communicated in a two-way manner
(x2 (12, N = 3508) = 2574.75, p = 0.00).
The second research question (RQ2) asked whether there was a rela-
tionship between the company’s communication style (one-way versus
two-way communication) and the users’ display of identity-based attach-
ment. This question was asked in order to investigate which communica-
tion style was likely to impede the users’ transition from identification with
the company, which initially triggered them to join the online community,
to building relationships with other online users. Determining this com-
munication style would enable an understanding of effective ways to com-
municate in order to transform the users’ identity-based attachment into
bond-based attachment. The findings shed light on the potential of the
two-way communication to bolster the users’ identification with the com-
pany. Identity-based attachment was present to a larger extent in com-
ments posted as a response to two-way corporate communication (n = 183)
versus one-way communication [n = 138 (x2 (12, N = 3508) = 3472.25,
p = 0.00)]. Therefore, one-way communication goes beyond impeding the
transition from identity-based to bond-based attachment to hinder the

bolstering of the users’ identification with the company.
The next research question (RQ3) investigated if there was a relation-
ship between the users’ display of bond-based attachment and the extent
to which they engage in online communication and expressed intention to
participate/contribute to diversity initiatives offline. The results of several
chi-square tests conducted for this purpose revealed that the extent to
which users engaged in storytelling exerted influence on the degree to
which they agreed to the company’s approaches to diversity and initiatives
(x2 (6, N = 3508) = 103.16, p = 0.00). The more users shared their views,
perspectives, and experiences related to diversity, the more their interac-
tions triggered agreement to the importance of diversity programs and/or
their impact. These results imply that exposure to diverse opinions, views,
experiences as well as backgrounds has the potential to trigger a bridging
effect among online users by providing them with a deeper understanding
of societal issues. Undoubtedly these results merit further investigation in
future research so as to ascertain the precise aspects of diversity exposure
and interuser communication that trigger this bridging effect. For now it
suffices to highlight the potential of storytelling to create bond-based
attachment that leads to agreement to diversity initiatives.
Further, the analysis revealed differences among users who disagreed
versus agreed to diversity programs and the extent to which their stances
impacted their online interactions. For example, users who disagreed to
the company’s approaches (12.8%, n = 34) were more likely to engage in
online dialogue than those who displayed agreement [39.8%, n = 149; (x2
(6, N = 3508) = 75.01, p = 0.00)]. The qualitative analysis discussed at a
later stage in this chapter will shed light on the prevalent themes and sub-
themes in the users’ interactions in order to provide more insight into why
negative stances led to increased online engagement. It is relevant to
understand the underpinnings of these findings so as to recommend how
companies communicate in ways that facilitate positive perceptions of the
diversity cause.
Next, the analysis found a direct relationship between storytelling and
intention to participate in diversity initiatives offline (x2 (6,
N = 3508) = 282.76, p = 0.00). Namely, the degree to which the users
engaged in storytelling influenced the extent to which the online com-
munication revealed intention to participate in programs offline. Therefore,
corporate communication should focus on encouraging storytelling
among the company’s follower base. In turn, such expressed intentions
may materialize in offline activism. It is worth mentioning that the results

found great discrepancies between the users’ storytelling and their inten-
tion to engage in diversity initiatives offline (22.3%) on the one hand and
online conversations devoid of storytelling and expressed intention to par-
ticipate offline (1.6%). The bond-based attachment triggered by storytell-
ing creates a bridging effect that can explain these findings. Namely,
personal stories render the cause of diversity relatable and are conducive to
a bridging effect across both diverse and nondiverse groups.
In line with the preceding focus to transfer online interactions to offline
settings, the last research question (RQ4) inquired after a relationship
between identity-based attachment and intention to participate in diver-
sity programs offline. The results revealed that users who displayed corpo-
rate identification (66.7%) were more likely to express intention to
participate in diversity initiatives offline than those that viewed Microsoft
negatively (7.9%) or displayed no identification altogether [56.6%, (x2 (9,
N = 3508) = 3735.8, p = 0.00)]. Furthermore, the study found a direct
relationship between corporate identification and message valence (x2 (9,
N = 3508) = 5086.5, p = 0.00). Users who displayed corporate identifica-
tion were more likely to comment positively on diversity (78.3%) than
users who expressed disagreement with the company’s products, services,
or business strategies (5.8%) or took a neutral stance (53.5%).
The thematic analysis conducted on the users’ comments revealed the
emergence of three major themes, the most employed of which repre-
sented the positive reception of the company’s diversity initiatives and
communication, followed by a theme that made reference to the impor-
tance of delivering services, products, and customer service of quality as a
precursor to effective diversity implementation and communication. The
next most employed theme represented users’ recommendations for uni-
fying initiatives and communication practices as comments revolved
around the need to develop certain programs for an entire community, as
opposed to focusing solely on a diverse population. The emergence of this
theme was followed by comments that reflected the users’ need for expla-
nations regarding diversity practices. For example, users asked the com-
pany about the rationale that drives certain initiatives over others. The
following paragraphs will detail the preceding themes and discuss sub-
themes along with examples that emerged in the analysis.
Prevalently, Microsoft received a positive reaction to the way it

approached and communicated diversity. Users praised the company’s cel-
ebration of Women’s Day by featuring heroic women, the company’s
launch of programs meant to hire US veterans in the field of IT, along
with the company’s focus on recruitment and neurodiversity. In addition,
users lauded Microsoft’s use of technology to empower people suffering
from autism, disabilities, as well as visually impaired individuals. It is evi-
dent that Microsoft’s diversity programs and communication practices
stem from its business profile and are deeply rooted in its values. Based on
the present qualitative analysis, at Microsoft diversity develops organically
as technology advances and the company branches out to meet the expec-
tations in the market (through recruitment) and in the macrosystem (by
contributing to the communities in which it operates). Because diversity
programs spur from organizational values, it is not surprising that gener-
ally, stakeholders are receptive and respond positively to the company’s
communication. The users’ embracement of such messages may stem
from a convergence between personal values and the corporate values that
undergird diversity programs. In other words, the company draws on the
identity-based attachment that triggered users to follow Microsoft online
and communicates around diversity in ways that emphasize the values that
enabled the users’ identification with the company in the first place. A
comparison between the company’s diversity communication and its mis-
sion statement revealed that values such as innovation, philanthropy, and
corporate social responsibility (CSR) bolster the company’s approach to
diversity. Yet, while in its mission statement Microsoft defines diversity as
a distinct value (Microsoft, 2019), the company’s online communication
reflects an approach that not only intertwines with the preceding values,
but is rather informed by it. Moreover, during the five-year period of anal-
ysis used in this study, the company very seldom referred to its initiatives
under the traditional “diversity and inclusion” nomenclature, therefore
possibly averting the reluctance, reticence, and the fatigue that these terms
connote, as shown in past studies (Dobbin & Kalev, 2016; Maiorescu &
Wrigley, 2016; Windscheid, Bowes-Sperry, Mazei, & Morner, 2017). The
users’ reactions to the company’s 2014 and 2015 Super Bowl ads are
reflective of the identity-based attachment that provides the context for a
positive reception of diversity initiatives and communication. For example,
Microsoft’s 2014 Super Bowl ad, that online users praised highly, tackled
the empowerment that technology engendered in general and software
development in particular. By featuring the benefits of technology for the
visually impaired and individuals suffering from ALS or in need of artificial

limbs, Microsoft related diversity to its central value, namely innovation.
Despite no extant research in this direction, it is likely that the initial stage
of stakeholder identification with a company revolves around its core cor-
porate value since this value best illustrates the company’s business profile.
Specifically, stakeholders who enjoy Microsoft products initially display
identification with a company as a result of its innovative products. At a
later stage, the company’s additional values, among which are diversity
and inclusion, a concern for the environment, and a focus on CSR
(Microsoft, 2019), bolster the initial identification. An additional
Microsoft ad reflective of the preceding argument represents the Super
Bowl 2015 commercial that was promoted on social media and triggered
significant online interactivity. The ad showed the company’s support for
Estella’s Brilliant Bus, an initiative that provides African American children
and adults with mobile training and instructional technology (Estella’s
Brilliant Bus, 2019).
The positive reactions that ensued as a result of Microsoft’s diversity
communication entailed the subtheme of recommendations. Specifically,
the dialogue triggered by Microsoft ensued suggestions regarding the
implementation of US programs in international environments. For exam-
ples, users recommended that the company focus on the recruitment of
veterans in the UK, help to develop a Mexican initiative similar to Estella’s
Brilliant Bus, and recruit around neurodiversity in Germany and India.
Such suggestions, which stemmed from users located in these countries,
represent the advantage of using social media for diversity communica-
tion. Little is known to date about how corporations enact diversity inter-
nationally (Ohunakin, Adeniji, Ogunnaike, Igbadume, & Akintayo,
2019). The scarce evidence with reference to how American multination-
als enact diversity abroad reveals the prevalent implementation of US
approaches, which render such programs less effective than expected since
they fail to address local issues (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). The afore-
mentioned suggestions made by international stakeholders enable the
company to conduct issues scanning, a public relations function that
enables to ascertain how diversity is construed in international environ-
ments and what societal issues the company should address. By perform-
ing social media scanning, public relations practitioners address concerns
raised by past studies that stressed the importance of reducing ethnocen-
tricity in the field (Sriramesh & Štumberger, 2017; Wolf, 2017) to ensure
the applicability of diversity programs.
The second major theme that emerged in the users’ online comments
made reference to the context in which they perceived that diversity pro-
grams should occur, namely placing customers and employees (or primary
stakeholder groups) at the forefront of corporate operations. The analysis
revealed two subthemes concerning the context of diversity. First, the
users argued that the company’s social responsibility first lies in the quality
of its products and its customer service centers, without which diversity
communication becomes a promotional strategy. Second, numerous user
comments represented customer complaints about products and were
written in response to corporate posts related to diversity. Users discuss
about their perceived lack of quality support as well as the company’s out-
sourcing of its call centers abroad. They argued that the strategy did little
to showcase a focus on diversity given the fact that minority group mem-
bers in the US are deprived of such job opportunities. Similar comments
ensued from the company’s promotion of its STEM programs for girls as
users argued that the company had outsourced tech jobs to developing
countries, depriving US-based female scientists of employment opportu-
nities. The users concluded once again that diversity programs represented
a “public relations” strategy given the contradiction between such initia-
tives and job outsourcing.
Next, the analysis revealed the emergence of a third theme, namely that
of a unifying approach to diversity. Online users contended that programs
developed to serve a certain community should be implemented at a soci-
etal level. To exemplify, comments revolved around the users’ suggestions
to facilitate science education for underprivileged children, as opposed to
solely girls, and to focus on diversity communication that unifies all
Americans. As the company highlighted the heroic women of the US,
users asked for the celebration of American heroism, irrespective of gen-
der. This theme reveals the need for a possibly clearer communication
process regarding the rationale behind diversity programs and communi-
cation. For example, when discussing its program on science education,
Microsoft provided a statistic that concerned the number of girls who
intended to study science versus those that actually did. Consequently, the
company promoted an important campaign that showcased the fact that
the science curriculum revolves predominantly around examples of male
scientists, leaving out potential role models that girls could identify with.
Several online users raised the question of what statistics showed regarding
male students and their intention to pursue science versus the number of
students who actually entered STEM programs. Their question remained
unaddressed. It is likely that if the company engages in more conversation

regarding the rationale that determined the implementation of certain
programs, users will be more open and supportive of such initiatives.
Further comments included requests for additional information on the
reasons that triggered salary discrepancies based on gender. Users argued
that the company was missing out on important factors such as salary
negotiation and working overtime. These comments emerged in online
debates in which additional users brought counterarguments such as the
discouragement that female students face when they strive for STEM
careers as well as the sexual harassment that prevents female employees
from going up the corporate ladder.
Implications
Despite the low presence of dialogic principles and encouragement for
storytelling, Microsoft’s online communication ensued increased interac-
tivity. Users shared their experience with diversity programs, recom-
mended future directions for corporate initiatives, and about half of their
online contributions denoted agreement to the company’s diversity pro-
grams. These findings suggest that conversations about diversity do not
necessarily stem from the enactment of the dialogic principles, but rather
from the message content. In the case of Microsoft, the message content
reflected an approach to diversity that was undergirded by the core value
of innovation. As a result of the fact that the core value triggers the stake-
holders’ initial identification with a company, diversity initiatives that
revolve around it are likely to be embraced across a wide spectrum of
groups that identify with the company. Indeed, several results bolster this
argument. For example, the study found a relationship between the users’
display of high organizational identification and their expressed intention
to participate in diversity offline. Additionally, user comments that denoted
high organizational identification were more likely to display agreement to
the company’s diversity initiatives.
Yet, the importance of enacting the dialogic principles when communi-
cating about diversity cannot be overstated. The study found that the
more the company engaged in mutuality and stressed its commitment to
diversity communication, the higher the interactions among the online
community members. Further, two-way communication emerged as a
precursor to online interactivity. An interesting finding concerned story-
telling. The more online users shared their experiences with regard to
diversity, the more likely they were to express their intentions to commit
to offline initiatives and to agree to the company’s programs and their
impact. These results imply that storytelling exposes users to diverse opin-
ions, views, experiences as well as backgrounds and, consequently, has the
potential to trigger a bridging effect online by providing for a deeper
understanding of societal issues faced by individuals that online users relate
it as a result of the personability of their stories. In sum, the company
could consider making more extensive use of the dialogic principles and
two-way communication while encouraging storytelling to larger degree.
The study found that the highest interactivity emerged in the users’
negative responses to diversity communication. The qualitative analysis
revealed that users needed more clarification on the rationale behind the
company’s decision making. Therefore, corporate communication could
detail the importance of a specific societal issue the company is addressing,
how certain projects may resolve it, and how the latter’s impact will be
assessed and measured. Several users expressed disappointment with
Microsoft’s focus on certain minorities to the detriment of taking a unify-
ing approach to address concerns that impact an entire community.
Microsoft is known for its extensive philanthropic programs and, there-
fore, some of its diversity communication could refer back to past CSR
initiatives done nationwide while discussing its current focus on assisting
with issues faced by a certain group. Further clarification is also needed
with respect to the company’s outsourcing of tech positions to developing
countries. For examples, users claimed that Microsoft’s outsourcing con-
tradicts its STEM programs for women in the US as well as those dedi-
cated to helping American veterans. Overall, it is paramount to note that
diversity communication emerged in a context of a strong corporate repu-
tation. The study found a low presence of negative comments, the major-
ity of which were related to customer service issues for which the company
had already committed several Twitter accounts.
To refer back to the current crisis that Microsoft is facing, it can be
concluded that by implementing the bottom-up approach mentioned at
the outset of this chapter and provided that leadership communicates
transparently with its both internal and external stakeholder groups, the
company ensures that the crisis will provide an opportunity for renewal
and more effective internal programs. The way the leadership team
addresses the crisis is likely to have a greater impact on the company’s
reputation than the crisis itself. Numerous female employees that joined
the internal discussion forum stressed the supportive role of their CEO
and asserted their conviction with regard to his assistance once he had
been apprised of their workplace struggles. Their communication denotes
a relationship of trust that had been nearly jeopardized by a lack of com-
munication flow that prevented their concerns to reach top management.
It is likely that the communication flow ceased once it reached mid-
management. Finally, transparency in addressing internal diversity and
communicating the corrective steps that the company is taking, along with
the reservoir of positive perceptions that this study revealed, will enable
the company to traverse the current crisis.
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CHAPTER 8
Online Diversity Communication at Google
Introduction
This chapter tackles online diversity communication at Google.
“Committed to improving the lives of as many people as possible,”
(Google, 2019a) the company has aimed to make significant contributions
worldwide through initiatives that ranged from $1 billion in grants
(Google, 2019b) to the development of free computer science curricula
that aim to assist students who want to master coding (Google, 2019c).
Countless of Google’s initiatives served communities around the world.
For the purpose of brevity, these initiatives will not be enumerated in this
chapter. It suffices to mention that the story of Google’s CEO, Sundar
Pichai, appointed at the helm of the company in 2015 (Huet, 2015),
seems to represent the quintessence of Google’s values and the nexus of its
community initiatives. Born in Tamil Nadu, India, Sundar Pichai had no
access to technology until he was 12. At that time, the family of four was
using a phone with a rotary dial and lived in a two-room apartment out-
side Chennai (Griffith, 2015). Sundar Pichai graduated with a BS degree
from the Indian Institute of Technology and moved to the US to further
his education. Before joining Google in 2004, he had received graduate
degrees from Stanford University and University of Pennsylvania
(Bloomberg, 2019). Undoubtedly, his journey constitutes an inspiring
story of success for employees and outside stakeholder groups alike and
bolsters the company’s credibility as it invests resources worldwide toward
“improving the lives of as many people as possible” (Google, 2019a).

However, the company has not been spared of controversy. Recently,

employees in 15 offices in the US (Kottasova & O’Brien, 2019) and
London have participated in sit-in protests to raise awareness of the com-
pany’s alleged retaliation against employees (Lecher, 2019). The alleged
retaliation occurred after 20,000 employees had protested in 2018 against
the company’s handling of sexual harassment complaints (Lecher, 2019).
In addition to facing a scandal regarding the protection of women in the
workplace, Google has been recently accused of favoring liberal voices
while showing bias toward conservative points of view. For example, in
2018 President Donald Trump accused the company of suppressing posi-
tive news stories about his administration (Wakabayashi, 2018). Almost
concurrently a Google executive’s email leaked into media. The email dis-
cussed the company’s effort to encourage the Latino community to vote
in the 2016 election, in the hope that the latter would support Hillary
Clinton’s candidacy (Correll, 2018). While the preceding accusations sur-
faced shortly after the period of analysis used in the present book (January
1, 2013–December 31, 2017), the current study can shed light on the
online users’ perceptions of the company and its reputation and therefore
may represent a precursor to the understanding of whether the company’s
diversity initiatives may be negatively influenced by these scandals and, if
so, whether diversity communication can mitigate their effect. Finally, it is
worth mentioning that during the period of analysis used in this book a
scandal erupted at Google whose impact was evident in the analysis of the
users’ comments. Namely, in 2017 the company fired James Damore for
his “Google’s Ideological Echo Chamber,” a manifesto in which Damore
contended that women were less interested in working in highly stressful
environments such as those of IT companies (Wakabayashi, 2017) and
that the difference in personalities and neuroticism between sexes might
explain the low representation of women in the tech industry (Chuck,
2018; Wakabayashi, 2017). While Damore argued for his legal right to
bring to forth issues regarding his workplace environment, the company
viewed the memo as reinforcing gender biases and, hence, in stark contrast
to its mission and values (Chuck, 2018; Wakabayashi, 2017). The afore-
mentioned scandals may have impacted Google’s reputation since the
company’s very nexus represents free communication. As a consequence,
the present analysis will refer to the recent crises in the section dedicated
to the implications of the results.
For the purpose of analyzing Google’s online diversity communication,
the data were collected over a period of five years, namely from January 1,
8 ONLINE DIVERSITY COMMUNICATION AT GOOGLE 123
2013, to December 2013, 2017, with a focus on diversity-related tweets

made by the company as well as the user comments that these generated.
Corporate communication that was unrelated to diversity was removed
from the sample. Comments that were not written in English were
removed along with spam posts, leaving a final sample of analysis that
comprised n = 278 Google posts and n = 4896 ensuing user responses.
For the purpose of interrated reliability, 20% of the user comments and
20% of company’s tweets were chosen by selecting every fifth post from
each sample. After negotiating 57 user posts the agreement between the
two coders reached k = 0.83 using Cohen’s kappa. The interrated reliabil-
ity with respect to the company’s posts was k = 0.87.
In accord with the methodology discussed in Chap. 1, several frequency
analyses and goodness of fit tests were performed to analyze the compa-
ny’s posts and the users’ comments. In the second stage of the analysis,
multiple chi-square tests were conducted to address the four research
questions that this book aimed to answer. Finally, in order to shed light on
the dynamics of the online community, the users’ posts were analyzed with
the help of a thematic analysis.
This chapter sets out to present the results of the statistical analyses
performed on Google’s online community, after which it discusses the
findings of the thematic analysis. The chapter concludes by elaborating on
the implication of the results.
The results of a frequency analysis conducted on Google’s online com-
munity revealed that the company’s diversity communication engendered
high online interactivity. Specifically, 99.5% (n = 266) of Google’s diver-
sity communication generated user comments and almost 12% of the users
(11.8%, n = 579) made recurrent contributions within discussion threads.
These results may appear surprising, given the fact that about 85% of the
company’s overall diversity communication (84.5%, n = 235) was con-
ducted one-way, namely through information giving. However, several
dialogic dimensions emerged to a greater extent than two-way communi-
cation (15.1%, n = 235) and could have compensated for the latter’s low
presence. For example, the company stressed its pursuit of the minorities’
best interests in about a quarter of its tweets (23.7%, n = 66) and discussed
its collaboration with stakeholder groups (16.5%, n = 46), buttressing its
commitment to embracing diversity for the benefit of minority and ethnic

communities.
Several dialogic principles emerged to a lower degree. To illustrate, the
company asked its followers for feedback and recommendations in over 3%
of its diversity communication (3.6%, n = 10) and attempted to engage its
users in sharing their experience in less than 15% of its posts (13.3%,
n = 37). As discussed in the preceding chapters, engaging online followers
in storytelling has the potential to enable their understanding of biases and
stances, making them face their own prejudices, in addition to serving as a
reservoir that the company can draw from to develop future diversity ini-
tiatives. In addition, the storytelling that the users may engage in can trig-
ger further dialogue that enables an exposure to societal issues and diverse
users that are not facilitated outside the online environment. In other
words, engendering storytelling can facilitate the development of bond-
based attachment. The extent to which corporate communication was
conducive to the creation and maintenance of bond-based attachment was
additionally assessed with the help of two variables, namely equality and
commonalities, as the study aimed to investigate the extent to which
diversity communication triggered a bridging effect among online users.
About 10% of Google’s communication revolved around an emphasis on
equality (9.4%, n = 26). By contrast, solely 1% denoted an attempt to
bring forth commonalities (1.1%, n = 3).
While it can be argued that the variables conducive to bond-based
attachment had a low presence, it is likely that by enacting dialogical
dimensions and as a result of the ensuing increased user interactivity, the
company succeeded in triggering conversation on diversity that facilitated
the exposure of users to diverse backgrounds. In turn, this exposure may
lead to a bridging effect that represents a precursor to the emergence of
bond-based attachment. For example, empathy emerged in Google’s
diversity communication in 13.7% of the posts (n = 38), as the company
emphasized its understanding and support for the cause of diversity.
Predominantly, Google’s communication revolved around its efforts in
the US (74.1%, n = 206), yet diversity programs abroad emerged in more
than a quarter of Google’s overall diversity communication (25.5%,
n = 71). Promoting programs that the company developed for outside
stakeholder groups (88.8%, n = 247) prevailed over the communication of
internal diversity initiatives (10.8%, n = 30) that predominantly tackled the
recruitment and promotion of ethnic employees and women as well as the
support offered to LGBTQA+ community members.
As far as the user comments are concerned, the results of a frequency

analysis revealed a relatively low presence of bond-based attachment.
Specifically, the online users engaged in storytelling and shared their expe-
rience with diversity causes in 6% (n = 295) of the posts analyzed.
Moreover, solely 1.6% of their communication (n = 76) denoted percep-
tions of similarities and, therefore a reduced social distance. While 11.8%
of the posts (n = 579) represented recurrent contributions, intention to
participate in diversity initiatives offline occurred in solely 2.1% (n = 101)
of the users’ comments. These findings suggest that users have not formed
bond-based attachments to the extent to which their interactions would
translate into offline settings. A more promising result represented the fact
that the company’s followers expressed their agreement to its diversity
approaches and programs in almost half of their overall communication
(47.9%, n = 2343) while a fifth of the comments expressed disagreement
(18.1%, n = 37). These results suggest a potential for the creation of
increased bond-based attachment, as users understand and agree to the
importance of diversity initiatives. It becomes even more paramount for
the company to communicate to engender a bridging effect among online
users, given the fact that 34% of the latter’s communication (n = 1667)
denoted a neutral stance toward diversity programs. By aiming to create
bonds among users, Google’s diversity communication can facilitate their
online exposure to diverse users and to societal concerns. To transform
latent users into engaged ones, the company could communicate more
extensively around equality and commonalities as well as encourage story-
telling to a larger degree. In a nutshell, Google should combine two-way
communication with information giving, a practice that has proven in past
research to increase persuasion.
Similar to the results found for the companies previously analyzed in
this book, despite the fact that solely 5.1% of the comments reflected the
users’ identification with the company, online users agreed to and showed
support for diversity initiatives in almost half of their overall communica-
tion (47.9%, n = 2343). These findings imply that the cause of diversity
has garnered extensive support in the society. In addition, while users ini-
tially follow a company online as a result of identity-based attachment,
they understand the importance of diversity programs irrespective of the
extent to which they display corporate identification. It is important to
note that the majority of the users displayed moderate identity-based
attachment (83%, n = 4062) and that comments that denoted low identi-
fication were present in about 12% of the comments (11.8%, n = 579).
Google’s diversity communication is effective insofar as almost half of

the users’ comments connote positivity (45.6%, n = 2232). A third of the
online conversations (29.5%, n = 1444) indicated a neutral sentiment,
while a negative tone characterized 24.9% (n = 1218) of the users’ interac-
tion around the topic. The thematic analysis discussed at a later stage in
the chapter will shed light on the major themes and subthemes that
occurred in the users’ interactions and, therefore, will provide a deeper
insight into what represented positive, neutral, and negative diversity
communication.
Finally, a low number of users (0.4%, n = 21) stated that they were
Google employees. Despite the fact that such assertions cannot be veri-
fied, it was considered important to code for such statements given the
fact that they may be indicative of the extent to which employees feel
comfortable communicating about their workplace with outside stake-
holder groups. Moreover, as a result of what oftentimes is regarded as a
sensitive topic, the employees’ interactions around diversity become even
more relevant in shedding light on the company’s internal culture and the
degree to which it revolves around trust. The next paragraphs will discuss
the results of several chi-square tests employed to answer the study’s four
research questions.
The first research question (RQ1) investigated whether there was a
relationship between the company’s dialogic communication around
diversity and the users’ development of bond-based attachment. Several
variables that had been previously determined to be representative of dia-
logic communication and bond-based attachment were tested for this pur-
pose (Kent and Taylor, 2002; Sha, 2018) and will be discussed next.
First, the company’s communication style (two-way versus one-way) did
not exert influence on the extent to which users engaged in dialogue around
diversity (x2 (4, N = 5174) = 36.95, p = 0.00). Despite the fact that these
results imply that two-way communication does not play a role in the trig-
gering interactivity, it is important to note that Google’s online communi-
cation revealed a prevalent presence of one-way communication (84.5%,
n = 235). Similarly, the study found that the company’s emphasis on its
commitment to diversity did not influence the users’ interactivity (x2 (2,
N = 5174) = 20.58, p = 0.00). Interestingly, the results showed an
inverse relationship between the dialogic dimension of risk, which assessed
the company’s discussion on following the best interests of diverse groups
and the interactivity that it engendered (x2 (2, N = 5174) = 8.44, p = <0.05).
Namely, the more the company communicated that its programs were
meant to work to the benefit of ethnic and minority groups, the less inter-
activity it generated. This communication type was subsumed under the
dimension of risk because it implies that the company is developing pro-
grams around diverse populations and not necessarily its bottom line. It
places the company in a vulnerable position, should online users perceive
that the nexus of specific corporate programs does not represent the best
interests of minorities, but rather image management or profit. It can be
argued that an inverse relationship between the dimension of risk and user
interactivity would imply no user backlash, an indication of the company’s
transparency in developing and communicating about its diversity initiatives.
The dialogic dimension of risk was additionally assessed through the
presence of corporate communication that denoted efforts to engage
minority group members in diversity initiatives by asking for their feed-
back and suggestions. It was considered that by asking for feedback, the
company was taking a risk. As long as online followers viewed its initiatives
as not benefitting a certain minority group, online interactivity would dis-
play a predominantly negative sentiment. No statistical significance was
found between this dimension and online interactivity.
It is probable that the low presence of additional dialogic dimensions
assessed in this study, among which the company’s emphasis on its col-
laboration with outside stakeholder groups, played a role in the findings.
More precisely, the study found this dimension to not play a role in online
interactivity (x2 (2, N = 5174) = 5.86, p < 0.05). Finally, the study found
no statistical significance for corporate communication that revolved
around equality and individual communalities on the one hand and user
interactivity on the other hand. As a result, no conclusion could be drawn
concerning the extent to which an attempt to create a bridging effect
online breaks boundaries among online users for the purpose of facilitat-
ing the development of bond-based attachment.
In addition to online interactivity, the study tested if there was a rela-
tionship between the dialogic dimensions present in the company’s com-
munication and the users’ engagement in storytelling. The analysis revealed
that the company’s communication type (two-way versus one-way) did not
increase the users’ shared experience with regard to diversity and diversity
programs (x2 (4, N = 5174) = 17.76, p = 0.00). Once more, these results
should be viewed with caution given the company’s low enactment of two-
way communication (15.1%, n = 42), which may have influenced the find-
ings. Similarly, the study found that the dialogic dimension of commitment

did not increase storytelling (x2 (2, N = 5174) = 9.89, p = 0.00).
Specifically, the company’s emphasis on its commitment to the cause of
diversity did not lead to increased user disclosure through the sharing of
personal experiences. The thematic analysis discussed in the next para-
graphs may shed light on the users’ expectations and reveal how commit-
ment to diversity should be expressed so as to engender enough trust to
lead to personal storytelling.
Lastly, no statistical significance was found for a relationship between
Google’s attempt to trigger feedback and suggestions from diverse online
users on the one hand and user engagement in storytelling on the other
hand. In a similar vein, the study showed no statistical significance for
further dialogic dimensions, among which are the company’s pursuit of
minorities’ best interests, its empathy toward diversity causes, and its col-
laborations with stakeholders and the degree to which users engaged in
storytelling.
RQ2 set out to inquire if there was a relationship between the compa-
ny’s use of one-way versus two-way communication and the users’ display
of identity-based attachment. RQ2 was established to determine whether
the users’ identification with the company, which determines them to ini-
tially join a company’s online community, is sustained through the com-
pany’s use of one-way communication. In other words, would a company’s
prevalent use of one-way communication maintain identity-based attach-
ment and therefore possibly impede the development of bond-based
attachment among online users by failing to trigger conversations online?
The study found that the company’s use of one-way versus two-way com-
munication did not play a role in the users’ display of identity-based
attachment (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 5096.18, p = 0.00). Similar to the previ-
ously discussed findings, the fact that Google’s online communication
revolved to a low extent around creating dialogue through the use of two-
way communication may have exerted influence on these results.
Therefore, it is advisable to view the results with caution.
The third research question (RQ3) assessed if there was a relationship
between the users’ display of bond-based attachment and their involve-
ment in online discussions as well as their expressed intention to partake
in diversity initiatives offline. The chi-square tests revealed that the more
the users engaged in storytelling the more they expressed their intention
to take part in diversity initiatives offline (x2 (4, N = 5174) = 33.05,
p = 0.00). These results highlight the potential of storytelling to increase
engagement in diversity initiatives, a challenge that corporations face

today (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
Several tests brought to light the potential of bond-based attachment
to trigger agreement with the cause of diversity as a consequence of the
users’ enhanced communication and exposure to individuals of difference
backgrounds. Specifically, the more the users engaged in recurrent conver-
sations about diversity the more likely they were to express approval of
their importance in general and the way the company was implementing
diversity programs in particular (34%, n = 197). Conversely, the less users
engaged in dialogue around diversity (15.3%, n = 88) the less likely they
were to show their support for societal causes (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 125.54,
p = 0.00). Undoubtedly, there may be additional underlying factors that
could trigger the support for diversity programs and that go beyond the
users’ online interaction. Yet, these results are promising for the realm of
corporate diversity communication and constitute a first step toward
future studies that would delve more in-depth in the sociology of online
communication and its potential to bridge differences. The prospect of
the bond-based attachment to engender support for diversity initiatives
was further supported by the results of a test that determined a relation-
ship between the extent to which users engaged in storytelling and their
agreement to specific causes (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 242.03, p = 0.00). More
precisely, users who engaged in discussion threads that revolved around
personal storytelling were more likely to be supportive of diversity pro-
grams (88.8%, n = 262) than those who were exposed to storytelling and
did not agree to the importance of a specific cause (3.7%, n = 11). In addi-
tion, less than 8% of the users’ online communication extant in such dis-
cussion threads (7.5%, n = 22) denoted a neutral stance vis-à-vis the cause
of diversity. The latter finding suggests the need to identify new message
formats that the company should implement in order to reach online users
in an attempt to transform them from indifferent consumers of social
media communication into potentially active participants in the cause of
diversity. To understand how corporate diversity communication should
be framed for this purpose, the company should regularly conduct qualita-
tive analyses of its followers’ comments.
The reduced social distance among online users, another characteristic
of bond-based attachment, was found to influence the extent to which
they agreed to diversity initiatives (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 33.05, p = 0.00).
Reduced social distance was assessed by ascertaining the extent to which
the users’ online communication reflected perceived similarities with other
individuals and with the societal issues that they themselves have faced.
Users whose communication connoted higher reduced social distance
were more likely to agree to the company’s diversity communication and
programs (55.3%) than users whose interactions did not reflect reduced
social distance (45.2%). Moreover, users who displayed a reduced social
distance were less likely to express disagreement to diversity programs
(18.4%), in contrast to those who displayed a neutral stance and no
reduced social distance (32.4%). It is paramount to point out that users
whose communication displayed perceived similarities were also more
likely to disagree to diversity initiatives (26.3%) than those whose com-
munication did not denote a reduced social distance (17%). To conclude,
regardless of the negative perceptions with regard to diversity that emerged
in the context of perceived similarities (8.4%), the impact of reduced social
distance on agreement to diversity remains undoubtable (55.3%) and off-
sets the former. Users who perceive similarities between them and others
are more likely to agree to the importance and the specifics of diversity
initiatives.
The users’ interactivity had a predominantly neutral valence (52.5%)
and a positive sentiment (28.3%) prevailed over negative comments
(19.2%). It is important to note that the findings of a chi-square test per-
formed for this purpose (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 216.29, p = 0.00) revealed
that the majority of the positive comments in diversity discussion threads
stemmed from users that did not make recurrent contributions (45%,
n = 2067), in contrast to those who contributed several comments and
had a positive sentiment (28.3%, n = 164). This result is revelatory for the
users’ initial reaction to the company’s diversity messages, as their response
may be triggered by a priori assumptions and stances regarding spe-
cific causes.
The potential of bond-based attachment for diversity communication
was additionally investigated by assessing if there was a relationship
between reduced social distance and message sentiment. More precisely, if
the perceived similarities displayed by online users had an impact on the
tone of their online communication. The findings showed that comments
which displayed perceived similarities had a more positive sentiment
(46.1%) than those that did not discuss commonalities (43.1%), whether
such commonalities referred to social causes that had an intragroup impact
or were discussed at an individual level. However, the difference between
the two was not substantial (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 13.09, p < 0.05).
The fourth research question (RQ4) aimed to investigate if there was a

relationship between identity-based attachment and the users’ agreement
to corporate diversity initiatives, intention to contribute to diversity causes
offline, and message valence. The results of several chi-square tests per-
formed for this purpose (x2 (9, N = 5174) = 5414.28, p = 0.00) revealed
that the majority of online communication that displayed identity-based
attachment revolved around agreement to the company’ diversity initia-
tives (65.1%), in contrast to online posts that displayed low corporate
identification and showed disagreement (18.1%). These results attest to
the potential of corporate identification to engage external stakeholder
groups in the cause of diversity. Furthermore, users who disagreed to
diversity initiatives, yet displayed identification with the company, were
significantly lower (1.2%). An interesting finding represents the fact that
51.1% of the comments that connoted a neutral stance toward Google
displayed agreement to the company’s approaches to diversity, which
showcases that at a societal level, diversity represents a topic whose impor-
tance stakeholders agree upon. From a corporate standpoint, it enables
Google to reach out to individuals who do not necessarily agree to the
company’s values or business practices, yet support its diversity initiatives.
In other words, diversity programs allow the company to build a positive
reputation even outside its circle of ardent followers.
High corporate identification was shown to play a significant role in the
users’ intention to participate in initiatives offline (x2 (6, N = 5174) = 73.09,
p = 0.00). Specifically, 8.7% of the comments that revolved around agree-
ment to diversity reflected a high corporate identification. By contrast,
users who expressed a negative stance toward Google, yet agreed to its
diversity approach, represented 0.9% of the users’ interaction.
A thematic analysis performed on the user comments (n = 4896) that
ensued from Google’s diversity communication revealed the presence of
three primary themes: agreement to the company’s approach to diversity,
bridging differences, and diversity as a political stance. The following para-
graphs detail these themes as well as the subthemes that were found to fall
under each category.
Agreement to the company’s diversity approach constituted the prevail-
ing theme in Google’s online community. Users praised the company’s
diversity approach with regard to a variety of causes that ranged from
s upporting the LGBTQA+ community to the promotion of I Look Like

An Engineer Campaign. In the case of the former, Google buttressed the
fight for marriage equality and showed extensive support for Pride parades.
Moreover, it helped to promote the #ILookLikeAnEngineer hashtag, as
part of a campaign launched by Isis Wenger to break the gender stereo-
types in the tech industry (Kircher, 2015). All of the preceding causes
were lauded by online users who praised the company for its commitment
to equality and its contributions to the good of the society.
Agreement to the company’s diversity approaches subsumed comments
that referred to making diversity an integral part of business operations
and functions. These comments were recorded as a subtheme, and
included recurrent references to the company’s need for consistency in its
development and application of diversity programs. For example, online
users referred to the contribution that the company could make in coun-
tries such as India that lack legislation and tradition in embracing differ-
ences. As of May 2019, the fate of LGBTQA+ community in India was
still contingent upon the general elections (Rangnekar, 2019). Users
expressed their concern over Google’s operations in countries in which
LGBTQA+ community members were still facing harassment and discrim-
ination. They argued that unless the company addressed their situation
abroad, its support for the PRIDE parade in the US seemed disingenuous.
A similar argument was made by users who argued that the company
should build a workforce that represented women more adequately. These
comments were made in reference to the company’s efforts to trigger dis-
cussions around women in STEM in both online and offline settings. For
example, in 2016 Google managed to build considerable conversation
around this topic. By using the hashtag #OneDayIWill, the company
determined online users in general and its female followers in particular to
engage in storytelling that revolved around their career and personal plans.
The resulting stories were conducive to additional debates among users
with regard to the issues that women were facing in the tech industry. As
of 2019, women comprise around 31% of Google’s global workforce
(Brown & Parker, 2019).
The subtheme that referenced to diversity as an integral part of the com-
pany’s DNA entailed comments that pointed to social responsibility. Users
argued that the primary step toward embracing diversity represented a
responsible corporate behavior and commented on Google’s alleged tax
evasion strategies in the US and abroad. As pointed out by economists and
the media, the company has not been averting tax s ystems, but has rather
adhered to local legislation that provided incentives for business conglom-

erates (Black, 2019; Worstall, 2013). Nonetheless, users bashed the com-
pany’s 2015 decision to contribute up to $10 million to assist Syrian
refugees, and argued for the allocation of increased funds, given the per-
ceived low tax that Google was paying worldwide. As a result of the multi-
tude of such comments, it behooves the company to consider addressing
the contending issue online for the purpose of clarification and in order to
avert negative interactivity.
The second main theme in the users’ online communication referred to
the bridging of differences, as users asserted that the company’s diversity
approach and communication should have a unifying effect. For example,
in 2016 Google introduced the emoji for women at work so as to provide
an enhanced illustration of the women’s representation in the workplace
(Plaugic, 2016). Despite an outpouring of online support, the decision
was received with mixed feelings by users who perceived that women’s
issues would be better served by taking concrete action in the society and
by those who argued that the company failed to represent men in tradi-
tionally female-dominated professions.
Similarly, users argued that the company’s tribute to Dr. Martin Luther
King Jr., performed through a Google Doodle in the US, should have
been performed worldwide. “We all have a dream,” a user from the UK
argued while an outpouring of comments accompanied her argument
from across the globe. An additional example worth noting regards the
company’s Google Doodle tribute to the US veterans. Comments revolved
around the need to make such a tribute global, as users pointed to various
countries that have allied with the US in its present and past military efforts.
Finally, the last major theme that emerged in the analysis constituted
comments that viewed the company’s diversity approach as a political
stance. These results align with previous findings discussed in the chapters
dedicated to the banking industry and bring to light a disconcerting real-
ity. Namely, stakeholder groups associate the cause of diversity with poli-
tics and by doing so, they may reject its perceived validity or approve of it
based on their political stance. As a result of the current political polariza-
tion in the US (Chinni & Bronston, 2018), such perceptions represent a
real threat to bridging differences, to addressing paramount societal con-
cerns, and, finally, jeopardize the company’s diversity efforts. For example,
numerous users disapproved of the company’s 2016 stance vis-à-vis North
Carolina’s House Bill 2, according to which transgender individuals were
required to use public restrooms that correspond to their sex at birth
(Drew, 2018). Due to intensive activism and boycotting to which business

conglomerates like Google contributed as well, the House Bill 2 was later
replaced by new legislation. While in 2016 Google received extensive sup-
port online for its decision to engage in activism that would repeal the bill,
users also saw the decision as a political stance that allegedly denoted a
leaning toward the political ideology of the left.
By contrast, following President Donald Trump’s 2017 decision to rec-
ognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel (Landler, 2017) users considered
the company to adhere to the political ideology of the right and online
complaints emerged about the fact that Google Maps had featured
Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.
Implications
The results of this study look promising for Google’s diversity communi-
cation. About half of the online comments denoted agreement to the
company’s diversity approaches and initiatives. In addition, half of the
interactivity they triggered had a positive sentiment. Around 34% of the
user-generated communication reflected a neutral stance toward the cause
of diversity, leaving further room for the investigation of how corporate
communication should be construed to transform latent users into active
participants. Additional results of the present study provide a possible
solution in this direction. The ingredient for effective diversity communi-
cation represents the engagement of online users in storytelling while
emphasizing equality and individual commonalities. This type of commu-
nication is likely to trigger a bridging effect that creates increased bond-
based attachment. The study showed that users who participated in
discussion threads that involved storytelling were more likely to express
intention to contribute to diversity initiatives offline. Moreover, corporate
communication that encouraged storytelling was likely to lead to higher
recurrent user contribution. As a consequence, the more users engaged in
recurrent conversations about diversity the more likely they were to
express approval of their importance in general and the way the company
was implementing diversity programs in particular. Generally, storytelling
may reduce the perceived social distance among individuals by revealing
common experiences, values, and/or concerns. Per the previously dis-
cussed findings, a reduced social distance leads to increased agreement to
the diversity causes espoused by the company and a more positive valence
of the user-generated content. To succeed in engendering and m aintaining
bond-based attachment the company should address several concerns

raised online, the most paramount of which constitutes the fact that sup-
port for diversity represents the respect of human rights, an action taken
independently of political ideologies.
Next, corporate communication that tackles diversity in relation to
equality and individual commonalities represents the sine qua non for bol-
stering bond-based attachment, as it enables users to relate to one another
despite their perceived differences. Undoubtedly, minority and ethnic
groups face unique and disconcerting situations that must be communi-
cated and addressed in specific detail. Therefore, corporate diversity com-
munication must continue to highlight the specific societal injustices faced
by certain minority communities. Yet, at times it should provide unifying
messages since these have the potential to garner additional support and
resources from nonminority groups who can significantly contribute to a
cause. Illustrative in this regard are the user comments discussed previ-
ously and one that advised Google to celebrate Martin Luther King’s Day
internationally: “We all dream.” Embedding unifying messages when
communicating about diversity becomes especially relevant in light of the
multitude of user contributions that stem from international environ-
ments. Countries of Eastern and Central Europe, Latin America, and Asia
have lower levels of activism and less tradition in diversity initiatives
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). However, the collectivism that character-
izes these cultures (Hofstede Insights, 2019) is likely to transform online
users into supporters of diversity initiatives in their own environments.
The quantitative analysis performed in this study raised further ques-
tions concerning the users’ expectations vis-à-vis Google’s commitment to
diversity. The thematic analysis shed light on the need to make diversity an
integral part of the company’s DNA. Specifically, the company should
provide more clarity about its decisions to support a minority group in the
US (e.g., LGBTQA+ community) and its decisions to not address the
societal injustices faced by the same group in countries whose legislation
overtly discriminates against its members. It is indisputable that the extant
legislation in such environments impedes a company’s efforts in this direc-
tion. Yet, through its very online communication Google contributes to
diversity causes by raising awareness of issues globally and instantly.
Discrepancies in cross-cultural diversity approaches and the company’s
specific contributions should be highlighted and discussed. The ensuing
conversation itself serves the cause of diversity.
Next, the findings of this study showcased the importance of corporate

identification, as users who displayed a convergence between their per-
sonal values and the perceived values of the company were more likely to
be supportive of Google’s diversity initiatives. In response to Google’s
#OneDayIWill campaign numerous users displayed an identification with
the company. “Google, I am happy in my life” is a comment that best
illustrates the ease with which users communicate with the company and
denotes a parasocial relationship that will make it easier for the company
to trigger storytelling and ultimately to foster increased bond-based
attachment.
Presently, no results have been made public regarding Google’s latest
crisis that concerns sexual harassment in the workplace as well as employee
retaliation. It is likely that if the company communicates about such find-
ings and the corrective measures it has taken clearly and transparently, the
support it receives for its diversity initiatives online will represent a solid
reservoir from which it can draw to maintain its reputation. Finally, the
company’s reputation will be contingent on the extent to which it man-
ages to transform the crisis into an opportunity for renewal by fostering a
workplace environment of accountability and transparency that would
enable its employees to speak up fearlessly.
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CHAPTER 9
Conclusions from the Tech Industry
This chapter draws conclusions about how diversity emerges in the online
communities fostered by Google and Microsoft. The first section discusses
the results of several frequency tests conducted for each company. Next,
the chapter details the findings of multiple chi-square tests employed to
ascertain differences in the companies’ online diversity engagement. At a
later stage, conclusions are drawn about the thematic analyses performed
to understand the recurrent themes and subthemes that emerged in the
users’ comments. The chapter concludes by discussing the implications of
the results and by proposing a model that tackles online communication
around diversity, which derived from both the quantitative and the quali-
tative methodologies employed in the present analysis.
Quantitative Results
The quantitative analysis was conducted on a total sample of N = 8682,
out which n = 3506 represented the posts extant in Microsoft’s online
community and n = 5174 constituted Google’s and its followers’ diversity
communication. Out of the total sample of analysis (N = 8682), the com-
panies’ posts comprised a total of n = 599 and the users’ comments made
up n = 8682 units of analysis.
The results of a frequency test conducted on the online communication
across the tech industry revealed an increasing focus on diversity commu-
nication during the period of analysis, namely from January 1, 2013, to

December 31, 2017. In 2013, diversity communication comprised

n = 511 posts. It almost doubled from one year to the next until it reached
its apex, namely n = 3221 posts in 2015. These results reflect the expecta-
tions extant in the environment in which the companies operate, as stake-
holders demanded more action towards addressing inequality. In addition,
generation Z who had entered the job market joined their millennial pre-
decessors in demanding equality and diversity in the workplace (Parker,
Graf, & Igielnik, 2019). Undeniably, these expectations did not emerge in
a vacuum, but, rather, as a result of events that occurred in the macrosys-
tem. In the US, 2014 engendered a refocus on social inequality in the
aftermath of Michael Brown’s and Eric Garner’s deaths at the hand of law
enforcement (Li, 2019). In 2013 George Zimmerman was acquitted in
the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, a 17-year old from Florida
(Stutman, 2019). What started as the #blacklivesmatter hashtag in the
aftermath of the latter tragedy had become one of the successful social
movements worldwide (Stutman, 2019). In addition, the record-breaking
number of asylum seekers that continue to cross the southwest border of
the US (Dickerson, 2019) to flee the poverty, conflict, and violence in
Central America triggered extensive debate on immigration procedures,
human rights, and diversity. In February 2018 over 76,000 migrants
crossed the US-Mexican border without documentation, the highest
number in 11 years (Dickerson, 2019). In Europe, the number of asylum
seekers from the Middle East and North Africa reached its peak in 2016
and caught the European Union unprepared with regard to the distribu-
tion of migrants across its member states, prioritizing immigration cases,
and securing borders (Bloomberg, 2019), all of which rendered immigra-
tion a central topic in political elections and in the media’s agenda. The
aforementioned context triggered responses by companies such as Google
and Microsoft, which addressed their stakeholders’ expectations with
respect to diversity as part of their corporate social responsibility func-
tions. Indubitably, this focus enabled companies to add to what past stud-
ies referred to as “the reservoir of goodwill” from which they could draw
in future times of crisis (Bhattacharya & Sen, 2003; Chakraborty, Gao, &
Sheikh, 2019).
Further, across the industry diversity approaches and initiatives in the
US were discussed to a greater extent than those developed for interna-
tional subsidiaries, despite the fact that the companies’ Twitter accounts
were directed at a global audience (x2 (8, N = 8682) = 43.35, p = 0.00).
Given the fact that the US is one of the most diverse countries in the world
9 CONCLUSIONS FROM THE TECH INDUSTRY 141
(Zimmermann, 2017) this result is not unexpected. According to the

Census Bureau, an immigrant moves to America every 33 seconds.
Moreover, with the exception of the Native American population, America
emerged as a result of immigration (Zimmermann, 2017).
By contrast, it is worth mentioning that countries with low immigra-
tion rates, such as those from the developing world, have less exposure to
diversity. Being characterized by fragile economic systems they are unap-
pealing to migrants seeking opportunity (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). As
a result, these environments have no palpable tradition in diversity and are
characterized by a high level of xenophobia. According to a 2016 Gallup
poll that surveyed nine Eastern European countries, half of the population
expressed disagreement to a likely acceptance of Syrian refugees (Esipova
& Ray, 2017). While companies focus less on diversity projects abroad
than they do in the US, they miss out on opportunities to engender
change. Moreover, communicating about such initiatives online may
increase the identification of the users with a specific company, an indirect
result of the former’s focus on corporate social responsibility (Maiorescy
& Wrigley, 2016). Given the fact that the American culture is character-
ized by a high level of activism, it is likely that communicating global ini-
tiatives online will result in more awareness of the cause as well as enhance
or establish the users’ identification with company. A recent survey showed
that in 2017 alone 85% of Americans participated in cultural protests and
the majority of the respondents boycotted brands (Rittenhouse, 2018).
The communication of diversity initiatives in international subsidiaries
remained relatively constant across the industry for the first four years
analyzed in the study (1.4% in 2013; 1.6% in 2014; 1.7% in 2016) and
decreased to 0.8% in 2017. By contrast the communication of programs in
the US increased from 2.7% in 2013 to 8.9% in 2014. An explanation was
provided in the previous paragraphs. The communication of corporate
diversity programs further decreased to 5.3% in 2015, rose slightly to 5.7%
in 2016, and waned to 4.6% in 2017. The preceding results imply that
across the tech industry, the companies’ communication approach mir-
rored societal expectations. While this study tackled a period of analysis of
five years, future research could expand the research timeline to identify if
corporate diversity communication fluctuates in accord with the media
coverage. More importantly, studies are needed to ascertain whether the
corporate interest in diversity and the programs that companies develop
for this purpose wane or upsurge based on the media’s agenda. The results
would identify a potential agenda-setting effect that translates not only
from media outlets to the publics, as evident in prior research (McCombs,

2018), but also from the media to corporations, an effort the latter engage
in to maintain or (re)gain organizational legitimacy.
The discrepancies in the two companies’ communication of diversity
programs in the US and abroad is also worth noting. While the companies
communicated similarly around their efforts in international environments
(1.6% Microsoft; 1.4% Google), disparities were more salient in terms of
their initiatives in the US. For example, 4% of Google’s communication
referred to programs in America, while 7.5% of Microsoft’s diversity com-
munication discussed its approaches in the US (x2 (4, N = 8682) = 83.59,
p = 0.00).
Further, the communication of external diversity projects prevailed
over the internal ones. However, communicating internal diversity to a
larger extent would enable online users to gain an insight into the compa-
nies’ practices and become better equipped to assess their commitment to
a certain cause. Namely, a company that provides employees with the ben-
efits and the internal culture that enables them to succeed is likely to be
viewed externally as genuine in its overall diversity efforts. This, in turn,
would avert perceptions of diversity approaches as image making that
emerged in the analysis of Google and Microsoft as well as across the com-
panies studied in the present book.
As for differences in the degree to which the companies communicated
about diversity (x2 (8, N = 8682) = 31.99, p = 0.00), 2014 stood out as
the year in which both internal and external programs were discussed
almost twice as much as in 2013 and the following three years. For exam-
ple, initiatives that ranged from employee benefits to the development of
an inclusive culture rose to 2.2% in 2014 while in 2013, 2015, 2016, and
2017 they were discussed in around 1% of the posts (1% in 2013; 1.3% in
2015; 1% in 2016; 1.5% in 2017). Google communicated about internal
diversity (0.6%) and external initiatives (4.8%) to a lesser degree than
Microsoft, whose internal diversity emerged in 2.5% of its posts while
community projects had a presence of 6.6% (x2 (4, N = 8682) = 80.51,
p = 0.00).
In addition, Microsoft had a higher presence of two-way versus one-
way communication (x2 (4, N = 8682) = 112.35, p = 0.00). Analogous to
the preceding temporal comparisons, the results of the chi-square tests
revealed that the enactment of both communication styles increased in
2014 to 4.1% for two-way communication and 6.5% for one-way com-
munication. In 2013 solely 1% of the companies’ posts denoted a two-way
communication style and asked for feedback, suggestions, and recommen-

dations. As of 2017 a two-way communication style emerged in 1.1% of
the companies’ diversity interactions. Furthermore, one-way communica-
tion represented 3.1% of the corporate posts in 2013 and 5.2% in 2017 (x2
(8, N = 8682) = 63.07, p = 0.00).
While companies engaged in two-way communication to a low degree,
their online efforts reflected additional variables that are conducive to dia-
logue and online engagement. The next paragraphs discuss the variables
for which the present study found statistical significance.
First, despite a low presence, both Microsoft (2.1%) and Google (0.7%)
attempted to trigger conversations around diversity by asking for sugges-
tions and recommendations from diverse groups. These posts were espe-
cially evident during events such as Pride parades (x2 (2, N = 8682) = 30.10,
p = 0.00). Second, statements or inferences regarding the companies’ pur-
suit of the best interest of minority and ethnic groups emerged in 1.3% of
Google’s posts and 2.9% of Microsoft’s (x2 (2, N = 8682) = 27.73,
p = 0.00). The variable emerged with relative consistency across the five
years analyzed, but tripled in 2015 to 3% only to wane to 2.1% in 2017. In
America 2015 represented a victory for gay couples, as same-sex marriage
was legalized across all 50 states (Vogue & Diamond, 2015). The legaliza-
tion of same-sex marriage can explain the surge in enactment of this vari-
able, given the fact that both companies supported the LGBTQ+ cause
extensively in the months that led up to the Supreme Court decision.
Third, empathy or the display of a communal mindset along with the
support for the goals of communities and stakeholders (Kent and Taylor,
2002) emerged almost twice as much in Microsoft’s online communica-
tion (2.1%) than it did in Google’s [0.7%, (x2 (2, N = 8682) = 32.13,
p = 0.00]. Fourth, the presence of corporate communication that reflected
the company’s attempt to ask the general public for feedback and sugges-
tions (x2 (4, N = 8682) = 32.64, p = 0.00), while relatively low, almost
doubled from 2013 (0.8%) to 2016 (1.8%) and decreased to 0.1% in 2017.
Overall, Google asked for less feedback (0.2%) than Microsoft [1.7%, (x2
(2, N = 8682) = 61.65, p = 0.00].
Fifth, the companies’ focus on embedding storytelling in their diversity
communication [x2 (4, N = 8682) = 74.91, p = 0.00] fluctuated with time
and reached its peak in 2016 (2.7%). As of 2017 it represented 0.3% of the
overall diversity communication across the industry. Given the findings
discussed in Chaps. 7 and 8, it behooves companies to find communicative
means through which to engender storytelling, given the latter’s impact
on bond-based attachment among users, their agreement to diversity proj-

ects, and their expressed intention to partake in them offline. The study
found that Microsoft communicated more extensively to trigger storytell-
ing (1.6%) than Google did (0.7), yet the emergence of the variable was
low in both cases (x2 (2, N = 8682) = 16.21, p = 0.00).
Next, two variables, namely equality and individual commonalities,
were tested to assess if the companies’ communication displayed the
potential for a bridging effect among its online followers. Specifically,
would the company communicate around the need for equality while also
attempting to unify stakeholders for the purpose of a cause? The bridging
effect was considered to lead to the creation of dialogue insofar as it could
trigger increased online interaction among users of different backgrounds,
who would in time display reduced social distance and perceived similari-
ties. The analysis found that in the tech industry the emphasis on equality
reached its apex in 2015 (1.4%) and decreased to 0.9% in 2017 (x2 (2,
N = 8682) = 17.17, p = 0.00).
In line with previous findings, Microsoft (1.5%) communicated around
equality to a greater degree than Google did [0.5%, (x2 (2,
N = 8682) = 61.65, p = 0.00)]. Similarly, corporate communication that
aimed for a unifying effect by stressing individual commonalities emerged
less in the case of Google (0.1%) than in Microsoft’s communication
[1.2%, x2 (8, N = 8682) = 27.83, p = 0.00]. The two corporations com-
municated around individual commonalities at a relatively constant pace
throughout the timeline of the study, namely less than 1%. The only excep-
tion represented 2015, a year in which an emphasis on commonalities
emerged in 1.3% (x2 (8, N = 8682) = 27.83, p = 0.00).
As for the user-generated content, it can be implied that to same extent,
the corporate communication of the two companies analyzed succeeded in
exposing users of different backgrounds to one another and to societal
issues (x2 (8, N = 8682) = 172.44, p = 0.00). For example, about 4% of the
users’ online communication revolved around storytelling. It increased
significantly in 2016, namely to 10.7%, as users become more passionate
about topics raised during the presidential election. Across the industry,
user-generated storytelling represented less than 6% of the overall diversity
communication extant in the online community (x2 (2, N = 8682) = 9.70,
p = 0.00).
The valence of the users’ posts was positive in 56.4% of their diversity
communication in 2013 and surged to 58.2% in 2014. However, it
decreased starting 2015 and reached 34.5% in 2017. Conversely, the
amount of recurrent online contributions increased by 10.2% from 2013

to 2017 when it reached 24.5% of the user-generated communication (x2
(12, N = 8682) = 320.82, p = 0.00). Both companies received predomi-
nantly positive responses (x2 (6, N = 8682) = 101.22, p = 0.00), followed
by negative and neutral ones.
Overall, users displayed higher bond-based attachment in 2015 (3.3%)
as the presence of perceived similarities tripled from 2013. By 2017, the
bond-based attachment waned to 1.4% (x2 (8, N = 5506) = 61.65,
p = 0.00).
Google’s followers displayed a slightly higher bong-based attachment
(1.5%) than Microsoft’s [1.2%, x2 (4, N = 5506) = 501.99, p = 0.00]. In
2013 the users’ identification with the companies studied was at its high-
est (7.2%) and decreased to 4.5% by 2017 (x2 (12, N = 8682) = 90.55,
p = 0.00). Overall, the majority of the users took a neutral stance vis-à-vis
both Google (78.5%) and Microsoft (72.8%), yet a negative attitude
towards the companies (11.2% for Google; 12.4% for Microsoft) prevailed
over the display of high corporate identification (4.9% for Google; 5.6%
for Microsoft).
Despite the low identification with the companies’ overall business
strategies, products, and services, online users overwhelmingly agreed to
their approaches to diversity (x2 (6, N = 8682) = 218.21, p = 0.00) and the
programs developed by Google (45.3%) and Microsoft (46%).
Disagreement occurred to a significantly less degree and was higher in the
case of Google (17.1%) than Microsoft (7.5%). The highest agreement to
diversity programs emerged in 2014 (57.4%), and could be explained by
the companies’ more extensive focus given the societal discourse at that
time. However, by 2017, agreement to diversity decreased to 37.8%. It
behooves companies to identify the reasons behind the increasing dis-
agreement to corporate diversity approaches and programs, namely from
6.1% in 2013 to 16.7% in 2017. For this purpose, triggering dialogue
around the topic becomes even more paramount since conversations have
the potential to bring to light why negative perceptions emerge and
whether diversity initiatives can be developed to have a higher impact on
the society. When taken individually, users displayed a prevalent agreement
to the initiatives developed by both Microsoft (46%) and Google (45.3%),
followed by a neutral stance that stakeholders took towards their programs
(36.9% for Microsoft and 32.2% for Google). However, in contrast to
Microsoft [7.5%, x2 (6, N = 8682) = 218.21, p = 0.00], Google received
significantly higher disagreement to its diversity approaches (17.1%).
Online interactivity surged from 2013 to 2017 (x2 (12,

N = 8682) = 496.53, p = 0.00), findings that are promising for the poten-
tially positive impact that dialogue on diversity can have on a societal level
as well as for corporations that can now engage with their stakeholders to
determine best approaches. Google’s followers made recurrent contribu-
tions in 11.2% of their online comments and in the case of Microsoft those
made up 10.7% of the overall user-generated content. If such recurrent
contributions continue to be on the rise, it is quite possible that they may
translate into offline settings in either face-to-face communication or
direct involvement in diversity programs.
The second stage of the quantitative analysis involved conducting mul-
tiple chi-square tests and goodness of fit tests in order to answer the four
research questions that the present book set out to answer. The results and
their implications are discussed next.
The first research question (RQ1) asked if there was a relationship
between a dialogic corporate communication style and the extent to which
users displayed bond-based attachment. The results of several chi-square
tests conducted for this purpose revealed no relationship between dialogic
communication and bond-based attachment across the tech industry.
Further, RQ2 aimed to determine if there was a relationship between
corporate communication style (one-way versus two-way) and the degree
to which users displayed identity-based attachment. The results showed
(x2 (6, N = 8682) = 8574.11, p = 0.00) that the companies’ use of a one-
way versus two-way communication style did not play a role in maintain-
ing the identity- based attachment that determines users to follow a
company online. This research question was developed taking into consid-
eration that one-way communication may fail to facilitate the transition
from identity-based to bond-based attachment, as users become more
familiar with topics discussed in the online community and are more
exposed to one another.
Further, the third research question (RQ3) aimed to ascertain if there
was a relationship between the bond-based attachment displayed in the
online community on the one hand and the users’ online interactivity as
well as their expressed intention to participate in diversity initiatives offline
on the other hand.
The results revealed a relationship between the extent to which users
interacted online and their agreement to diversity approaches that Google
and Microsoft were taking (x2 (9, N = 8682) = 192.68, p = 0.00).
Specifically, the more users communicated online around diversity the
more they agreed to the importance of specific projects and their goals.
These findings suggest the potential of bond-based attachment to create
an understanding of the importance of diversity initiatives and can be
explained by the fact that the internet facilitates such conversations
through the erasure of social markers, among which are gender, race, eth-
nicity, and so on (Matei & Bruno, 2015). While triggering discussion
around diversity offline can prove challenging as a result of the sensitivity
of the topic (De Jong, 2014) the possibilities are endless online given the
disappearance of social markers and the fact that divergent opinions are
unrestricted. The potential of bond-based attachment to contribute to
diversity was further bolstered by findings that showed the fact that the
more users engaged in discussion threads that involved storytelling the
more likely they were to agree to diversity programs (x2 (6,
N = 8682) = 337.46, p = 0.00). Indeed, the discussion of personal experi-
ences that related to diversity seemed to have created a bridging effect that
led to more agreement for users who participated in these online conversa-
tions (n=85.1%) than those who did not (43.3%). In a similar vein, the
results found a direct relationship between users whose communication
denoted perceived similarities (55%) and their agreement to diversity
approaches (x2 (6, N = 8682) = 24.42, p = 0.00). Specifically, the more
social media interactions connoted that users related to one another and
therefore a bridging effect had ensued, the more likely they were to express
agreement to diversity initiatives. It is worth mentioning that the number
of user comments that did not denote perceived similarities, yet revealed
agreement to the company’s approaches, was high (45.5%), and therefore,
future studies are needed to identify additional underlying factors that
may determine agreement independent of a bridging effect.
Finally, the study revealed that users who engaged in storytelling were
more likely to express their intention to participate in diversity programs
offline (12.3%) than users who did not contribute to discussion threads
that revolved around storytelling [1.6%, x2 (4, N = 8682) = 8681.11,
p = 0.00]. To conclude, the study found a relationship between several
variables tested for bond-based attachment and the users’ agreement to
diversity projects as well as their expressed intention to contribute offline.
While not directly related to RQ3, the tests also showed a relationship
between storytelling and message valence (x2 (6, N = 8682) = 300.70,
p = 0.00), as a positive sentiment was more prevalent online (79.8%) when
discussion threads involved storytelling than when they were devoid of
it (41.5%).
Finally, the last research question (RQ4) set out to determine whether
there was a relationship between the users’ display of corporate identifica-
tion on the one hand and agreement with diversity programs and inten-
tion to contribute to diversity initiatives offline on the other hand. This
question represented a pertinent inquiry given the fact that corporate
identification may transform stakeholder groups into active participants in
a company’s programs that have been developed from a CSR perspective
(Hur, Kim, & Kim, 2018). The study found a direct relationship between
corporate identification and agreement to diversity programs (x2 (9,
N = 8682) = 9020.93, p = 0.00). More precisely, the higher the presence
of corporate identification the more agreement to the diversity approaches
that the companies were taking. Communication that displayed high cor-
porate identification and agreement (65%) emerged to a greater extent
than messages that expressed a negative sentiment towards the company’s
values, products, services, and/or business practices yet agreed to their
diversity programs (13.7%). These results highlight the paramount role of
corporate identification in diversity engagement and are buttressed by
additional findings that revealed the direct impact of identification with a
company on intention to contribute to the cause of diversity offline (x2 (6,
N = 8682) = 95.17, p = 0.00). Specifically, the more users identified with
a company, the more likely they were to express their intention to partici-
pate in diversity initiatives offline (8%). By contrast, users who displayed
disagreement with the companies studied expressed this intention in less
than 1% (0.7%) of the overall diversity communication.
Qualitative Results
The thematic analyses performed on the users’ communication revealed
recurrent themes that were similar for both Google and Microsoft.
Specifically, the users of both companies predominantly agreed to the
importance of diversity initiatives and to the projects developed by the two
companies. For both companies, the users’ comments denoted that effec-
tive diversity initiatives do not emerge in a vacuum, but rather in the con-
text of organizational legitimacy. Interestingly, while user comments
across the industry fell under the umbrella of organizational legitimacy,
Google’s and Microsoft’s followers referred to discrete factors that com-
prise organizational legitimacy, as defined by Epstein (1972) in early
research on the concept, namely usefulness and responsibility. The former
emerged in the case of Microsoft, as users argued that the company should
focus on the quality of its products, as ethical business constituted the first
step towards respecting consumers in general and diverse ones in particu-
lar. By contrast, Google’s users discussed diversity in the context of the
company’s responsibility to make significant contributions to the commu-
nities in which it operates, contributions that would ultimately best serve
the cause of diversity. In addition, the socially responsible approach to
diversity entailed comments that connoted the need for diversity programs
to engender a unifying effect and build bridges across communities.
Finally, online users viewed a socially responsible approach as revolving
around consistency, namely diversity programs that revolve around a spe-
cific cause should be implemented globally regardless of the cultural and
economic systems that are less supportive of such initiatives.
Implications
The implications of this study are summed up in Fig. 9.1.
The proposed model revolves around organizational legitimacy, a con-
cept that emerged in the users’ comments to a large degree. The business
and communication literature describe the term by referring to a compa-
ny’s institutional legitimation, as companies demonstrate they represent
legitimate enterprises, and actional legitimation, which arises when firms
aim to prove that certain actions and policies are rightful (Boyd, 2000;
Lock & Schulz-Knappe, 2019; Ng, 2018). Consequently, for the purpose
of diversity initiatives and programs, the model refers to gaining/main-
taining actional legitimation.
The first phase implies the development of communication strategies
that demonstrate that a company’s diversity programs are conducted
within a framework of usefulness and that they make significant and con-
sistent contributions to the environments in which a company operates.
Consistency has an additional connotation and refers to the application of
diversity initiatives related to a certain cause in all or the majority of the
Usefulness of Relationship
development/management Outside stakeholders'
products/services
through storytelling; two- Identific
perceptions of
Responsibility (ethical ation;
way communication; trust organizational legitimacy
business; consistency;
increasing perceived and diversity
bridging approaches) similarities
Fig. 9.1 Organizational legitimacy through diversity communication

environments in which a company offers its services. Indeed, the legisla-

tion and culture specific to a certain country may impede the implementa-
tion of an approach to diversity at a global level. For this purpose, the
initiatives have to be tailored according to the local culture. In cases in
which legislation does not allow for a specific approach, companies should
communicate their stance clearly online and specify the impediments they
face. As revealed in the present study, users viewed companies that do not
engage in diversity globally as having double standards. Moreover, the
corporate contribution to the cause of diversity in countries that lack tradi-
tion and legislation that protects minorities and ethnic groups cannot be
overstated.
Further, user comments raised concerns about the fact that diversity
programs should have a unifying effect across communities. While corpo-
rate communication should continue to address societal inequalities, it
should additionally attempt to bridge differences through programs that
unify communities. Such initiatives have the potential to increase per-
ceived similarities and garner further support from both diverse and non-
diverse groups. The analysis found that users who displayed perceived
similarities were more likely to agree to the importance of diversity initia-
tives and their goals. An example that emerged in the analysis concerned
the development of educational programs for girls, as multiple users
argued for the education of all children.
With time, communicating diversity around usefulness and responsibil-
ity can shape and/or maintain relationships with outside stakeholder
groups, among which are consumers, journalists, activist groups, and gov-
ernments. As evident in the present study, relationships can be maintained
by communicating diversity so as to trigger increased storytelling among
online users, with the help of two-way communication, and by highlight-
ing commonalities. Moreover, the results revealed that the need for con-
sistency in the application of diversity initiatives globally could be addressed
by increasing the company’s communication of international projects,
whose presence was consistently low during the five years of analysis. As
mentioned in the earliest stages of the chapter, global initiatives could
spark identification with a specific company, which occurs as a conse-
quence of the high level of activism extant among American consumers. In
turn, the study found that identification was a paramount factor in the
users’ agreement to diversity approaches as well as their expressed inten-
tion to participate in programs offline. Yet, corporate identification
decreased from 7.2% in 2013 to 4.5% four years later.
Engendering storytelling among online users constitutes an aspect of

online communication and has proven paramount in triggering a positive
valence in the users’ posts as well as their agreement to a company’s diver-
sity initiatives. Positive valence in the two online communities studied
decreased from 58.3% in 2014 to 34.5% in 2017. Further, the users’
agreement to diversity initiatives waned from 57.4% in 2014 to 37.8% in
2017, rendering storytelling paramount. Above all, storytelling leads to
the formation of closer bonds among users and can trigger a bridging
effect that is beneficial at a societal level while contributing to a company’s
maintenance of actional legitimacy.
While the aforementioned strategies are likely to maintain or gain orga-
nizational legitimacy, it is important to note that legitimacy is contingent
upon the stakeholders’ perceptions. Perceptions are fluctuant, and there-
fore, a company’s legitimacy is never static (Deephouse et al., 2017), but
rather influenced by new occurrences in the macrosystem and events that
must trigger a different corporate reaction and approach. Furthermore,
stakeholders themselves may undergo changes in beliefs and values.
Therefore, companies can use their brand communities to constantly
assess the extent to which they have maintained their legitimacy with
regard to diversity. While previous studies focused on ascertaining organi-
zational legitimacy by the assessment of traditional media coverage,
through a focus on accreditation bodies, or by the use of questionnaires,
recently the debate has switched towards ascertaining legitimacy via social
media (Etter et al., 2018). For example, Etter et al. (2018) recommended
the use of a sentiment analysis and, in addition, the author would argue for
a thematic analysis. The latter can provide further insight into what factors
determine the positive and negative sentiment towards diversity programs.
Such results may prove crucial for a company’s adaptation to the new
expectations of its stakeholders. The present analysis revealed that diversity
communication engendered a predominantly positive sentiment, an indi-
cation of a solid organizational legitimacy that stems from the communi-
cation of diversity. Finally, maintaining organizational legitimacy vis-à-vis
diversity represents a crucible for success, given the constant challenges
that the tech industry is facing, the most important of which represents
talent acquisition (Business Wire, 2019). In this respect, past studies
showed that a positive reputation of diversity engagement enables compa-
nies to recruit from the global talent pool (Knights & Omanović, 2016;
Trittin & Schoeneborn, 2017).
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PART III

Consumer Goods Industry
CHAPTER 10
Online Corporate Diversity at Johnson &

Johnson
Introduction
“We are responsible for the communities in which we live and work and to
the world community as well.” These words, written in the company’s
credo by Robert Wood Johnson in 1943 (Bernstein, 2019), have been
undergirding Johnson & Johnson’s (J&J) diversity efforts and have culmi-
nated in external recognition for building a culture of inclusion that fos-
ters increased innovation while placing the employees’ needs at the
forefront of diversity initiatives. For example, the company has been listed
as a top 100 workplace for working mothers for 32 consecutive years, and
a top American corporation for women business entrepreneurs. In addi-
tion, it was recognized as one of the best employers for the LGBTQ+
community as well as for Latinos and employees with special needs
(Johnson & Johnson, 2019). From an academic perspective, there is no
better illustration to Robert Wood Johnson’s vision than the decades of
research and teaching that J&J’s 1982 Tylenol crisis generated. Educators
and researchers used the company’s scandal to showcase that ethical crisis
management and a genuine concern for the well-being of consumers can
transform corporate crises into opportunities of renewal (Fearn-Banks,
2016; Jones, Jones, & Little, 2000; Snyder, 1983). However, by 2019 the
company had been facing 14,000 claims that its talc powder was linked to
ovarian cancer. J&J lost a $29 million lawsuit in California, won one in
New Jersey, and settled three others out of court (Bloomberg, 2019). As
of May 2019, the company’s responsibility in this matter has not been

clarified. Simultaneously, J&J has been facing the first major opioid trial in
the US, as Oklahoma state lawyers argued that until 2016 two of the com-
pany’s subsidiaries provided the predominant ingredients for the US opi-
oid supply and failed to take any measures as the opioid crisis took
proportions (Bernstein, 2019). Specifically, the number of deaths caused
by opioids increased by 113% from 2013 to 2016 (Bebinger, 2019).
These are the circumstances in which the company currently imple-
ments and communicates about its diversity initiatives in the US and
abroad. Will these lawsuits exonerate Johnson & Johnson? Will the com-
pany have to take corrective action and reestablish consumer trust? Can it
still keep Robert Wood Johnson’s promise? By conducting an analysis of
the company’s diversity communication and its followers’ perceptions
thereof, the present chapter can shed light on the solidity of J&J’s reputa-
tion which may enable the company to regain consumer trust, should it be
found accountable.
This chapter discusses the findings of the qualitative and quantitative
research studies that were conducted to analyze the company’s Twitter
community over a period of five years (January 1, 2013–December 31,
2017). In accordance with the research methodology applied throughout
the book, the company’s diversity-related posts were collected from
Twitter over the aforementioned period. The sample comprised
n = 400 units of analysis. The data collection also involved the users’ com-
ments that ensued from the company’s diversity posts. User comments
that were not in English and spam comments were removed, leaving a
total of n = 186 user tweets. Consequently, the final sample of analysis
constituted N = 586. For the purpose of interrated reliability, every fifth
post was selected from the company’s and the users’ communication, rep-
resenting 20% of each data set. Hence, 80 J&J tweets and 37 posts made
by online users were assigned to a second coder who had been previously
trained in the coding procedures. Interrated reliability was calculated
using Cohen’s kappa. The two coders reached agreement at k = 0.89 for
the users’ posts and k = 0.85 for the company’s tweets.
The current chapter sets off to discuss the results of the quantitative
analyses (frequency tests and chi-square tests) performed on Johnson and
Johnson’s online community. Next, the chapter details the results and
implications of a qualitative (thematic) analysis performed on the users’
comments, which aimed to complement the quantitative findings. The
chapter ends by discussing the implications of the results and by drawing
final conclusions.
10 ONLINE CORPORATE DIVERSITY AT JOHNSON & JOHNSON 159
The results of a frequency analysis performed on the company’s diversity
communication revealed that over 20% of J&J’s diversity communication
triggered online interaction (20.2%, n = 87). The company communicated
predominantly around its programs in the US (64.8%, n = 259), yet in
contrast to the corporations analyzed in the previous chapters, J&J dis-
cussed about its initiatives abroad to a larger degree (34.5%, n = 138). The
company focused primarily on its external projects (71%, n = 284), among
which is its support for the Women Deliver Global Conference, an event
that advocates for the rights and health of women and one that the com-
pany had been sponsoring since 2010 (Johnson & Johnson, 2016). An
additional example constitutes the Global Moms Relay initiatives, a digital
campaign meant to improve the health of women and children worldwide
(Lennox & Besser, 2017). Supported by celebrities and community lead-
ers, the campaign revolved around online interactivity and raised $500,000
with the help of J&J, which donated 1$ for every post or retweet (Global
Moms Relay, 2018). The online interactivity that formed the nexus of the
campaign ensured its long-term impact through the awareness it
engendered.
By contrast, internal diversity programs emerged to a lesser extent
(29%, n = 116) and revolved around supplier diversity, mentoring employ-
ees, providing benefits, and investing in the integration of diversity in col-
laborative projects, all of which had received significant external
recognition. For example, during the period of analysis Reuters’ Diversity
& Inclusion (D&I) Index listed J&J as the fourth most diversity-focused
corporations from a top 100 list (Butt, 2016). Moreover, the company
succeeded in taking a cultural-specific approach to internal diversity by
fostering employee conferences in the US and Europe that enabled a
deeper understanding and appreciation of mutual perceptions and per-
spectives. In 2015 around 100 J&J employees argued that the conference
was an invaluable experience (Aperian Global, 2015). Indeed, the afore-
mentioned findings, according to which almost 35% of the company’s
communication was dedicated to global efforts, represent an illustration of
the importance that the company is placing on understanding cultural
diversity, currently a sine qua non for business success (Alon et al., 2018).
J&J’s focus on understanding perceptions of diversity was also reflected
on the high degree to which the company engaged in two-way online
communication (21.8%, n = 87). While one-way communication prevailed
(78.3%, n = 313), dialogic efforts had a higher presence than in the case
of the companies analyzed in the preceding chapters. Additional dialogic
dimensions had a high presence and more than half of the company’s posts
implied its commitment to the cause of diversity (52%, n = 208). The
company’s attempt to understand the perspectives of diverse groups with
respect to societal issues emerged to a greater extent than in the case of the
companies studied thus far (10%, n = 40). Moreover, communication that
denoted the company’s pursuit of the minorities’ best interests (31%,
n = 124) was also found to have a high presence. Similarly, the analysis
found that empathy toward diverse causes (93%, n = 23.3) and commit-
ment to collaborations with outside stakeholder groups for the develop-
ment of impactful programs (41%, n = 164) emerged to a high extent. It
is worth mentioning that the company’s outside stakeholder collaboration
revolved predominantly around nonprofits. While it can be argued that
nonprofits best represent the causes espoused by diverse groups, engaging
online users in developing such programs may boost their self-efficacy,
trigger higher bond-based attachment, and transform them into active
participants in offline settings. Successful corporations like J&J afford
dedicating tremendous amounts of resources to foster inclusion and it can
therefore be assumed that the nonprofits they support undergo rigorous
vetting. Yet, past studies raised doubts about the extent to which non-
profit organizations represent means to promote political agendas or, in
some cases, divert donations toward their employees as opposed to the
stakeholders they aim to support (Ralston, 2016). It can be implied that
users may display skepticism vis-à-vis certain nonprofits based on their
prior reputation.
However, the company not only communicated about its collabora-
tions with nonprofits, but also engaged its online followers in direct par-
ticipation in several initiatives, such as the one previously mentioned. It is
important to note that this participation represented a response to pro-
grams that the company had already developed in collaboration with non-
profits. The pursuit of such causes is undoubtedly laudable, yet it behooves
the researcher to draw attention to the fact that programs that are devel-
oped with the help of online users may serve not only a specific commu-
nity, but the company itself. Specifically, users may develop a higher
identification with the company as a result of their inclusion in the decision
making process. It is likely that online users who represent minority and
ethnic communities will partake in the development of such programs.
Such initiatives would emerge out of their experiences and perspectives. In
other words, diversity would trigger diversity, a concept I would like to

refer to as “metadiversity.” Metadiversity derives from the stakeholders’
social construction of diversity. Through their online interactions and
communicative practices, stakeholders define diversity, its significance, as
well as elaborate on what projects are needed. To ascertain metadiversity,
companies should regularly scan their online conversations for recurrent
topics and issues that emerge online. Indubitably, the presence of metadi-
versity is impacted by the enactment of corporate dialogic communica-
tion. The more companies communicate to trigger dialogue, the higher
the users’ interaction around diversity and, consequently, the higher the
presence of metadiversity.
Conversely, the analysis found a lower presence of several variables that
denoted dialogic communication. For example, the company asked for
feedback and suggestions on present and future diversity approaches in 4%
of its overall diversity communication (n = 16). It is important to note that
while the presence of this variable was low in comparison to other dimen-
sions enacted by J&J, it emerged to a larger degree than what the previous
chapters determined for companies in the financial and the tech sectors.
Analogously, posts that encouraged storytelling emerged to a low degree
(2.5%, n = 10). The analysis of the users’ comments, which will be detailed
in the next paragraphs, will shed light on the impact of the low presence
of this variable on fostering bond-based attachment. Further, the com-
pany engaged in less effort to trigger a bridging effect online by stressing
commonalities to a low extent (1%, n = 4). However, its focus on com-
municating equality emerged in almost 15% of its diversity communica-
tion (14.5%, n = 58).
The next stage of the study implied testing for differences in J&J’s
diversity communication across the five years of analysis. Several chi-square
tests were conducted for this purpose. The results revealed that the com-
pany’s diversity communication engendered the highest interactivity in
2016, when 30.2% of its posts triggered user responses. By 2017, the
online interaction decreased to 28.4% (x2 (8, N = 400) = 16.1, p < 0.05).
This period coincides with the intensity with which the media covered
social justice issues. In turn, the media’s agenda transfers to the public in
terms of the issues covered as well as how the issues are framed (McCombs,
2018). Consequently, it is possible that the intensity with which the media
covered racial relationships over time reflected on the extent to which
online users communicated about diversity.
As for diversity programs developed in the US, their presence reached

an apex in 2015 (84.5%), the year when social justice become a primary
societal focus, and decreased to 70% by 2017. The company’s communi-
cation of diversity abroad waned significantly over the five years studied (x2
(8, N = 400) = 40.31, p = 0.00). It plummeted to 28.4% in 2017 from
59% in 2014. Similarly, J&J’s two-way communication reached its peak in
2014 (71.8%) and decreased to 16.2% in 2017 (x2 (4, N = 400) = 32.93,
p = 0.00). Conversely, the dialogic dimension of commitment to diversity
increased in presence from 46.6% in 2013 to 74.3% in 2017 (x2 (8,
N = 400) = 39.21, p = 0.00). Additional dialogic dimensions had a decreas-
ing presence over time. For example, the company communicated its pur-
suit of minorities’ best interest to a large degree in 2014 (51.3%) and
2015 (51.3%). By 2017, online communication that reflected the best
interests of minority groups decreased to 29.7% (x2 (8, N = 400) = 20.36,
p = 0.00). Similar results were found with respect to corporate communi-
cation that revolved around empathy (x2 (4, N = 400) = 25.53, p = 0.00).
It increased from 14.7% in 2013 to 51.3% during the following year and
waned to 23.3% in 2017. The company employed two-way communica-
tion the most in 2014 (15.4%) when it directly encouraged its followers to
share their experiences with diversity. By 2017, the presence of two-way
communication decreased to 2.7% (x2 (4, N = 400) = 15.39, p = 0.00).
Further, in 2017 J&J emphasized its collaborations with outside stake-
holder groups in almost a third of its posts (28.4%), which represented a
28.7% decrease since 2013 [57.1%, (x2 (4, N = 400) = 36.33, p = 0.00)].
Analogously, corporate communication that revolved around the compa-
ny’s focus on engendering equality decreased to 6.8% in 2017 and four
years prior it represented more than a quarter of the company’s posts
[32.5%, (x2 (4, N = 400) = 36.33, p = 0.00)].
The study found no statistical significance for the company’s enactment
of several dialogic dimensions, among which is its emphasis on individual
commonalities over time as well as communication practices meant to
engage minority and ethnic groups to share their feedback and sugges-
tions for extant or future diversity initiatives. Finally, no statistical signifi-
cance was found with respect to the J&J’s communication of internal
versus external diversity programs over the five-year period of analysis.
The company’s diversity communication was effective insofar as the
results of a frequency analysis performed on the users’ interactions revealed
that 66.1% of the comments mentioned or implied agreement to diversity
initiatives and programs over the five-year period of analysis. The results of
a chi-square tests showed that agreement to J&J’s approach was the high-
est in 2013 (84.2%) and decreased constantly until the company reached
an agreement of 28.3% in 2017 (x2 (8, N = 186) = 44.53, p = 0.00). The
results appear to somewhat mirror the company’s focus on US-based
diversity which consisted of 85% of its overall diversity communication in
2015 and constantly decreased over the next two years (x2 (8,
N = 400) = 40.31, p = 0.00). By contrast, the company’s global diversity
communication waned from 2014 (59%) to 2015 (15.5%), yet surged
constantly over the next two years. In 2017 it represented 28.4% of the
company’s online diversity communication. These discrepancies are
important given the fact that the majority of users’ comments stemmed
primarily from US-based consumers (98.9%). These findings imply that
the company should monitor the online communication that its diversity
posts ensue in order to adapt its communicative strategies and appeal to its
followers.
Further, the analysis found the presence of several variables that denoted
bond-based attachment in J&J’s brand community. Specifically, the users’
interactions implied a reduced social distance through the perceptions of
similarities between them and other groups (4.8%), recurrent user com-
ments were pervasive (82.8%), and storytelling emerged in over 10% of
their interactions (10.2%). The presence of the last two variables indicates
potential for continued fostering of bond-based attachment as users
become exposed to others’ experiences and perspectives as these relate to
diversity. Most importantly, 6.5% of the comments reflected the users’
intention to contribute to diversity initiatives offline, a higher presence
than generally found in the case of the companies analyzed in the
present book.
Finally, 15.6% of the users displayed a high identification with the com-
pany, 12.9% disagreed to its business practices and/or usefulness of its
products while the majority of the users exhibited a neutral stance vis-à-vis
the company. The role played by corporate identification in diversity com-
munication will be detailed under the next sections, which tackle the
results of several chi-square tests conducted to answer the four research
questions developed for this study.
The first research question (RQ1) investigated relationships between
the company’s dialogic communication and the users’ display of bond-
based attachment. The chi-square tests performed for this purpose found
several relationships between variables illustrative of corporate dialogic
communication and the users’ display of bond-based attachment. The
company’s communication style (two-way versus one-way) did not lead to

a surge in the users’ displayed perceptions of similarities (x2 (2,
N = 586) = 19.66, p = 0.00). In addition, the study found that the com-
pany’s emphasis on its collaboration with outside stakeholders did not
influence communication that denoted reduced distance among online
users (x2 (1, N = 586) = 3.55, p < 0.05). The latter findings may be
explained by the fact that the company’s communication of its collabora-
tive projects primarily involved nonprofits, as opposed to consumers and/
or activist groups. It is possible that enabling more extensive feedback and
suggestions from online users might have increased their sense of self-
efficacy and, as a result, their online interactions may have engendered
closer bonds.
The users’ display of perceived similarities and reduced social distance
was however influenced by the degree to which their online communica-
tion revolved around sharing about their experience with diversity and
inclusion. Specifically, the more online users engaged in storytelling, the
higher their display of perceived similarities and reduced social distance (x2
(1, N = 586) = 272.77, p = 0.00).
The results revealed a direct relationship between the users’ interactiv-
ity and the company’s communication style (two-way versus one-way).
The more corporate communication revolved around two-way communi-
cation, the higher the users’ interactivity (22%). By contrast, users inter-
acted around one-way corporate communication to a lesser degree [20.7%,
(x2 (4, N = 586) = 48.66, p = 0.00)]. While the discrepancy in interactions
represented solely 1.3%, it was significant and showcases the potential of
two-way communication to engage stakeholder groups in dialogue around
diversity. Increased online interaction leads to a surge of exposure to diver-
sity communication that has the potential to lead to the creation of bond-
based attachment.
An additional dimension of dialogic communication, namely the com-
pany’s commitment to dialogue and diversity, emerged to positively influ-
ence the extent to which users engaged in interactivity (x2 (4,
N = 586) = 12.22, p < 0.05). The findings showed that the more J&J
communicated its commitment to diversity, the higher online interactiv-
ity it engendered (21.2%). The potential of dialogic communication to
lead to increased interactivity was further bolstered by the company’s
engagement of diverse groups in online communication. Specifically, the
more the company asked or implied that it aimed to obtain feedback
and/or suggestions from minority and ethnic groups, the higher the
online interactions among the members of its online community. Online

interactivity was 18.9% higher as a result of such posts (x2 (2,
N = 586) = 10.63, p = 0.00). These findings imply once again that increas-
ing the users’ self-efficacy and making a genuine effort to address societal
concerns raised by diverse groups trigger a surge in the users’ interest for
the topic and play a role in their online contributions. As expected, users
were more likely to contribute recurrent content in discussion threads
that stemmed from company’s direct request for feedback and sugges-
tions (37.5%) than when the company’s diversity communication was
solely informative [14.2%, (x2 (2, N = 586) = 6.69, p < 0.05)]. It can be
argued that two-way communication renders corporate diversity pro-
grams other-centered and, therefore, socially responsible. By contrast,
programs that revolve primarily around corporate needs may be perceived
as disingenuous and motivated by a sole focus on the bottom line, an
approached critiqued in the literature for its buttress of corporate clout
and encroachment on a domain reserved for legislative bodies (Alcázar,
Fernández, & Gardey, 2013; Greene & Kirton, 2015; Wondrak & Segert,
2015; Wrench, 2005).
While dialogic communication is effective in triggering higher interac-
tivity, its long-term impact on online users’ interaction should be investi-
gated in future studies. For example, past research in public relations
distinguished between a genuine use of two-way communication (two-
way symmetrical communication) and faux dialogue (two-way asymmet-
rical communication) that corporations enact for various purposes
(Grunig & White, 2013). In the case of two-way asymmetrical commu-
nication, companies may initiate dialogue around diversity but would fail
to follow up on the recommendations and suggestions received from
online users. Therefore, future longitudinal studies should investigate the
effect of two-way communication on online interactivity over a longer
period of time.
Further, the findings of the present study revealed that user interactivity
was influenced by the degree to which the company communicated about
diversity in ways that reflected its empathy toward causes espoused by
minority and ethnic groups (x2 (2, N = 586) = 14.09, p = 0.00). The study
found higher online interactivity among users in response to corporate
communication that was empathetic (24.7%) than in users’ interactions
that stemmed from diversity messages devoid of it (13%). In addition, the
users’ recurrent contributions were higher in discussion threads that
entailed storytelling (36.8%) than in a context devoid of personal sharing
[4.4%, (x2 (2, N = 586) = 58.98, p = 0.00)]. These findings imply that

storytelling facilitates increased interactivity by decreasing the distance
among online users as a result of the sharing of personal information.
The second research question, RQ2, investigated if there was a rela-
tionship between the company’s communication style (one-way versus
two-way) and the users’ display of identity-based attachment. Drawn from
past research on identity- and bond-based attachment (Chung, Nam, &
Koo, 2016; Lee, Yang, & Koo, 2019) the question aimed to investigate
whether the communication style of a company maintains the initial
identity-based attachment that triggers users to initially follow a brand
community and, therefore, may impede or facilitate the development of
bonds among online users. The results revealed that corporate communi-
cation style did not increase the display of identity-based attachment (x2
(6, N = 586) = 586.00, p = 0.00).
The third research question (RQ3) aimed to assess relationships between
the users’ display of bond-based attachment and the extent to which they
interacted online as well as expressed their intentions to take part in diver-
sity initiatives offline. The analysis found that the company’s communica-
tion style (one-way versus two-way communication) did not lead to an
increase in user interactivity (x2 (4, N = 586) = 586.00, p = 0.00).
Similarly, dialogic communication did not positively impact online inter-
activity through variables such as corporate commitment to diversity (x2
(4, N = 586) = 48.15, p = 0.00), an emphasis on pursuing the minorities’
best interests (x2 (4, N = 586) = 48.15, p = 0.00), and the company’s direct
questions that asked diverse groups for feedback and suggestions (x2 (2,
N = 586) = 19.96, p = 0.00). Further, the study found that the company’s
communication of empathy (x2 (2, N = 586) = 51.40, p = 0.00), collabo-
ration with nonprofits (x2 (2, N = 586) = 105.9, p = 0.00), and equality
(x2 (4, N = 586) = 29.93, p = 0.00) did not influence the extent to
which users interacted around diversity.
Additionally, the study showed that the company’s communication
style (two-way versus one-way) did not increase the users’ expressed inten-
tion to participate in diversity initiatives offline (x2 (2, N = 586) = 26.35,
p = 0.00). Similarly, the users’ alleged involvement was not influenced by
the extent to which J&J discussed its commitment to diversity (x2 (2,
N = 586) = 6.79, p < 0.05), a possible consequence of the fact that the
users’ identification with the company emerged in less than 13% of the
online posts (12.9%, n = 24). It is likely that higher corporate identifica-
tion would have led to increased intention to contribute to diversity
offline, as users would have perceived a higher convergence of their per-

sonal values and the values espoused by the company. Finally, the results
revealed that the company’s emphasis on collaborative diversity pro-
grams did not influence offline involvement (x2 (1, N = 586) = 4.76,
p < 0.05).
The last research question, RQ4, investigated if there was a relation-
ship between the users’ display of identity-based attachment and their
agreement to the company’s diversity approaches and initiatives. The
results revealed that users who displayed a high identity-based attach-
ment were more likely to agree to the company’s diversity initiatives
(72.4%) than disagree or take a neutral stance toward them [27.6%, (x2
(9, N = 586) = 759.82, p = 0.00)]. These findings highlight the role that
organizational identification plays in the users’ perceptions of diversity
programs. In other words the users’ identification with the company
represents the framework that determines the positive, neutral, or nega-
tive perception of the company’s diversity initiatives. For example, the
analysis found that users who displayed low corporate identification
were more likely to express a negative view of the company’s diversity
programs (12.5%) than those who took a neutral stance vis-à-vis the
company (3.8%). It is important to note that users whose online com-
munication denoted low corporate identification took primarily a neu-
tral stance toward diversity initiatives (87.5%) rather than negative ones
(12.5%). These findings highlight the potential of organizational identi-
fication to transform latent consumers of content into active participants
in societal causes online and offline. This potential was further bolstered
by results that revealed that, despite a neutral stance toward the com-
pany, 8.3% of the users intended to participate in diversity initiatives
offline (x2 (3, N = 586) = 34.82, p = 0.00). By contrast, users whose
communication revealed low identification with J&J did not express
intention to make such contributions. Surprisingly, the number of
user comments that displayed high corporate identification and com-
municated intentions to contribute offline (3.4%) was substantially
lower than those that denoted a neutral stance toward the company
(8.3%). These results reveal the importance that the cause of diversity
has gained on a societal level as offline participation transcends the
boundaries of identity-based attachment.
The thematic analysis conducted to assess the users’ online communica-
tion revealed the emergence of two major themes and one subtheme. The
first theme revolved around the positive reception of the company’s diver-
sity initiatives, as the company’s followers argued that these addressed
paramount and global issues, such as donations to programs that ranged
from supporting veterans to providing assistance to children of refugees.
This theme subsumed comments that revealed high organizational identi-
fication through the display of closeness to the company, or what the lit-
erature refers to as parasocial relationships (Men & Tsai, 2015). These
comments were classified as a subtheme. Users expressed agreement to
J&J’s approaches to diversity while addressing the company with grati-
tude that denoted a convergence of their own values and the perceived
values of the corporation. Past research pointed to the stakeholders’ close-
ness to a company that, while indicative of a one-way relationship (Kim &
Kim, 2018), feeds off interactions with a firm in offline (shopping) and
online settings (social media interaction), transcending affinity to foster
identification.
The second most employed theme represented comments that made
reference to the company’s credibility with regard to the implementation
of diversity projects, as users predominantly broached J&J’s baby powder
crisis. With regard to the company’s global focus several comments
entailed skepticism about whether the company was paying taxes abroad
or if it focused on the promotion of its diversity initiatives instead.
Such comments rendered diversity communication promotional, as
found for every company analyzed in this book thus far. They denote the
importance of a positive overall reputation that provides a framework for
the reception of diversity programs. As a consequence of the low presence
of such comments, the analysis found no subthemes.
Finally, the least employed theme was that of unifying programs and
several users contended that corporate initiatives should be dedicated to
helping all the children, in contrast to being developed to assist solely
girls. Users made the preceding arguments especially in response to the
company’s communication of its efforts to help the girls of refugees. It is
important to note that this theme emerged in previous analyses as well, as
users discussed that such programs should be developed to reach to an
entire underprivileged community and independent of diversity. However,
a preliminary comparison of the present and previous findings sheds light
on one underlying issue, namely that when it comes to supporting chil-

dren, stakeholders expect the implementation of programs irrespective
of gender.
Implications
Overall, the results revealed that Johnson & Johnson had built a strong
foundation for its diversity program and communication. In contrast to
the companies analyzed in the previous chapter, J&J engages in dialogic
communication to a greater extent. In addition, it effectively balances
diversity programs in the US with global initiatives, therefore assuring its
followers that each of the environments in which it operates carries equal
weight and represents a priority. An important implication of this study
represents the impact of high corporate identification on perceptions of
and agreement to diversity, online interactivity, and intention to partici-
pate in diversity offline. It behooves the company to therefore investigate
additional ways to bolster corporate identification online and offline. One
suggestion concerns the enactment of metadiversity which, as previously
discussed, would enable the company to obtain feedback and suggestions
from diverse groups. Not only would the company address important
societal issues and contribute to the improvement of the communities in
which it operates, but it will also build a strong parasocial relationship with
its follower base as access to decision making may increase the latter’s self-
efficacy. Undoubtedly, metadiversity engagement should represent an
ongoing process, by which the company informs its online stakeholders on
what suggestions would be taken into account and the reasons why others
would have to be rejected. The company should also apprise its followers
of the stages in the programs’ implementation. Without following up on
such conversations, the company’s efforts may be perceived as faux dia-
logue and therefore trigger less online engagement by decreasing the
users’ self-efficacy. To sum, the company should perhaps consider strength-
ening its collaboration with outside stakeholder groups, to go beyond
nonprofits and involve its very consumer base, the bulk of which can be
found online.
To date, the company enjoys a solid reputation with regard to diversity
and inclusion. Pending the results of the investigations that are under way
it is contingent upon the company to address the forthcoming results in a
way that would enable the continuance of the strong and close stakeholder
relationships that this chapter has shed light on.
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CHAPTER 11
Online Corporate Diversity at Altria Group
Introduction
The present chapter analyzes online diversity communication at Altria
Group. As a result of the company’s profile, which revolves primarily
around the production and distribution of (smokeless) tobacco products
(Reuters, 2019), the chapter will present the results of the analysis in light
of the continued critique that the company is facing as a result of its busi-
ness profile. Specifically, Altria’s diversity approach and diversity commu-
nication emerge in the backdrop of the detrimental products it sells and
are judged with skepticism given the industry’s past lobbying and science
refutation which occurred in the 1960s (Brandt, 2012). The powerful
image of Wayne McLaren dying of lung cancer, juxtaposed with his world-
renowned cowboy ad (Keck, 2009), perhaps best illustrates the transition
in consumer perceptions that the tobacco industry has faced over the
past 50 years.
Today companies like Altria maintain their organizational legitimacy by
investing in communities and corporate social responsibility (CSR) pro-
grams and by committing to their employees’ professional development
and well-being in the workplace. As a consequence of being unable to
claim that their products contribute to the society, tobacco companies aim
to operate while concentrating on addressing societal issues and building
an employee base that helps them to directly participate in the communi-
ties in which they operate (Altria, 2019b). For example, a recent study
showed that multinational tobacco companies communicated their CSR

efforts extensively on their official websites and focus particularly on global

initiatives in an effort to prove that; despite the detrimental products they
sell, they foster farming, which leads to significant contributions to devel-
oping economies (McDaniel, Cadman, & Malone, 2016).
In accordance with the methodology used throughout the book the
company’s tweets as well as the ensuing comments were collected over a
period of five years, namely from January 1, 2013, to December 31, 2017.
The final sample of analysis consisted of N = 50 units of analysis, out of
which n = 32 represented Altria’s tweets and n = 18, constituted the
users’ comments. The interrated reliability was reached at k = 0.96 on 20%
of the users’ comments (n = 4) and k = 0.93 on 20% for the company’s
posts (n = 7).
The results were derived by the enactment of mixed-methods of
research. The unexpected small sample size made it fruitless to pursue the
four research questions asked in previous chapters. However, the analysis
did manage to investigate dialogic diversity communication with the help
of several frequency analyses. To provide a deeper insight into Altria’s
online communication, thematic analyses were also performed on the
company’s diversity-centered posts and on the users’ responses. Despite
these attempts it behooves the author to caution the reader about the fact
that the small sample size may have impacted the results presented in the
next paragraphs. It is for this purpose that the present chapter should be
viewed as solely a first step toward the understanding of diversity initiatives
and online interactivity at Altria.
The next paragraphs will elaborate on the results of the quantitative and
qualitative analyses performed on the company’s diversity communica-
tion. Next, the chapter will focus on the analysis of online comments and
will conclude with a discussion of the implications of the results.
Analysis
A frequency analysis conducted on the company’s online communication
brought to light the prevalence of diversity programs implemented in the
US (96.9%, n = 31) over international initiatives (3.1%, n = 1). Moreover,
Altria predominantly discussed its internal approaches to diversity (71.9%,
n = 23) as opposed to its initiatives for communities in which it operates
(28.1%, n = 9). The extensive communication of internal diversity ensures
the visibility of the company’s pledge to commit to its employees.
However, striking a more effective balance between the communication of
11 ONLINE CORPORATE DIVERSITY AT ALTRIA GROUP 175
internal and external diversity programs may prove more effective in gar-
nering stakeholder support. A recent research study on the media cover-
age of the tobacco’s industry CSR programs revealed a predominantly
positive coverage (McDaniel, Lown, & Malone, 2018). Given the agenda-
setting effect (McCombs, 2018; McDaniel et al., 2018) it is likely that the
salience of the CSR projects that the media covers (the first level of agenda
setting) as well as the sentiment of the coverage (the second level of agenda
setting) will transfer to the readers.
Similar to the companies analyzed in the preceding chapters, Altria
enacted primarily a one-way communication style (87.5%, n = 28). The
company’s commitment to diversity and inclusion emerged to a large
degree, namely in more than a third of its overall diversity communication
(37.5%, n = 28). Analogously, the analysis revealed a high presence of
communication that mentioned or implied that the company was devel-
oping diversity programs that aimed to pursue the best interests of minor-
ity and ethnic groups (171.9%, n = 23). A multitude of these initiatives
were implemented in collaboration with outside stakeholder groups that
mainly represented nonprofits (37.5%, n = 12). These findings are consis-
tent with the results found in the case of the banking and the tech indus-
tries and illustrate that the company develops programs that are relevant
and current.
Further, the analysis found a low presence of attempts to generate con-
versations about diversity online that would, in turn, facilitate an under-
standing of what diverse groups consider societal issues of paramount
importance (3.1%, n = 1). The criticism that the company receives as a
result of its business profile may explain why it aimed to reduce diversity
communication to the sole transmission of information with little to no
feedback from online users. As the previous chapters showed, users tend
to place diversity in the context of business practices and ethics. Given the
profile of the company, one-way communication may constitute an effec-
tive stratagem to minimize public criticism. The fact that Altria’s online
communication denoted little focus on building bridges online further
corroborates its possible intention to keep online interactions to a mini-
mum. For example, the analysis found a low presence of communication
that revolved around empathy and equality (6.3%, n = 2), variables known
to increase online interactions among online users by bridging differences
and reducing perceived social distance. Finally, 28.1% (n = 9) of the com-
pany’s posts engendered online interactivity. Yet, given the small size of
the total sample, this result has to be viewed with caution.
To provide a deeper understanding of Altria’s online communication

and as a result of the small sample size, a thematic analysis was conducted
on the company’s diversity communication. It led to the emergence of
three main themes: the communication of award-winning diversity pro-
grams, the focus on internal diversity, and, finally, the development and
applications of programs that support US veterans. The company’s diver-
sity communication revolved predominantly around informing its follow-
ers on the external recognition it received for its diversity programs. For
example, in 2017 the company was listed as DiversityInc’s top 25 note-
worthy companies for the fifth consecutive year (Altria, 2019a). A year
before, Minority Business News recognized Altria as one of America’s
Most Admired Corporations for Supplier Diversity while Women’s
Business Enterprise National Council named the company a top enterprise
for supporting women entrepreneurship (Altria, 2019a).
The preceding recognition sheds lights on the company’s focus on
communication about diversity programs that revolve around strategic
stakeholder groups such as employees and suppliers, in contrast to com-
munity programs that companies generally develop for a specific environ-
ment in which they operate. This distinction can be explained by the fact
that the distrust the company is facing as a result of its lethal products
precludes a transformational approach to CSR that goes beyond business
interests to focus on the common good (Palazzo & Richter, 2005).
Hence, the company engages in what the literature calls transitional CSR,
as it provides transparency and adheres to the legislation imposed in a
specific context (Palazzo & Richter, 2005; Sheehy, 2015). This way it
reduces potential backlash from outside stakeholder groups that may
hold it accountable for the repercussions of its products as the company
attempts to engender significant changes on a large scale. Moreover, by
focusing predominantly on the recognition of its internal diversity pro-
grams, Altria delivers a message of a CSR-fit: it is a socially responsible
company insofar as it treats employees with respect and provides them
with equal opportunity to succeed. While the internal fit is unlikely to
compensate for the external business operations, it can possibly lead to a
more positive reputation (Aqueveque, Rodrigo, & Duran, 2018).
Consequently, it is not surprising that the second most employed theme
in Altria’s communication represented a focus on internal diversity as the
company stressed the fact that employees represented the nexus of its
operations, an allusion to policies, benefits, and an inclusive workplace
culture. This theme subsumed posts that made reference to the engagement
of employees in the workplace in general and in decision making in par-

ticular. Such comments were categorized as a subtheme.
Finally, the analysis revealed the emergence of a third theme, which the
company employed the least and which discussed the support for US vet-
erans. This result bolsters the aforementioned finding regarding a focus on
internal CSR and diversity to the detriment of an external one so as to
avert further criticism. While the company’s focus on veterans is laudable
and could be perceived as a socially responsible approach to diversity, it is
worth mentioning that veterans represent a paramount consumer seg-
ment. The military has a long history of tobacco use which is mostly asso-
ciated with deployment (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, 2019). As
of 2018, almost 30% of the 18.2 million US veterans were using tobacco
(American Cancer Society, 2018; CNN, 2018). It can therefore be argued
that the company is taking a diversity management approach, according to
which it reaches out to and supports diverse groups that represent a con-
sumer base (Kirton & Greene, 2015; Tatli, 2011).
An additional frequency analysis was conducted on the users’ posts
(n = 18) and revealed a low presence of storytelling (11.1%, n = 2), no
recurrent online contributions, and no display of reduced social distance
among online users. These findings imply the lack of bond-based attach-
ment, a direct consequence of irregular online interactions. The scarce
interactivity can also explain the low presence of expressed intention to
participate in the company’s initiatives offline (5.6%, n = 1). Further, the
majority of the users’ comments denoted a neutral stance toward the com-
pany’s diversity programs (61.1%, n = 11) and a positive reception of
Altria’s initiatives emerged to a lower extent (27.8%, n = 5). Yet, the posi-
tive reception exceeded the negative stance that several users displayed
vis-à-vis Altria’s diversity initiatives (11.1%, n = 2). The majority of the
users’ overall communication denoted a negative valence (61.1%, n = 11)
and comments that had a positive sentiment emerged to a lower extent
(27.8%, n = 5). Finally, neutral online communication emerged the least
and represented over 10% of the users’ interactions (11.1%, n = 2).
Given the small sample of analysis, the results show slight differences
between the users’ display of a high (22.2%, n = 4) versus low identifica-
tion with the company (33.3%, n = 6). A more prominent discrepancy
appeared between high corporate identification (22.2%, n = 4) and the
neutral stance displayed by twice as many online users (44.4%, n = 8).
These results evince potential to bolster corporate online communication,
as users do not predominantly express a negative view toward the com-
pany and/or its business profile.
The thematic analysis performed to provide further insight into the

user comments led to the emergence of three main themes, none of which
was employed to such an extent as to reveal the further presence of sub-
themes. The most prevalent theme concerned diversity within the frame-
work of ethical business. Unlike similar results across the financial and the
tech industries, users did not point to general business practices (paying
higher taxes, providing quality products, etc.) but rather to the very pro-
file of the company. For example, they argued that a focus on diversity
cannot make amends for the production and distribution of deadly prod-
ucts. The second most enacted theme comprised comments that praised
the company for its collaborations with nonprofits in general and for the
purpose of assisting US veterans in particular, an indication that the com-
pany could consider building relationships online by communicating its
community-oriented projects to a greater extent. Finally, several users
inquired after the availability of some of Altria’s products and such com-
ments constituted the least emergent theme in the analysis.
Implications
Given its business profile, Altria represents a stigmatized company that
operates in what is referred in the literature as the “sin industry” (Cai, Jo,
& Pan, 2012; Grougiou, Dedoulis, & Leventis, 2016). Therefore, it is not
unexpected to find that the company’s communication practices differ
drastically from those employed by firms that have not been stigmatized.
First, the analysis revealed the low presence of bond-based attachment
among online users, a consequence of the company’s predominant one-
way communication approach through which it focused on information
giving rather than engendering diversity-centered conversation.
Several results merit further consideration. The majority of the users’
comments denoted a neutral stance toward the company’s diversity
approaches and programs. Neutral comments were followed by positive
ones, while comments that had a negative sentiment were present to the
least extent. These results imply that the company could engage in diver-
sity communication more considerably and focus on projects dedicated to
the communities in which it operates. A CSR approach to diversity could
trigger higher online engagement and transform the neutral followers into
active participants in dialogue and, in time, in offline initiatives. While
being a stigmatized company, Altria may wish to be cautious with respect
to engendering increased creativity. Yet, it is likely that CSR initiatives will
receive an overwhelmingly positive reception. Given the agenda-setting
effect discussed in the preceding paragraphs (McDaniel et al., 2016), as

long as the company has constantly informed the media of its initiatives,
the latter has provided a positive context within which Altria’s online com-
munication can take place more effectively. For example, past research
showed that the vast positive media coverage of CSR projects in the
tobacco industry was buttressed by the journalists’ seldom interview of
tobacco control advocates and was contingent upon geographical areas
(McDaniel et al., 2016). Specifically, journalists in the South were less
critical of the industry than those in the West. A possible explanation rep-
resents the fact that several tobacco companies are headquartered in the
South (McDaniel et al., 2016). Such restrictions do not apply online as
users gather around an interest and the region and culture they represent
become less significant than the culture they collectively create through
online interactions (Sison, 2017). Therefore, Altria will enjoy a context of
positive media coverage in the case of some followers while others may
engage in brand hate to complain and spread negative word of mouth
(WOM) (Osuna Ramírez, Veloutsou, & Morgan-Thomas, 2019;
Zarantonello, Romani, Grappi, & Bagozzi, 2016). From past research
(Osuna Ramírez et al., 2019) it can be inferred that followers who react
positively to Altria’s diversity initiatives are likely to engage in argumenta-
tion with those who hold opposite views in an attempt to defend the
company. In the case of diversity, such conversations are constructive as
they can bring to light the importance of certain societal issues and help to
increase the bond-based attachment among online users. Additionally,
such conversations may prove useful for building on Altria’s reputation
and can potentially expose users to the discrepancy between the business
profile of the company and its effort to maintain organizational legitimacy
through community contributions. In other words, such discussions can
help to place the company’s diversity initiatives in a realistic context, that
of a stigmatized industry, yet one that can still engender significant and
needed societal contributions. As the analysis revealed, this concern repre-
sented the most enacted theme in the users’ online communication.
References
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CHAPTER 12
Conclusions from the Consumer Goods

Industry
The present chapter draws conclusions and discusses the implications of

the findings that emerged in the consumer goods industry. Unlike the
previous conclusive chapters (Chaps. 6 and 9), which dealt with impli-
cations across the banking industry and the tech sector respectively, the
present one deals with two discrepant companies. Johnson & Johnson
(J&J) and Altria represent the consumer goods industry as listed by
Forbes 500 (Wieczner, 2017), yet the two companies differ drastically
in their business profile. J&J focuses on the production of medications
and household supplies while Altria represents what is considered “the
sin industry,” as the company focuses on selling tobacco products and
wine (Grougiou, Dedoulis, & Leventis, 2016). The conflicting business
foci of the two companies render a statistical analysis across the industry
unreliable. It would be far from realistic to attempt to draw conclusions
and generalize across an industry represented by two opposing business
profiles. Consequently, the present chapter reviews the major findings
that the analyses revealed in the case of J&J and Altria and discusses
their implications. The next paragraphs start by expanding on the con-
clusions of the analyses conducted to assess J&J’s diversity communica-
tion, after which the chapter tackles the results revealed in the case
of Altria.

Contending Issues in J&J’s Online Diversity

Communication
The analyses conducted to assess J&J’s diversity communication revealed
a high user interactivity that the company received in response to its social
media communication. More precisely, 20% of the company’s diversity
communication triggered user engagement and 82.8% of the user com-
ments analyzed represented recurrent contributions. Users expressed their
intention to participate in diversity programs offline in 6.5% of their posts,
a presence that was higher than what the study found in the case of other
companies analyzed in the book. Undoubtedly, the online interactions
facilitated exposure to and engagement in storytelling, which might have
influenced the users’ intentions to contribute to the cause of diversity
offline. The more the users become exposed to personal stories regarding
societal issues, and the more they interact with users of varied back-
grounds, the more the cause of diversity resonates with them on a personal
level. Therefore, it can be argued that by facilitating online interactions
around diversity, companies take a more ethical approach to embracing
differences and one that contrasts with the diversity management para-
digm. The diversity management paradigm, through which companies
leverage differences to gain competitive advantage (Byrd, 2018; Byrd &
Hughes, 2018; Wrench, 2005), has proven partially successful as corpora-
tions witnessed the stakeholders’ fatigue and reticence toward diversity
programs (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). As a consequence of the imple-
mentation of diversity programs that had a prevalent focus on the bottom
line, corporations were less successful at appealing to stakeholder groups
that support and participate in these initiatives such as consumers and/or
employees (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016). While past research proposed
dialogue as a solution to engaging stakeholder groups in diversity (Bledsoe,
Pacino, & Warren, 2018; Ciszek, 2019), research has not yet looked at the
potential of online communication for this purpose, a paramount topic
given the fact that online platforms erase social markers such as gender,
ethnicity, and race (Matei & Bruno, 2015) to facilitate candid and per-
sonal conversations.
Furthermore, the increased online interactions that J&J received did
not emerge in a vacuum, but rather in the context of corporate identifica-
tion. For example, the results revealed that the extent to which users
expressed identification with the company exerted influence on the posi-
tive, neutral, and negative messages they contributed online. Users who
12 CONCLUSIONS FROM THE CONSUMER GOODS INDUSTRY 183
displayed low identification with the company were more likely to express
a negative stance toward diversity initiatives than those whose communi-
cation denoted a high corporate identification. Undoubtedly, the stake-
holders’ identification with a company is contingent on the latter’s
reputation. Because individuals derive their identity from that of an orga-
nization (An, Do, Ngo, & Quan, 2019; Kreiner & Ashforth, 2004), the
company’s credibility plays a paramount role in this respect. Johnson &
Johnson’s talc powder crisis emerged in 2018 (Hsu, 2018), therefore
beyond the period of the analysis used in this study. At the time of the
present analysis, the company had enjoyed a strong reputation built
around credibility and ethical business practices. It is possible that this
reputation influenced the extent to which users engaged in online com-
munication in response to the company’s posts in general and those related
to diversity in particular. In turn, online interactions feed and foster the
relationships between consumers and brands (Kujur & Singh, 2019), pos-
sibly leading to increased identification. Moreover, online interactions that
stem from diversity communication may strengthen these relationships
since diversity initiatives constitute moral behavior. A company’s moral
initiatives were shown in past studies to be particularly conducive to the
fostering of relationships between companies and consumers (Kim & Kim,
2018) and to consequently lead to corporate identification.
As a result, diversity communication and the ensuing online interac-
tions have multidimensional benefits. First, they benefit the society by
potentially creating a bridging effect that can create social capital in offline
settings. Namely, online exposure to the cause of diversity and to diverse
groups can lead to increased interactivity in offline settings. Second, online
interactions benefit the cause of diversity itself by garnering further sup-
port from both diverse and nondiverse groups as their members form
close bonds online and have a deeper appreciation of differences. Third,
online interactions benefit companies that foster them by strengthening
the stakeholders’ extant relationships with a brand or by forging new ones.
The implications of the J&J’s analysis led to the development of a new
concept, namely metadiversity. The author refers to metadiversity to illus-
trate the input that companies should strive to receive from minority and
ethnic groups and that would lead to the development of diversity pro-
grams. Unlike projects implemented with the help of nonprofit organiza-
tions, those informed by diverse groups may have a clearer impact on a
specific community, given that they have been informed by its own mem-
bers. In addition, metadiversity has the potential to increase the
identification of the community with the company as its members feel an

integral part of the decision making process and can witness the precise
outcomes of a project in their community.
Undoubtedly, a company’s use of dialogic communication exerts influ-
ence on metadiversity. Specifically, the more a company engages in two-
way communication and enacts the dialogic principles of communication,
the higher the extent to which diverse users are comfortable making online
recommendations. Most importantly, without continued online engage-
ment metadiversity is unlikely to take effect at times when a company is
asking for suggestions. Prior ongoing dialogue constitutes a precursor to
the users’ trust in the company and their willingness to contribute recom-
mendations. Finally, a company’s dialogic efforts lead to increased online
interaction and storytelling, providing the context in which diverse stake-
holders can contribute suggestions. Above all, these recommendations can
trigger a snowball effect and lead additional users to make suggestions,
therefore refining future projects that a company may consider developing.
A paramount finding in the analysis of J&J’s online communication
represents the fact that the company’s focus on diversity mirrored the
media coverage. Similar results were found in the analysis of the tech
industry presented in Chap. 9. As journalists covered the rise of the Black
Lives Matter movement, companies in general and J&J in particular com-
municated about social justice initiatives to a greater extent. Conversely,
by 2016 the media had emphasized racial relationships to a lesser degree
and, consequently, corporations discussed diversity online less. These find-
ings shed new light on the agenda-setting effect, namely on the transition
of issue salience from media outlets to corporations. Past studies showed
that the media was particularly effective in driving the corporations’ con-
cern for the environment: the more journalists covered environmental
concerns, the more details corporate annual reports entailed (Brown &
Deegan, 1998). The field has had decades-long evidence of the agenda-
setting effect on corporations. The novelty represents the cause of diver-
sity, which translates into corporate action following the media coverage.
It is important to note that the study found a surge in the company’s
communication of global diversity programs as the media coverage tackled
racial relations to a less extent. By contrast, when the media discussed
racial tensions to a greater degree, the company focused predominantly on
communicating about its US initiatives to the detriment of global ones.
The implications of these findings align with past concerns raised by schol-
ars who argued for an ethical approach to diversity and social justice
(Alcázar, Fernández, & Gardey, 2013; Greene & Kirton, 2015; Wondrak
& Segert, 2015). Specifically, as a result of the tremendous power that
corporations have at a societal level, their approach to diversity should go
beyond mirroring the media’s agenda to retain organizational legitimacy
and the support offered to diverse groups that represent important con-
sumer bases.
While the analysis of J&J’s communication shed light on an agenda-
setting effect on the company’s diversity communication, it is important
to note that the study shed light on the company’s paramount initiatives
to address societal and global concerns that ranged from women’s health
to educational programs for disenfranchised groups (see Chap. 11).
Therefore, it can be argued that while the company focused on the bot-
tom line by reactively addressing expectations in the macroenvironment as
these emerged in the media, it did concentrate on making important soci-
etal contributions. By contrast, a proactive approach to diversity would
entail a more extensive use of dialogic communication to develop pro-
grams that revolve around metadiversity. Given their for-profit profile, it is
understandable that corporations would keep an eye on the bottom line
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016) and would take a reactive approach to
changes in the systems in which they operate. Yet, diversity initiatives
should be conflated with recommendations from the company’s stake-
holders that would enable significant contributions to the issues faced by
ethnic and minority groups. Such contributions would constitute proac-
tive steps that would gain companies the reputation of pioneers in diver-
sity and would further benefit the society by setting trends across a specific
industry and beyond.
Contending Issues in Altria’s Online Diversity

Communication
The analysis of Altria’s diversity communication found that the company’s
strategy was determined by its business profile. As a tobacco company,
Altria’s communication revealed a penchant for averting online criticism
that could go viral and further tarnish its reputation. The company does
not pretend that its products are not detrimental and faces its lack of
legitimacy in terms of product development and placement. However, it
focuses on proving that it contributes to the communities in which it
operates. This represents a dimension of the organizational legitimacy that
companies embrace by enacting CSR practices (Bachmann & Ingenhoff,
2016; Vollero, Palazzo, Siano, & Sardanelli, 2018). It is within this con-
text that Altria develops its diversity programs and communicates about
them online. Specifically, the analysis found that, unlike other companies
studied for this book, Altria communicated predominantly about its inter-
nal diversity efforts to the detriment of external ones. Much of its com-
munication focused on shedding light on its commitment to its employees
whom the company alleged to represent the nexus of its operations. Given
that recent research (McDaniel, Lown, & Malone, 2018) revealed that
the media tends to positively depict tobacco companies that engage in
external CSR programs, the company should consider communicating
diversity by balancing its foci on internal and external diversity programs.
A focus on external diversity programs developed from a CSR perspective
is not intended to distract stakeholders from the indubitable reality con-
cerning the company’s products. Yet, it can foster conversations with
respect to the company’s contribution to the environment in which it
operates and can trigger an accurate depiction of its business context. As
shown in the preceding chapters, users tend to place diversity in the con-
text of business practices and ethics and tend to reject diversity communi-
cation that stems from companies whose operations are doubtful. To shun
the rejection of its diversity initiatives, the company should trigger truth-
ful conversations about its products while communicating the contribu-
tions that it can still make to the society.
Such an open conversation may enable the company to focus on trans-
formational approaches to CSR and diversity. As evinced in Chap. 10,
Altria focused on small-scale programs that revolved around strategic
stakeholder groups, among which are suppliers and employees. This strat-
egy is meant to avert the possible criticism that may stem from a lack of fit
between the company’s products and its approaches to CSR (Aqueveque,
Rodrigo, & Duran, 2018; Palazzo & Richter, 2005). Specifically, the
more prominent the impact of CSR programs the more stakeholders may
perceive that the company is trying to distract stakeholders from its detri-
mental products.
The results of the current study revealed that the company seldom
enacted dialogic communication. By engaging predominantly in one-way
communication, the company has a higher chance of shunning the criti-
cism of its products. However, further results revealed the potential for
engendering dialogue, among which is the fact that the users’ comments
denoted primarily a neutral sentiment vis-à-vis the company’s diversity
programs and were followed by positive ones. User comments that
entailed a negative valence had the least presence. It is important to note

that message valence does not represent the sole precursor to the potential
for online dialogue. Drawing from past research (Osuna Ramírez,
Veloutsou, & Morgan-Thomas, 2019; Zarantonello, Romani, Grappi, &
Bagozzi, 2016) it can be inferred that followers who hold a positive stance
toward the company’s diversity initiatives will engage in online debates
with those that view such programs negatively. Hence, the company’s
action will be defended by stakeholders themselves, who will attempt to
maintain or restore its credibility. Above all, such debates can bring to
light societal issues that have not been previously discussed. By addressing
them, the company can make significant contributions to the society. In
turn, it can demonstrate that while its products are undoubtedly harmful
yet still purchased by consumers, its resources can bring about positive
societal changes.
Conclusions
The business foci of two companies analyzed under the umbrella of the
consumer goods industry are divergent, therefore making it impossible to
generalize the results. The present chapter highlighted the contending
issues that emerged in the analysis of J&J’s and Altria’s diversity commu-
nication. The companies’ communication practices are as contradictory as
their business profiles, yet the results revealed a paramount common
aspect, namely the role of the media. Given the agenda-setting effect
(McCombs, 2018; McDaniel et al., 2018), the salience of the CSR proj-
ects that the media covers (the first level of agenda setting) as well as the
sentiment of the coverage (the second level of agenda setting) will transfer
to the consumers of news. In the case of J&J the analysis revealed that the
company’s diversity communication mirrored the mass media coverage,
raising concerns over the importance that diversity may play when the
topic doesn’t set the media’s agenda. The media tended to cover “sin”
companies such as Altria more positively provided that they implemented
significant CSR programs in the communities in which they operated.
Consequently, Altria could consider focusing to a larger extent on the
development and communication of its external diversity programs.
Finally, the company will still continue to sell its tobacco products and it
behooves consumers to make an informed choice regarding their health.
While its operations are ongoing, minority and ethnic communities may
benefit from significant resources that Altria may invest in disenfranchised
communities.
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PART IV
Industry Comparison
CHAPTER 13
New Directions for Theory and Practice
The purpose of this chapter is twofold. First, it aims to shed light on

potential discrepancies in online diversity communication (ODC) across
the industries that the present book has focused on, namely the tech sec-
tor, the financial, and the consumer goods industries. Second, it proposes
a theoretical model that draws from the preceding findings and the results
presented throughout the book to address an increased effectiveness of
online diversity communication that would not only have a positive impact
on organizational operations, but will also make a difference at a societal
level by leveraging social capital and engendering increased openness to
multiculturalism.
For the purpose of this comparison, the present analysis aimed to
answer the following research questions:
RQ1: Are there any differences in corporate diversity communication

across the industries studied?
RQ2: Are there any differences with respect to the emergence of bond-
based versus identity-based attachment in the users’ communication
across industries?
RQ3: Are there any differences across industries in terms of the users’
expressed intention to participate in diversity initiatives offline?
For the purpose of this study, the companies analyzed in the preceding
chapters were classified based on the extent to which their pertaining

sectors were considered more or less innovative. The tech and the con-
sumer goods industry were regarded as revolving to a greater degree on
innovation than the banking sector, which relies predominantly on routine
operations. Consequently, the analysis assessed discrepancies between the
online diversity communication employed by Microsoft, Google, and
Johnson & Johnson on the one hand and JPMorgan, Wells Fargo, Bank
of America, and Citigroup on the other hand. For the purpose of this
comparison, Altria was removed from the sample of analysis. The decision
was made as a consequence of the company’s products, namely tobacco
and wine that, while representative of the consumer goods industry, dif-
fered drastically from Johnson & Johnson’s and may have jeopardized the
interpretation of the results. An additional consideration represented the
low presence of diversity communication on Altria’s online platforms that
could have exerted influence on the interpretation of the findings.
Consequently, the final sample of analysis consisted of N = 13,728 units
that represented the companies’ diversity communication and the ensuing
user comments across the financial, consumer goods, and the tech indus-
tries. The following paragraphs will detail the results of the studies con-
ducted to investigate the three research questions.
Corporate Diversity Communication Across

Industries
RQ1 set out to investigate if there were any differences in the way compa-
nies communicated (about) diversity in industries that revolve around
innovation versus diversity in sectors that rely predominantly on routine
business operations. In past studies, researchers argue that, due to the
potential of diversity to lead to increased creativity, innovative business
sectors may be more likely to focus on such initiatives (Wrench, 2005).
While additional studies in this direction have remained inconclusive
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016), ascertaining the existence of such discrep-
ancies remains paramount since it can facilitate an understanding of the
emphasis that companies place on diversity. Specifically, given the exten-
sive critique that corporations have been facing as a result of their pre-
dominant focus on “managing” diversity with a perspective on the bottom
line (Alcázar, Fernández, & Gardey, 2013; Greene & Kirton, 2015;
Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Wondrak & Segert, 2015), their more recent
approaches have comprised a blend of profit-orientation (diversity
13 NEW DIRECTIONS FOR THEORY AND PRACTICE 195
rograms for groups that represent consumer bases) and corporate social
p
responsibility (CSR) (diversity approaches conducted to benefit groups
that do not necessarily display buying potential). Past research ascertained
the combination of the two approaches with regard to corporate efforts
both in the US (Uysal, 2013) and abroad (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016).
It is important to note that the emphasis on the development and imple-
mentation of programs for diverse consumer bases was found to be greater
than that on CSR projects directed at groups that did not represent a
primary stakeholder group (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016; Uysal, 2013).
Therefore, the comparative analysis discussed in the present chapter was
conducted to reveal whether innovative industries focus to a larger degree
on maintaining the aforementioned balance and if, by contrast, companies
whose operations revolve around routine practices take a reactive approach
to meet diversity legislation and, therefore, display less of focus on proac-
tive approaches that revolve around CSR. This analysis can shed light on
the diversity management-CSR dyad through the assessment of dialogic
communication that aims to ascertain relevant societal issues that should
be addressed and, consequently, reveals the companies’ proclivity for
developing impactful programs irrespective of the buying potential of a
specific group. Several chi-square tests were conducted for the purpose of
this comparison and their results revealed significant differences between
innovative and routine-oriented industries.
For example, the use of two-way communication emerged to a larger
degree (60.6%) in the case of innovative companies than in the less cre-
ative ones [10%, (x2 (9, N = 13,728) = 4305, p = 0.00)]. Similarly, online
communication at Google, Microsoft, and Johnson & Johnson (72.1%)
denoted a significantly higher effort to receive stakeholder feedback and
suggestions on current and future diversity programs (x2 (6,
N = 13,728) = 221.133, p = 0.00) than the online communication present
across the financial sector (1.9%). In addition, innovative companies
encouraged their stakeholders to engage in storytelling (78.3%) about
seven times more than less innovative ones [13.3%, (x2 (3,
N = 13,728) = 23.82, p = 0.00)]. These results reveal that the innovative
sector takes a more dialogic approach to diversity than companies whose
modus operandi constitutes routine practices. The focus on suggestions
and feedback from stakeholder groups, the emphasis on generating
increased online discussion through storytelling, and the blend of two-
way and one-way communication styles reflect the paramount role that
public relations practitioners play in developing and implementing the
companies’ approach to diversity. In other words, the results denote the

fact that communication professionals engage in dialogue that can inform
the companies’ current and future projects. They aim to foster an online
community that facilitates exposure to diversity as well as dialogue around
the topic. Consequently, in innovative industries, public relations seems to
serve a strategic management function, defined in the literature (Austin &
Pinkleton, 2015; Grunig, 2006; Smith, 2017) as access to the decision
making power of the executive board along with input in primary corpo-
rate strategies and objectives. Researchers have long argued that studies
should focus on ascertaining the role that public relations could play in a
company’s overall diversity strategies (Dozier, Grunig, & Grunig, 2013)
and scholars contended that a public relations/communication approach
would lead to a more ethical implementation of diversity as opposed to
one triggered solely by business interests. To date, the role of the strategic
management function of public relations in corporate diversity has
remained understudied. With the exception of a few prescriptive studies
(Holtzhausen, 2000; Mundy, 2015, 2016), little has been investigated in
this direction. For example, we presently know that corporations tend to
approach diversity through a cross-departmental approach, as projects are
developed with the help of human resources, public relations, and
employee resource groups (ERGs). Within this collaborative dynamic, PR
departments hold a more prominent role in the development and imple-
mentation of diversity programs that revolve around CSR rather than in
those implemented from a sole business perspective (Maiorescu & Wrigley,
2016). These results are reinforced by the present findings. In sum, the
analysis found evidence for the increased enactment of the dialogic prin-
ciples across companies that rely heavily on innovation and that have a
vested interest in developing meaningful and impactful diversity programs.
These results denote that communication/public relations professionals
play an active role in the development and implementation of diversity
initiatives across innovative industries. By triggering online dialogue, they
can bring to the attention of management issues, concerns, and sugges-
tions raised by stakeholder groups. Concomitantly, they can assess the
impact of past/present diversity initiatives by performing sentiment analy-
ses and/or analyzing the online interactions qualitatively, similarly to the
thematic analysis methodology employed throughout this book.
As for the companies that rely on routine business practices, the results
of several chi-square tests revealed that they communicated their commit-
ment to diversity and to creating dialogue around it to a larger degree
(58.6%) than creative companies [23.9%, (x2 (9, N = 13,728) = 1367.47,

p = 0.00)]. In addition, the presence of communication that revolved
around a focus on developing diversity programs that represented the best
interest of minorities (77.9%) was almost seven times higher across this
sector than across the innovative one [12.7%, (x2 (3, N = 13,728) = 2051.26,
p = 0.00)]. Similar results were found for diversity communication that
revolved around empathy (x2 (6, N = 13,728) = 789.15, p = 0.00) as well
as communication that stressed the companies’ collaboration with outside
stakeholder groups (x2 (3, N = 13,728) = 1232.65, p = 0.00), which
oftentimes represented nonprofits. These results suggest an approach that
revolves around information giving, as companies stated their commit-
ment and empathized with diverse groups, yet did not engage them in
dialogue as extensively as the innovative corporations. The prevalence of a
one-way communication style suggests that public relations play a techni-
cal role in the companies’ approach to communication. Technical roles
revolve around one-way communication strategies whose purpose is to
inform the publics on the companies’ strategies so as to maintain reputa-
tion and/or create a favorable image (Grunig & Grunig, 2016; Stacks,
2016). While the information is presumably accurate, it represents a top-
down approach that fosters managerial control over the promoted issues,
in this case diversity. It could be argued that it facilitates the implementa-
tion of the diversity management paradigm as it communicates the already
established corporate initiatives to outside stakeholder groups, leaving
little to no room for feedback or suggestions. By engaging in one-way
communication, public relations professionals can do little to inform the
overall diversity strategy of a company, since their information delivery
fails to create increased online interaction. It is, however, important to
note that one-way communication should be viewed in a managerial con-
text. Namely, PR practitioners may have limited access to the decision
making process, which may explain the low presence of dialogic attempts.
Interestingly, the qualitative analyses discussed in the previous chapters
helped to interpret these results by shedding light on the users’ percep-
tions of and response to information giving. Specifically, in the analyses of
the financial industry (Part I), banks that had experienced crises faced a
surge in users’ comments that expressed disapproval of their diversity
approaches and reflected perceptions of diversity as window dressing. It is
important to note that whether the banks’ crises revolved around diversity
or their services and products, users perceived diversity communication as
disingenuous. These results are paramount in understanding the impor-
tance of the context in which online diversity communication occurs.
Bond-Based Versus Identity-Based Attachment

Across Industries
The second research question (RQ2) aimed to investigate if there were
differences in the presence of bond-based and identity-based attachments
across the users’ communication as this emerged in the case of innovative
and less innovative companies. More precisely, given the fact that the anal-
yses of the previous chapters found a direct relationship between dialogic
communication and bond-based attachment, it was considered important
to ascertain if companies that relied more on innovation enjoyed online
communities that displayed higher bond-based attachment.
The results of several chi-square tests performed for this purpose cast
light on significant differences in the display of bond-based and identity-
based attachment. First, bond-based attachment had a higher presence in
the users’ communication that pertained to innovative companies and was
assessed based on the variables of social (online) interaction, self-disclosure,
and personal attraction, as determined in past research studies (Ren et al.,
2012; Ren, Kraut, & Kiesler, 2007).
The online interactions analyzed revealed a higher emergence of per-
ceived similarities (56.7%) in (x2 (9, N = 13,728) = 35.95, p = 0.00) in the
online communities pertaining to innovative industries, as supposed to
less innovative ones (37.2%). Communication that denotes perceived sim-
ilarities across individuals is indicative of personal attraction (Ren et al.,
2007, 2012) which, given the erasure of societal markers online, results
from increased interactions and exposure to diverse online users. Indeed,
the analysis found significant differences in online interactivity (x2 (15,
N = 13,728) = 2974.59, p = 0.00). Namely, across the companies studied
under the umbrella of innovation industries, users contributed almost
double the content (67.2%) than their counterparts who participated in
online communities that belonged to less innovative companies (28.8%).
Interestingly, the third dimension of bond-based attachment, self-
disclosure (x2 (6, N = 13,728) = 35.95, p = 0.00), emerged to a larger
degree across companies that relied on routine practices (52.7%) than
innovative ones (37.9%). Users engaged in personal storytelling to a
greater extent as they communicated with Bank of America, JPMorgan,
Citigroup, and Wells Fargo, companies that engaged in dialogic commu-
nication to a significantly less extent than innovative corporations. Yet,
while their prevalent one-way communication style engendered fewer
online interactions than in the case of tech and pharmaceutical companies,
it did succeed in triggering higher self-disclosure through personal story-

telling. While self-disclosure generally occurs in a context of social well-
being (Huang, 2016) and triggered by increased interactions, it is possible
that the anonymity of the internet, its erasure of social markers, as well as
the users’ ability to control/edit the message facilitated increased self-
disclosure. The qualitative analysis performed on the banks’ online com-
munities shed light on the emergence of several aspects of self-disclosure,
among which is the sharing of personal stories related to perceived dis-
crimination when dealing with the customer service department and relay-
ing the experience of acquaintances who worked in the financial industry
and contended they experienced discrimination. In addition, users made
use of personal storytelling to highlight the importance of developing pro-
grams that address marginalized populations irrespective of their diverse
background and one that have a unifying effect across the society.
Consequently, the users’ storytelling in the case of less innovative indus-
tries did not connote a predominantly positive experience. By contrast,
users were more likely to engage in negative storytelling, findings that
should be further investigated. By expanding the sample of analysis, future
studies could assess whether negative storytelling about diversity charac-
terizes online communities pertaining to companies that have experienced
past crises and/or those that do not enjoy a positive reputation. In addi-
tion, future research could ascertain whether negative storytelling occurs
in the preceding context irrespective of the profile of the company (inno-
vative versus less innovative).
Differences Regarding the Expressed Intention

to Participate in Diversity Initiatives Offline
The last research question (RQ3) investigated if there were any differences
across innovative versus less innovative industries with respect to the users’
expressed intention to participate in the companies’ diversity programs
offline. The question was worth pursuing given the fact that recent
research has shed light on the stakeholders’ fatigue vis-à-vis diversity pro-
grams (Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016), raising concerns about the impact of
such initiatives on the society as well as on the companies’ reputation. The
qualitative results discussed in the previous chapters bolster past studies in
this direction, as several users raised concerns about diversity programs
that do not go beyond “window-dressing.” By contrast, if companies
engage their stakeholders in offline initiatives, they are likely to engender
a more meaningful impact of their programs through citizen activism.

Undoubtedly, facilitating online dialogue and enabling stakeholders to
shape diversity programs constitute paramount precursors to the users’
offline engagement. In addition to an increased societal impact, the stake-
holders’ offline engagement has the potential to lead to their higher iden-
tification with the company through the convergence of their personal
values and the values of the company and, ultimately, as a consequence of
their increased self-efficacy. Therefore, offline engagement is likely to be
beneficial on multiple levels.
The chi-square tests conducted to assess the users’ intention to con-
tribute offline revealed that in the case of innovative industries, users
were six times more likely to get involved offline (61.1%) than in the
case of companies characterized by routine practices [28.2%, (x2 (6,
N = 13,728) = 270.18, p = 0.00)]. These results suggest that the extent
to which bond-based attachment emerges in online communities impacts
the users’ intention to contribute to diversity programs offline. The pres-
ent analysis found two of the three variables of bond-based attachment to
have a higher presence in the online communities pertaining to innovative
industries. These variables were online interaction and personal attraction
(reduced social distance). The third variable, self-disclosure, had a lower
presence in innovative industries than in less creative ones. Based on these
findings, it can be implied that exposure to diverse users and engaging
in dialogue around their concerns and perspectives may decrease the ini-
tial perceived distance. These results support recent studies (Bouchillon,
2018) that determined that increased online interaction leads to feelings
of trust among individuals who live in racial and ethnic diverse neighbor-
hoods and who were shown in offline settings to exhibit high levels of
distrust (Bouchillon, 2014; Putnam, 2007). In a study on diverse neigh-
borhoods in the US, Putnam (2007) found that the more diverse neigh-
borhoods became, the fewer interactions took place among neighbors.
Moreover, despite the fact that the majority of the population comprised
immigrants, those that had already settled in the neighborhood tended
to distrust incoming immigrant neighbors (Putnam, 2007). The lack of
interaction among neighbors led to low social capital (Bouchillon, 2014;
Putnam, 2007). Therefore, the results of this analysis reveal once more
that the reduced physical distance that the internet fosters (Atzori, Iera, &
Morabito, 2014; Bauernschuster, Falck, & Woessmann, 2014) leads to a
perceived common identity and closeness (Putnam, 2007).
The present study determined the impact of online interactions in a

corporate context and, therefore, represents a step in the direction of ethi-
cal corporate diversity projects, as opposed to the diversity management
approaches that have represented the nexus of corporate efforts for a long
time. Given the tremendous power the corporations exercise on the soci-
ety, power that ranges from the control of natural resources to the avail-
ability of new products (Deetz, 2000, 2004) and the definition of diversity
in accord with their financial interests (Wrench, 2005), it becomes impor-
tant for scholarship to ascertain ways in which companies can contribute
to the cause of diversity beyond a focus on the bottom line. As a result of
their for-profit profile it is understandable that corporate conglomerates
would aim to gain advantage on the marketplace (Maiorescu & Wrigley,
2016). Yet, diversity projects should also be developed from an ethical
perspective as opposed to a predominantly business approach (Hoobler,
Masterson, Nkomo, & Michel, 2018; Hunt, Prince, Dixon-Fyle, & Yee,
2018; Rachele, 2017; Ramirez, 2018) that does little to address the causes
espoused by minorities that do not represent consumer bases. The results
of this study suggest the potential of online dialogue about diversity to
increase social capital and to lead to the development of diversity projects
that have a significant societal impact. In addition, the benefits for compa-
nies are multifarious and range from an increased stakeholder identifica-
tion with the company to consumer loyalty and a positive reputation to
draw from in times of future crises. Such benefits emerge within the con-
text of ethical business practices and a focus on the implementation of
diversity projects that denote social responsibility. In other words, it is
highly possible that by establishing a reputation for socially responsible
diversity projects companies enjoy the aforementioned benefits that were
shown in past studies to be displayed by stakeholder groups as a conse-
quence of CSR initiatives (Aguinis & Glavas, 2012; Cuesta-Valiño,
Rodríguez, & Núñez-Barriopedro, 2019).
It is important to note that the pursuit of RQ3 entails a limitation.
Namely, it is based on the users’ stated intention to participate online,
which past studies showed that may not materialize in activism but may
remain manifest at the level of slacktivism, giving one the illusion of active
participation in a cause through likes, retweets, and posts (Glenn, 2015;
Smith, Krishna, & Al-Sinan, 2019). A recent study suggests combating
slacktivism through an understanding of the fact that engagement in a
cause precedes social media involvement. It follows that users who are
invested in a cause may join brand communities of companies that have
gained a reputation for addressing that specific cause, a hypothesis that

merits further investigation. In time, it is possible that online interactions
may lead to the users’ identification with the company as well as to con-
sumer loyalty. All of these considerations should be pursued in future
research studies especially since they may reveal motivations for joining
brand communities that go beyond the identification with a company (as
shown in past literature), but that in time lead to its display. By contrast,
users who join an online community out of an identity-based attachment
may become invested in a diversity-related cause due to the connections
established online and the interactions thereof. The transformation that
occurs throughout this process and the type of corporate communication
that facilitates it should also be investigated.
Finally, it is worth mentioning additional factors that may impact online
diversity communication despite the fact that their assessment was not
directly related to the investigation of the three research questions asked
in this study. First, a chi-square test conducted for the purpose of the pres-
ent industry comparison (x2 (9, N = 13,728) = 4113.94, p = 0.00) revealed
that users displayed higher identification with innovative companies
(66.1%) than the less innovative ones (16.3%), results that stress the
importance of corporate identification. While past studies ascertained that
corporate identification or identity-based attachment sparks users to join
an online community, future studies should determine whether diversity
communication and bond-based attachment lead users to display higher
identification with the company. Such studies can prove important in
communicating the benefits of online diversity communication to compa-
nies that would like to embrace it.
Second, innovative companies enjoyed about nine times (x2 (9,
N = 13,728) = 8082.85, p = 0.00) more positive interactions around their
diversity posts (82.9%) than less innovative ones (9.5%) did. It is possible
that the bond-based attachment that dominated the former’s online com-
munities led to a higher positive valence as users felt comfortable sharing
and communicating about diversity. However, it becomes paramount that
future research studies further investigate the potential emergence of addi-
tional variables that could play a role in the valence of the user-generated
content. Based on the preceding chapters, corporate reputation and a
history of crises exerted influence on the extent to which users commented
positively about diversity or regarded the company’s communication as
window dressing. Several variables should therefore be investigated.
Interestingly, in the communication literature, corporate reputation and a
history of crises were also found to represent assets in crisis management

(Coombs, 2019), namely determinants of the extent to which stakehold-
ers hold a company accountable in the aftermath of a crisis. While past
studies on crisis communication and diversity looked into how discrimina-
tion scandals impact the relationship between organizations and stake-
holders (Krishna, Kim, & Shim, 2019; Brunner & Brown, 2008), future
studies could focus on determining the extent to which crises that are not
necessarily related to diversity, such as product recalls, impact the stake-
holders’ perceptions of a company’s social justice efforts.

Based on the preceding findings and the results presented throughout the
book, the following paragraphs introduce and discuss the elements of a
new model whose aim is to enable companies to effectively engage their
online communities in dialogue about diversity. While past studies con-
cluded that to combat the stakeholders’ reticence toward diversity
(Maiorescu & Wrigley, 2016) and to enact more ethical approaches (Uysal,
2013) corporations should engage their constituencies into dialogue, to
date, few studies established how dialogue should be construed (Ciszek,
2019). In addition, online dialogue has the potential to break down the
barriers extant in offline settings: recent studies showed that highly inter-
active online users who live in diverse environments are more likely to
exhibit trust than those whose online interactions are scarce (Bouchillon,
2018) (Fig. 13.1).
In the proposed model, companies strike a balance between communi-
cating diversity around programs they developed out of business concerns
and those whose implementation is meant to address societal issues raised
by stakeholders who do not represent a consumer base. To develop the
latter, companies have to rely on dialogic communication so as to engage
users in online dialogue that would lead to the emergence of causes and
concerns that corporate programs can address. Such corporate efforts are
supported by the strategic management function of the public relations
practice. By contrast, projects that aim to address a specific consumer
group are developed by a diversity management approach (Knights &
Omanović, 2016) and through a top-down process that is triggered by
management and communicated online by public relations practitioners.
Since the decision making process has concluded before communication
professionals post the respective information online, public relations
Dialogic-
approach; Bond-based Trust
Diversity as PR as attachment
Reputation CSR strategic
Crisis history management
Corporate
Diversity as Information-
Identification
a business giving; PR
strategy fulfills a
technical
role
Adds to or
restores
reputation
Increases/est Positive
ablishes reception of
identification; diversity
Adds to/ programs;
restores Offline
reputation participation
Fig. 13.1 The online diversity communication model (ODC)
emerges as a technical function, in charge of information giving for the

purpose of maintaining or regaining a favorable reputation.
In the case of a CSR approach to diversity public relations professionals
should communicate in order to trigger increased bond-based attachment
among the members of their online communities. First, they should
encourage storytelling since self-disclosure is a paramount precursor to
the establishment of close bonds. Second, their communication should be
focused on reducing the perceived social distance among individuals by
stressing commonalities and triggering a bridging effect. Such communi-
cation practices should not supplant the paramount dialogue that should
be taking place around specific issues that face minority and ethnic groups.
It is important to continue such conversations in order to raise awareness
and trigger societal change. Yet, at times companies should communicate
around similarities as issues that individuals face irrespective of their iden-
tity are likely to trigger increased online communication and bond-based
attachment. Finally, the third precursor to fostering bond-based attach-
ment represents social/online interactions which companies can increase
by embracing the preceding variables, namely storytelling and common-
alities. In addition, the very inclusion of the users in the company’s deci-
sion making processes about diversity is likely to lead to increased

interaction. Therefore, asking for suggestions and feedback on past, cur-
rent, or future diversity programs may lead to increased online interactions
as a result of the users’ self-efficacy (Maiorescu, 2015) and as a direct
consequence of social norms, among which are the users’ perceptions of
feeling valued and appreciated (Shahin & Dai, 2019; Yang & Ott, 2016).
In turn, online interactions are likely to augment the users’ trust in a com-
pany and in other users, the latter leading to increased social capital
(Bouchillon, 2018). It is highly probable that trust is going to continue to
trigger increased dialogue especially, as it concerns the participation of
diverse users. In a recent study, Ciszek (2019) found trust to be anteced-
ent of the extent to which members of the LGBTQ+ community were
willing to engage in dialogue with corporations.
The ODC model further details the fact that users who are exposed to
dialogic communication are more likely to participate in diversity projects
offline, therefore making concrete contributions to certain causes while
increasing the company’s reputation through positive word-of-mouth.
According to the results presented in this chapter, users who engaged in
dialogic communication displayed a higher corporate identification than
those exposed predominantly to information giving. Because corporate
identification was found to be an important variable in the context in
which companies communicate about diversity, the online diversity com-
munication process can be viewed as cyclic. Specifically, the higher the
identification of the online users with a company, the more likely the users
will engage in online communication and respond to corporate messages.
Similar to the enactment of dialogic communication, information giv-
ing is triggered by the company’s reputation, history of crises, and the
extent to which its online followers display high corporate identification.
As presented in Part I, companies that experienced recent crises are likely
to attract online backlash should they focus on engaging their stakeholders
into a feedback loop. Therefore, it is recommended that companies address
their crises first. On the other hand, one-way communication can be
embraced by companies that do enjoy a positive reputation but that have
developed several programs from a diversity management perspective. In
this case, public relations practitioners focus on informing publics on
diversity initiatives for the purpose of maintaining or adding to a solid
reputation. Therefore, public relations practitioners perform a technical
function and may be asked to report on the online sentiment engendered
by the respective piece of information. A positive sentiment adds to the
company’s reputation by feeding into the precursors of diversity commu-

nication and reflecting the cyclic characteristic of the process.
The proposed model is based on the findings presented throughout the
book as well as in the current chapter. Its nexus represents the companies’
newest tendencies, as reflected in recent research studies (Maiorescu &
Wrigley, 2016; Uysal, 2013). These tendencies refer to embracing diver-
sity from both a business perspective and through a CSR approach. While
the model assumes that diversity as CSR is conducted through dialogic
communication and programs developed from a diversity management
lens are communicated via information giving, in practice the communica-
tion processes can be inversed. However, the inversion would be a reflec-
tion of a less than ethical approach to diversity. Specifically, programs
developed through a diversity management perspective have already been
decided upon and PR practitioners should only attempt to trigger a feed-
back loop if these can be altered in the future and based on the users’ sug-
gestions. Otherwise, such attempts represent two-way asymmetrical
communication (Grunig & Grunig, 2016; Toledano, 2018) or the cre-
ation of faux dialogue enacted for impression management purposes and
with no intention to implement the feedback received. Given the fact that
diversity initiatives should be driven by morality and ethics (Alcázar et al.,
2013; Greene & Kirton, 2015; Wondrak & Segert, 2015) the model
entails separate communication paths for the two divergent diversity
approaches.
The core of the proposed model represents the positive impact that
online communication has on social capital. Our neighborhoods long lost
the sense of community and our interactions have become scarce. We have
become more and more skeptical of newcomers in spite of our own diverse
background (Putnam, 2007). Yet, on social media we reveal and commu-
nicate to a larger extent than in offline settings. As corporations have been
encroaching on our everyday life (Deetz, 2004), they can contribute to
building social capital while ripping the benefits of maintaining/gaining a
positive reputation. Above all, social media communication enables us to
hold companies to higher standards.
Finally, the studies presented in this book entail several limitations.
First, in the fall of 2017, Twitter changed its character limitation from 140
to 280 characters. This decision may have affected the last two months of
the five-year period of analysis. However, several assessments conducted
on the impact of this decision revealed that the culture of Twitter contin-
ued to revolve around brevity and remained unaffected by the increase in
characters (Larson, 2017; Perez, 2018). Nonetheless, the present study

analyzed diversity in the context of Twitter as this represents the predomi-
nant platform that stakeholders use to communicate with corporations
(Einwiller & Steilen, 2015; Nitins & Burgess, 2014). Diversity communi-
cation may emerge differently on platforms that have always fostered a
culture of verbosity and this possibility should be investigated in future
studies. Finally, because research on visual communication and public rela-
tions is in incipient stages, the present study did not code for visuals, which
may have affected the users’ reception of the companies’ diversity com-
munication. Future studies may consider investigating diversity communi-
cation from the lens of graphic design. Despite the limitations, it is the
author’s belief that the present book represents a first step toward the
understanding of the role that online corporate communication can play
to address paramount societal issues and to build social capital.
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Index
A Commitment, 3, 9, 23, 24, 26, 28–30,

Actional legitimacy, 151 35, 43, 45–47, 50–52, 57, 59,
Altria, 12, 14, 173–179, 181, 65, 66, 71, 74, 83–88, 92, 97,
185–187, 194 105–107, 110, 116, 124, 126,
128, 132, 135, 142, 160, 162,
164, 166, 175, 186, 196, 197
B Commonalities, 9, 26, 28, 35, 43, 45,
Bank of America, 12, 14, 24, 55–66, 46, 57, 59, 65, 71, 87, 107, 124,
81, 83–91, 194, 198 125, 130, 134, 135, 144, 150,
Bond-based attachment, 8–11, 14, 161, 162, 204
28–32, 44, 46–48, 52, 58–60, 65, Communication studies, 4, 5, 63
72, 73, 77, 78, 110–112, Competitive advantage, 4, 8, 182
124–130, 134–136, 144–147, Corporate communication, 9, 10, 35,
160, 161, 163, 164, 166, 177, 45, 56, 58–60, 70, 71, 73, 76,
178, 198, 200, 202, 204 77, 85, 88, 89, 97, 109–111,
Brand community, 7, 8, 10, 14, 47, 117, 123, 124, 127, 134, 135,
96, 151, 163, 166, 201, 202 143, 144, 146, 150, 162, 164,
Business studies, 5 165, 202, 207
Corporate identification, 8, 10, 11, 14,
32, 33, 44, 47, 48, 50, 52, 58, 61,
C 73–75, 77, 78, 83, 89, 90, 93, 94,
Chi-square tests, 13, 14, 25, 28, 30, 31, 97, 108, 112, 125, 131, 136,
42, 44, 48, 52, 60, 61, 70, 72, 73, 145, 148, 150, 163, 166, 167,
87, 107, 109, 111, 123, 126, 128, 169, 177, 182, 183, 202, 205
130, 131, 139, 142, 146, 158, Corporate identity, 97
161, 163, 195, 198, 200, 202 Corporate reputation, 14, 117, 202

Strategy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29944-6
212 INDEX
Corporate social responsibility (CSR), 6, Employee resource groups (ERGs), 196

77, 91, 96, 113, 114, 117, 140, Engagement, 8, 27–29, 36, 42, 43,
141, 148, 173, 175–179, 46, 60, 70, 73, 77, 88, 91, 108,
185–187, 195, 196, 201, 204, 206 127–129, 134, 164, 176, 182,
Corporate values, 83, 97, 113, 114 200, 201
Creativity, 4, 77, 97, 178, 194 Ethics, 90, 175, 186, 206
Crisis history, 43, 47, 92, 109, 202,
203, 205
Crisis management, 104, 157, 203 F
Cultural competency, 4 Feedback, 4, 9, 26, 29, 31, 43, 46, 57,
71, 73, 82–87, 104, 107, 109,
124, 127, 128, 143, 161, 162,
D 164–166, 169, 175, 195, 197,
Decision making, 55, 82, 87, 104, 205, 206
106, 110, 117, 160, 169, 177, Frequency analysis, 25, 26, 42, 44–46,
184, 196, 197, 203–205 56, 57, 71, 107, 123, 125, 159,
Dialogic communication, 4, 9, 27, 28, 162, 174, 177
30, 43, 44, 46, 47, 58, 72, 91,
109, 110, 126, 146, 161,
163–166, 169, 184–186, 195, G
198, 203, 205, 206 Generation Z, 4, 140
Dialogic public relations theory, 13, 84 Global diversity, 56, 81, 83, 91,
Dialogue, 4, 5, 7–10, 25, 27–30, 35, 163, 184
36, 43, 44, 56–58, 64, 65, 70, 75, Globalization, 4
77, 78, 82, 84, 85, 93, 94, 98, Goodness of fit tests, 13, 25, 42, 56,
107, 111, 114, 124, 126, 128, 107, 123, 146
129, 143–146, 161, 164, 165, Google, 12, 14, 121–136, 139, 140,
169, 178, 182, 184, 186, 187, 142–146, 148, 149, 194, 195
196, 197, 200, 201, 203–206
Diversity, 3, 23–36, 41–52, 55–66,
69–78, 81, 103–118, 121–136, I
139, 157–169, 173–179, 181, 193 Identification, 6–8, 24, 27, 28, 32, 33,
Diversity engagement, 7, 8, 12, 43, 36, 44–46, 48–50, 52, 58, 60,
57, 62, 74, 139, 148, 151, 169 61, 72–74, 77, 86, 88, 90,
Diversity management, 6, 96, 177, 93–96, 104, 108, 110–114, 116,
182, 197, 201, 203, 205, 206 125, 128, 131, 136, 141, 145,
148, 150, 160, 163, 166–168,
177, 182–184, 200–202, 205
E Identity-based attachment, 8, 10, 11,
Empathy, 9, 26, 28, 29, 43, 45, 46, 58, 28, 32, 47, 48, 60, 61, 73, 108,
59, 71, 85, 107, 124, 128, 143, 110, 112, 113, 125, 128,
160, 162, 165, 166, 175, 197 131, 146, 166, 167, 193,
Employee engagement, 105 198–199, 202
INDEX 213
Inclusion, 3, 4, 12, 23, 41, 44, 106, 88, 106, 110–112, 129, 144, 159,
114, 157, 160, 164, 169, 175, 204 161, 164, 165, 175, 177, 179,
Innovation, 4, 11, 77, 97, 105, 113, 182–184, 196–198, 200–205
114, 116, 157, 194, 196, 198 Organizational identification, 95,
Interactivity, 10, 28–30, 44–46, 48, 97–98, 116, 167, 168
49, 52, 56, 58, 60, 61, 65, 70, Organizational legitimacy, 14, 63,
73, 74, 77, 78, 83, 108–110, 93–95, 142, 148, 149, 151, 173,
114, 116, 117, 123, 124, 126, 179, 185
127, 130, 133, 134, 146, 159,
161, 164–166, 169, 174, 175,
177, 182, 183, 198 P
Primary stakeholders, 6, 92, 115, 195
Public relations, 5, 9, 13, 26, 42–43,
J 50, 55–56, 63, 76, 82, 87–90,
Johnson & Johnson (J&J), 12, 14, 95–97, 114, 115, 165, 195–197,
157–169, 181–185, 187, 194, 195 203–205, 207
JPMorgan Chase, 12, 14, 23–36, 81
Q
M Qualitative analysis, 25–27, 34–36, 41,
Metadiversity, 161, 169, 183–185 46, 48, 50–52, 57, 58, 61–65, 72,
Microsoft, 12, 14, 103–118, 139, 75–77, 89, 90, 108, 111–117,
140, 142–146, 148, 194, 195 131–134, 168–169, 199
Millennials, 4, 140 Quantitative analysis, 25–33, 42–50,
Multiculturalism, 193 52, 56–61, 70–76, 107–112,
123–131, 135, 139, 146, 159–167
O
One-way communication, 10, 29, 42, R
48, 72, 83, 110, 126, 128, 142, Recurrent online contributions, 27,
143, 146, 159, 175, 178, 186, 60, 145, 177
195, 197, 198, 205 Routine business operations, 194
Online community, 7–10, 14, 28, 32,
35, 42, 44, 47–49, 52, 58, 60, 63,
65, 72, 92, 110, 116, 123, 128, S
131, 139, 144, 146, 151, 158, Self-disclosure, 7, 10, 49, 65,
165, 196, 198–200, 202–204 198–200, 204
Online contributions, 73, 116, 165 Self-efficacy, 27, 30, 71, 86, 92, 104,
Online engagement, 11, 27, 36, 110, 160, 164, 169, 200, 205
43–44, 57, 59, 75, 93, 111, 143, Sin industry, 14, 178, 181
169, 178, 184 Social capital, 6–8, 10, 25, 36, 65, 78,
Online interaction, 8, 12, 27, 28, 30, 95, 183, 193, 200, 201, 205–207
31, 44, 45, 47, 57, 60, 61, 65, 82, Social justice, 86, 161, 162, 184, 203
214 INDEX
Social media, 7, 12, 27, 31, 33, 51, 107, 112, 123, 126, 128, 131,
64, 72, 75, 78, 88, 91, 96, 97, 135, 151, 158, 168, 176, 178, 196
114, 147, 151, 168, 201, 206 Twitter, 12, 33, 42, 44, 70, 75, 78,
Social media communication, 12, 25, 82, 88, 93, 96, 97, 106, 117,
92, 96, 97, 129, 182, 206 140, 158, 206, 207
Social responsibility, 63, 90, 94, 115, Two-way communication, 9, 29, 30,
132, 201 35, 46, 48, 55, 57, 58, 60, 65,
Stakeholder engagement, 29, 56 70, 71, 78, 84, 86, 93, 107, 110,
Stakeholder perceptions, 36, 92 116, 117, 123, 125–128,
Storytelling, 9, 10, 44–47, 49, 51, 52, 142–143, 150, 162, 164–166,
57, 58, 60, 65, 71–73, 75, 78, 184, 195
84, 86, 87, 96, 107, 111, 112,
116, 117, 124, 125, 127–129,
132, 134, 136, 143, 144, 147, U
150, 151, 161, 163–166, 177, User engagement, 12, 27–29, 182
182, 184, 195, 198, 199, 204 User interaction, 29, 31, 35, 46
T W
Thematic analysis, 13, 14, 25, 34, 42, Wells Fargo, 12, 14, 24, 41–52, 63,
50, 52, 56, 58, 61, 62, 70, 75, 91, 81, 83–91, 194, 198

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Roxana D.

ISBN 978-3-030-29943-9 ISBN 978-3-030-29944-6 (eBook)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020

Part I Online Corporate Diversity in the Financial Industry 1

2 Online Diversity Communication at JPMorgan Chase 23

3 Online Diversity Communication at Wells Fargo 41

4 Online Diversity Communication at Bank of America 55

5 Online Diversity Communication at Citigroup 69

6 Conclusions from the Financial Industry 81

Part II Online Corporate Diversity in the Tech Industry 101

7 Online Diversity Communication at Microsoft103

8 Online Diversity Communication at Google121

9 Conclusions from the Tech Industry139

Part III Online Corporate Diversity in the Consumer Goods

10 Online Corporate Diversity at Johnson & Johnson157

11 Online Corporate Diversity at Altria Group173

12 Conclusions from the Consumer Goods Industry181

Part IV Industry Comparison 191

13 New Directions for Theory and Practice193

Fig. 6.1 Diversity in context 94

Online Corporate Diversity in the

The multifarious projects that corporations develop to promote diversity

© The Author(s) 2020 3

publics and Mundy (2015, 2016) stressed the importance of an ongoing

revolved around the diversity management paradigm with the help of

RQ1: Is there a relationship between the company’s use of dialogic com-

Dialogic communication was assessed by coding for the presence or

among the users’ display of identity-based attachment and their expressed

that such companies invest in programs meant to foster inclusion. The

inductive approach, determined by the data themselves (Maguire &

goods industries, their divergent business profiles make it impossible to

Bouchillon, B. C. (2018). Patching the melting pot: Sociability in Facebook

Media in Employee Selection and Recruitment (pp. 289–305). Cham,

Weinberger, D. (2011). The hyperlinked organization. In R. Levine, C. Locke,

Online Diversity Communication

© The Author(s) 2020 23

The present chapter takes a look at JPMorgan’s social media communi-

Bauernschuster, Falck, & Woessmann, 2014); erase social markers such as

appeals to the general public on a more personal level (Maiorescu &

offline initiatives. In addition, the study investigated the overall valence of

affect a company’s operations (consumers, employees, journalists, activ-

appeal to morality. These results complement past studies that highlighted

Finally, political stances emerged as a subtheme of the negative percep-

Online Diversity Communication

This chapter tackles online diversity communication at Wells Fargo.

© The Author(s) 2020 41

c­ onclusions about the theoretical and practical implications of the findings

engagement should the company decide to encourage and foster a culture

extent to which they opened up about their diverse experiences and/or

p = 0.00). In sum, none of the dialogic principles played a role in the

to share about their experience with diversity and engage in storytelling

Next, the analysis revealed a relationship between corporate identifica-

Labrecque, L. I. (2014). Fostering consumer–brand relationships in social media

Online Diversity Communication at Bank

© The Author(s) 2020 55

relations plays at Bank of America and ascertains whether corporate com-

Yet, without access to internal documents, the conclusion would be

communication did not increase online engagement. These variables rep-

cation was not persuasive enough to engender a mirroring effect. Similarly,

expressed intention for offline involvement and online interactivity, results

undertaken to ascertain themes and subthemes that went beyond what

and Citibank, among others (O’Toole, 2013). Consequently, the decreased

ment and women empowerment in workplace. To address this, the com-

Part I Online Corporate Diversity in the Financial Industry 1

2 Online Diversity Communication at JPMorgan Chase 23

3 Online Diversity Communication at Wells Fargo 41

4 Online Diversity Communication at Bank of America 55

5 Online Diversity Communication at Citigroup 69

6 Conclusions from the Financial Industry 81

Part II Online Corporate Diversity in the Tech Industry 101

7 Online Diversity Communication at Microsoft103

8 Online Diversity Communication at Google121

9 Conclusions from the Tech Industry139

Part III Online Corporate Diversity in the Consumer Goods

10 Online Corporate Diversity at Johnson & Johnson157

11 Online Corporate Diversity at Altria Group173

12 Conclusions from the Consumer Goods Industry181

Part IV Industry Comparison 191

13 New Directions for Theory and Practice193

Fig. 6.1 Diversity in context 94

c onclusions about the theoretical and practical implications of the findings

c ontributions. The users’ interactivity and engagement were higher than

resence of posts that denoted such collaborations compels one to view

s upporting the LGBTQA+ community to the promotion of I Look Like