Theravada Buddhist Sangha: Some General Observations on Historical and Political Factors in

its Development
Author(s): Heinz Bechert
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Aug., 1970), pp. 761-778
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
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TheravaidaBuddhistSangha:
Some GeneralObservationson Historical
and PoliticalFactorsin its Development
HEINZ BECHERT

M AX WEBER has triedto analyze the historyof the Sangha fromthe "un-
structured"
earlyordersof monksand nunsto thestageof large-scalemonastic
"landlordism"by using the theoremof Buddhismas a means of the "domestication
ofthemasses"forthekingsofIndia,Ceylon,and SoutheastAsia.1MonasticBuddhism
of theTheravadatypewas believedto have been used by thekingsin orderto estab-
are
lish whatis definedas a "hydraulicsociety"by Wittfogel.Similarinterpretations
foundin a numberof modernstudieson the historyof Buddhism.This explanation
of the development is certainlyone-sided,and a morebalancedanalysisof the inter-
actionof different
factorsof changeof theBuddhistmonasticinstitutionsseemsneces-
sary.For this,the conceptsof Buddhisthistoriography should be takeninto consid-
eration.

Conceptsof BuddhistHistoricalWriting
The developmentfrom the early Buddhist Sangha to the modern monastic
communitiesin the countriesprofessingTheravada Buddhismis fortunately rather
well documentedin historicalmaterials,including Buddhist historicalwritings,
whereassimilarmaterialis extremely scarceforthehistoryof Buddhismin mainland
India. The chroniclesof Ceylon composedby Buddhistbhikkhus(monks) can be
consideredas the mostancientpieces of existinghistoricalwritingcomposedin the
environment of Indian culture.
One is temptedto explainthe developmentof historicalwritingin Ceylon as a
consequenceof Buddhistconcepts.There is, however,the factthatno piece of fully
developedhistoricalliterature of Buddhistsin mainlandIndia has come down to us
and that the negativeevidence of recentmanuscriptsfinds (Gilgit manuscripts,
Turfan manuscripts, Sanskritmanuscriptsdiscoveredby Rahul Sankrityayan from
Tibet, etc.) has corroborated the presumptionthat therewere only more or less
isolatedrecordsof importanteventsin the historyof the Buddhistchurchand some
short historicalchaptersin books otherwisecontaining legendarymaterial in
Indian Buddhisttradition. Such also has been thematerialwhichwas takenoverinto
theearliestSinhalesetradition, but in Ceylonit has been developedintofull-fledged
historiography. Later SoutheastAsian Buddhisthistoricalwritingwas stimulatedby
thetradition of Ceylon,as is well known.
ProfessorHeinz BechertteachesIndologyat the ligion4 (I968) pp. 25I-53. Max Weber's"Gesam-
Universityof G6ttingen,Germany. mele Aufsaetzezur Religionssoziologie," vol. 2,
1 For a detaileddiscussionof Weber's opinions were translatedinto English under the title"The
see H. Bechert,"Einige Fragender Religionssozio- Religionof India, The Sociologyof Hinduismand
logieund Struktur Buddhismus,"
des suedasiatischen Buddhism"(New York,I958).
InternationalYearbook for the Sociologyof Re-

761
762 HEINZ BECHERT
As I haveshownelsewhere,2 a criticalstudyof theearliestextantCeylonesechroni-
cles-Dipavamsa (4th or 5thcenturyA.D.) and Mahavamsa (about 500 A.D.)-reveals
thepartplayedbythepoliticalconceptofthenationalidentity oftheSinhalesein close
connectionwith the religioustraditionof Theravada Buddhism,i.e., the concept
of the identityof the SinhaleseBuddhists.Side by side with thisbasicallypolitical
idea,certainconceptsof Sangha historyare reflected in theearlyCeylonesechronicles
as well as in all laterhistoricalworksfromTheravada Buddhistcountries.Firstly,
we should referto the importanceof the historicalsuccessionof ordinationtradi-
tions(parampard)forthe validityof theordinationof Buddhistmonksand thereby
for the charismaof the religiouscommunitiesconcerned.The erectionof new
"simds,"i.e., ceremoniallyconsecratedplaces where ordinationrites can be per-
formed,therenewalof doubtful"upasampadds,"i.e.,higheror bhikkhuordinations,
which led to the establishment of new "nikayas,"i.e., "sects"of the Order,can be
justifiedby historicaltraditionsonly.Anotherrelatedbasic conceptin theecclesiasti-
cal historyof TheravadaBuddhismis theconceptof "sasana reform," i.e.,thereform
of the monasticcommunities" in accordancewith the legal principleslaid down in
theVinayaor Vinayapitaka, thecanonicallaw of theSangha.4
According to the Vinaya, any monk who violates the basic commands of
monasticdiscipline,the so-calledparaiikaprinciples,is automatically excludedfrom
the Sangha.5By way of thisrule,"pseudo-monks" came into existence.These were
personswho pretendedto be monksthoughtheyhad lost theirmembershipin the
Sangha as a resultof violationsagainstthe paraiikarules.Since each new ordina-
tionrequiredthe presenceof a certainnumberof validlyordainedmonks,it could
happenthatnew ordinationsbecame doubtfulas to theirvalidityif the good moral
conductof theordainingmonkswas doubted.
Situationsin whichthe decayof monasticdisciplineresultedin a seriousjeopar-
dizing of the survivalof a legal Sangha have frequently occurredin the historyof
Theravada Buddhism.It has been one of the favoredessentialtopicsof Buddhist
historicalwritingto show how orthodoxBuddhism managed to cope with this
problem.The earliest-and, as a work of literature,the best-coherentwork of

2 H. Bechert,"Ueber den Ursprungder Ge- SukumarDutt, Early BuddhistMonachism(Lon-

schichtsschreibung im indischen Kulturbereich,"
Nachrichtender Akademieder Wissenschaften in
Goettingen,Philologisch-historische Klasse I969,
Nr. 2, pp. 35-58.
"order" as used in the
3 Sdsana "instruction,"
canonicaltextsrefersto the dogmaticalteachings
of the Buddha as well as to the disciplinary
orders
given by the Buddha. In laterPali worksand as
a loan-wordin Sinhalese,Burmeseand Thai, sdsana
means the totalityof the Buddhistinstitutions in
a lawfulunbrokensuccessionfromthe timeof the
Buddha onwards.Therefore,the term "establish-
ment of the sdsana" denotesthe establishment of
a valid traditionof monasticordinationor upa-
sampadd.
4 The canonical text of the Vinayapitakawas
editedby H. Oldenberg(5 vols.,London I879-83)
and translatedby I. B. Horner (The Book of the
Discipline,6 vols.,London I938-66). Two mono-
graphs deal with the regulationsof the Vinaya:
don, I924); Durga N. Bhagvat,Early Buddhist
Jurisprudence (Poona, I939). Unfortunately, both
thesemonographsare full of errors,and theirau-
thorshave not understoodthe juridicalsystemof
Vinaya. Consequently, a systematical studyof the
Vinayaas a sourceof law is stilllacking.The basic
rulesfortheperformance of vinayakarmas or jurid-
ical acts prescribedby Buddhistcanonicallaw are
discussedin H. Bechert,"As'okas"Schismenedikt"
und der BegriffSanghabheda,"WienerZeitschrift
fuer die Kunde Sued- und Ostasiens5 (i96i) p.
2Iff. For furtherinformation, see also V. Rosen,
Der Vinayavibhangazum Bhiksuprdtimoksa der
Sarvdstivddins (Berlin, I959); H. Hartel, Karma-
vacand(Berlin,I956); GokuldasDe, Democracyin
EarlyBuddhistSamgha (Calcutta,I955).
5 The pdrdiikaoffencesare: sexual intercourse,
theft,killing a human being, and pretensionof
spiritualperfections.
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 763
historyin Sinhaleselanguage,the Nikayasangrahavacomposedby the
ecclesiastical
MahatheraDharmakYrti II (i4th century),givesan excellentsurveyof thehistoryof
Buddhismwithregardto thisaspect.

Methodsof Sasana Reform

Accordingto the traditionalrecords,the task of keepingthe sdsana intactde-
volvedupon theSangha immediately afterthe Buddha's death,when a monkcalled
Subhadda franklydeclaredto be delightedthatthe masterwas no longerthereto
make life difficultforthe monks throughhis principlesand interdictions, and that
theywere now freeto do as theypleased.6The meetingof honorablemonkswhich
laid downtheholytransmissions and therebyproducedthebasisforthecollectionsof
holyscriptures is said to have been summonedas a reactionagainstthisattitudeof
laxity.This earliestinstitutioncreatedto combat the forcesof decay withinthe
Sangha is the Buddhist"council."The Pali termsangiztior sangdyand whichis used
to describethiskind of meetingmeans "commonrecitation." A Buddhist"council"
is a meetingof a greatnumberof respectedmonkswho have set themselvesto the
task of fixingthe sacredtextsor of keepingtheirtransmission pure.7
For the historyof Theravada Buddhism,the so-calledThird BuddhistCouncil
at Pataliputra8was most important.The eventsprecedingthis council are fairly
well known,and theyclearlyshow a sequenceof sasana reformand council.King
Aseoka,who was verymuch concernedabout the decayingmoral conductin the
greatvihdras(monasteries),purgedthe orderfromunrestrained monksand in this
way effectedthe firstpurification of the Sangha (sdsanavisodhand),implemented
withthe help of the authority of the state.He did thisin a way consistent withthe
principlesprescribedby the vinacya and, as far as the circumstancespermitted,with
minimuminterference into the internalaffairsof the Sangha.9Afterthe individual
Sanghas (of whommanyhad been dividedas a resultof sanghabheda,i.e.,"splitting
of the Order" or "schism") were reunitedin thismanner,a meetingof one large
sectionof theOrder tookplace underthe leadershipof MoggaliputtaTissa. At this
meeting,the sacred textswere recited.By a comparisonof the accountsin the
Ceylonesechroniclesand in the Pali commentaries with the pertinentinscription
ofAsgoka(theso-called"SchismEdict"), thehistorical factscan be traced.10
Buddhismwas broughtto Ceylon during the time of As'oka and under his
patronage.Thus, naturally, his actionforthe purityof the Sangha becamethe lead-
ing exampleforthepoliciesof thekingsof Ceylontowardthemonasticcommunity.

6 Dighanikdya,ed. by T. W. Rhys Davids and modernscholars.In Ceylonese,Indian,and South-

vol. 2 (London,I903) p. I62f.;
J. E. Carpenter, east Asian Buddhologicalliterature it is, however,
Vinaya, vol. 2, p. 284f.
ed. byH. Oldenberg, stillreferredto as "Third BuddhistCouncil."
7 On the early Buddhistcouncilssee E. Frau- 9 Asoka's avoidance of unnecessary interference
wallner,"Die buddhistischen Konzile," Zeitschrift was stressedby L. Alsdorf,"As'okas Schismen-
der DeutschenMorgenlaendischen GesellschaftI02 Edikt und das dritteKonzil," Indo-Iranianjournal
(1952), pp. 240-6I; A. Bareau,Les premierscon- 3 (I959) p. I70f. and I74. Alsdorfhas shownthat
ciles bouddhiques(Paris, I955), and the relevant P. L. Eggermont, The Chronology of the Reign of
sectionsin E. Lamotte,Histoiredu BouddhismeIn- Asoka Moriya(Leiden, I956) p. ii8f., was wrong
dien(Louvain,I958). in denyingthe historicity of the councilheld dur-
8 This council is not identicalwith the council ing As'oka'sreign.
of Pataliputrarecordedin BuddhistSanskrit,Ti- 10For a detaileddiscussionof therelevantsources
betan and Chinese sources; see Frauwallner,op. see H. Bechert,"As'okas"Schismenedikt" und der
cit.,pp. 243-49 and 256-59. It has beencalled, BegriffSanghabheda,"WienerZeitschrift fuer die
therefore, the "Second Council of Pataliputra"by Kunde Sued- und Ostasiens5 (i96i) pp. I8-52.
764 HEINZ BECHERT
At the same time,the principlesof a Buddhistpoliticaltheoryhe developedbecame
thebasis of Buddhistpoliticaltheoryin the Buddhistkingdomof Ceylonand, later,
in the Buddhiststatesof SoutheastAsia. There is howeverin many of the recent
studiesa basic misunderstanding of the influenceof Asgoka'sideologyin Theravada
countries.It was, of course,not the tolerantAsoka who triedto developa "dharma"
generallyacceptablein a multi-religious society-thatis, the As'oka we know from
his inscriptions-that influencedthe thinkingof laterperiods.The inscriptions were
rediscovered and read onlyin theigthand 20thcentury. Buddhistsin theTheravada
countriesonly knew Asgokaas depicted in Pali commentariesand chronicles,
namely,Asgokaas a followerand partisanof theTheravada school.By an analysisof
the traditionsconcerninghis sasana reform, it is possibleto tracehow the historical
As'okawas transformed in thetraditionalrecordsintoa sectarianof thePali school.1'
By thistransformation, the foundationwas laid forthe ideologyof state-Sangha
relationsin Theravadacountries;thisprovedhistorically relevantin thathistorywas
made byhistorians in earlyCeylon.WhereasHinayana Buddhismlostitsimportance
and finallydisappearedin mostpartsof mainlandIndia, kingsin Ceylonand South-
eastAsia who had come undertheinfluenceof thisAsMokan ideologyfeltthe obliga-
tionto defendTheravadain two ways: first, theypreventedtheinfluence of doctrinal
deviationsfrom the orthodoxfaith and, second, they had monks expelled who
violatedthe basic rules of monasticlaw. Of course,this was done not only for
religiousreasonsbut also forpoliticalinterest, as we shall see. And such reformsof
the Sangha were not of lastingsuccesseither;theyhad to be repeatedregularly.
In addition,thechroniclestellus thattheywere noteasilyeffected. To mentiononly
the
one example, undisciplined monks who were excluded from the Sangha by the
of
sasana reformmeasures King Silameghavanna(6I9-628) of Ceylonformeda con-
the
spiracyand murdered piousmonkwho had instigated the reform.'2
AfterKing VijayabahuI (I055-IIIO) had liberated
Ceylonfromforeign
rule,
he discoveredthatthe minimumof fivevalidlyordainedbhikkhuswho could cele-
bratean upasampadaas prescribedin the Vinaya could not be broughttogetherin
the whole island. Therewitha situationhad arisen in which it was no longer
possibleto renewthe Sangha of Ceylonon the basis of its own ecclesiasticalbody.
Here we witnessforthe firsttime a new typeof sasana reform,the reintroduction
of the ordinationtraditionfromanothercountry,in this case fromBurma. It is
importantto note thatthe old divisionof the Sangha into threenikayasor "sects"
survivedalthoughmembersof all threenow represented one and the same upasam-
pada tradition.'3Thus, the indigenousstructuresof monasticlaw and juridical
viharaswere not at all affected
of the different
interrelations by the introductionof
a new paramparaof ordinationfromabroad.Similarly,nearlysevencenturieslater,

11 See my articlequoted above,footnoteIo. On 29I-95. It is possiblethat the upasampadatradi-

the nonconfessional characterof Asoka's dharma,
see theremarkbyAlsdorf, op. cit. (note 9) p. I73f.
12 Mahdvamsa44, vs. 75-79.
13 Recently,doubts have been expressedabout
the historicalbackgroundof the recordson the re-
establishment of the upasampadafromBurma; see
C. E. Godakumbura,"Burmese Buddhist Order
and Ceylonin the EleventhCentury,"Wickrama-
rachchiFelicitationVolume (Gampaha, I968), pp.
tionbroughtback fromBurmato Ceylonhad been
a paramparaoriginating fromCeylonand brought
over to Burma earlierat an unknowndate, but
thiswould not affectthe basic factsdiscussedhere,
namelythat it was the firstreintroduction of the
upasampadafromanothercountryto Ceylon and
thatthetripleorganizationalstructureof theSangha
was retained.
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 765
the thentraditionalstructure of two branchesof the Order-gdmavdsinor "village
monks" and aranin0avasinor "forestmonks"-survivedthe breakdownof the upa-
sampada traditionand its renewal,when the Syama-Nikayawas formedafterthe
reintroductionof the upasampadafromSiam in the year I753. Since thattime,the
twoold brancheswerecontinuedas thetwo branchesof theSyama-Nikaya, Malvatta,
and Asgiriya.14
An important steptowarda centraladministration of theSangha in thekingdom
was made by thesasana reformenactedby King ParakramabahuI (II53-II86). The
old structureofthreenikayas(Mahaviharavasin, Abhayagirivasin, and Jetavanavasin)
was done away with. It is interesting, however,that no "head of the Order,"or
sangharaja,was formallynominatedalthoughMahMkas'yapa acted practicallyas a
head of the Sangha when he formulated the textof a katikavata,a lawbookforthe
Sangha. The katikavata,however,was finallyenactednotin a Sangha councilbutby
royalorder.Buddhismhad been integrated intothestatein such a way thattheking
was legallyentitledto promulgatea lawbookfortheSangha.This textclaimsto have
been formulated in agreementwithdharmaand vinaya,i.e.,withthecanonicallaws.
Its contentsdid, however,positivelydeviatefromthe canonicallaw by containinga
numberof additionalpreceptsnot found in the ancienttextsand even some new
ruleswhichcontradicted canonicallaw. In spiteof this,the katikavatahas been ac-
ceptedas a basic lawbook forthe Sangha of Ceylonby the bhikkhusthemselves.'5
King ParakramabahuII (I236-I27I) issuedthe so-calledDambadeni Katikavata.
In this documentwe finddetailedreferences to the organizationalstructure of the
CeyloneseSangha whichfromthattimeremainedessentiallyunmodifiedup to the
end of the Sinhalesekingdom.This structure has formedthe basis of Sangha orga-
nizationforCeylonand SoutheastAsian Buddhismup untiltoday.The Sangha of
Ceylonwas at thattimedividedinto two sections:gamavasin(village monks) and
arafliavdsin(forestmonks). Each of thesesectionswas headed by a madhsthavira
who was the presidentof a centralcouncilor karakasanghasabhd. These two maha-
sthaviraswereelectednot by theparticularsectionbut by the leading theras(eldersin
the Order) of bothsectionsso that,in spiteof the practical divisionof the Sangha,
the juridicalunitywas represented by the two mahasthaviras. One of themwas ap-
pointedmahdsvdmi-(calledsangharajasince the i5th century).Togetherthe two
mahasthaviras (latercalledmahandyakas resp.mahandyakatheras) exercisedconsider-
able authority and powersover the ganas, i.e., groupsof viharasor monasticunits,
and theviharas,headedin turnbya viharddhipati.16
14 On sectsin Ceylonand theirhistory, see W. translatedby Nandasena Ratnapala: The Katiki-
Geiger,Cultureof Ceylonin MedievalTimes (Wies- vatas,Laws of the BuddhistOrderof Ceylonfrom
baden, I960) pp. 207-II; H. Bechert,"Zur Ge- the 12th centuryto the i8th century(doctoraldis-
schichteder buddhistischen Sektenin Indien und sertation,Goettingen, forthcoming as: Muenchener
Ceylon,"La NouvelleClio 7-9 (955-57) pp. 3II- Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, BeiheftN). The
6o. The existenceof Mahasanghikamonksin me- katikavataissued by ParakramabahuI was edited
dieval Ceylon has been assertedby R. A. L. H. by D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, EpigraphiaZey-
Gunawardana,"BuddhistNikayasin MedievalCey- lanica 2, pp. 256-83. The Sinhalesetextsof all
lon," CeylonJournalof Historicaland Social Stud- majorkatikavatas wereprintedin Katikdvatsangard,
ies 9 (I966) pp. 55-66. Until additionalmaterial ed. D. B. Jayatilaka(Colombo, I922).
comesto light,a finaljudgementon Gunawardana's 16 Dambadeni Katikdvata,in: Katikdvatsangard,
interesting theoryand reinterpretation
of the puz- op. cit.,pp. 6-22; Ratnapala,op. cit. See also Uni-
zling so-called JetavanaramaSanskritInscription versity of CeylonHistoryof Ceylon,ed. H. C. Ray,
will be difficult. vol. I, part2 (Colombo,I960) p. 745ff.
15 The katikdvatas of Ceylon were edited and
766 HEINZ BECHERT
Thus, a highlydeveloped hierarchicalstructurecame into being. In it, the
Sanghawas incorporated
or integrated
withintheframework ofthestate.

Ideologyof State-SanghaRelations
How did thisstructure fitinto the stateideologiesof the Buddhistkingdoms?
Much has been writtenabout the ideologicalconceptsunderlying the statestructure
in SoutheastAsia. Four concepts-orratherways of action-of kingshiphave been
described:first,the king is a "cakravartin," i.e.,a universalmonarchas describedin
canonicalBuddhisttexts;second,he is a "bodhisatva,"a Buddha-to-be, an identifica-
tiondevelopedundertheimpactof MahayanaBuddhism;third,he is a promotorand
protector of orthodoxTheravada like Asoka; and fourth,he is a "devaraja,"a god-
king in the Hindu tradition.Each of theseelementscould be definedas ways of
action: the "cakravartin"is the emperor of universal peace, the "bodhisatva"
leads all beings on their way to final salvation,the "new Asoka" protectsthe
Sangha and the holy traditions,and the "devaraja" is bound to the rajadharma,
i.e., the moral preceptsof kingshipas describedin the Hindu sacred books, the
Puranas and Dharmas&astras, and reflected in the "dasa rajadhamma"of Buddhist
Jatakatales. These ideas were essentialfor the building of state and societyin
Indian Buddhisttradition,and theywere veryusefulfor the justification of state
powerand forthecharismatic appeal of theruler,thoughnotforpracticalpolitics.
But Indian traditiondid providea systemof politicsfreefromreligiousideology
as a systemof politicalscience,namely,thatof the Kautaliya-Arthasdstra. We read
in thiscomprehensive guidebookforpoliticiansthattheyweretaughtto make use of
religiousbeliefsand institutions forpoliticalends,forexample,to exploitthefaithof
the people in deitiesand thus replenishthe emptytreasury, to appropriatetemple
property,to induce an enemy to come out from a fortfor the performanceof
religiousrites and murderhim when he has come out for the purpose,etc.1
And we have evidencethatKautalya'sbook was read and used fortheinstruction of
princesin Ceylon and Burma.18It remindsus of the principleslaid down in this
book when we learnthatin the i8thcenturya plotwas workedout to murdera king
of Ceylonduringa religiousfestival.19
Indian culturethus providedthe traditionof divine kingship,but it gave also
a traditionof purelysecularstatecraft which freedthe rulerfromall eventualre-
strictions from
resulting divine kingship-a dualism which must be consideredto
understandstate-Sangha relations.
In this context,it is clear that the integrationof the Sangha was worked out
withinthetraditionof rationalpolitics,butit had to be justifiedin termsof religious
17Kautaliya-Arthasdstra
5. 2. 37-39; I3. 2. 2I- "MoladandaRebellion"whichis not mentionedin
35, etc. the Mahdvamsa.See, inter alia, "The Johnstone
18 Cf. Geiger, op. cit. (note I4) p. 74, II9; Manuscripts, Relationof a ConspiracyAgainstthe
Geiger, "Kenntnisder indischenNitiliteratur in King of Candy in the Year I760, given by the
Ceylon," Beitraegezur Literaturwissenschaft und Appoohamyde Lanerolles,"CeylonAntiquaryand
Geistesgeschichte
Indiens,FestgabeHermannJacobi Literary Register2 (I9I6/I7), pp.272-74; P. E. E.
(Bonn, I926) pp. 4I8-2I. Kautalya'swork seems Fernando,"India OfficeLand Grantof King Kirti
to be mentionedin the book list of the famous Sri Rajasim.ha,"Ceylonjournal of Historicaland
Pagan inscriptionof I442 under the misspelttitle Social Studies3 (I960), pp. 72-8i. The rebellion
of "Koladhvaja-tikd."See Mabel HaynesBode, The is recordedin the gdsanavatirnavarnanava, edited
Pali Literatureof Burma (London, i906) p. io8, by C. E. Godakumbura(Moratuva,I956), a Sin-
no. 259. halesehistoryof Buddhism.
19Thereis a numberof sourceson thisso-called
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 767
ideology.This could be done by emphasizingthe necessityto protectthe Sangha
from decay, i.e., frommeddling in "mundane" activities,the Sangha being an
forpurelyreligiousor "supra-mundane"
institution (lokuttara)aims."Undisciplined"
was consideredsynonymous with "worldly"in regard to monks. Therefore,pro-
tectionof the Sangha was, at the same time,preventingit fromtaking part in
politicalactivitieswhich was forbiddenby the rules of vinaya,and at the same
time,by reason of state.A hierarchicalstructurewas the best practicalmeans to
enforcethe controlof the Sangha; for it was virtuallyimpossibleto keep under
controla Sangha which consistedof a large numberof non-connected groups of
monks.20
in Ceylon
Changesin theSanghaStructure
The hierarchicalstructureof the Sangha in Ceylon,however,did not survive
the lapse of time. It is hardly possible to understandthe disintegration of this
structure withouttakinginto consideration the politicalhistoryof the island from
the i6th to the i8th century.The politicalunitywas brokenup, partsof the island
came underthe controlof colonialpowersand therewas a generaldeterioration of
the culturaland religiousconditionsin thefreepartsof the country.A greatpartof
the literaturewas lost.Thus, it is not surprisingthatthe Sangha also was affected
bygeneraldecay.There was no morea strongcentralauthority of themahasthaviras
or the karakasanghasabMh. The monarchsdid not appointa mahasvamito prevent
theSanghafrombecominga potentially strongerpowerthantheirown.
Within the Sangha itself,disciplinecame virtuallyto a low point.The re-intro-
ductionsof the upasampadafromArakan did not achievelastingsuccess.21 So-called
"ganinnanses,"i.e., priestswho had undergone lower ordinationor pabbajjd only,
but not upasampada (and in manyinstanceshad wivesand children)inhabitedthe
monasteriesof the island.It was with greatdifficulty thatKing Kirtisri-Rajasimha
and themonkValivitaSaranankaracouldachievea reformof theSangha in themid-
dle of the i8th centurywhichwas connectedwith the promulgation of a new kati-
kavata.Under a comparatively stronggovernment, again a mahasvamior sangharaja
was appointed,Saranankara.The reform,however,did not go deep enough.Cer-
tainly,the"ganinnanses" had to undergoan ordination, someofthemlefttheSangha,
butin generalit seemsto havebeenmoreor lessa compromise.22
The greatesthindranceto a throughoutreformof the Sangha in Ceylon was
formedby the systemtermed"monasticlandlordism"which had developedas a
peculiarityof Ceylong Buddhismin a long processwhich seems to have begun
alreadyin the late Anuradhapuraperiod (about the ioth century).The administra-
tive head of a monasteryhad been electedby its particularSangha or monastic
20 On the relationof "sasana reform" and "sec- 22 The mostdetailedstudyof thisreform move-
ularisttendencies"in the traditional historyof the mentis KotagamaVacissara, SaranatkaraSahgha-
Sangha see H. Bechert,"Einige Fragen," op. cit. rtija samaya (Colombo, 1960). From the large
(see footnoteI), p. 275ff. numberof articleson the topic,P. E. E. Fernando,
21 The upasampadawas reintroduced by inviting "An Accountof the KandyanMissionsentto Siam
monks fromArakan duringthe rule of Vimala- in I750 A.D.", Ceylon journal of Historicaland
dharmasuirya I (I592-I604) and of Vimaladhar- Social Studies2 (I959) pp. 37-83, should be re-
masuirya II (I687-I707); see Mahavamsa94, I5ff.; ferredto. For the katikavataissued by Kirtis'ri-
97, 8ff.; P. E. E. Fernando,"The Rakkhanga- Rajasimha, see Katikdvatsangard, op. cit. and
Sannas-Cuirnikava and the Date of the Arrivalof Ratnapala,op. cit. (footnoteI5).
ArakaneseMonksin Ceylon,"University of Ceylon
ReviewI7 (1959) pp. 4I-46.
768 HEINZ BECHERT
communityand was removablein the earlyperiod,but in the course of time the
positionas a head of a monasterydevelopedstep by step into a nearlyabsolute
ownershipof themonastery.23 Though thisdevelopmentwas completedonlyin the
igth century,24 the rule that the head of a monastery-inofficialterminology, a
vihdrddhipati or "chiefincumbent"-couldappointone of his pupilsas his successor,
had long beforebecome generallyaccepted.25 This so-called"pupillarysuccession"
(siydnusisyaparamparava) was widelyused to retainthe monasteriesin the hand
of certaininfluential
families.
For a numberof monasteriesanotherrule of successiontermedjnodtisisyaparam-
parava or sivuruparampardva became valid. Under this rule only a relativeof the
deceasedviharadhipati could succeedhim. Thus, a laymancould be the successorto
a deceased monk providedhe was readyto take up the robes.Rudimentsof this
regulationcan be tracedback to the Dambadeni Katikavata.26It spreadduringthe
periodof the ganinnanses.In thisway,the donationsof pious kingsto the Sangha
and the exemptionfromtaxationof Sangha propertyhad, in fact,createdproperty
interests groupsof thepopulationconnectedwiththemonasticendow-
of influential
ments.These groups were strongenough to preventthe reformmovementfrom
succeedingwiththereestablishment of a publicand centralcontroloverthemonastic
units to preventdeterioration of the disciplinaryand educationalstandardsof the
monksas well as the alienationof the incomeof the monasteries.27
Thus, the reformof the i8th centuryresultedin the formalreestablishment of a
valid upasampada but not in a reformof the administration of the "Buddhist
temporalities."In thecolonialperiod,thedisintegration continued,thoughtherewere
repeatedattemptsto take up the task of providingthe Buddhist institutionsa
workingconstitution to preventmisuseand misappropriation.28
However,thebreakdownof thecontrolof thestatedid not resultin decayof the
entireSangha.There werealwaystendenciesfora reformfrominside,i.e.,forpurely
religiousreasonsand motives.The reformist movementscalled into being by com-
munitieswhichhad becomeinfluential as a consequenceof social changein theearly
igth centurywere closelyconnectedwith the controversies of the castes.Alreadyin
theDambadeni Katikdvatathe customto excludeall personswho did not belongto
the highestcaste-the Goyigamacastewhichis themajoritycasteof the Sinhalese-

23W. Rahula, Historyof Buddhismin Ceylon, schaftin den Laenderndes Theraudda-Buddhismus,

The AnuradhapuraPeriod (Colombo, I956), p. vol. I (Frankfurt, I966) p. 224 ff.and p. 230 ff.
I35, note i, statesthat"the law of successionand 25 For detailsof thisrule see H. Bechert,op. cit.,
incumbency of Buddhisttemporalitiesin the early (footnote 24), vol. i, pp. 225-28.
periodis not clearlyknown."Rahula tracesthe first 26 DambadeniKatikivatapar. 35 (in Ratnapala's
evidencefor the "pupillarysuccession"fromthe edition,cf.footnoteI5) prescribes thattheheads of
BuddhannehalaPillarInscription datedin the third the dyatanas(a typeof largemonasticinstitutions)
yearof kingKassapaV (9I3-923) and editedby should belong to certain families. On the
D. M. de Z. Wickremasinghe, EpigraphiaZeylanica jiidtilsisyaparampardva see Bechert,op. cit., vol. i,
I, pp. I9I-200. The development is alsodiscussed p. 226.
by W. M. A. Warnasuriya, "InscriptionalEvidence 27 See also H. D. Evers,"'MonasticLandlordism'
bearingon the Natureof ReligiousEndowmentin in Ceylon,"Journalof AsianStudies28 (I969) pp.
AncientCeylon,"University of CeylonReview i, 685-92.
no. i. (Apr. I943) pp. 69-74, no. 2 (Nov. I943) 28 See H. Bechert,op. cit., vol. I, pp. 230-44;
pp. 74-82, and 2 (I944) pp. 92-96. However,we K. M. De Silva, "Buddhismand the BritishGov-
mustconcedethatour knowledgeof the stagesof ernmentin Ceylon I840-I 855," CeylonHistorical
thistransformation is stillinsufficient. Journalio (I960-6I) pp. 9I-I59; H. D. Evers,
24 See H. Bechert,Buddhismus, Staat und Gesell- "Buddhismand BritishColonial Policyin Ceylon,
18I5-I875," Asian Studies2 (I964) pp. 323-333.
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 769
frommembership, in theSangha and thereby fromthematerialbenefitsderivedfrom
the templelands is reflected.29During the climax of the reformmovementin the
i8th century,a few non-Goyigamas succeededto obtain upasampada,but soon ad-
missionto the Sangha was closedfornon-Goyigamas again. The main groupof the
Sangha whichwas now called Syama-Nikayaretainedthisrule afterthe end of the
Sinhalesemonarchy.The othercasteswhichhad succeededin gainingconsiderable
economicinfluencein variouspartsof the island,reactedby the foundingof new
nikayas (Amarapura-Nikayaand its subdivisions,Ramaiinna-Nikaya) which in-
troducedtheir upasampada from Burma. The furthersplits which took place
withinthesereformist groups of monks were partiallydue to religioussubtleties
and partiallydue to theresurgence in thesenew nikayas.80
of the caste-consciousness
This deep influenceof the castesystem, whichdid not existin any othercountry
professingTheravada Buddhism,is one of the strikingpeculiaritiesof Ceylon
Buddhismcomparedto thatof SoutheastAsia. But in additionto this,manyof the
structureswhich have no foundationon canonical law, e.g., the aforementioned
"pupillarysuccession"in its Ceyloneseform,weretakenoverfromtheold or Syama-
Nikaya by many of the new sectswhich should have avoided it accordingto their
ideology.These structures which had been developedin Ceylon under the social
and politicalconditionsof the island had been too suitedto theseconditionsto be
doneawaywith,thoughtheywerenotat all justified bycanonicalBuddhistlaw.
in SoutheastAsia
Changesof theSangha Structure
Let us compare the case of Burma. Here a comparativelywell organized
hierarchy had been developedin a social environment absolutelydifferentfromthat
in Ceylon.The basic structure systemwas quite similarto thatof
of the hierarchical
theCeyloneseSangha to whichthe BurmeseSangha had close connections sincethe
ith century. But differentlyfromCeylon,thekingsof Burma had been remarkably
successfulin theirattemptstowardbringingthe whole Sangha under the control
of thecentralecclesiasticaladministrationwhichwas itselfcontrolledby thegovern-
ment. There was no fullydeveloped "monastic landlordism"comparableto that
of Ceylonmonasteries. However,thisorganizationalstructure which had depended
on theefficiencyofthegovernment brokedowncompletely in thecolonialperiod.81
Like in Ceylon,in thishistorical a reform
situation, activityfrominsidetheSangha
in the igthcenturyresultedin theformationof new "sects."We findthreetypesof

29 Dambadenikatikdvata par. I3 (in Ratnapala's komisan vartdva, Colombo, I959 (Governmentof

edition,cf. footnoteI5). Most of the lower castes Ceylon,SessionalPaper XVIII-ig5g) part I, pp.
of the Sinhaleseoriginatedfromthe assimilation of 27-49; Simhala vis'vakosaya,vol. I (Colombo,
minorityethnicgroups; in the coastal areas, the I963) pp. 639-43 (S.V. Amarapura-Nikdya); En-
largerminoritycastescan be tracedback to im- cyclopediaof Buddhismed. by G. P. Malalasekera
migratedDravidian populationswhich have been (Colombo,I96I ff.)vol. I, pp. 406-09.
assimilatedby the Sinhalesein the courseof many 31Informationon the organizationaland ad-
centuries.Therefore,historicallyspeaking,theGoyi- ministrative structure of the Sangha in precolonial
gama caste can be largely identifiedwith the Burma see D. E. Smith,Religionand Politicsin
Sinhalesepeasantpopulationin the propersenseof Burma (Princeton,N. J.,I965), pp. 3-37 and H.
theword. Bechert,Buddhismus, Staat und Gesellschaft in den
30 H. Bechert,op. cit. (footnote24), vol. I, pp. Laenderndes Theravdda-Buddhismus, vol. 2 (Wies-
2ii-2o; A. L. Green,"SinhaleseReligiousOrgani- baden, 1967) p. I6 f. (with furtherreferences in
zation in the Low Country,"Paper,Conference on note I373 a); on its developmentin the colonial
Ceylon,University of Pennsylvania,I967. For de- period,Bechert, op. cit.,vol. 2, p. 17 f., 40 f., and
tails on the nikayasin Ceylonsee Buddha sdsana D. E. Smith,op. cit.,p. 43 ff.
770 HEINZ BECHERT
sectsin modernBurmeseBuddhism,one typeconsistingof new nikayassimilarto
the reformist nikayasin Ceylon.The two groupsofficially recognizedas nikayasin
thissense,namely,Dvara-Nikayaand Shwe-gyin-Nikaya (Rhve-kyani-nikaya), were
formedafterthe middleof the igth century.They have built up a well-organized
hierarchicalstructure. In some partsof Burma, thesetwo nikayashave been split
again into subsectswith separatehierarchicalorganizations.The Dvara-Nikayais,
e.g., dividedinto two separatenikayasin Arakan. The "Weluwun sect" (founded
I897) is a subsectsplitfromShwe-gyin-Nikaya 32
The bulk of theBurmeseSangha whichhad no morefunctioning organizational
structure since the breakdownof the old hierarchicalorderafterthe defeatof the
Burmesemonarchyis called Sudhamma-Nikaya,althoughit cannotbe compared
with the two othernikayas.But therewere reformist and organizationaldevelop-
mentswithinthe Sudhamma-Nikayasimilarto thosewhichled to theestablishment
of the two othernikayasand theirsubsects.Even the Shwe-gyin-Nikaya had been
startedas a movementwithinSudhamma-Nikayabeforeit was organizedas a sep-
arate nikaya.Such movementsconsistedof groupsremainingformallywithinthe
Sudhamma-Nikayabut buildingup theirown organizationsand allegiances.Well-
known among thesesectsare the so-called"Pakkoku sect"and the"Ngettwinsect,"
the formerhaving played an importantpart in politicalactivitiesduringU Nu's
government. It was virtuallymoreusefulforthesegroupsto retaintheoutwardand
noncommittal affiliation to Sudhamma-Nikayain orderto be able to speak for"the
Sangha" in generalin theirproclamations.33 A thirdtypeof reformist movement
withinthe frameworkof the Sudhamma-Nikaya was the Sulagandi (Cuilagandi)
movementin the last decade of the igth century.This movementtried to push
througha stricter observanceof certainrulesof the vinayaby the Sangha.34
The development wentalong different linesin Thailand and Cambodia.In these
countriesthe responsibility of the stateforthe welfareand integrity of the Sangha
was never questionedand the tendencyof the governmentsto set up a central
administration of religiousaffairswas successful. Basically,the structure and organi-
zation of the Sangha in thesecountriesis only different in so far fromthe older
hierarchies in Burma and Ceylonas modernmethodsof administration and control
have been adopted.This is a quite recentdevelopment. We know,forexample,that
of the threedivisionsof the Sangha of Siam in the igth century,two belongedto
ganthadhura, i.e.,"the burden(observance)of the studyof books (scriptures),"one
to vipassanddhura, i.e., "the burdenof meditation,"and thesewere identicalwith
the definitionsof the afore-mentioned gdmavdsinand araiiiavasin in mediaeval
Ceylon.35
Sasana Reformin East Bengal
I have had recentlythe opportunityto examinea veryinterestingcase of sasana
reformin East Bengal. Today in the districts
of Chittagong and ChittagongHill
Tractsin East Bengal whichbelongto East Pakistanthereis a comparatively small

32 The available information on the Burmese BurmeseEstablishment," Archivesde Sociologiedes

nikayasis scarceand partlycontradictory; I refer ReligionsI7 (I964) pp. 85-95.
to mysurveyof theirhistory, op. cit. (footnote31), 34 H. Bechert,op. cit.,vol. 2, p. 23.
vol. 2, pp. 2I-24. 35 Cf.H. Bechert, op. cit.,vol. 2, p. I85.
33 Cf. also E. M. Mendelson,"Buddhismand the
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 771
but widespread communityof Buddhists which has escaped the interestof
Buddhologistsso farand, therefore, was practicallyunknown.This community is of
mixedorigincomprising elementsof survivingBengal Buddhismand of Arakanese
influence.The main ethnicgroupsof East Bengal Buddhismare the Baruas living
in the plainsand the Cakmas in the hill tracts.In the middleof the igthcentury, a
reformmovementwas startedhere.Its head was a Buddhistmonknamed Saramitta,
a nativefromHarbang,a villagesouthof Chittagong.Aftercompletinghis studies
and attaininghigh honorsin the Sangha in Akyab,the capitalof Arakan,he was
called back to his home-country by East Bengali Buddhists.The reformmovement
headed by him had the patronageof Queen Kalindi, who ruled the Cakma tribe
of ChittagongHill Tracts. Kalindi Rani could help the spread of the reform
movementmaterially, but notby any authorityovertheBaruas or BengaliBuddhists
who werethendirectBritishsubjects.
The almostcompletesuccessof the reformmovementis surprisingif compared
withsimilarmovementsin Ceylonand Burma.Here, again,the social and political
situationwas essential:Buddhismin East Bengal existedin a multireligious society,
and therewere no materialinterestsopposed to the religiousreform.The Baruas
formedone caste only,so that it was easy to make use of the nearlydemocratic
institutionsof the self-government of the caste for the purposeof controllingthe
Sangha. This control,however,was practically achievedin a dual structure: by local
lay administration of the secularaffairsof the templesand by a centralreligious
council. The supra-regionalSangha structurecould not have been inventedin
Bengal Buddhismitself.It was takenover fromthoseBuddhistcountrieswhere it
had beendevelopedas a meansto regulatesangha-Staterelations.
It is remarkablethatthesmallgroupof bhikkhuswho did not take overthenew
upasampada traditionintroducedby Saramitta'sreformand insistedthat the old
indigenousBengali upasampada should be consideredvalid, did accept the same
strictstandardsof monasticdisciplineand the same organizationalstructure. These
monks call their communityMahathera-Nikayaas opposed to the Sangharaja-
Nikayaestablished by Saramittaand his followers.
Both nikayas headed by a High Priestcalled mahdndyakathera
are and fourdep-
uty high priestsor anunayakatherasin the Sangharaja-Nikaya,respectively, one
anundyakathera in the Mahathera-Nikaya. These dignitariesare electedby a general
assemblyof the monksof the nikaya.Besidesthesenayakatheras, each nikayahas a
secretary. A tdrakasanghasabhd, i.e.,an actingmonasticcouncilunderthepresidency
of the nayakatheras, exercisesmonasticjurisdictionand decidesoverimportantmat-
ters.The membersof the tdracasanghasabhd are electedfora periodof threeyears
by all monksof thenikayain thegeneralcouncilof theOrderor mahdsanghasabhd,
whereasthe nayakatherasare electedfor life.The tdratasanghasabhd of the San-
gharaja-Nikayaconsistsof thirtymonks,that of the Mahathera-Nikaya of eleven
monks.The mahasanghasabhd of the Sangharaja-Nikaya meetsannually,thatof the
Mahathera-Nikaya once in threeyears.The Sangharaja-Nikayahas an additional
regionalstructure of fifteenregionalbranchesto whichthemonasteries are affiliated.
Ten of thesebranchesare situatedin Chittagongdistrict, two in Comilla district.
Each of the threecirclesof ChittagongHill Tractsformsone branchand is headed
by therespective radguru("royalteacher")who is appointedby theraja of thecircle,
namely,the Cakma Raja in Rangamatl,the BohmongRaja in Bandarban,and the
772 HEINZ BECHERT
Mong Raja in Manikcheri.It should be added here that nearlyall the monks in
ChittagongHill Tractsare membersof the Sangharaja-Nikaya.
The organizationof the monasteries is closelyconnectedwiththatof the nikaya.
In most cases,the eldestor the most educated discipleof a deceased head monk
followshim as the head monk or viharadhipatiof the monastery.This pupillary
successionis not,however,a generalrule as in Ceylon.It is onlya customwhichis
followedin mostcases.In principle,it is in the power of the karakasanghasabha of
thenikayato appointthenew head monk.Practically, thekarakasanghasabha has to
decideonlyin therarecases of dispute.
At present,quite a numberof monasteries in East Bengal are not inhabitedby a
monk. In such a case, the lay Buddhistsof the village,i.e., theirBuddhistVihar
Committee, can inviteany monk of theirchoiceto,stayin the viharaof the village.
Again,thekarakasanghasabha is askedto confirm thisappointment.
Monasticjurisdictionis in the authorityof the karakasanghasabha.If a monk
violatesbasic rulesof conducthe can be expelledfromthe Sangha by thisassembly.
In such a case,no laymanwill presentanythingto thismonkso thathe is forcedto
give up therobes.Whereasmanyof thelargermonasteries in Ceylonhave been pro-
videdwithland grantsand otherregularincome by theirdonators,Buddhistviharas
in East Bengal rarelyhave any landed property except the ground on whichmonas-
teryand templeitselfare situated.Therefore,the monksare entirelydependenton
the lay populationfortheirlivelihood.Wheneverthereis largerincomeof a vihara,
bya laytrustee
itis administrated orthevillage
(kappiyakdraka) committee.
temple
In consequence ofthisstateofaffairs,theBuddhist monks ofEastBengalarein a
senseunder
certain thecontrol oflaymen. herefora monkto lead
It is notpossible
lifewithout
a layman's leavingtheorder.36
Here,theorganizational structuredeveloped in theBuddhist was
monarchies
adoptedandtransformed bya quasi-democratic communityanditdidworkas one
canseefrom a studyofthepresent oftheSanghainEastBengal.
situation Theexis-
tenceofa structuralmodelwhich couldbetakenoverwasan historical This
factor.
modelwasuseful underconditions absolutely fromthoseunderwhichit
different
hadbeendeveloped in Ceylon andBurma, whereas itwasnotworkablein Ceylon
andBurma itselfoncetheoldpolitical system hadbroken down.On theotherhand,
IndianBuddhists ofoldhadnotbeenabletocreate ofSangha-laity
sucha system
in IndianBuddhism
relations as theJainacommunities haddone.Thisis agreed
uponasoneofthemainfactors contributingtothedecay ofBuddhisminIndia.
Ancient CanonicalLaw andModern OrganizationalStructures
ofhierarchical
The structures organization so fararenotthoseofthe
described
Buddhist
canonical law.ThoughtheBuddhahadallowedtheSanghato abolish
minor
rules,37 Buddhist
thefirst thattheSanghadoesnotalterthe
resolved
Council
Buddha'slaws.38 is considered
This decision binding Buddhists.
by all orthodox
to doubtwhether
it waspossible
Therefore, thenewhierarchical or-
andregional
36 Field researchon Buddhismin Bengal has EducationalMiscellany(Agartala) 4, no. 3/4 (Dec.
been supportedby the DeutscheForschungsgemein- I967-Mar. I968) pp. I-25.
schaft.A monograph on thehistoryof BengaliBud- 87 Dighanikdya, ed. by T. W. RhysDavids and
dhism is under preparation.See also H. Bechert, J.E. Carpenter, vol. 2 (London, I903) p. 154.
"Contemporary Buddhismin Bengal and Tripura," 38 CullavaggaXI.i. 9 (Vinayapitaka, ed. by H.
Oldenberg,vol. 2, p. 287 f.).
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 773
ganization of the Sangha was legal or not fromthe point of view of vinaya.3
Practically,a dual structure had come into existencein the historicaldevelopment
of the Theravada Sangha: it was organized along more modern organizational
lines,but it had to keep the old structures as prescribedby the vinaya.The new
structures were necessary,no doubt,for the survivalof the Sangha-but the old
one had to be preservedin orderto make the proceedingsof the Sangha lawful.
They represented historicalfactorswhich could not have been leftbehind in an
historically
conscioussociety.
With thepost-vinaya organizationalstructure,Theravada Buddhismhad founda
way to deal withnew taskswhichhad notexistedduringthetimeof thecodification
of the laws of vinaya.Many of thesenew dutieshad evolvedforthe Sangha when it
had becomethe leadingagencyforthe preservation of the cultureand literatureof
the country, and when the Sangha took over the responsibility of the educationof
the male youth,etc. This developmentwas because in SoutheastAsia-and partly
even in Ceylon-therehad not existedan indigenousclass of literatias was the case
in India proper.
In additionto this responsibility for the education,the Sangha had to offer
religiousbenefitsforthe lay people,e.g.,the protectivepowerof recitationof the so-
called parittatexts.40Here I should mentionthat Theravada Buddhism has in-
corporatedsome noncanonicalbeliefswhich were of great importancefor this
development,e.g., the theoremof the transmissionof religiousmerit to the de-
ceased (pufiindnumodan4and pattiddna)4' On the basis of thisconcept,the monks
participated in funerals,and religiousgiftsin commemoration of the ancestorswere
donatedto the Sangha.This too helpedto developthe Sangha intoa factorof social
life.
The solutionof the contradiction of ancientcanonicallaw and modernformsof
organizationand authority in the religioussphereis effectedby a dualismin thelife
of theSangha. The ceremonialand legal acts prescribedin the vinaya-the so-called
vinayakarmas-areperformed in accordancewiththeancientlaw. In thisway,
strictly
thevalidityof theseacts is ensured.At the same time,the act of decisionand agree-
mentitselfwhichhad been the originalsense of the vinayakarmais no longerper-
formedduringthevinayakarmabut beforeitsperformance. Thus, the vinayakarmas
have become purelyritual acts in which decisionsarrivedat beforeare formally
enacted.This dualismis led so far that,on the one hand, the performance of the
relevantvinayakarmadoes remain the essentialpresumptionfor the validityof
relevantjuridical acts of canonical law. On the other hand, however,the pre-
sumptionsof thevalidityof a vinayakarmaare not longerdefinedby canonicallaw
butbycustomary law.
This state of affairsshould be taken into account when the importanceof
Buddhismand theSangha as a major factorof social and politicalchangein Ceylon

39On thebasisof canonicallaw, it was consistent Waldschmidt, Von Ceylonbis Turfan,(Goettingen,

and justifiedwhen the RangoonHigh Courtruled I967) pp. 456-78.
in I935 that a decisionof the hierarchywas not 41 On the place of this idea in the historyof
valid since"neithertheThathanabaing(Sangharaja Buddhistthoughtsee H. Bechert,"Zur Fruehges-
of Burma) nor the hierarchyset up by him are chichtedes Mahayana-Buddhismus," der
Zeitschrift
mentionedin the Vinaya"; see H. Bechert,op. cit. Deutschen MorgenlaendischenGesellschaft 113
(footnote31), vol. 2, p. 44. (1964) PP. 530-35.
40 bestdescription of parittais foundin E.
774 HEINZ BECHERT
and SoutheastAsia is evaluated.Modern Theravada Buddhism,althoughbased on
the canonicalwritings,is not at all identicalwith canonical Buddhism,but it has
preservedthe continuityof the historicaltraditionfromthe earliesttime to the
present.
Later Indian Buddhismand its tantricsiddhashad done away with all histori-
cal burdens;as provocateursof theirperiodtheytriedto actualizereligiousfeelings
and to get rid of the formalismof historicalBuddhisttraditions.But in this way
theyalso had removedall factorsof orderand continuity and theirmovementdid
not surviveverylong. As we have seen before,it was not the greatimpetusof the
siddhas-the "hippies" of medieval Bengal-but the returnto the principlesof
canonicallaw thatenabledBuddhismto survivein partsof Bengal.

ofResurgent
PoliticalImplications TheravadaBuddhism
Studentsof canonicalBuddhismhave alwaysemphasizedthe nonpoliticalnature
of the Buddha's teachings.Max Weber has describedBuddhismas a "specifically
non-politicaland anti-political
religionof a social class."42No doubt,thereare many
characteristicelementsin earlyBuddhismto supportthis statement.However, we
have alreadyseen how the Sangha was incorporated into the structure
of the tradi-
tionalBuddhiststates.Similarly, thereligiousfactoras an important forcewithinthe
politicaland social upheavalin the Buddhistcountriesof South and SoutheastAsia
in the recentpast is too obvious to be overlookedor disregarded.However, the
questionremainshow far the religiousmomentsin this developmentcan be de-
scribedas genuinelyreligiousfactors
or elseas religiouson itsfaceonly.
There can be no doubtthatthepoliticalroleof the religiousfactorsdependsto a
largedegreeon thegeneralpoliticaland socialsituationof the countriesin question.
To make out which peculiarinfluencesare due to a certainreligioussituationis
extremelydifficult as nowhere do the religiousfactorsexist isolated from other
factors.In thiscontext,a comparativestudyof societieswith similarreligiousback-
groundscan servea veryusefulpurpose.
At firstsight,one would say that the religiousbackgroundof the Theravada
Buddhistcountriesis almostidentical.We findthe same religiousliterature in Pali.
Even minutepointsof theinterpretation of theteachingsof Buddhismare discussed
in thesebooks.The lifeof the Buddhistmonksis governedby the same set of rules,
etc. This picture,however,is one-sided.Here the basic differences of the popular
religionswhichexistin the severalcountriesof Theravada Buddhismshould be re-
called.Popularreligionhas two aspectshere;firstly, popularBuddhism,i.e.,religious
practicesof the peasant populationbased on the so-called"Great Tradition"43of
literaryBuddhism,but not in full agreementwith the real understanding of the
ideas incorporated.Half-magical practices as described in the very popular
CeylonesePali book Rasavahiniwrittenby Vedeha in the i3th centurycan serveas
a typicalexampleforpopularBuddhismin thissense.WhereascanonicalBuddhism

42 Max Weber, GesammelteAufsaetzezur Re- GreatTraditionand theLittlein the Perspectiveof

ligionssoziologie, vol. 2, 2nd ed. (Tuebingen,I923)
p. 220.
of "Great
43 I cannot agree with the definition
Tradition" and "Little Tradition" in Therav5da
countriesproposedby GananathObeyesekere ("The
SinhaleseBuddhism,"Journalof Asian Studies22,
pp. I39-53); see H. Bechert,"Einige Fragen der
op. cit. (see footnotei) pp.
Religionssoziologie"
266-75.
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 775
is practicallythe same in the fiveTheravada countries,popular Buddhism shows
similaritiesonly.The secondaspectof popularreligion,i.e.,thenon-Buddhist popular
cultsof the so-called"LittleTradition"is entirelydifferent in Ceylon,Burma,and
Thailand. It is wrong to disregardthese differences while examining the im-
portanceof the religiousfactorin regardto social and politicalchange.Buddhism
has neverinfluenced politicaland social developmentsas a purelyreligioustheory,
but alwaysin itsactualmanifestation, i.e.,in an integratedreligioussystemincluding
popularbeliefs.
Thus, in additionto the connectionsof Buddhistreligionand statewhich were
discussedabove, anotherset of interrelations of religiousinstitutionsand environ-
ment has to be considered.Relationsof Sangha and state were regulatedby the
principlethatthe Buddhistsasana is in its conceptiondirectedtowardsdetachment
fromworldlyaffairs, i.e.,it is "supra-mundane" (lokuttara),whereasthe cultof the
gods,on the otherhand,servesworldlypurposes.The cult of the gods is, therefore,
essentialin a Buddhiststateto ensurethe welfareof king and people in mundane
affairs.
The statecults,therefore, includeBuddhistelementsas well as cultsof gods and
magicalrites,and a kind of syncretism developed.These elements,howeverdid not
mergeintoa full-type syncretistic religion,but retainedtheirdifference withina more
or lessintegratedsystem.Generally,BrahminsfromIndia wereemployedas priestsat
thecourtsof thekingsof SoutheastAsia fortheperformance of statecultsand rites.
In SoutheastAsia basic differences originatedbetweencourtreligionsand peasant
religion,44but therewas no similarantagonismin Ceylon.Here, courtreligionand
and popularcultswere bothof Indian originor at leastof Indian type.Officialand
popularreligionformeda moreor lessintegrated systemfromearliesttimes.45
The movementof resurgent Buddhismin late igthand in 20thcenturyhas to be
understoodon thisbackground.Quite fromthe beginning,Buddhistmodernismin
Ceylonand Burma was linkedto politicaland social issues.It is sufficient to refer
the reader for details to the relevant studies published on this subjectrecently.46
Some of the basic principlesof the ideologyof the so-called"politicalbhikkhus"of
Ceylon were formulatedin programmatic documentswrittenin the period from
I945 to I947. A mahanayaka whodiedin I945, had written
ofMalvatta, a justifica-
tion forthe politicalactivityof the Sangha, whichwas publishedlateron in "The
Revolt in the Temple."47Valpala (Walpola) Rahula publishedhis "Bhi~twua-gj
urumaya"in I946,48and thefamousdeclarations "Bhiksi7n ha delapdkanaya"
(Monks

of SoutheastAsian
44 H. J.Benda,"The Structure 46 On the movementof resurgent Buddhismin
History,"journal of SoutheastAsian History 3 Ceylon and Burma see D. E. Smith (ed.), South
(I962) pp. II4-I8. Asian Politicsand Religion(Princeton,I966), with
45 See MichaelM. Ames, "Magical-animism and four chapterson Ceylon by D. E. Smith,A. J.
Buddhism:A Structural Analysisof the Sinhalese Wilson and C. D. S. Siriwardane;D. E. Smith,
ReligiousSystem,"Religionin South Asia, ed. by Religionand Politicsin Burma (Princeton,I965)
EduardB. Harper(Seattle,I964) pp. 21-52; cf. and H. Bechert,Buddhism us, Staatund Gesellschaft
also my articlequoted in footnotei. On the in- in den Laenderndes Theravdda-Buddhismus, vols.
tegrationof bothreligioussystemssee the example I-2 (Frankfurt, I966, Wiesbaden,I967).
describedby H. D. Evers,"Buddha and the Seven 47 D. C. Vijayavardhana,Dharma-Vijaya,Tri-
Gods: The Dual Organizationof a Temple in Cen- umphof Righteousness or theRevoltin the Temple
tral Ceylon,"journalof Asian Studies 27 (I968) (Colombo,I953) pp. II-20.
pp. 54I-50. The cults of Ceylon and of Burma 48Valpaja Rahula, Bhiksuvagiurumaya,Ist ed.
have been comparedin Bechert,op. cit. (footnote (Colombo,I946).
I), pp. 287-93.
776 HEINZ BECHERT
and politics") and the "Kelaniya Declarationof Independence"were promulgated
in DecemberI946 and JanuaryI947.49
The movementof resurgent Buddhismwas, no doubt,in a contradictory ideologi-
cal position.The firstphase of the reformmovementin Ceylon,thatof the forma-
tionof reformist groupsin the Sangha, did not succeedproducinga generalsasana
reform, on accountof the materialinterestsand the structural rigidityof the richly
endowedmonasteriesof the old Sangha group or Syama-Nikayain theirintrinsic
connection withtheSinhalesesocialsystem.Monasticlandlordismhad developedas a
characteristic
of SinhaleseBuddhism,but undertheold systemit had been controlled
by thestateto a certaindegree.In the colonialperiod,theseinstitutions had become
privateones.The hopes of Christianmissionaries thatthe decayof theseinstitutions
would lead to a gradualdisappearanceof Buddhistinfluencedid not materialize.On
the contrary,the Buddhistcause was takenoverby reformist forceswho enteredthe
politicalarenabylinkingSinhalesenationalismand Buddhistresurgence. This seemed
justifiedbecauseonlyan intervention of thestatecould achievea reformof thesasana
along traditionallines. The colonial governmenthanded over the controlof the
Buddhisttemporalities to the generalBuddhistpublic in a nearlydemocraticcon-
ceptionof administration undertheBuddhistTemporalities Ordinanceof I889 which,
however,did not work,becausethe necessaryinfra-structure for such a systemdid
not exist.Furthermore, the legislationdid not provideany systemto preventmisuse
of theauthority givento thetrustees. The Ordinanceof I93i did not servebetterthe
Buddhistinterests either.50
The issue of sasana reformwas naturallycloselylinkedwith the reassertion of
Buddhismin generaland particularly with the issue of giving Buddhismits "due
place" in stateand societyagain. If, on the one hand, in absenceof an appropriate
organizationof the Buddhistlaity,onlythe statehad the meansfora reformof the
Buddhistinstitutions and, on the otherhand, only Buddhistshad the rightto do
anythingforthe cause of Buddhism,the issue to make Buddhismthe statereligion
seemed to be justified.It was, of course,not practicablein Ceylon which has a
multi-religious society,and the corresponding move in Burma,as it is well known,
finallyfailedin I962 withthe take-overof the so-calledrevolutionary government.5'
The ideologyunderlyingthe reassertionof Buddhism in Ceylon was largely
based on the effort to pointout the negativeconsequencesof actionsof the colonial
regimerelatedto the interests represented by Christianmissionaries forthe develop-
mentof Buddhism.Alreadyin thewritingsof the AnagarikaDharmapala thisvery
principleto explainthe decayof Buddhismas a resultof foreigninfluenceis used
overand again.52One of the main argumentsused in the so-called"BuddhistCom-
missionReport,"53 in T. Vimalananda'sbook on the religiouspolicyof thecolonial

49 This textwas publishedin Vijayardhana,op. Ananda Guruge (Colombo, I965). Unfortunately,

ctt.,p. I56 f.
op. cit.,vol. I, pp. 230-44.
50 H. Bechert,
51 H. Bechert,op. cit.,vol. I, pp. 294-300; vol.
2, pp. 73-86; D. E. Smith,Religionand Politicsin
Burma,pp. 230-80.
52 Recentlyeditionsof collectedwritingsof the
Anagarika Dharmapala have been published in
Sinhalese and English: Dharmapdlalipi, ed. by
AnandaW. P. Guruge(Colombo,i965); Returnto
Righteousness, A Collectionof Speeches,Essaysand
Letters of the Anagarika Dharmapala, ed. by
the editorhas made arbitrarychangesin the text
as pointedout by W. Halbfass,"AnagarikaDhar-
mapala," in: Das Christentum im Urteil seiner
Gegner,ed. by K. Deschner,forthcoming.
6a Bauddha toraturupariksakasabhdve vdrtdva
(Balangoda, 1956); abridgedEnglishversion:The
Betrayalof Buddhism,An AbridgedVersionof the
Report of the Buddhist Committeeof Inquiry
(Balangoda,1956). See H. Bechert,op. cit.,vol. i,
pp. 267-79.
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 777
administration54 and in othersimilarwritingsto show how the colonialgovernment
had triedto destroyBuddhismis thata greatpartof the templelandswas alienated.
Practically,however,thegreatertempleshave retaintedconsiderable landedproperty.
One could concludethatthisveryfactwas detrimental forthecause of thereformof
the Sangha fortwo reasons:firstly, the materialor economicinterests of thevihara-
dhipatisof the richlyendowed monasterieswhich were opposed to sasana reform
remainedunchanged; and secondly,any essentialchange of the structureof the
Sanghawas prevented thereby.5
Anothermain argumentof mostwritersof resurgent Buddhismin Ceylonis the
claimthatin thepast also theSangha had been the leaderof the social,politicaland
economicalprogressof the Sinhaleseand had guided the politicsof the state.G. C.
Mendis has describedthisas "rewritingof history"and has expressedthe view that
theconnectionof Sinhalesenationalismand Buddhismis of recentorigin.56 It is cor-
rectthatdirectinterference in polticalaffairswas againstthecanonicaland thetradi-
tional regulationsof the Sangha and that the activitiesof the politicalbhikkhus
militatedagainst these regulations.57 However, Mendis' view has to be modified
because alreadythe Sinhalese chroniclesemphasize the special connectionof the
Buddhistreligionand the Sinhalesepeople, in the recordsof the originsof the
Sinhalesenationas well as in the so-called"DutthagamanQ epic." The Sangha was
understoodto have the functionof upholdingthistraditionof "religio-nationalism"
as a part of the culturalheritageof the Sinhalese,thoughit was not expectedto
activelyinterfere in practicalpolitics.Thus, a systemof politicalthinkingis provided
by the Sinhalesehistoricalwriters, not in a systematicalway,but in the formof ex-
amples fromthe past.58The relevantwritingsof modernBuddhists,therefore, can
be said to be in linewiththeway of thinkingof traditional Buddhism,but,of course,
notofcanonicalBuddhism.
Though based more or less on the same traditionof religiousliterature,the
ideologyof modernBurmeseBuddhismis quite distinctfromthatof Ceylon.The
politicallessonsdrawn fromthe historyof Ceylon were not applicablein Burma.
The particularemphasison Abhidhamma,the scholasticphilosophy,in traditional
BurmeseBuddhism,on the otherhand,is reflected in the tendencytowardsa syste-
maticalpoliticaltheoryin modernBurmese Buddhism.The effortsto synthesize
Buddhismand Marxismare the mostremarkableresultsof thisdevelopment.59
The directinvolvementof largersectionsof the Sangha in politicalaffairsin
Ceylonas well as in Burmain recenttimeswas connectedwithan important change
of its organizationalstructure, namely,the emergenceof monks' associationsout-
side the traditionalstructures of the nikayas.In bothcountries, the hierarchy of the
largernikayasprofessedto be politicallynoninterested in observanceof the rules
of vinaya. There was, of course,politicalinfluenceof the hierarchybehind the
stages.But it lay generallyin the interestof theseprivilegedgroupsof monks to
preventrapidpoliticalchangeand therefore, theysupportedtheestablishment in one
way or theother.They did not have,however, the means to enforce their opinionon

54 TennakonVimalananda,Buddhismin Ceylon 57 For a detaileddiscussionof the problemin-

underthe ChristianPowers (Colombo, I963).
65 A similarevaluationis givenby Evers,op. cit.
(footnote27), p. 692.
56G. C. Mendis,CeylonToday and Yesterday,
Main Currentsof Ceylon History,2nd ed. (Co-
lombo,I963) pp. I80-87.
volvedsee H. Bechert,op. cit.,vol. i, pp. 67-8I.
58 See H. Bechert,"Ueber den Ursprungder
Geschichtsschreibung,"op. cit.,(see footnote2).
59 For the politicaltheoryof modernBurmese
Buddhism,see E. Sarkisyanz, BuddhistBackgrounds
of the BurmeseRevolution(The Hague, I965).
778 HEINZ BECHERT
othergroupsof monks,e.g.,the monksin the poorlyendowedlow-country viharas
who werehighlyinterested in politicaland socialchange.
Thus, politicalmonksopposedto the hierarchy formedpowerfulSangha associa-
tionsin Burmaas earlyas in I92I. These associationswereorganizedon similarlines
as Buddhistlaymen'sassociations, i.e.,theirstructure was influenced by the example
of Westernmissionary organizations. As a result,a new formof dualismin the life
of the Sangha came into existence:for monasticand religiousmattersone had to
nikayastructures-for
stickto thetraditional thebhikkhus
politicaland socialactivity
joinedassociationswithno connection at all to thenikayaorganization.60

ConcludingRemarks
It was a long way fromthe originalstructure of the earlySangha built on the
model of the Sanghas of the ksatriyarepublicsof the Buddha's period to the
medievalhierarchical structureof a TheravadaSangha underthecontrolof thestate.
In the earlybhikkhucommunity, controlwas understoodin termsof self-control.
The principlesof the completeness of the Sangha withina boundaryor sima,of the
necessaryunanimityof the Sangha in importantmattersand the condemnationof
"cschism" or sanghabhedawas believedto be effective to preserveits purity.Not a
patriarch,but vinaya and dharma, i.e., the Buddhist law, was to govern the
bhikkhucommunity. We have seen how additionalstructures were used to make
theseprincipleseffective in repeatedsasana reforms.To ensurelastingsuccessfor
the reforms, Buddhiststatesmade use of hierarchicalstructures and new formsof
ecclesiastical
jurisdiction.
When theauthority of theold Buddhiststatesbrokedown in Burmaand Ceylon,
the Buddhistsin theorycould have renewedthe original quasi-democratic struc-
tures with the necessarymodifications. They could have done this,had not the
interrelation and interdependence of the Sangha with interestsof caste and class
interest,with economicinterestsof the bhikkhusas land owners,etc. preventedit.
Instead,monks'associationsof moreor less politicalcharacterwere formed,leading
stillfartheraway fromtheoriginalconceptionof theBuddhistSangha.The so-called
"Buddhist resurgence"thus did not lead to a sasana reformin the traditional
understanding of the term.It did, however,resultin a considerableincreaseof the
politicalinfluenceof the Buddhistestablishment. In East Bengal,on theotherhand,
a Buddhistcommunitywas successfulin achievinga sasana reform,evidentlynot
in spiteof the poverty, but on accountof the povertyof theirmonasticinstitutions.

60 On thehistoryof Buddhistmonks'associations 300-05; vol. 2, pp. 86-95; Smith,Religion and

see H. Bechert,op. cit. (footnote46), vol. I, pp. Politicsin Burma,p. 55, io6, I88 ff.