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Module 3
Public Transport Services
In Cooperation with
Sustainable Urban Mobility in Developing Countries
– Module 3 –
Public Transport Services
Published The United Nations Institute for Training and research (UNITAR)
by: Palais des Nations
CH-1211 Geneva 10
Switzerland
ISBN: 978-92-9182-060-3
Disclaimer
“We cannot talk about urban transport until we know what type of a city we want.
And to talk about the city we want is to talk about the way we want to live. Do we want
to create a city for the poor, the children, and the elderly, and therefore for every other
human being, or a city for automobiles? The important questions are not about
engineering, but about ways to live. A premise of the new city is that we want society to
be as egalitarian as possible. For this purpose, quality of life distribution is more
important than income distribution. The equality that really matters is that relevant to a
child: Access to adequate nutrition, recreation, education, sports facilities, green spaces,
and a living environment as free from motor vehicles as possible. The city should have
abundant cultural offerings; public spaces with people; low levels of noise and air
pollution; and short travel times.
Cars destroy the common silence; pollute the air; and require extremely costly
road space and infrastructure that absorbs scarce public funds. While only an upper
middle class minority uses cars, despite enormous costs and injustice, the system works.
But it would not be possible for every citizen to use a private car for his or her mobility;
otherwise jams would be massive and high velocity roads would destroy the human
qualities and structure of the city. Many developing cities are moving in this direction.
Bangkok, Manila, Cairo, Kuala Lumpur and other cities are already notorious for severe
traffic congestion, despite relatively low levels of motorization.
Urban transport is a political rather than a technical issue. The technical aspects
are relatively simple. The difficult decisions relate to who is going to benefit from the
models adopted. Do we dare to create a transport model different from that in the so-
called advanced world cities? Do we dare create a transport system giving priority to the
needs of the poor majority rather than the automobile owning minority? Are we trying to
find the most efficient, economical way to move a city’s population, as cleanly and as
comfortably as possible? Or are we just trying to minimize the upper class’s traffic jams?”
These questions are posed by Enrique Peñalosa, the former mayor of Bogotá
(Colombia), who introduced a number of sustainable transport measures in his city1.
These modules together form a complex picture on what sustainable transport can
be and how it may be implemented.
1
Peñalosa, E., 2005: Urban Transport and Poverty, GTZ Sourcebook Module 1a, Eschborn
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The substantive content of this module was provided by Dr. Niklas Sieber (editor)
a Transport Economist, Regional Planner and University Lecturer from Germany, based
on extensive material provided by GTZ. This publication was prepared under the
supervision of the Local Development Programme of UNITAR and GTZ, especially Mr.
Manfred Breithaupt, Mr. Armin Wagner and Mr. Carlos Pardo for reviewing the module.
Special thanks are due to the aforementioned individuals and institutions for their
support and contributions.
Table of Contents
List of Figures
List of Boxes
List of Tables
Choices on public transit options are choices about a city’s future. Will there be
congestion? Will there be high levels of air and noise pollution? Will transport be
affordable? Will services be available to all? The type of public transit system will have a
big impact on the answers to these questions. Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) can, in principle,
contribute to the achievement of all the main objectives of urban development policy. It
can improve efficiency of the city economy by reducing travel costs and by maintaining a
higher level of city-centre activity and the associated economies of agglomeration than
would otherwise be the case. The impact of poverty can be directly be reduced where
MRT is the major carrier of the poor, and indirectly reduced through the benefits the poor
receive from economic prosperity. It can also improve the quality of life - immediately,
through shifting movements to more environmentally benign modes of transport, and in
the longer run, by supporting a more environmentally favorable land-use structure.
This chapter explains which Mass Transit options exist and how to choose the right option
for your city.
Source: Bamako, Mali (Sommer) and Bogota, Colombia (Breithaupt); Gtz Photo CD 2004
Mass Rapid Transit (MRT), also referred to as public transit, is a passenger transportation
service, usually local in scope that is available to any person who pays a prescribed fare.
It usually operates on specific fixed tracks or with separated and exclusive use of
potential common track, according to established schedules along designated routes or
lines with specific stops. It is designed to move large numbers of people at one time. The
following are the most common types of MRTs in operation today:
Metro
Metro is the most common international term for subway, heavy rail transit, though it is
also commonly applied to elevated heavy rail systems. In this module we use “metro” to
refer to urban grade-separated heavy rail systems. They are the most expensive form of
MRT per kilometer, but have the highest theoretical capacity.
2
Adapted from Wright,/Fjellström 2005: Mass Transit Options, GTZ Sourcebook Module 3a and Wright (2004):
GTZ Training Document on Mass Transit.
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lengths are longer, and the operations are carried out over tracks that are part of the
railroad system in the area.
Light Metros
Light Metros may be regarded as an intermediate means between LRT and heavy Metro.
Lighter than heavy Metro, they carry larger passenger numbers than LRT at lower costs
than Metros. They use tracks with exclusive right-way but they are able to mix with road
traffic as well. Vehicles are often high floor and more robust than LRT vehicles.
Bus lane
A bus lane is a highway or street reserved primarily for buses, either all day or during
specified periods. It may be used by other traffic under certain circumstances, such as
while making a turn, or by taxis, bicycles, or high occupancy vehicles. Bus lanes, widely
used in Europe even in small cities, are increasingly applied in developing cities such as
Bangkok, where counter-flow buses can move rapidly through peak period congestion.
Busway
A busway is a special roadway designed for exclusive use by buses. It may be
constructed at, above, or below grade and may be located in separate right-of-way or
within highway corridors. Some form of
busway system is a feature of many Bus
Rapid Transit systems.
Mass rapid transit can contribute both to city efficiency and to the needs of the poor in
the largest cities, as well lessen inequalities and disconnects between marginalized
communities and productive city centers, but it can also impose a heavy fiscal burden.
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The following features are essential for the choice of the appropriate MRT system:
The World Bank compiled comparative data on nine MRT systems built between 1995 and
2004. The systems, given in Table 1, comprise metro, light rail, suburban rail and busses
(BRT). The first observation is that metros have the highest peak capacities ranging
between 30,000 and 50,000 passengers per hour and direction (pphpd), while BRT
systems manage a maximum of 15 to 35,000 passengers, depending on the type of the
system. The BRT system in Quito has lower capacities with only one lane per direction
and one stopping bay and thus is a cheap system with little requirements regarding
urban space. The Bogotá system consists of two lanes and four stopping bays and
requires more space. The latter system allows larger peak capacities, but requires more
space and generates higher investment costs. The maximum recorded ridership of most
LRT systems is limited to approximately 12,000 passengers per hour and direction.
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Table 1
Comparison of essential features of MRT systems
The necessity for very high capacity flows in part depends upon the structuring of a
system. Cities such as London and New York are fairly dense and enjoy high usage of
their Metro systems. However, peak capacities are only in the area of 20,000–30,000
pphpd. This occurs, because these systems feature multiple lines distributing passenger
flows about the city. In cities such as Hong Kong and Sao Paulo, the higher capacities are
achieved by offering a limited number of lines and then feeding large passenger numbers
into a single corridor. Thus, in a sense, the high capacity figures become inevitable.
However, such situations can be avoided by offering more distributed systems.
Whether a city is utilizing bus or rail transit systems, system designers may wish to keep
capacity figures within manageable bounds. If a system is operating at over 50,000
pphpd and a technical or operational problem occurs, the entire system can become
overwhelmed with passenger backlogs very quickly. Further, very high capacity lines can
be uncomfortable and unsafe for passengers if tight passenger “packing” becomes
necessary.
Table 1 shows as well that the speed of the analyzed metro systems is at 45-50km/h
faster than LRT (20-50) and BRT that reach 20-30 km/h. However, comparisons with LRT
systems in the USA show that BRT may be even faster than LRT. It has to be taken into
account as well, that not the operating speed is decisive, but the average speed including
waiting and walking time at which passengers travel from origin to destination. BRT
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might compensate their slowness through a denser network. However, comparative data
are presently not available.
Figure 1
Capital cost for selected MRT systems
The most important feature in Table 1 is the capital cost for infrastructure, technical
assistance, equipment and vehicles. Here the big advantage of BRT system appears
compared to metro systems. While the capital costs of metro systems range between 40
and 90 million US$/km, and for LRT 10 and 50, the BRT systems only comprise a small
fraction of the costs, ranging between 1 and 10 million US$/km. However, it has to be
borne in mind, that the expensive metro systems given in Table 1 are often in tunnels or
elevated, which increases the costs tremendously. This might be as well the reason, why
the LRT system in Kuala Lumpur is so expensive. BRT systems operate at grade and cost
will increase tremendously if tunnels are constructed which might be necessary if not
enough urban space is available (see 0). BRT cost increase as well if high capacity
systems, such as in Bogotá are built.
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Table 2 Figure 2
Cost components for MRT systems Same investment cost, but different length
A comparison of the costs components of MRT systems (Table 2) shows that next to
management and organizational costs, the ground conditions and the urban constraints
and topography have a large influence on the costs. In Developing Countries, where
labor costs are relatively low, staff costs only play a minor role for MRT systems. These
changes during the development process when labor costs increase. A comparison of
total costs, including annualized capital costs, of MRT systems in St Louis, USA shows
that the LRT has slightly lower costs than the bus system.
If space is getting scarce and elevated rails or tunnels have to be built, the investment
costs increase tremendously. As Figure 3 shows, high capacity BRT systems have a
special need for space, since two lanes in each direction are required in order to allow for
overtaking of fast buses. Additionally, four stopping bays are necessary to allow fast
access and egress. The infrastructure requires 40m width as depicted in Figure 14 with
two additional lanes. This entails a separation effect that is comparable with a motorway
and has negative impacts on urban quality of life. Additionally, long bridges have to be
built to give passengers access to bus stops. With such a system up to 35,000 pphpd
may be transported during peak hours. Often this space is not available in the central
business districts, downtown or historic town centers. The usual solution would be to
build costly tunnels. Quito, Ecuador, solved this problem by dedicating entire one-way
streets to its BRT system. However, the maximum capacity amounts to 15,000 pphpd as
given in Table 1.
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Figure 3
BRT Bus stop in Bogotá, Colombia
The planning and construction time is another argument in favor of BRT systems. The
project development and planning process is generally quicker for BRT than for rail-based
MRT systems. The BRT planning process for a ‘world class’ BRT system, , takes about one
year and costs around US$400,000–US$2 million. Due to the relatively low costs,
financing is also generally easier and quicker for BRT than for rail-based systems. The
simpler physical infrastructure of Bus Rapid Transit means that such systems can also be
built in relatively short periods of time, often in less than 18 months. Underground and
elevated rail systems can take considerably longer, often well over three years. This time
difference has a political dimension. Mayors who are elected for only three or four years
can oversee a BRT project from start to finish.
Box 1
BRT in Quito, Ecuador
Quito’s trolley-bus system and recent Eco-Via addition are dramatic examples of BRT
cost-effectiveness and the applicability of BRT even under stressed economic
conditions. Ecuador has experienced several tumultuous years of political and
economic misfortune. However, in the midst of a rather chaotic scene, Quito has
developed and expanded an impressive transit system featuring 25 km of exclusive
busways. The system covers all operating costs with a fare of only US$0.20.
Quito’s existing fleet of privately run buses has taken an environmental and health toll
on the city. Until recently, the average bus age of the private sector fleet has been 17
years, with some units as old as 35 years. The electric trolley-bus also delivers
additional environmental gains through the substitution of diesel-fuelled buses with
units powered by hydro-generated electricity. The overwhelming popularity of the
Quito trolley-bus has exceeded expectations and in a sense created an unexpected
problem. With over 200,000 commuters now using the system daily, its maximum
capacity has been reached, and thus has prompted calls for further expansion. The
municipality plans to deliver an additional 73 kilometres of busways in the near future.
For cost reasons, Quito’s new Eco-Via line utilises Euro II diesel buses rather than
continue with electric trolley technology. Likewise, the planned expansion will be
utilising clean diesel technology for its buses.
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Unlike rail-based options which are by nature more fixed, BRT allows a great deal of
flexibility for future growth. Making new routings and other system changes to match
demographic changes or new planning decisions is fairly easily accomplished. Since buses
approach and leave busways at intermediate points, many different routes can serve as
passenger catchment area, with fewer passenger transfers than would be required in a
fixed guided system.
Environmental issues are another factor influencing the decision which system to choose.
Metros, LRT, suburban trains and electric buses have the advantage of zero local
pollution and - provided that the electricity is produced from renewable sources - low
global environmental impacts. Buses often use diesel and thereby contribute to urban
pollution; LPG or LNG vehicles reduce environmental pollution, etc.
1.2.7 Conclusions
After comparing MRT options, in general one can conclude that BRT systems have a
number of advantages compared to rail based systems. These are lower costs, shorter
planning time and higher flexibility. Figure 4 gives an overview on investment costs and
passenger capacities of the MRT systems: BRT systems (red) have the highest cost
efficiency and carry 15,000 for single lane systems per hour per direction and up to
25,000 with double lanes. High capacity BRT systems carry up to 35,000 pphpd, but
increase costs considerably and require much urban space at a width of a 6-lane-
motorway. This often is not available, unless historic town centers are impaired or major
separation effects are taken into account.
LRT systems (yellow) have similar capacities, lower space requirements, but costs are
considerably higher. Therefore, LRT systems seem to be more appropriate for richer
countries, where more comfort is demanded and staff costs dominate the costs of the
service providers.
If passenger capacities are above 25,000 pphpd or higher speeds are required, or space
is scarce, light Metro systems (orange) are more suitable, since they are able to carry up
to 40,000 pphpd at costs slightly higher than LRT systems.
Heavy Metros (brown) and Commuter Railways (blue) have high capacities as well as
costs. If BRT proves to be not adequate to serve large quantities of passengers in
Megacities or in Central Business Districts, an integrated approach may be chosen, where
buses are used as feeder systems to the (light) Metro.
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Figure 4
Comparison of investment costs for MRT
* The very high double lane BRT pphpd is achieved in Bogota, with a number of
measures, such as extra large stations, express buses, not calling at every bus stop, etc.
This requires 2 dedicated bus lanes per direction, space taken away from mixed traffic;
other cities may wish to opt for a rail based high capacity system).
Corridor capacity
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3
2. Bus Policy and Planning
This chapter provides guidelines for the planning and regulation of bus systems in large
cities in the developing world. The term ‘bus’ includes all road-based, frequent, fixed
route passenger services, including all sizes of bus from 9-seat microbuses to the largest
rigid 12-metre double-deckers and bi-articulated buses. This chapter is about policy
objectives and implementation strategies as well as planning approaches for bus
systems. Details of BRT planning will be specified in Chapter 3.
In many cases, the informal sector, known as paratransit, dominates the urban Public
Transport system. It typically comprises small vehicles, in small-scale or individual
ownership, often self-regulating or controlled by illicit groups, often with vehicles hired to
drivers on a daily basis. Paratransit often develops spontaneously to fill gaps in the
capacity or quality/price range of formal public transport. Paratransit entails a large
number of deficits, such as unscheduled services, long waiting times (queuing system),
bad interconnections between routes, low safety standards, high environmental impacts,
small vehicles contributing to congestion and last not least low comfort. Formal bus
systems are planned in a manner that these deficits are overcome.
Figure 5
Paratransit in Bamako, Mali (left) and Cairo, Egypt
Box 2
Improvements in Bogotá after introduction of the TransMilenio
Public Transport is one of many elements to restore quality of life in our cities. City
officials from Bogotá, Colombia have invested in urban renewal with a strong focus on
quality of life. Facing degradation in the life of its citizens, the city developed a
program around transport and the urban fabric. After the implementation of a BRT
system TransMilenio Phase 1 in 2000, the following benefits were observed:
• 32% reduction in travel time for users
• 75% reduction in injuries,
• 92% reduction in fatalities
• 43% reduction in SO2
• 12% reduction in Particulate Matters PM-10
3
Adapted from Meakin (2006): Bus Regulation and Planning, GTZ Training Document, Meakin (2004): GTZ
Sourcebook Module 3c
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If policies are well defined, then there are clear guidelines for taking decisions. Without
policies, actions can be haphazard, inconsistent, and biased. Once policies are in place,
strategies and plans can be derived, which can be used to guide day-by-day decision
making. Thus, drafting, adopting and maintaining a coherent and realistic Public
Transport policy, which is within the constraints of available resources, is fundamental to
bus regulation and planning. Public transport policy will be one component of a wider
urban transport policy which will state broader urban development policies, including
social, economic, environmental and land use objectives.
The Public Transport policies of different cities in the same country may be based on the
same principles, which may be defined in national legislation. There may therefore be a
national policy for urban public transport, which defines objectives, strategies, priorities
and programs for the country. The three policy principles that have provided the basis of
the successful Public Transport policies in Singapore and Hong Kong over some thirty
years provide an excellent starting point and are recommended for large, densely
populated cities: i) develop transport infrastructure, ii) improve the Public Transport
system, and iii) manage the demand for road use. A policy for Public Transport should
address, among other issues:
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Figure 6
Uncoordinated buses in Delhi, India
The policy statement will be supported by strategies. Strategies are the measures taken
to implement policies. They should include targets and a time frame. In a developing
city, strategies are likely to include the following steps:
• establishing priorities for the allocation of road space between the competing
demands of utilities, frontages, pedestrians, non-motorized vehicles, Public
Transport vehicles and stops, parked vehicles and moving vehicles;
• revising the road traffic and transport legislation and the licensing system to
create appropriate powers;
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The combination of targets to be adopted will depend on the current status and
performance of the bus system. Performance may be measured with reference to a
variety of criteria: i) performance achieved in other cities with comparable conditions, ii)
objective performance criteria, and iii) feedback from users and potential users, either
unsolicited complaints and suggestions or by systematic attitude surveys. When the
policy-making process is launched, it is advantageous to identify champions for
significant policy reforms and a lead organization; for example, the city transport
authority or agency.
Bus service planning is a cyclical, incremental process. Stages in the planning cycle are
shown in Figure 8. Monitoring, planning and implementation are the three consecutive
phases of this process, which may be repeated every year where institutional capability
allows or where the transport system is undergoing rapid change, or every two years
where the system is more stable and institutional capability is limited.
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Figure 8
The planning cycle
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The resources employed in bus services should be put to the most productive and
efficient use. For this purpose there is a need to evaluate the operational performance of
bus services and the standard of service being provided to users. Carefully chosen
performance indicators can highlight the deficiencies of bus services and indicate where
improvements are needed. Used as a monitoring system, performance indicators
(Table 3) will detect changes in operating trends and provide the means for evaluating
improvements and changes.
Market research on transport services carried out worldwide repeatedly shows that Public
Transport users consider reliability to be the most important quality of a transport
service, followed by service frequency and journey speed. These are key to keeping the
overall generalized cost of travel down. While government policies tend to focus on
keeping fares low, availability and quality of service seem to be viewed as more
important by users. Indicators are listed in Table 3.
Table 3
Planning Indicators
The key measure of the effectiveness of a bus network is the extent to which it meets the
community’s travel needs. An efficiently planned route network underpins the financial
performance of the sector as a whole and is critical to a competitive tendering or
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franchising system. Systematic network planning drives the overall cost effectiveness and
service or customer-oriented nature of the network over time.
In many developing cities the pattern of movement is changing rapidly as new locations
for employment and settlement develop. Matching vehicle types to demand levels, while
maintaining attractive passenger frequencies, is essential to improve competitiveness.
Detailed passenger origin/destination data is necessary for network planning. The large
volume of data and complex calculations means that the only practical means to analyze
trip data and evaluate alternative network strategies is to use one of the many
computer-based route network analysis software packages. The software identifies
highest in-demand routes and forecasts passenger volumes that allow the most
appropriate service type and vehicle type to be identified. A forecast of the service’s
potential financial performance can be estimated using this analytical process. It is also
possible to examine alternative fare strategies using the same database and appropriate
fare elasticities.
Accurate estimates of the demand and commercial viability of a route are essential to the
process of designing routes to be awarded by competitive tender. They are also
necessary for the development of the tender criteria: for example, what criteria should
be used to evaluate a bid that specifies a high frequency service with small vehicles
against a bid offering a low frequency service with large vehicles.
Regular cordon counts are useful. The value of a single cordon count is limited as it is a
single ‘snapshot’ but multiple counts generate time-series data which are very useful for
monitoring the impact of newly introduced network changes. The value of the data
increases if the cordon count sites are made at the maximum loading points along the
corridor. However, in order to capture more routes it may be necessary to select sites
that are not the maximum loading points. Cordon counts or other related surveys simply
monitor performance and are not substitutes for origin/destination data.
In-vehicle surveys may indicate the level of interchange and overall network
effectiveness. Boarding and alighting counts with surveyors logging passengers’ entry
and exit movements along a route gives an overall loading profile. Attitudinal surveys of
passengers have value in assessing overall network performance. Limited surveys can be
used to monitor local network changes.
Electronic ticketing systems offer the potential to monitor passenger volumes on a daily
basis. Ongoing ‘surveys’ of this nature are invaluable and allows seasonality patterns to
be tracked in detail.
The output of the planning process will be a service development plan, which should be
updated every year or at most, two years. The plan will include the following
components: i) a statement of how far demand is being met; ii) a summary of proposed
new routes and changes to existing services: the network, capacity, service quality, and
fares, by mode, by operator, or by area and by route. iii) Proposed changes within the
one-year horizon will be specific, with a date. Changes beyond one year should be in
outline, by 3-month or 6- month periods; a statement of the financial performance of
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different sectors in the industry, with an indication of the timing and scale of any future
fare increases forecast to be necessary.
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Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) is a bus-based mass transit system that delivers fast,
comfortable, and cost-effective urban mobility. This chapter gives detailed on all planning
steps for the implementation of a BRT system.
Through the provision of exclusive right-of-way lanes and excellence in customer service,
BRT essentially emulates the performance and amenity characteristics of a modern rail-
based transit system, but at a fraction of the cost. While BRT utilizes rubber-tyred
vehicles, it has little else in common with conventional urban bus systems. The following
is a list of features found on some of the most successful BRT systems implemented to
date:
Local circumstances will dictate the extent to which the above characteristics are actually
utilized within a system. Small- and medium-sized cities may find that not all of these
features are feasible within their cost and capacity constraints. Nevertheless, serving
customer needs first is a premise that all cities, regardless of local circumstances, should
follow in developing a successful transit service.
Today, the BRT concept is becoming increasingly utilized by cities looking for cost-
effective transit solutions. As new experiments in BRT emerge, the state of the art in BRT
will undoubtedly continue to evolve. Nevertheless, BRT’s customer focus will likely remain
its defining characteristic. The developers of high-quality BRT systems in cities such as
Bogotá, Curitiba, and Ottawa astutely observed that the ultimate objective was to swiftly,
efficiently, and cost-effectively move people, rather than cars.
4
Adapted from Wright (2004): GTZ Sourcebook Module 3b, Wright (2004): Mass Transit, GTZ Training
Document.
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Box 3
Bogotá’s BRT system TransMilenio
The infrastructure of the system includes exclusive busways on central lanes of major
arterial roads, roads for feeder buses, stations, and complementary facilities. Trunk
line stations are closed facilities with one to three berths, varying from 40 to 180
meters in length, located in the median every 500 meters, on average. Trunk lines are
served by articulated diesel buses with 160-passenger capacity, while integrated
feeder lines are served by diesel buses with capacity of 80 passengers each. To
maximize capacity, trunk lines accommodate express services stopping at selected
stations only, as well as local services stopping at all stations. This combination allows
the system to carry up to 35,000 passengers per hour per direction.
The system was developed in less than three years starting January 1998; service
commenced in December 2000. By May 2001 it carried 360,000 trips per weekday, at
a ticket cost of $0.36 and without operating subsidies, on 20 kilometres of exclusive
lanes, 32 stations, 162 articulated buses, and 60 feeder buses. Productivity was high,
with 6.21 passengers per kilometre, 1,945 passengers per day per bus, and 325
kilometres per day per bus. Fatalities from traffic accidents involving buses had been
eliminated, some air pollutants reduced by 40 percent, and users’ travel time reduced
by 32 percent.
The planning steps for a BRT system and the recommended time-frame are given in
Table 4 and Table 5. The activities are discussed in the following text.
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Table 4
An illustrative timeline for a Bus Rapid Transit project (1)
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Table 5
An illustrative timeline for a Bus Rapid Transit project (2)
The first stage of the process involves galvanizing the political and institutional support
for the project. Additionally, this stage is also a time to organize and plan the entire BRT
development process. Work plans, timelines, budgets, and the formation of a planning
team are essential pre-requisites before proceeding further. Investments made early in
properly structuring and organizing the planning process can pay significant dividends
later in terms of both the efficiency and effectiveness of the overall effort.
Political leadership is probably the single most important factor in realizing a successful
BRT project. Without such leadership, the project will not likely have sufficient
momentum to survive the inevitable challenges from opposition groups and special
interests. Further, without leadership, it is significantly more difficult to galvanize public
opinion towards supporting a new outlook on public transit. The vision for the new transit
system should also be consistent with the vision and objectives set forth in any previous
master transport plans.
In most cases, a statutory or legal mandate needs to be created prior to the project
being officially recognized. This process then allows public funds to be disbursed towards
the planning process as well as permits planning staff to be employed on the project.
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A new mass transit system for a city is not a small undertaking. It is unlikely to be
achieved without staff dedicated full-time to the effort. Depending on the intended
timeline for planning and implementing the system, the initial number of full-time team
members will likely vary from three to ten. As the project progresses, the size and
specialties of the team will likely grow. Utilizing consultants within a BRT project can be a
cost-effective means to gain individuals with key specialties and direct BRT experience.
The use of consultants allows skills to be brought on board without the overhead costs of
a full-time hire.
Once a vision is set for the BRT system and an initial team is formed, a detailed work
plan and timeline on how to achieve the vision will be necessary. An indicative timeframe
is given in Table 5 .By walking through each step of the process, municipal officials and
the public will have a better idea of the scope of the project and the necessary activities
to make it happen. Invariably, cities underestimate the amount of time needed to
complete a full BRT plan. A BRT plan can be reasonably completed in 12 to 18 months,
but can take longer in cases of very large and complicated cities.
The realistic scope and depth of the BRT planning process is largely determined by the
available funding. However, the first step should be to determine the required amount
based upon the projected activities. An estimated budget for the plan can be developed
from the activities outlined in the work plan. The budget will include staff salaries,
consultant fees, travel and study tours, resource materials, telecommunications, and
administrative support. Some of these costs may be covered by existing budgets and
overheads while other line items will need newly dedicated funding. In comparison to
other transport projects, such as road networks and rail systems, the planning costs of
BRT are typically much less. For this reason, the costs are often financed within existing
municipal or provincial revenues without the need for alternative financing sources such
as loans or bonds. This situation can even be true of low-income, developing cities. Local,
provincial, and national resources should all be quite sufficient to readily complete the
BRT planning process. However, at the same time, several international sources stand
ready to assist cities interested in BRT. The international resources often also bring the
additional advantage of allowing greater access to consultants with international BRT
experience.
Prior to the formal development of a Bus Rapid Transit plan, the planning team will
require a certain amount of baseline information in order to have a sound basis for
decision-making. In most cases, a portion of such information will already be available
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from previous analyses and planning processes. The following is an outline of the type of
pre-planning information that will underpin the development of a BRT plan.
A city’s public transit system is intimately woven into the existing demographic,
economic, environmental, social, and political conditions. Understanding these conditions
enables the BRT planner to better align the prospective public transit system with the
local realities. Some of these data items will later be inputted into transportation models
to project future needs. Other portions of this background information will help the
planner view the proposed public transit system in its wider socio-economic context.
The pre-planning period is also the time to begin identifying key groups and
organizations that should be included in the planning and development of improved
transit services. Specific agencies, departments and political officials will all have varying
opinions and interests with regard to developing a new transit system. Non-governmental
and community-based organizations will be important resources to draw upon during
later public participation processes. The types of organizations to be sought during the
stakeholder identification process include:
A solid understanding of existing transport choices will help serve to define the present
and future requirements of a BRT system. The data collected on current transport supply
and demand will serve as a major input into determining the design characteristics of the
system. This data may also be used within a transport software model to project different
scenarios.
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shops). Figure 9 provides a graphical representation of the data collected through an O-D
analysis.
Figure 9
Data collection for O/D analysis
The above surveys should be supplemented with i) historical trends, ii) surveys of
attitudes and elasticity of demand and iii) land-use data collection.
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The modeling process usually consists of four steps, as already explained in Chapter
4.1.1 of Module 1:
1. Trip generation: The data collected in the previous section will serve as the key
inputs into the modeling process.
2. Trip distribution: The next stage of the modeling process involves distributing the
generated trips amongst different destinations. Typically, this distribution occurs
in the form of a matrix formed by rows of origins and columns of destinations.
3. Modal split: Perhaps the most important stage in the transport modeling process
is the selection of mode choice for the different trips. Determining the number of
trips to be made by public transport, non-motorized options, and private
motorized options will have a profound impact on future municipal investments.
4. Assignment: The previous stages in the modeling process focused primarily on the
demand side of transit services. The “assignment” stage is where the supply of
transit services are matched with these demand conditions. Within a BRT system,
the assignment stage also helps identify usage levels among different routing and
service options.
BRT can improve profits and working conditions for existing operators and drivers.
However, in many countries, the sector is unaccustomed to any official involvement and
oversight, and operators often carry a distinct distrust of public agencies. Ideally, the
existing operators can come to view BRT as a positive business opportunity and not as a
threat to their future. How this key sector comes to view the concept, though, largely
depends on the circumstances and manner in which BRT is introduced to them.
The right marketing campaign can help profile BRT in a new light for the customer. It
should include i) a marketing plan and strategy, ii) system corporate identity, and iii) a
public education – awareness plan.
It is now possible to prepare a conceptual framework for the operational aspects of the
new transit system. By knowing where key origins and destinations are located, the
planning team can identify the most appropriate initial corridors. Further, the team can
also consider the various type of routing and service options that are possible, such as
feeder, express, and local services. Decisions are also possible on the level of customer
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service quality that will be provided within the system. Attributes such as service
frequency, hours of operation, comfort levels, cleanliness, security, and safety will all
eventually affect overall ridership levels.
The choice of corridor location will not only impact the usability of the BRT system for
large segments of the population but will also have profound impacts on the future
development of the city. The starting point for corridor decisions is the demand profiles
generated during the modeling process, which will help identify the daily commuting
patterns in both spatial and temporal terms. Clearly a key consideration is to minimize
travel distances and travel times for the largest segment of the population. This objective
will typically result in corridor being located near major destinations such as work places,
universities and schools, and shopping areas. Thus, the areas serving the highest
customer demand may be selected as the initial system corridors. Trunk corridors are
typically selected to operate upon major arterial roads. The wider space available on such
roadways permit lower construction costs, as less re-engineering of the road structure is
typically necessary. The choice of arterial roads may also provoke less concern about
noise and traffic impacts, since these roadways already have a significant presence of
motorized vehicles.
Providing a transit service to all major residential and commercial sectors of a city can be
challenging from a standpoint of system efficiency and cost effectiveness. It may be
distinguished between direct and trunk feeder services.
Direct services (Source: Wright (2004): Mass Transit, GTZ Training Document Figure 10) avoid
the need for customers to transfer since the same vehicle serves both the feeder area
and the trunk-line corridor. However, direct services incur a substantial cost penalty for
operating vehicles that do not closely match the actual demand. Thus, direct services
may imply that a large vehicle must enter into lower-density areas where relatively few
passengers will be in the bus. Alternatively, direct services may imply that small vehicles
operate efficiently in feeder areas but are undersized for the economics of trunk
corridors.
Trunk-feeder services utilize smaller vehicles in lower-density areas and then necessitate
passengers to transfer to higher-capacity vehicles at terminals. A trunk-feeder service
thus operates relatively efficiently by closely matching vehicle operating characteristics to
the actual demand. However, such services do imply that some passengers will need to
transfer vehicles in order to reach their destination.
Figure 10
Illustrative comparison between trunk-feeder services and direct services
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The most basic type of transit service along a corridor is typically known as “local
service”. This term refers to stops being made at each of the major origins and
destinations along a route. However, in comparison to conventional bus services, the
distance between stops on BRT corridors is greater. A typical range of distances is
between 300 meters and 700 meters. Two types of stop services can be distinguished:
Limited-stop services: Typically, a few major stations will predominate as the intended
destination of customers. For many passengers, stopping at each intermediate station
adds significantly to the overall travel time with relatively little commercial benefit to the
system operators. Thus, both passengers and operators can benefit from the provision of
services that skip intermediate stops. Well-designed stations can permit customers to
transfer from local services to the limited-stop service.
Once the initial BRT corridors are selected, the demand forecasts for these corridors can
be used to determine optimum values for factors such as vehicle capacity, vehicle load
factors, service frequency, and dwell times. These attributes in conjunction with the
desired preferences for service types (trunk-feeder, direct, local, limited stop, etc.) and
the configuration of stopping bays will allow system developers to model different options
for meeting the expected passenger capacities. The calculation of the passenger capacity
is given below. Vehicle passenger capacity, load factors, and required service frequency
are all mutually dependent. The vehicle load factor refers actual capacity usage as a
percentage of the maximum passenger capacity. The service frequency refers to the
waiting time between arriving vehicles.
The waiting time is also known as the “headway” between vehicles. In general, it is
desirable to provide frequent services in order to reduce customer wait times. Another
factor impacting feasible operating conditions is the vehicle “dwell time”. The dwell time
is the amount of time vehicles are stopped at a station to allow passenger boarding and
alighting. Stopping bay configurations Passenger capacities along a corridor can be
increased by providing multiple stopping bays at station. A stopping bay is the
designated area where a vehicle will stop and align to the platform. Allowing multiple
vehicles to stop at the same time has been proven to dramatically increase system
capacity.
In reality, system capacity is not only dependent upon vehicle velocity. Clearly, from the
perspective of minimizing travel time and fulfilling customer preferences, a rapid service
is more desirable. The passenger capacity of a given corridor is calculated based upon
the discussed factors of vehicle capacity, load factors, service frequency, dwell times, and
stopping bay configurations.
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Centralized control of the overall transit system affords many benefits for optimizing
efficiencies and minimizing costs. Most conventional bus services lack a centralized
control and management system; many do not even possess a basic radio dispatch
system. The lack of such controls means that each vehicle operates individually without
the advantage of reacting collectively to service changes.
Figure 11
BRT Control Centre in Los Angeles
In a high-volume public transit system, there is very little margin for problems or errors.
A vehicle breakdown, even for just a few minutes, can create havoc on the entire
system. Likewise, a breakdown of a fare verification turnstile or non-functioning station
door will create similar types of problems. Thus, preparing for any and all eventualities is
a fundamental part of the operational plan. The development of backup and contingency
plan will ensure that the system can continue to function even in difficult circumstances.
Unlike many existing bus services in developing- nation cities, BRT places the needs of
the customer at the centre of the system’s design criteria. The quality of customer
service is directly related to customer satisfaction, which ultimately determines customer
usage and long-term financial sustainability. Unfortunately, unclear maps and schedules,
unclean buses, and uncomfortable rides have been all too frequently the obligatory price
to be paid for utilizing public transport. Unlike the well-designed and color-coded maps
accompanying rail-based systems, maps for conventional bus systems are often quite
confusing. However, higher-quality bus systems are increasingly making use of spider
maps to better convey information to customers. The idea behind a spider map is to give
each route its own color-coded identity.
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Figure 12
System map of TransMilenio, Bogotá, Colombia
Real-time information displays that inform passengers when the next bus is due can be
particularly effective at reducing “waiting anxiety”, which often affects passengers who
are not sure when or if a bus is coming. This feature allows customers to undertake other
value adding activities to make best use of the time, rather than nervously waiting and
standing at close attention to the horizon. Such displays can substantially reduce the
customer’s perceived waiting time.
Figure 13
Real time passenger information system in Singapore
A number of other issues are of importance that shall not be discussed here:
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The location of the segregated busway within a specific roadway is a design decision that
holds more options than might be immediately apparent. The most common option is to
locate the busway in the centre median or in the centre two lanes. This configuration
reduces turning conflicts to the right5. The median location also permits a central station
to serve both busway directions. The availability of road space will likely be a significant
design consideration in the development of the busway. Providing space for busways,
pedestrian and bicycle access areas, and mixed traffic lanes can be a challenge when
given the inherent limitations of existing road widths. As Figure 14 shows, the width of a
road with 2-lane busways amounts to 34 m. With a single busway lane in each direction,
a BRT system will reach a capacity limit at approximately 14,000 passengers per hour
per direction (pphpd). The best option may be to consider a passing lane at stations or
even a second lane throughout the full corridor. By permitting a passing lane at stations,
buses can comfortably overtake other buses. However, this increases road width to 40
m.
Figure 14
Cross-section of a median busway with on bus lane per direction
5
In countries that drive on the right-hand side of the street.
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devices. Intersections represent several design challenges for a busway system. If not
designed to give priority to the BRT system, intersections will have negative effects on
travel times, system capacity, and safety.
Feeder services will likely provide a substantial percentage of a system’s ridership since
the feeder corridors are the key link into residential areas. Quality infrastructure should
not just be given only to trunk lines. Feeder lines should also receive a high level of
quality service; otherwise, a large part of the customer base will never engage the
system. Feeder services typically are not provided with dedicated busways but instead
utilize mixed traffic lanes. Since many feeder routes extend into fairly narrow residential
streets, exclusive vehicle lanes is not always a practical option.
Public transport will almost never be the sole modal technology for any customer trip.
The initial part of the trip may involve a walk, a bicycle ride, or even a car trip to a
transit station. Ensuring that the transit system is well integrated with these other modal
options is critical to developing a truly usable system: i) Pedestrian infrastructure; ii)
bicycle infrastructure; iii) integrated taxi stations; iv) integration infrastructure for other
public, transport systems (e.g., water transport, rail transport, etc.); v) park and ride
facilities.
A standard distance between stations is approximately 500 meters but can often range
from 300 meters to 1000 meters, depending upon local circumstances. The design of the
boarding and alighting interface will affect the likely dwell times of the buses. BRT
systems in cities like Bogotá are able to reduce dwell times to 20 seconds using an array
of rapid boarding and alighting strategies. As a system expands across a wider network,
intersecting stations will require mechanisms to transfer from one corridor to another. An
“interchange station” is a facility that permits such transfers, and thus has additional
design considerations than a standard station. Modern stations should include climate
protection devices and an appealing aesthetic design. Bus depot areas serve an array of
purposes including bus parking areas, re-fuelling facilities, maintenance areas, and office
space for bus operators
A centralized control centre will help ensure smooth and efficient BRT operations.
Controlling a high-volume BRT system spread across a major developing city is a
complex and involving activity. As noted in section 3.4.5, a centralized control and
management system brings with it a number of benefits.
An initial infrastructure cost analysis can help focus the possible design work on
financially realistic options. Based on the preferred design characteristics in conjunction
with the size of the initial phase of the project, a city can determine if the capital cost
estimates are in line with realistic financial resources. Some of the principal factors in
determining the actual infrastructure costs will include: i) number of exclusive lanes; ii)
materials utilized in the construction of the lanes (asphalt or concrete); iii) expected
system capacity, and thus the capacity and size of stations, terminals, and depots; iv)
local construction costs; v) amount of property expropriation required. Table 6 lists the
actual infrastructure costs for Phase I of Bogota’s TransMilenio.
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Table 6
BRT construction cost breakdown, Bogotá’s TransMilenio
One of the most variable cost items when comparing different BRT systems is the level of
property acquisition required. In instances where property purchases are necessary,
infrastructure costs can quickly skyrocket.
BRT is not a standard bus service. BRT is a collection of best-practice measures and
advanced technologies that deliver a high-quality mass transit experience. A number of
features are decisive for the choice of the technology:
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Table 7
Standard vehicle types and passenger capacities
Typical
Typical vehicle
Vehicle type number of
length
passengers
Vans 10-16 3 meters
Mini-buses 25-35 6 meters
Standard buses 60-80 12 meters
Articulated buses 120-170 18 meters
Bi-articulated buses 240-270 24 meters
This is a bus; not a light rail vehicle
The method of fare collection and fare verification has a significant impact on passenger
flow capacities and the system’s overall impression to the customer. These options
include:
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BRT systems like all Public Transport systems cannot be designed and implemented in
isolation. Instead, such systems are just one element in a city’s overall urban framework
and set of mobility options. To be effective, BRT should be fully integrated with all
options and modes. In truth, other transport options such as walking, cycling, driving,
taxis, and other Public Transport systems should not be seen as competitors with the
BRT system. Rather, such complementary services should interact with BRT as a
seamless set of options serving all aspects of customer needs. The approaches and
features are described in Module 2 in the chapters Transport Demand Management and
Non-Motorized Transport.
Figure 15
Facilities for modal integration
Traffic impacts: At the outset of the project, the initial modeling work helped to select
the appropriate corridors and the likely ridership numbers. Once the initial design and
planning work has been completed, it is appropriate to re-examine how the new system
will function in the city’s transport matrix.
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Property values: BRT busways and the associated stations and terminals will tend to
provide new economies of- scale along a particular corridor. A concentration of
passengers and development will tend to increase the value of being located near the
transit corridor.
Social impacts: Social impacts refer to the ability of a new transit system to help create
more social equity within a city. Thus, this factor is related to previous discussions on
affordability and employment creation, as well as social changes due to the new urban
environment.
The production of a BRT plan is not the end objective of this process. Without
implementation, the planning process is a rather meaningless exercise. The
implementation plan should contain the following items:
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System Planning
• Local and national financial sources
• Bi-Lateral assistance agencies (e.g. GTZ, USAID)
• United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
• Global Environment Facility (GEF)
• Private foundations
Infrastructure
• Local and national general tax revenues
• Petrol taxes
• Road pricing / congestion charging
• Parking fees
• Improved enforcement of traffic regulations
• Land value taxation
• Sales or leasing of commercial space near stations
• Advertising
• Merchandising
• Commercial banks
• Municipal bonds
• World Bank
• Regional Development Banks (e.g., ADB, IDB)
• Emissions trading
Equipment
• Private sector bus operators
• Bus manufacturers
• Bi-Lateral export banks
• International Finance Corporation
• Commercial banks
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Rail-based mass transit systems have a role to play in larger cities. Rail-based mass
transit systems are less congesting than are road based systems and can be very
important for those who are peripherally located and have long journeys to access
employment in the cities. However, urban rail-based systems are costly to build and
operate, are more expensive for the passenger to use than road-based modes, and can
impose a large burden on the city budget. It remains appropriate, therefore, to advise
cautious examination of the fiscal sustainability of rail investments and their impact on
poor people before making expensive commitments.
Rail systems can be classified in i) commuter rail services, ii) Metros and iii) Light Rail
Transit LRT.
Commuter or sometimes called suburban rail is a heavy rail system that operates at a
lower frequency than rapid transit, with higher average speeds, often only serving one
station in each village and town. Some cities have opted for a hybrid solution, with two
tiers of rapid transit: an urban system and a suburban system with lower frequency. The
suburban systems run on their own tracks with high frequency, but are often quite
similar to commuter rail, and are often operated by the national railways. In some cities
the national railway runs through tunnels in the city centre; sometimes commuter trains
have direct transfer to the rapid transits, on the same or adjoining platforms. Most
commuter trains are built to main line rail standards, differing from light rail or Metro
systems by:
• being larger;
• providing more seating and less standing room, for the longer distances
involved;
• having (in most cases) a lower frequency of service;
• having scheduled services (i.e. trains run at specific times rather than at
specific intervals);
• serving lower-density areas, typically by connecting suburbs to the city centre;
• sharing track or right-of-way with intercity or freight trains.
Suburban rail services are physically part of a larger rail network, usually at-grade and
fully-segregated by means of controlled level-crossings. They are mostly provided by
general railroad companies and they share track with freight and long-distance transport.
While in theory the capacity would be limited to the number of available seats, in practice
these services are often run at crush passenger loads in developing cities. Suburban
railways in developing cities are usually radially oriented into the city centre. Although
even in relatively well-served cities like Bombay, Rio de Janeiro, Moscow, Buenos Aires,
and Johannesburg, they carry less than 10% of trips, they can be important in
supporting a transit-friendly city form and maintaining a strong city centre. As shown in
Bombay, where each day 6 million passengers are carried by suburban railways, this
mode may even serve as a backbone MRT for a developing city. Like Metros, suburban
railways need an independent institutional body which allocates funds and distributes
earnings, as well as fare and timetable integration with other transport services.
Suburban railways are often well located for radial journeys. Although even in relatively
well-served cities (Mumbai, Rio de Janeiro, Moscow, Buenos Aires, and Johannesburg),
they carry fewer than 10 percent of trips, they can be very important in providing for
longer commuting trips. Existing, but less-well-used lines can be converted to effective
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local passenger service either in the form of a conventional rail service sharing facilities
with other rail traffic or by replacement on the same right-of way by a light rail system.
Measures which can increase capacity and safety include the elimination of at-grade road
crossings (or introduction of safety equipment), the purchase of double-deck-trains and
improvement of boarding/alighting facilities, though in all cases the cost implications may
be too large for many developing cities. As with all other MRT systems, high ridership on
commuter lines requires feeder services (e.g., by bus) and good interchange facilities.
The rehabilitation and improvement of suburban railways show good cost-benefit-ratios
and can contribute to poverty alleviation, as poorer people generally live further from the
city centre.
Figure 16
Commuter rail train in Germany
4.2 Metros
Service on rapid transit systems is provided on designated lines between stations using
electric multiple units on rails, although some systems use rubber tires. They are
typically integrated with other Public Transport and often operated by the same public
transit authorities. Rapid transit is faster and has a higher capacity than trams or light
rail, but is not as fast or as far-reaching as commuter rail. It is unchallenged in its ability
to transport large numbers of people quickly over short distances with little land use.
Street level railways are used only outside dense areas, since they create a physical
barrier that hinders the flow of people and vehicles across their path. This method of
construction is the cheapest, as long as land values are low. It is often used for new
systems in areas that are planned to fill up with buildings after the line is built. Elevated
railways are a cheap and easy way to build an exclusive right-of-way without digging
expensive tunnels or creating barriers. They were popular around the beginning of the
20th century, but fell out of favor; they came back into fashion in the last quarter of the
century.
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Figure 17
Heavy Metro systems in Germany
Metros are usually the most expensive form of MRT per route kilometer, but have the
greatest capacity and best performance. With 10-car train sets and two-minute
headways, the first Hong Kong, China, line has carried as many as 80,000 pphpd. The
Moscow metro has regularly achieved headways below 90 seconds. São Paulo’s East line
has consistently carried more than 60,000 pphpd. However, many metros are designed
for capacities around 30,000 to 40,000 pphpd, and few actually carry more than that.
Costs can vary greatly. Total capital costs can be as low as $8 million per kilometer
where an at grade right-of-way is available for conversion, and can rise to over $150
million per kilometer for an underground railway in difficult terrain. Decisive for the
capital costs is the vertical alignment: Elevated systems are 2-2.5 more expensive
compared to at-grade-systems, while underground system cost 4 to 6 fold (Table 8).
Metro systems may cover their operational costs in urban areas with high population
density, such as in Hong Kong or Sao Paulo, but normally they require subsidies. A
successful Metro also requires integration with existing transport modes and policies, and
planned densification around Metro stations.
Table 8
Capital Costs of Metro Systems
There is a continuous transition between Metros and Light Rail Transit (LRT). Since there
is no international agreed terminus, they are called Light Metros in this paper. Lighter
than heavy Metro, they carry larger passenger numbers, up to 40.000 pphpd. They use
tracks with exclusive right-of-way, but they are able to mix with road traffic as well.
Vehicles are often high floor and more robust than LRT vehicles. Since the costs are
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significantly lower than heavy Metros, but still carry considerable passenger volumes,
Light Metros are becoming increasingly popular in developed cities with low corridor
volumes, as a secure and high-quality alternative to the private car, and sometimes
serving as a feeder to heavy rail systems. The example of Karlsruhe, in Box 4, shows
that tramways can expand and serve large regions, using railway tracks and still
providing access to the city centre.
Box 4
Light Metro system in Karlsruhe, Germany
The Stadtbahn Karlsruhe is a German Light Metro system combining tram lines in the
city with railway lines in the surrounding countryside, serving the entire region of the
middle upper Rhine valley and creating connections to neighbouring regions. It
combines an efficient urban railway in the city with an S-Bahn (suburban railway),
overcoming the boundary between trams/light railways and heavy railways. The idea
to link tram and railway lines with one another in order to be able to offer an
attractive transport system for town and outskirts was developed in Karlsruhe and
implemented gradually in the 1980s and 1990s.
Source: www.wikipedia.org
Light rail or light rail transit (LRT) is a form of urban rail public transportation that
generally has a lower capacity and lower speed than suburban rail and metro systems,
but higher capacity and higher speed than traditional street-running tram systems. The
term is typically used to refer to rail systems with rapid transit-style features that usually
use electric rail cars operating mostly in private rights-of-way separated from other
traffic but sometimes, if necessary, mixed with other traffic in city streets. If this is the
case, then under the law of many countries such systems are then legally tramways,
although the vehicles which run on them are sometimes designated "supertrams".
Modern light rail technology is flexible and adaptable, and whether any given system is
considered a true rapid transit system or not depends on its characteristics.
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Light rapid transit (LRT) ranges from the conventional on-street tramways of Eastern
Europe and the Arab Republic of Egypt to the sophisticated elevated and completely
segregated systems of Singapore. Highest capacities observed are on the fully-elevated
Manila Line 1 and the 95% segregated Alexandria-Rami systems (18,000pphpd). These
operated 60 meter trains. The highest capacity for a true street-running system
appeared to be for Alexandria-Madina, with 275-passenger vehicles every 80 seconds
(12,000pphpd), but this was at low speeds (6km/h) All-in cost, including infrastructure
and rolling stock, of at-grade LRT systems range at US$ 15- 30mn/km. Additionally, the
operating costs for rail systems are much larger than for bus systems, in particular
because of the need to maintain the equipment and infrastructure to high standards.
In developing countries, where the need is for adequate capacity and speed for captive
low-income Public Transport passengers LRT’s role is less obvious. Where it operates at
grade, without priority or protection from obstruction by other traffic, it has little or no
performance advantage over busways. Although low-cost rehabilitation of on-street
tramways may sometimes be worthwhile, they are usually an expensive proposition for
the volume and speed achieved. Their main advantages are that they have less local air
pollution impact, signal a more permanent commitment to public transport, and have an
image that triggers support for complementary measures, which buses have great
difficulty achieving.
Figure 18
Modern tram in Germany
Halcrow Fox (2000): Mass Rapid Transit in Developing Countries, Department for
International Development, World Bank Urban Transport Strategy Review.
Allport, Roger (2002): In Which Cities, And With Which Policies, Can Metropolitan
Railways Provide The Backbone?, 1st International Metropolitan Railways Conference
"Modern Metropolitan Railways for Sustainable Mobility and a Better Quality of Life in
Large Cities", Shanghai (CN), 18-20 November 2002.
Qureshi, Intikhab and Ahmed Lu Huapu (2007): Suggesting Urban Mass Transit
Technology For Pakistan “A Comparative Analysis Of Rail Based Rapid Transit And Bus
Rapid Transit” Journal of the Eastern Asia Society for Transportation Studies, Vol. 7.
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For regulation of public transport, the following issues are of major importance: the level
of competition, the role of the regulating authorities, the structure of the transport
industry, fares and subsidies.
5.1 Competition
In recent years it has been widely recognized that the incentives provided by competition
are more effective in promoting efficiency and demand-responsiveness in transport
services than directives or direct provision of services by state agencies. Public sector
operations generally lack proper incentives for, or are constrained politically against,
acting efficiently, and can therefore lack a customer-oriented quality in many cases. This
can be demonstrated by comparisons between public and private operators in the same
country, as exemplified for Delhi, India, in Table 9 and London, UK in Table 10.
Table 9
Efficiency of bus operations in Delhi, 1995
Public
Measure Private
Operator
Table 10
Effects of competition on bus transport in London
Table 11 gives an overview on the forms of competition that may be controlled in two
ways:
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Table 11
Classification of markets and competition
Monopoly No competition
Management contracting
Gross cost service contracting
Net cost service contracting Controlled competition for the market
Franchising
Concessions
Open market Open Competition
The most direct form of competition is that of a totally open market, in which there are
no restrictions on transport operators except those imposed by general law on business
practices, vehicle construction and use, vehicle emissions, and highway and traffic
matters. But market competition is not responsive to several important types of “market
failure.” First, if there is insufficient demand to meet the costs of supply, then there will
be no service, irrespective of the importance that society attaches to the provision of
some minimum basic service level. Second, the market is not responsive to various
external effects, such as congestion and environmental impact, unless they are directly
charged. Third, because of information asymmetry and the difficulties associated with
“shopping around,” the process of competition may result in a combination of price and
quality of service supplied, which is not what the majority of consumers would prefer.
Fourth, it will not be in the interest of the individual bus operators to adapt their services
and fares to promote modal integration.
ii) Net cost service contracting is similar to gross cost contracting, except that
the operator keeps the revenue and hence incurs both the revenue and
supply-cost risks. This increases the incentive to the supplier to provide the
service contracted for (otherwise he loses his fare revenue) and obviates the
need for complex fare collection and security arrangements. However, it
makes modal coordination more difficult and often involves higher net cost for
the authorities, since the supplier is incurring an extra revenue risk, against
which he is averse, and for which he will require compensation.
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competitive pressure may be fairly weak, trade union power relatively strong,
and costs relatively high.
iv) Franchising involves the grant of an exclusive right to provide a service that
meets a number of general quantity, quality, and price standards established
by the authority, usually because of a competition. The franchise may be for a
self-contained area, such as a town or sector of a larger city, but it is also
possible to have route franchises - especially with fixed track systems. They
differ from service contracts in allowing the contractor a greater degree of
freedom to develop the system. The franchisee may have to be paid by the
authority to provide service and fare combinations that are not commercially
viable.
Whichever system is chosen, effective competition between private sector suppliers can
only be achieved if the public sector itself is appropriately structured and capable. This
imposes a number of critical institutional requirements:
The role played by the supervisory or regulatory authority will vary between the three
models, (no competition; controlled competition and open competition) but an effective
body is necessary for any of the models to be successful.
Under the ‘no competition’ model a supervisory body is required to ensure that operators
meet certain general standards of service coverage, performance and quality. However,
in a private monopoly the authority may have no effective recourse if the standards are
not met since the incumbent operator will be difficult to replace in the short term and will
often blame his shortcomings on deficiencies in the regulatory or operating environment.
In the absence of a comparison, the authority will tend to accept these uncritically. This
may discourage planning initiatives by the authority.
Under controlled competition ‘for the market’ the authority will be responsible for the
planning and development of the whole Public Transport service, including all the modes,
perhaps down to the level of operating timetables. The authority’s tasks will include:
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• Defining each route in the network and specifying the service parameters;
• Fare-setting.
Under an open market the authority’s main responsibilities will be to ensure that
competition remains effective, and to maintain and enforce minimum safety and
environmental standards for operators and buses. The role of the authority will not
include comprehensive planning of the network and services – this will be done by the
operators in the market. A system of registering routes and buses deployed will enable
the authority to monitor the network. The authority may have responsibility for procuring
any services that the market is unwilling to provide. This will be done through tendering
and contracting.
3. Mix of small and large-scale public/private operators: Among the wide variety of
mixed bus systems in developing cities are public sector operators supplemented
by a small-scale corporate private sector or a fragmented individual sector.
4. Multiple small scale and individual private operators: This situation is referred to
as Paratransit. The services are usually provided by small vehicles, in individual
ownership or in small fleets of a few vehicles. Routes may be established by
usage, or by an authority. Paratransit often originates as an unlicensed, ‘illegal’
mode.
For each of the above situations, different problems occur and thus different sets of
regulatory policy measures are necessary. An overview of the measures is given in
Table 12. More details are provided in the GTZ Training Document 1 on Bus Regulation
and Planning (Meakin 2006).
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Table 12
Counter-Balancing Measures for Different Bus Industry
Structures in cities from developing countries
One of the most notable features of the Public Transport sector in the developing and
transitional economies in recent years has been the explosive growth of publicly available
passenger transport services outside the traditional Public Transport regulatory system,
often referred to as paratransit. A number of characteristics are typical of paratransit
services, although not necessarily applicable in all cases. These include:
• Services are usually unscheduled and often, though not always, on demand-
responsive routes, filling gaps in formal transit provision.
• The vehicles operated are typically small, including motorcycles.
• The vehicles used are often old, having been retired from other countries or
other uses domestically, so that the capital investment necessary to enter the
business may be small.
• The vehicles used are also often very simple, including, in many countries,
NMT vehicles. Paratransit services are usually provided by informal operators
with the following characteristics:
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They are often outside the tax system or benefit from favorable treatment
of the non-corporate sector.
In many Asian cities, it is estimated that over 15 percent of the population is dependent
directly or indirectly on informal sector transport for their livelihood. In Dhaka, the
proportion has been estimated at over 25 percent. In other cases, particularly in lower-
income countries in Africa, it is often the mode of transport “of the poor” as well as “by
the poor.”
Despite these advantages, informal transport has a very poor image and reputation. It is
often a very low earnings sector, with crews exploited by vehicle owners. It has an
association with poverty, viewed as symbolically inappropriate by government, which
tries to reduce its role as much as possible. There appear to be three main aspects of
informal transport systems that contribute to this negative image: i) Dangerous on-the-
road behavior and association with crime and violence. ii) Urban congestion and adverse
environmental impacts resulting from use of small, old, and ill-adapted vehicles. iii)
Undermining of basic network of existing services.
The most common concern about a fragmented informal sector is that the competitive
pressure to earn a living will result in excess capacity, low load factors, and antisocial
and often dangerous operating practices, such as lack of attention to passenger safety,
racing, turning short, blocking intersections while touting for traffic, and so on. There are
several problems with such self-regulation. First, because it is outside public control, the
association acts in the interests of its members and suppliers, and not in the interests of
its customers. Second, because self-regulation is not based on any legal rights of
exclusion, it is often enforced by violent means, as occurred in the taxi (minibus) sector
in South Africa. Third, the failure to ensure a fair allocation of revenues between
members often results in suboptimal operating practices. In particular, ensuring that all
vehicles are dispatched from the terminal with full loads allows the service to allocate its
resources at the expense of passengers (forcing them to walk long distances to terminals
to access the service) and at thee expense of vehicle usage schedules (forcing delays as
they queue for their turn to depart). Only more secure and long-standing associations
are able to adopt more efficient practices—and that extra security may involve more
monopoly power.
Where there is a desire to provide even more services than the informal sector can
provide commercially, it is argued that a monopolist public supplier is required. That is,
of course, a fallacious argument. Directly subsidized services can be efficiently obtained
through a competitive tendering of franchises. Even cross-subsidy can be organized
within a competitively tendered franchising system - as in London and several other large
cities in Europe - either by packaging profitable and non-profitable services together in
tendered lots or by using fees from “positive” concessions to finance “negative” ones.
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More often, the first steps in bringing a fragmented industry under regulatory control are
consolidating a fragmented industry into cohesive route associations or cooperatives and
enabling them to hold a single route license which imposes some collective service
obligations. The objective is for the body to be able to take greater responsibility for the
management of the route according to a service specification laid down by the authority.
The schedule is likely to include trips at times when demand is low, so management
might need to organize some internal cross-subsidy or rotation to equalize revenue
among vehicles. A further stage in consolidation is where ownership of the vehicle is
transferred to the cooperative or company. All revenue then accrues to the company, and
the members receive a dividend on their investment, which may be in the form of shares,
depending on the profitability of the business. When this happens, many of the
constraints and complications that arise from each vehicle being a separate business are
eliminated.
The World Bank (Gwilliam 2005) recommends regulating taxi markets as follows:
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Box 5
Route associations in Thailand
A pilot fixed-route managed by an association was established in Hat Yai, under a bus
reform study implemented jointly by the regulator and consultants. Prior to the project
there were no fixed route buses operating in Hat Yai. The city’s Public Transport
system comprised 2,500 non-fixed route, six-seater tuk-tuks. There was an
oversupply of tuk-tuks because ownership was attractive to middle income groups who
rent their vehicles to drivers who have few other alternative employment options.
A new 22 km long fixed route connecting the inter-city bus terminal on one side of the
city to the airport on the other side was recommended on a pilot basis for the
proposed association. Converted pick-ups were used which seated 16 persons
comfortably, with a crush load of 26, rather than tuk-tuks. The licence was held in the
name of one of the cooperatives but by agreement is operated jointly. The initiating
owners and drivers developed the management methods. In order to attract
passengers, the flat fare was set below the prevailing tuk-tuk fare. Despite strong
objections by other tuk-tuk operators, the route started in mid September, 1991 with
nine vehicles. mini-buses.
After 8 months patronage had increased to 6,800 persons per day with, on average,
full seated loads. 26 vehicles were deployed, average age below two years. The
service was estimated to be operating profitably. The cooperatives imposed rules
covering rostering of drivers and vehicles, punctuality, running times, driving manner,
prohibition of overtaking, stopping places, backed up with a system of fines.
Dispatchers monitored adherence to the timetable.
The strong route management in Hat Yai appears to have resulted in part from the
adversity which the original vehicle operators faced. The route management methods
are largely the application of common sense to the development of an equitable
sharing of workload and revenue amongst the owners and drivers. The management
methods also gave high priority to the development of a reliable and convenient
service for the public since the success of the route was critical. Leadership from
amongst the original operators was also essential to development of the systems
employed.
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Amos, Paul (2004): Public and Private Sector Roles in the Supply of Transport
Infrastructure and Services: Operational Guidance for World Bank Staff. Transport
Paper - 1.
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