Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
U.B.A
IDIOMA INGLÉS
Licenciatura en Psicología
MÓDULO II
INDEX
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
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Primera lectura
8 Ya en esta etapa de la lectura, tiene una idea general del contenido del texto.
Vuelva a sus preguntas o hipótesis del punto 3. ¿Puede responder sus
preguntas? ¿Cuán acertadas fueron sus hipótesis?
Segunda lectura
9. En esta segunda lectura (más detallada) puede subrayar partes del texto que
considere importantes, o escribir los conceptos clave al margen. Decida cuáles
son las ideas principales y las ideas secundarias.
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Vocabulario
use un diccionario
consulte con un compañero
Oraciones difíciles
Después de la lectura
1. Haga una lista de las palabras nuevas que pueden llegar a ser útiles en otro
texto. Indique su significado(s)
Forgetting
Freud is at his best when discussing those seemingly accidental mistakes of speech and
writing where one word is substituted for another and, especially, where the substitute
word means the opposite of the word intended. A physician is writing out a prescription
10 for an impecunious patient who asks him not to give her big bills because she cannot
swallow them-and then says that, of course, she meant pills. An arrogant lecturer says
that he could count the number of real authorities on his subject on one finger - he
means the fingers of one hand. A President of the Austrian House of Deputies is
opening a session from which he fears little good will come and announces that, since
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15 such and such a number of gentlemen are present, he declares the session as closed;
amid laughter, he corrects his mistake and declares the session as opened. All of these
examples clearly derive from the person saying what he actually thinks without
checking himself to make his insincere but diplomatic statement. No doubt we have all
encountered similar examples in our everyday life. Certainly writers of fiction have long
20 been aware of this phenomenon, and have exploited it to good dramatic effect by
putting such lapsus linguae into the mouths of characters. In Shakespeare's Merchant of
Venice, for example, Portia has lost her affections to Bassanio but is under a vow not to
reveal it. She directs a speech to this welcome suitor in which, throughout, her love for
him is thinly disguised and finishes with the words: 'One half of me is yours, the other
25 half yours - Mine own, I would say.' The same expression of our thoughts and wishes is
seen in some erroneously carried-out actions. Thus, one physician reports that he is
quite often disturbed in the midst of engrossing work at home by having to go to
hospital to carry out some routine duty. When this happens he is apt to find himself
trying to open the door of his laboratory with the key of his desk at home. The two keys
30 are quite unlike each other and the mistake does not occur under normal circumstances
but only under conditions where he would rather be at home. His error seems to express
his wish.
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Unit 1
TASK B
Skim through the model research article and check your answers to the questions in
Activity A.
TASK C: This is a prediction task so you are not expected to provide accurate
information from the article yet. However, you can predict or hypothesize some
information considering:
The title Key words
Subtitles Topic sentences
Skim the research article again and complete this table with the parts of the article and
predict the content in each part.
RESEARCH ARTICLE
With your partners and teacher discuss the information you have gathered so far.
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Model introduction
A) Skim the text and note how the authors organized this section of the text. The words
in bold will help you.
Consider the following steps mentioned in the CARS model:
B) Explain in your own words the information presented in each of these steps.
UNIT 1 TEXT 1
The 2 studies reported here use observational data from message boards to investigate how
adolescents solicit and share information related to self-injurious behavior. Study 1 examines
the prevalence and nature of these message boards, their users, and most commonly discussed
10 topics. Study 2 was intended to explore the correlations between content areas raised for
discussion. Both studies were intended to shed light on the role of message boards in spreading
information about self-injurious practices and influencing help-seeking behavior. More than 400
self-injury message boards were identified. Most are populated by females who describe
themselves as between 12 and 20 years of age. Findings show that online interactions clearly
15 provide essential social support for otherwise isolated adolescents, but they may also normalize
and encourage self-injurious behavior and add potentially lethal behaviors to the repertoire of
established adolescent self-injurers and those exploring identity options.
25
Because adolescents use the Internet for the purpose of connecting with others at higher rates
than any other age group (Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001), a better understanding of how
Internet use affects their social and emotional development is an important line of scientific
inquiry. Indeed, a small but growing body of research is beginning to examine the
30 implications of various electronic forums for social interaction (e.g., chat rooms, news groups,
mes-sage boards) on adolescent behavior (e.g., Gross, 2004; Subrahmanyam, Greenfield, &
Tynes, 2004; Tynes, Reynolds, & Green-field, 2004). The Internet may have particular
relevance for adolescents who feel marginalized, because it provides a low-risk venue for
finding others who share their perceived or real differences and exchanging information that is
35 difficult to convey in person or when using one’s real identity (McKenna & Green, 2002).
Adolescents who intentionally injure themselves are one such group. Although research is
nascent, adolescent self-injury appears to be increasingly common (Welsh, 2004; Yates, 2004)
and, as this article shows, is a practice around which many virtual communities have formed.
To date, almost nothing has been written about the existence of self-injury Internet forums,
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40 the types of exchanges that occur there, or the ways in which these ex-changes may affect the
development of adolescents and their ability to cope with distress.
45 Computer access and use among adolescents have grown exponentially over the past decade
(Becker, 2000). More than 80% of American youth 12 to 17 years of age use the Internet, and
nearly half log on daily (Lenhart, Madden, & Hitlin, 2005). Once connected, adolescents
engage in a wide variety of activities, including doing schoolwork, playing games, shopping,
and downloading music. Research shows, however, that adolescents use the Internet primarily
50 for social reasons (Gross, 2004; Roberts, Foehr, & Ride-out, 2005). The Internet has become
a virtual meeting place where teens hang out with their peers to pass time. Many adolescents
reportedly prefer being online to other media, including the telephone, TV, and radio (2002
Gallup Survey, cited in Heitner, 2002). According to data from the Pew Internet and American
Life Project (Lenhart et al., 2005), the vast majority (89%) of teens use e-mail and 75% use
55 instant messaging (IM), which allows them to have multiple simultaneous conversations with a
defined group of peers. More than 50% of teens possess more than one e-mail address or screen
name, which they can use to send private messages to friends or to participate anonymously in
online forums, such as chat rooms (Lenhart et al., 2001).
60 Some studies suggest that Internet use may facilitate social interaction by making it easier for
individuals to connect with others they know as well as with strangers. It serves also as a
powerful resource for youth desiring information about socially sensitive topics such as
sexuality and interpersonal relations (Suzuki & Calzo, 2004). This form of communication may
be especially advantageous for shy, socially anxious, or marginalized youth, enabling them to
65 practice their social skills without the risks associated with ―on the ground‖ interactions
(Heitner, 2002; Mc-Kenna, Green, & Gleason, 2002; Subrahmanyam et al., 2004). Additionally,
online communication may encourage more truthful exchanges; many people report a greater
willingness to share thoughts and feelings online than they would in face-to-face situations
(Lenhart et al., 2001; McKenna &Bargh, 2000). Clearly, Internet is transforming the social
70 world of adolescents by influencing how they communicate, establish and maintain
relationships, and find social support. Nevertheless, the developmental consequences of
adolescent Internet use is an area about which little is known (Wartella, Caplovitz, & Lee,
2004).
75
DETAILED READING
a) What are the advantages of the Internet mentioned in this part of the text?
b) What do adolescents use the Internet for?
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3 Indicate the referents to these words
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POST READING
Write a summary paragraph with the main ideas in the text. Use the answers to
the previous activities to help you.
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LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
VOCABULARY
A) Suffixes to form nouns. Find nouns in the text related to the words given in
the first column.
B) Topical lexis
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TEXT GRAMMAR
b) Negación léxica:
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TASK: Find more examples of these linguistic signals in Text 1.
Examples:
“… a better understanding of how Internet use affects their social and emotional
development is an important line of scientific inquiry”. (menciona la importancia del
tema)
“Research shows, however, that adolescents use the Internet primarily for social
reasons” (Gross, 2004; Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005).” (introduce resultados de
investigaciones previas)
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METACOGNITION
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See appendix 1, Text 1 ―The Virtual Cutting Edge: The Internet and Adolescent Self-
Injury)
Read the following two sections of the introduction of the article “The Virtual Cutting
Edge: The Internet and Adolescent Self-Injury” and do these activities:
3) Scan for key words or phrases and make a more specific prediction.
4) Study the structure of both sections (remember that they belong to the Introduction)
and highlight linguistic exponents the authors use to:
a) review previous research
b) indicate a gap
c) indicate the aim of the article
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SELF-STUDY SECTION
NB: Los ejemplos y sugerencias en esta sección se basan en el texto Emerging Issues
– Some Observations about Changes in Technique in Child Analysis (Appendix 2) Se
espera que se utilicen también los otros textos del cuadernillo como revisión de estos
aspectos.
LÉXICO
Léxico académico general: son aquellas palabras que utilizan en textos académicos,
pero que no pertenecen a ninguna disciplina específica, como por ejemplo, aim, goal,
assumptions, underpinnings, theory.
Léxico académico específico: Como su nombre lo indica, son aquellas palabras que
se utilizan en una disciplina específica (por ej. la psicología). Los lectores con
experiencia en la disciplina pueden, por lo general, reconocer el significado de estas
palabras porque han leído mucho en inglés, o porque muchas veces los términos no
se traducen al español y por lo tanto se usan en inglés (borderline).
Como práctica y revisión de léxico, los alumnos pueden seleccionar estas palabras
comunes en los tipos de textos que leen y volcarlos en una tabla a modo de glosario.
A continuación se incluyen algunos ejemplos de léxico academico. Complete su
significado.
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UNIT 1 TEXT 2
Developmental Psychology
Selected Article
July 2000 Vol. 36, No. 4, 429-437
© 2000 by the American Psychological Association
Abstract
The hypothesis that the association between parental divorce and children's adjustment is
mediated by genetic factors was examined in the Colorado Adoption Project, a prospective
5 longitudinal study of 398 adoptive and biological families. In biological families, children
who experienced their parents' separation by the age of 12 years exhibited higher rates of
behavioral problems and substance use, and lower levels of achievement and social
adjustment, compared with children whose parents' marriages remained intact. Similarly,
adopted children who experienced their (adoptive) parents' divorces exhibited elevated
10 levels of behavioral problems and substance use compared with adoptees whose parents did
not separate, but there were no differences on achievement and social competence. The
findings for psychopathology are consistent with an environmentally mediated explanation
for the association between parent divorce and children's adjustment; in contrast, the
findings for achievement and social adjustment are consistent with a genetically mediated
15 explanation involving passive genotype–environment correlation.
Recent research findings from behavioral genetic investigations raise fundamental questions
about the mechanisms by which environmental risks influence behavioral outcomes. In
20 many cases, connections between psychosocial risks and individual differences in
adjustment that were previously thought to be entirely environmentally mediated are now
thought to be partly genetically mediated. This conclusion is supported by a range 35 of
studies, is found across diverse methods, and pertains to a large number of environmental
risk processes (see Ge et al., 1996 ; O'Connor, Deater-Deckard, Fulker, Rutter, & Plomin,
25 1998 ; Plomin, 1994 ). In the current study we sought to contribute to this line of research
by examining whether the well-documented phenotypic association between parental
divorce and children's adjustment is partly genetically mediated. We tested this possibility
by studying the effects of divorce experienced by children in adoptive and biological
families.
30
Mechanisms Explaining the Connection Between Parental Divorce and
Children's Adjustment
Children and adolescents in single-parent families exhibit higher rates of behavioral and
35 emotional problems and substance use and lower levels of self-esteem, social competence,
and achievement compared with individuals in never-divorced, two-parent families ( Amato
& Keith, 1991 ; Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992 ). This finding is robust, but it is
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important neither to overestimate the magnitude of the effects nor to ignore the considerable
individual variability in response to divorce. Despite considerable research attention, basic
40 questions remain about the mechanisms through which parental divorce creates risks for
child maladjustment. Several distinct explanations have been proposed. One line of research
has emphasized the etiological role of risk factors that directly or indirectly follow from the
divorce. A drop in financial well-being, stress and strain associated with single parenthood,
loss of support, ongoing conflict regarding coparenting, and changes in the quality of
45 mother—child and father—child relations are among the many negative consequences of
divorce which may help explain the rise in postdivorce maladjustment ( Amato & Keith,
1991 ; Hetherington, Bridges, & Insabella, 1998 ; McLanahan, 1999 ). An alternative
explanation for children's postdivorce maladjustment focuses on the predictors rather than
the consequences of divorce. That is, postdivorce maladjustment in children is thought to be
50 attributable to long-standing, predivorce stresses in the family, notably family conflict and
the attendant strains on parent—child relations.
GLOBAL READING
1. Who are the authors and what information in given about them?
2. What field of Psychology does the article deal with?
3. What is the purpose of this study?
4. How did 12-year-old children in biological families experience their parents‟
separation?
TASK 2: Study the structure of this introduction and highlight the parts where the
authors:
a) review previous research
b) indicate a gap
c) indicate the aim of the article
DETAILED READING
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LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
VOCABULARY
B) Suffixes to form nouns. Find nouns in the text related to the words given in
the first column.
parent parenthood
Associate
Adjust
Find
Explain
Correlate
Possible
TEXT GRAMMAR
-indicate a gap
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UNIT 1 TEXT 3
______________. Persons with high levels of paranoid ideation may be more sensitive to
emotional stimuli, particularly negative emotions, reflecting the operation of a paranoid schema.
However, this finding has not been consistently supported and needs further study. This study
examined the effect of paranoia, as measured on a continuum, on emotion perception. It was
predicted that higher levels of paranoia would be associated with improved emotion perception
scores with better recognition for negative emotions than positive.
______________ A four-group ANOVA design was used to compare participants with clinical
and sub-clinical paranoia to reflect the continuum view of paranoia.
______________ A group with persecutory delusions (N=30) was compared with three sub-
clinical groups (N=88) on two posed emotion perception tasks. The sub-clinical participants
were divided into high, moderate, and low groups based on scores from the Paranoia Scale, a
widely used measure of sub-clinical paranoia.
______________ Persons with persecutory delusions had lower overall emotion perception
scores than all of the sub-clinical groups. For negative emotions, persons with persecutory
delusions had lower identification scores than the moderate and low sub-clinical groups, but
were no different than the high sub-clinical group. Anger was especially problematic for clinical
participants. There were no differences for positive emotions.
GLOBAL READING
TASK A: Read the following summary of the sections in a research article and indicate
which section of the article they come from. Choose from:
TASK B: Read the title, underline key words and notice the different parts of the
research article. With this information predict the content of the text.
What is the article about?
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DETAILED READING
1. What is the gap in the research on this topic? How is it signaled in the text?
(connector)
2. What are the authors´ objectives?
3. What design did the authors used? Why was this design used?
4. What did the method consist of?
5. What were the results of the research?
6. What conclusions did the authors arrive at?
LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
VOCABULARY
A) Topical lexis
TEXT GRAMMAR
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METACOGNITION
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UNIT 2 TEXT 1
Section of the research article: METHOD
Global reading
4. Read the title of the research article. What do you think the text is about?
5. Now you are going to read the ―method‖ section. Skim through the text and
note how this section is organized.
What information do the authors include here?
Method
Subjects
This study was conducted at Harvard University (Cambridge, MA). A total of 311 individuals
were enrolled from multiple communities in eastern Massachusetts. Subjects were recruited
5 with posted flyers in public places and by advertisements in community newspapers. The
content of the flyers neutrally described a generic psychological study that involved the
completion of questionnaires as well as various other psychological tasks. The flyer content in
no way addressed schizophrenia, schizotypy, or behavioral features associated with
psychopathology. The goal of the recruitment flyers was to solicit a broad range of individuals
10 from the general adult community population interested in completing the study.
Potential subjects were screened via phone by trained research assistants for information
regarding their age (limited to 18–45 years to avoid age-related artifacts in tracking
performance), current illicit drug use (e.g., barbiturates, crack, heroin, and others) and alcohol
use/abuse history, history of psychotic illness, antipsychotic medication use (e.g., haloperidol,
15 chlorpromazine, fluphenazine, risperidone, clozapine), antimania medication use (e.g., lithium),
and head injury associated with loss of consciousness.
Research assistants inquired about all of these exclusionary criteria in a systematic fashion using
a structured schedule developed for this study. Antipsychotic medication use, antimania
(lithium) medication use, and use of barbiturates were used as exclusion criteria as they
20 suggested the presence of a possible psychotic illness or represented substances known to erode
eye-tracking performance (potentially yielding false-positive deviance on the eye-tracking
measures). Any subject with a definite or equivocal history for one of the exclusion signs was
not considered further. Eligible study subjects entered the protocol and were screened again for
any evidence of prior psychosis. Potential study subjects were not excluded from possible
25 participation on the basis of family history of psychosis, as this would serve to artifactually
diminish unexpressed schizophrenia liability in the sample.
Features of the resulting study sample largely resemble those of the general population included
in the Boston–Lawrence metropolitan statistical area as described in the 1990 United States
census data, which was used to guide sample recruitment consistent with the time this study was
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30 conducted (i.e., 1999 through early 2001). One exception to this is that women were somewhat
overrepresented, possibly because of their tendency to volunteer for research at a higher rate
than men (e.g., Beer, 1986; Miller, Kobayashi, Caldwell, Thurston, & Collett, 2002; Senn &
Desmarais, 2001).
Subjects were instructed to avoid any alcohol use for 24 hr before their testing session because
35 alcohol can degrade smooth pursuit eye movement (Levy, Lipton, & Holzman, 1981) and
sustained attention (Dougherty et al., 1999) performance. Subjects had the study procedures
explained to them, and then they read and signed an informed-consent form. They were then
administered a breathalyzer test with the Alco-Sensor IV (Intoximeters, St. Louis, MO)
instrument to ensure that there was no prior alcohol ingestion.
40 All of the subjects were screened for any prior history of psychosis (schizophrenia,
schizophreniform illness, bipolar disorder, unipolar depression with psychosis) by using an
established computerized screening instrument (see below). Subjects were individually tested on
the eye movement and sustained attention tasks, and afterward they completed a psychometric
measure of schizotypal personality disorder features. Subjects’ eye movement performance,
45 sustained attention performance, and schizotypal feature information remained unknown
throughout the data collection and data reduction. Subjects received an honorarium of $50.
DETAILED READING
Why were subjects in the study instructed to avoid any alcohol use for 24 hours before the
testing session?
REFERENCE
Write a summary paragraph with the main ideas in the text. Use the answers to
the previous activities to help you.
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LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
VOCABULARY
A) Suffixes to form nouns. Find nouns in the text related to the words given in
the first column.
B) Collocations
Find words in the text that are used with the word “subjects”
were recruited …
The subjects
C) Topical lexis
1) List words related to the main area in the text. For example: schizophrenia
2) List words typical of the “method” section. For example: study, subjects
TEXT GRAMMAR
A) The past passive voice is common in the ―method‖ section of research articles. For example:
This study was conducted at Harvard University (Cambridge, MA). A total of 311
individuals were enrolled from multiple communities in eastern Massachusetts.
Why is it used?
Find more examples in the text. Find a Spanish equivalent for the past participles.
METACOGNITION
How can knowledge of the organization and the linguistic exponents of the method section
help you understand this section?
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See appendix 1, Text 1 ―The Virtual Cutting Edge: The Internet and Adolescent Self-
Injury‖
Read the METHOD section ―The Virtual Cutting Edge: The Internet and
Adolescent Self-Injury” and do these tasks:
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UNIT 2 TEXT 2
GLOBAL READING
B) This is a prediction task so you are not expected to provide accurate information
from the article yet. However, you can predict or hypothesize some information
considering:
The title
Subtitles
Key words / lexical chain
Topic sentences
10 ABSTRACT
INTRODUCTION
25 The importance of understanding depression in its interpersonal context has long been
recognized by researchers and clinicians. One aspect of this is the role that the marital
relationship may play in the aetiology, course, and outcome of depression, as well as the
negative impact of depression on the marital relationship. However, surprisingly little is known
about what kinds of support people with depression value from their marital partners, or what
30 happens when their partners try to help. The present study sought to address this gap in
research.
Research has demonstrated a robust association between marital distress and depression (see
reviews by Gotlib & Hammen, 1992; Joiner, 2002). The causal direction is probably complex.
There is evidence for marital difficulties as a vulnerability factor for, and precipitant of,
35 depressive episodes, as well as a predictor of relapse. Conversely, there is evidence that
depressive episodes lead to marital distress. The communication of depressed couples,
compared with their non-depressed counterparts, is characterized by higher levels of negativity
and tension and lower levels of cooperation and constructive problem solving. Furthermore,
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laboratory based research has demonstrated that when people interact with someone with
40 depressed mood, they tend to experience a deterioration in their own mood and reject
opportunities for further interaction (Gotlib & Hammen, 1992). Although we should be cautious
in extrapolating this finding to ongoing, close relationships, there is evidence that living with
someone who is depressed can take a substantial toll on the partner. Partners of depressed
individuals report significant psychological burdens in relation to their caring role and the
45 disruption to their own life, and show elevated levels of depressed mood and distress compared
with population norms (e.g. Benazon & Coyne, 2000; Coyne et al., 1987; Fadden, Bebbington,
& Kuipers, 1987).
On the other hand, there is evidence outside of the depression literature that the marital
relationship can be a central source of support for people experiencing personal difficulties or
50 emotional distress. General population surveys have indicated that the spouse or partner is one
of the most frequently used 'informal helpers' during times of stress (e.g. Barker, Pistrang,
Shapiro, & Shaw, 1990; Veroff, Kulka, & Douvan, 1981). Moreover, feeling emotionally
supported is one of the fundamental expectations of an intimate relationship, and the quality of
support within the relationship is an important determinant of overall relationship satisfaction
55 (e.g. Cutrona, 1996; Pasch & Bradbury, 1998). Support from the partner may play a pivotal role
in protecting against the adverse effects of stressful life events. Indeed, there is some evidence
to suggest that other relationships may not compensate for the lack of a confiding relationship
with the partner (Brown & Harris, 1978; Coyne & DeLongis, 1986; Pistrang & Barker, 1995).
Given that depressed individuals have smaller and less supportive social networks than their
60 non-depressed counterparts (Gotlib & Hammen, 1992), it is possible that their partners assume
even greater prominence as a source of support.
Despite the importance of the partner, the support process in couples does not always run
smoothly. Other research outside the context of depression points to some particular difficulties
that may arise. In their studies of couples in which the husband had suffered a heart attack,
65 Coyne and colleagues described 'dilemmas of helping' resulting from the dual task of trying to
provide support for one's partner while, at the same time, trying to manage one's own needs (e.g.
Coyne, Ellard, & Smith, 1990). Thus, what was good for the 'patient' did not always correspond
to what was good for the spouse or for the relationship. Pistrang and Barker's studies of the
helping process in couples coping with physical illness and life transitions provide similar
70 evidence of partners struggling to disentangle their own needs from those of their loved one. In
particular, partners can find it especially difficult to listen to and understand the other's distress
(Pistrang & Barker, 1998; Pistrang, Barker, & Rutter, 1997; Pistrang, Picciotto, & Barker,
2001). Furthermore, 'failed' support attempts - by partners as well as other helpers - are well
documented, highlighting how intention does not always correspond to impact (Barker &
75 Pistrang, 2002; Dakof & Taylor, 1990; Lehman, Ellard, & Wortman, 1986).
The present study examined the support process in couples when one member of the couple is
depressed. Given the nature of depression, and its concomitant marital difficulties and burdens
on the spouse, providing support may be particularly problematic and complex. In one of the
few studies asking spouses how they coped with their partner's depression, Fadden et al. (1987)
80 illustrate some of the difficulties: nearly half of the 24 spouses said that they had no idea about
how to deal with the mood disturbance, and two-thirds felt that they were unable to see things
from the depressed person's point of view. Moreover, no spouses could recall being given any
advice from professionals on how to deal with difficult aspects of the depressed person's
behaviours. Our aim in the current study was to take a more in-depth look at the support process
85 in a small number of couples, from the perspective of both partners.
The study adopted a qualitative, phenomenological approach: we were interested in obtaining a
detailed description of participants' experiences. Qualitative methods are particularly suited to
understanding complex phenomena and the meanings individuals ascribe to events within their
social context (Barker, Pistrang, & Elliott, 2002; Elliott, Fischer, & Rennie, 1999). This is
90 consistent with an interactional perspective on depression, which involves '… disentangling the
complex and reciprocal processes linking depressed persons and their [social] contexts' (Coyne,
1999, p. 369). The study was guided by three central research questions: (1) How do partners
attempt to provide support when their spouse is depressed?, (2) What do partners do or say that
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is perceived as helpful or unhelpful?, and (3) How does each member of the couple experience
95 the support process?
Method
100 Participants
Participants were initially recruited via Depression Alliance, a UK national organization for
people with depression. Additional participants were recruited via general practitioners (GPs)
and clinical psychologists. The inclusion criteria were: (1) aged between 18 and 64 years, (2)
having experienced at least one episode of depression within the past 4 years, (3) currently well
105 enough, as judged by the investigators or any clinicians involved, to take part in the study, and
(4) in a relationship with a current partner for at least 1 year (and for an episode of depression to
have occurred whilst in the relationship). Criterion 2 was established by asking participants for
details about their episodes of depression. We chose to limit recruitment to those who had either
recently recovered from, or who were in the late stages of depression, because the focus of the
110 study required retrospective reflection about their episode(s) of depression.
Fifteen people expressed an interest in taking part in the study, and nine of these (and their
partners) subsequently participated. Of the remaining six people who had expressed interest,
three did not wish to involve their partner, two were no longer in a relationship, and one
subsequently decided that she did not wish to take part. Five people were recruited through
115 Depression Alliance, two via psychologist colleagues of the investigators, one from a GP
surgery, and one was invited to participate by a friend who had already taken part.
Table 1 presents characteristics of the participants. For simplicity, the term 'person with
depression' (PWD) is used to refer to the index participant, that is, the member of the couple
who was or had been depressed. We do not intend this term to imply that we adhere to a disease
120 model of depression. The term 'partner' refers exclusively to the other member of the couple.
Of the nine index participants, eight were female and one was male. Their mean age was 44
(range: 28-53) and all were White British. Eight reported having experienced at least one
episode of unipolar depression (seven reported more than one episode and one was in a chronic
first episode); one had a history of bipolar depression. All had received professional help for
125 depression and four had been hospitalized at some stage. Scores on the Beck Depression
Inventory (BDI-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996) indicated that four were currently experiencing
depressive symptoms in the 'severe' range, one in the 'moderate' range, and the remaining four in
the 'minimal' range.
The partners (eight male and one female) had a mean age of 46 (range: 29-57). Eight were
130 White British and one was Black Afro-Caribbean. Two reported past episodes of depression
(prior to their relationship). All partners scored in the 'minimal' range on the BDI.
The couples' average length of relationship was 12 years (range: 1-30 years). Their mean scores
on the Locke-Wallace Marital Adjustment Test (Locke & Wallace, 1959) were 113 and 115 for
index participants and partners, respectively, indicating overall satisfaction with their
135 relationships. However, two couples' scores fell below 100, which is a commonly used cut-off
to classify marital distress.
Semi-structured interviews
Each couple was interviewed twice. The primary aim of the interviews was to obtain a rich and
140 detailed account of the support process from the perspectives of both the person with depression
and his or her partner. After the first interview, each couple was sent a preliminary summary of
the interview's main themes. The second interview provided an opportunity for the couple to
respond to the summary, as well as for issues to be followed up and explored in more detail.
Both members of the couple were interviewed together, rather than separately, in order to obtain
145 a more integrated picture of the support process (e.g. when a partner described a particular
attempt to help, the joint interview allowed us to inquire about how the person with depression
reacted to her partner's behaviour). We also decided against separate interviews to avoid the risk
of each member of the couple feeling concerned about what might be said in their absence. In
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conducting the joint interviews, we took great care to establish an atmosphere in which each
150 member of the couple felt free to describe their experience without either one feeling criticized
or attacked. The feedback from the couples at the second interview, as well as our own
impressions of the content and process of the interviews, suggested that the couples expressed
their views openly and valued the opportunity to discuss their experiences together, even though
their views sometimes differed markedly.
155 A semi-structured interview schedule, developed by the authors, was used flexibly to guide the
interviews. It covered a number of areas, including: (1) a brief history of the depressive
episodes, (2) how the partner had tried to help, with a particular focus on the most recent
episode, (3) what the person with depression had found helpful and unhelpful from their partner,
and what kind of support they might have preferred, (4) what made helping easier or more
160 difficult at times, (5) the partner's own needs for support, and (6) explanations of depression and
general ideas about helping. The style of the interviews was one of 'directed conversation'
(Pidgeon & Henwood, 1996), where questions were phrased in open ways, and follow-up
questions and summaries were used to encourage elaboration and to re-focus participants if
necessary.
165 All interviews were carried out by the first author and were audiotaped. Eight couples chose to
be interviewed at home and one in the psychology department where the index participant was
receiving treatment. The first interview lasted about 90 minutes; the follow-up interview was
generally somewhat shorter.
DETAILED READING
INTRODUCTION
A) Skim the text and note how the authors organized the introduction of the text.
Consider the following steps mentioned in the CARS model (page 6)
B) Explain in your own words the information presented in each of these steps.
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METHOD
LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
TEXT GRAMMAR
A) Find more examples of the passive voice in the text. Find a Spanish equivalent for the past
participles. Example:
B) Find examples of verbs in the past simple tense and make sure you know their meaning.
VOCABULARY
C) Topical lexis
List words related to depression.
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UNIT 3
Uso del tiempo presente cuando se hace referencia a tablas o gráficos que
acompañan el texto de esta sección
Table 3 shows …
PRACTICE 1
(Text ―The Virtual Cutting Edge: The Internet and Adolescent Self-Injury” –
Appendix 1)
1. List the conditions and behaviours with which self-injury message boards are
cross-listed. Example: depresión, trantornos en la alimentación (Table 3)
Task 2: Find more examples of linguistic exponents in this section: vocabulary and
verbs (indicate the tense).
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GLOBAL READING
DETAILED READING
Marcar con un círculo todos los nombres de autores (incluyendo el del autor del texto),
y luego:
a) indicar qué ideas clave presenta cada autor y
b) relacionar estas ideas con la postura del autor.
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LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS
El objetivo de esta actividad es mostrarles a los alumnos que muchas veces el texto
mismo nos brinda señales lingüísticas que aclaran conceptos o partes del texto. Muchas
veces las reformulaciones se indican con palabras como that is, in other words, to put it
simple; el resumen con palabras como thus, to sum up, in conclusión; las definiciones
con palabras como X refers to, X may be defined as, X is an example of.
Veamos los dos últimos casos (definición y resumen) con ejemplos del texto Emerging
Issues …
Refers to
(line63): Thus the concept of developmental lines refers to the complex interaction of
multiple factors which express the process of developmental progression.
(line 123) Anna Freud refers to assimilation and integration as …
(line 215) Adaptation in a conventional sense refers to …
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UNIT 4
Section of the research article: Discussion
Self-study section: Del mismo modo que la sección ―Introducción‖ del artículo de
investigación sigue una serie de pasos que la estructuran, la sección Discusión también
contiene pasos que los autores siguen para organizarla. El conocer la estructura y los
pasos o moves nos ayudará como lectores a localizar la información más fácilmente.
A continuación se detallan los pasos más comunes en la sección ―Discusión‖
Outcomes (resultados)
Unexpected outcomes (resultados inesperados)
Reference to previous research (Referencia a investigación previa)
Generalizability of some or all of the reported results (deduction
and hypothesis) (conclusión general a partir de los resultados)
Recommendation (recomendación sobre acciones para investigaciones
futuras)
PRACTICE 1
(Text ―The Virtual Cutting Edge: The Internet and Adolescent Self-Injury” –
Apendix 1)
A) Based on the steps mentioned above, skim the “Discussion” section and locate
where the information for each step is. Discuss this with your group, and then with
your teacher.
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Linguistic elements typical in Discussion sections
Discussion restricted to the author's own study is often in the past tense:
(Past simple)
This research attempted to . . .
We originally assumed that . . .
It is possible that . . . caused . . .
It was anticipated that . . .
Discussion of more general phenomena and comparisons of findings may be in the present
tense:
(Present simple)
It is possible that . . . causes . . .
The results seem inconsistent with . . .
These results are in general agreement with those of . . .
Explanations and implications of the findings are often also in the present tense:
(Present simple)
It is likely that . . .
The results can be explained by . . .
The findings suggest/imply/indicate that . . .
The results provide evidence that . . .
It appears that . . .
. . . seems to be . . .
. . . may be . . .
. . . might indicate . . .
One reason could be that . . .
Discussions tend to be more general than results sections and less general than abstracts. Some
common ways of generalizing are as follows:
Overall
In general,
On the whole,
In the main,
With the exception of . . .
Limitations
The limitations discussed in this step are usually not limitations of quality but limitations of
scope. Here are some common patterns:
(Present perfect)
It should be noted that this study has examined only . . .
This analysis has concentrated on . . .
This study has addressed only the question of . . .
We would like to point out that we have not [done]. . .
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(Past simple)
Our sample was very small.
(Present simple)
The findings of this study are restricted to . . .
The limitations of this study are clear . . .
We acknowledge that . . .
Sometimes in this move you may want to say what cannot be concluded:
Further research
As we saw, this move is optional. Some common patterns are as follows:
(Present simple)
In the next stage of our research, we plan to . . .
Future tasks include . . .
In future, we hope to . . .
Our future plans include . . .
(Present continuous)
We are planning to . . .
(Future simple)
Our next step will be to . . .
Our future research will be on . . .
We will . . .
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UNIT 4 TEXT 1
GLOBAL READING
TASK A: Answer
1. Read the title of the research article and the bibliographical data. Predict
the content of the article.
2. Read the following paragraphs from the article and indicate which section
of the article they come from. Choose from:
Abstract:
______________ Results of this study demonstrated that children with OCD reported
experiencing fewer intrusive thoughts, which were less distressing and less uncontrollable
than those experienced by adolescents and adults with OCD. Furthermore, responsibility
attitudes, probability biases and thought suppression strategies were higher in adolescents
and adults with OCD. Cognitive processes of TAF, perceived severity of harm, self-doubt and
cognitive control were found to be comparable across age groups.
______________ These results suggest that the current cognitive theory of OCD needs to
address developmental differences in the cognitive processing of threat. Furthermore, for a
developmentally sensitive theory of OCD, further investigation is warranted into other
possible age related maintenance factors. Implications of this investigation and directions for
future research are discussed.
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DETAILED READING
TASK B: Underline cognates and key words. Then read the paragraphs.
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UNIT 4 TEXT 2
Now you are going to read the complete Discussion section of the text:
GLOBAL READING
B) Read the first sentence of each paragraph. How is this section organized?
(Remember this is a prediction stage)
Discussion
This study examined developmental differences in the cognitive processing of threat across
three distinct age group samples (i.e. children, adolescents, and adults) of individuals with OCD.
The results of this study provide some evidence for differences in the cognitive processing of
threat associated with OCD across developmental age groups. This study is the first to
5 systematically evaluate developmental differences across a number of cognitive processes
proposed to be central in the cognitive theory of OCD.
The results of this study demonstrated that children with OCD experience significantly fewer
anxious intrusive thoughts in comparison to adolescents. Similarly, children reported
experiencing significantly fewer depressive intrusive thoughts in comparison to adults, with
10 significantly less sadness, worry, disapproval, and removal strategies associated with these
thoughts in comparison to both adolescents and adults. Furthermore, results of the DTQ total
depression score and the total DTQ score suggest that intrusive depressive thoughts,
experienced by children with OCD, are significantly less distressing and less difficult to resist in
comparison to those experienced by adolescents and adults. These results are consistent with
15 recent research that has shown that in addition to adults experiencing more severe symptoms
of OCD; they also report significantly higher rates of comorbid major depression than both
children and adolescents with the disorder (Farrell et al., in press). Taken together, it seems that
OCD in childhood is associated with significantly less depressive symptoms and fewer
depressive intrusive thoughts. Furthermore, intrusive thoughts appear to become more
20 frequent, intense and difficult to resist during adolescence and adulthood in comparison to
childhood for sufferers of OCD.
Consistent with Salkovskis (1985, 1989) and others (Freeston et al., 1996; Rachman, 1993),
responsibility biases were evident across age groups in this study. Based on ratings of
perceived responsibility related to the idiographic OCD threat scenarios, results of this study
25 suggest that children and adolescents rate OCD threat scenarios with significantly less personal
responsibility than adults do. However, on a self-report measure of responsibility attitudes,
children report significantly less responsibility in comparison to both adolescents and adults,
suggesting that by adolescence, there appears to be an increase in attitudes regarding personal
blame for harm that is similar to that reported by adults with OCD. Mean RAS scores obtained in
30 this study, for both adolescents and adults (i.e. 4.46 and 4.40, respectively) were comparable to
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the mean score obtained by Salkosvskis et al. (2000) in their study with obsessional adults (i.e.
4.69).
Interestingly, there were no apparent age-related differences on self-reported or idiographic
ratings of TAF. While TAF did appear to slightly increase across chronological age groups, the
35 results suggests that TAF is likely to be associated with OCD in childhood to a similar degree as
it is in adolescence and adulthood. Likewise, idiographic ratings on perceived severity of harm
associated with OCD, self-doubt and controllability of thoughts (i.e. cognitive control) were
similar across age groups, suggesting that children, adolescence, and adults similarly perceive
the severity of harm associated with OCD as 'fairly' to 'very' severe, experience similar levels of
40 self-doubt, and experience comparable levels of difficulty in controlling intrusive thoughts.
An examination of age group differences in symptom severity of OCD, as well as correlational
analysis between OCD symptom severity and cognitive ratings, was conducted to evaluate the
degree to which severity of symptoms may account for differences across age groups in
cognitive processing of threat. There were significant age group differences in severity of OCD,
45 with symptoms more severe for adults compared with children and adolescents who did not
differ from each other. Furthermore, there were positive and significant correlations between
OCD severity and almost all cognitive variables, except TAF morality, suggesting that OCD
does increase in severity in adulthood, and increased severity is associated with increased
cognitive bias ratings. However, it should be noted that correlations, though significant, were
50 only small to moderate in strength, indicating that while severity may account for age-related
differences in cognitive interpretations of threat, there are possibly other developmental factors
that may account for these differences.
The findings of this study are mixed, with some support for homogeneity of cognitive processing
of threat across age groups, in addition to preliminary support for heterogeneity across age
55 groups in the interpretation of threat associated with OCD. The results suggest that there might
be core cognitive processes associated with OCD, which appear from an early age (i.e. as
young as 6 years) and are constant across the developmental trajectory, in addition to other
cognitive processes that appear to develop later in adolescence. For example, cognitive
processes of TAF, perceived severity of harm, self-doubt, and cognitive control appear
60 comparable across children, adolescence, and adults with OCD. However, children experience
less intrusive thoughts (particularly depressive thoughts), which are less distressing and less
uncontrollable than those experienced by adolescents and adults. Furthermore, responsibility
attitudes, probability biases, and thought suppression strategies clearly intensify during
adolescence and resemble those of adults with OCD. These results might suggest that TAF,
65 self-doubt, and uncontrollability of ones thoughts are more closely linked with the development
of OCD in childhood, whereas other cognitive factors, such as responsibility, probability, and
thought suppression, might develop either at a later developmental stage or as a consequence
of other obsessive-compulsive symptoms. The theoretical implications of this study are that the
current cognitive theory of OCD may not adequately explain how the disorder develops or is
70 maintained during childhood. It appears that not all cognitive biases associated with adult OCD
are present in children, and that these may in fact develop either over time or at a later
developmental stage, or with increased severity of symptoms. These findings warrant further
research into the cognitive theory and its application to children and youth, and present
implications for cognitive treatment and early intervention/prevention.
75 Obviously, given the cross-sectional nature of this study, further research utilizing longitudinal
designs is necessary to investigate the cognitive processes involved in the aetiology and
maintenance of OCD across child, adolescent, and adult onset of the disorder. In addition,
further research needs to validate measures assessing cognitive processes in OCD for children
and adolescence so that future studies can reliably examine developmental differences in
80 cognitive interpretations of threat for individuals with OCD. In an attempt to maintain statistical
power in this relatively small sample, this study did not invoke Bonferroni-based corrections for
each univariate test. In clinical research samples, such as children, adolescents, and adults with
OCD, the sample sizes are already very small, and as a result, statistical power is low to begin
with. The implication of this is that the results should be interpreted with caution, keeping in
85 mind the potential inflation of Type I error. On the other hand, the results have some weight
behind them due to the increased statistical power associated with the un-corrected alpha rate
criterion. The aim of this study was to explore possible patterns of results that might initiate and
guide further research with larger samples (including non-clinical studies) in this area of
research that to date is largely unstudied. Further replication studies are needed to add strength
90 to the findings in this study, and future research with larger clinical and non-clinical samples is
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necessary to investigate the correlates of OCD phenomena using more stringent and
conservative statistical criterion. Future studies using larger samples would also allow for
statistical modelling of data, which would provide important information relating to the mediating
effects of specific cognitive variables on obsessive-compulsive symptoms and severity.
95 This study is the first to systematically evaluate developmental differences in cognitive
processing of threat associated with OCD across the life trajectory. Given that the cognitive
theory of OCD offers one of the most widely endorsed accounts of the development,
maintenance, and treatment of OCD, an accurate account of whether these cognitive processes
occur across developmental stages is imperative. An accurate and developmentally sensitive
100 conceptual model of the development and maintenance of OCD during childhood and
adolescence would lead to the refinement of current assessment procedures and treatment
guidelines, to the benefit of children and adolescents suffering from OCD. The results of this
study suggest a revised developmentally sensitive cognitive theory of OCD may be warranted to
adequately account for the development and maintenance of OCD in children and youth.
105
DETAILED READING
A) What is the function of the following connectors? What ideas do they link?
C) Antes de realizar la práctica siguiente, lea por favor esta SELF STUDY SECTION
sobre:
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Give the Spanish equivalent of these words and phrases. What do they express? Why
did the authors use them in this text?
D) Scan the 2nd paragraph and circle the word ―results‖. Then indicate the verbs or
adjectives that collocate with this word. Then ask yourself a question based on the
verb/adjective.
E) What were the results obtained after applying the examination of age group differences
in symptom severity of OCD, and the correlational analysis between OCD symptom severity and
cognitive ratings?
F) Complete these sentences with ideas from the text (rewrite the sentences in Spanish)
Why are the authors referring to ―further research‖ and ―future studies‖?
How do they indicate the necessity of further research?
VOCABULARY
Classify these words and phrases as indicated in the column headings and provide
their Spanish equivalent
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UNIT 4 TEXT 3
GLOBAL READING
1. Skim the first section (“AIMS”) of the text and the key words given. Then provide the
right title of the text. Choose from:
a) The Nature of the Transference Between Anna Freud and Melanie Kleins: Learning
from the Controversies
c) Dreams that turn over a page: Integration dreams with paradoxical regressive content
DETAILED READING
Type of design
group
Ages
B) Skim the “Results” section and list the main results obtained.
1. find quasi-negatives
3. As a post reading task, write a paragraph stating the main implications of the
study for psychoanalysis.
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TITLE: _________________________
Aims
In the present study we focused on the effects of long-term psychoanalytic residential treatment
for latency boys with severe personality disorders. Processes of change were conceptualized as
implying continuous transactions between intrapsychic and interpersonal and behavioural
changes over time. Accordingly, the aim of the present project was the study of the relations
5 between intrapsychic and behavioral changes. To this purpose, we evaluated change over time
in the children's object representations on one hand and in their symptomatology and
interpersonal behaviour on the other hand, as well as the relationships between these changes.
Keywords
Methods
A prospective longitudinal design, based on three waves of data collection from multiple
sources simultaneously, was used. Processes of change in children's internal representations
and overt behaviour were followed during a period of two years. In each wave of measurement
15 we interviewed 36 boys (3 cohorts) aged 8-11 from the B'nai B'rith Residential Treatment Center
in Jerusalem, Israel and 70 normal boys, matched for age, and socio-economic status. The later
served as a comparison group that allowed us to control for the effects of maturation. This
comparison group of normal children of same age and socio-economic background was
assessed simultaneously in order to control for maturational changes. Child-care workers and
20 therapists served as main sources of information about the children living in the Center, and
teachers were a main source for the comparison sample.
In each wave of measurement, teachers completed the Teacher Form of the Child Behaviour
30 and Competence Scales (TRF, Achenbach, 1991). Child-care workers completed the Child-care
worker Behaviour and Competence Scales, an adaptation for Child-care workers of the Child
Behaviour Checklist (CBCL, Achenbach, 1991). The Achenbach scales are standardized
questionnaires designed to assess behavioural problems in children between 5 and 18 years.
The Externalizing Problems factor of these scales includes the presence of delinquent and
35 aggressive behaviour. The Internalizing Problems factor relates to withdrawn, anxious-
depressed, and somatic complaints.
Results
In the first wave of measurement, institutionalized children were found to have significantly less
benevolent and mature representations of parents than their community counterparts.
40 Institutionalized children's representations appear significantly more malevolent and concrete
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and less integrated. A main finding of the present study is that these representations do change
significantly among the institutionalized children in the directions predicted by psychoanalytic
theories of change: we found a significant improvement over time in the structural components
of parental representations. These results were reiterated in the representations of child-
45 workers among the institutionalized children, and in the community sample as well. Moreover,
significant associations were recorded between the improvement in the structure of parental
representations and the reduction of children's symptomatology beyond groups: as
representations become more integrated and differentiated, the frequency of internalizing and
externalizing symptoms decreased significantly. In addition, we found an impressive similarity in
50 the rhythms of change during a period of 24 months among the community and the
institutionalized children. It is important to note here that these associations are based on
children's narratives on one hand, and on teachers' and child-workers' assessments of
symptoms and behavior on the other, thus controlling for shared source and method variance.
55 Significant differences between parental and child workers representations were found to
depend on the gender of the represented object: while maternal representations were more
complex and benevolent than female child workers' representations, paternal representations
were less complex and less benevolent than male child-workers' representations. These
findings convey specific patterns of relationships between internalized alternative caregivers
60 among the institutionalized children, suggesting a non-hierarchical organization of internalized
patterns of relationships.
The present study's findings provide empirical evidence on the associations between changes
in the child's internal world of representations and observable behavioural outcomes. The
65 psychoanalytically oriented total-treatment environment studied has been shown to facilitate
positive changes in the organization and integration of parental representations, in spite of the
actual distancing of these children from their parents. As predicted by psychoanalytic theory
these changes were found to associate with a decrease in symptomatic behaviour over time.
Moreover, the total pattern of findings in this study suggests that the psychoanalytic total-
70 treatment environment facilitates the resumption of a normal rhythm of mental growth and
development. Of course, the gap between the two populations was kept. In addition our findings
point to gender as an important principle for the organization of the internal world of
representation during latency.
75 These results are only preliminary and, as demonstrated by the extant literature, it might be that
the total impact of the treatment will be evident only at a later time (Heinicke, 1990; Curry,
1991).
References
Achenbach, T. M. (1991). Manual for the Teacher's Report Form and 1991 profile. Burlington,
80 VT: University of Vermont, Department of Psychiatry.
Achenbach, T.M. (1991). Manual for the Child Behavior Checklist/4-18 and 1991 Profile.
Burlington, VT, University of Vermont Press.
Blatt, S. J., Chevron, E. S., Quinlan, D. M., Schaffer, C. E., & Wein, S. (1992). The assessment
of qualitative and structural dimensions of object representations (Rev. ed.). Unpublished
85 manual. New Haven, CT: Yale University.
Curry, J.F. (1991). Outcome research on residential treatment: Implications and suggested
directions. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 61, 3478-357.
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Heinicke, C. M. (1990). Toward generic principles of treating parents and children: Integrating
psychotherapy with the school-aged child and early family intervention. Journal of Consulting
90 and Clinical Psychology, 58, 713-719.
Priel, B., Myodovnick, E. & Rivlin-Beniaminy, N. (1995). Parental representations among
preschool and fourth-grade children: Integrating object relational and cognitive developmental
frameworks. Journal of Personality Assessment, 65, 372-388.
Most importantly, the confirmation of these basic psychoanalytic tenets was based on tools and
language that are different from classical psychoanalytic theoretical constructions and clinical
105 case presentations, and which might contribute to their validation.
The present study's design provides a modest intent to study processes of change within a
psychoanalytic framework without having affected the therapeutic process itself in any way. The
main implication of the present study may be the indication of the vast array of possibilities
110 involved in the dialogue between clinical psychoanalysis and empirical research.
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Unit 5 Text 1
GLOBAL READING
DETAILED READING
3 Read the conclusion and see which of these steps the author developed.
Outcomes (resultados)
Unexpected outcomes (resultados inesperados)
Reference to previous research (Referencia a investigación previa)
Generalizability of some or all of the reported results (deduction and
hypothesis) (conclusión general a partir de los resultados)
Recommendation (recomendación sobre acciones para investigaciones
futuras)
Compare the abstract, the introduction and the conclusion. Mention the information that
is repeated in these three sections of the article.
LEXIS
List the negative or quasi-negative words the author uses in the introduction. Why
does he use them?
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ABSTRACT
Social psychology and social network research are both centrally concerned with human
sociality. Despite some historically significant interactions between the two, these areas
of investigation have not been usefully deployed together in recent research
endeavours. The present paper attempts to bring out some points of both theoretical
5 and methodological contentions, to characterize the gap between them, to traverse
briefly the trajectories of their historical development, and to provide some concrete
instances of these differences. Intellectual resources available to Asian social
psychology are reviewed, which may help bridge the gap between the two areas of
research. We conclude by calling for a greater integration of social psychology and
10 social network perspectives in future research.
INTRODUCTION
All too often, the research disciplines of social psychology and social networks talk past
each other, often unaware of each other's contributions, each with a somewhat singular
perspective on how to research and understand social phenomena. The distance
15 between the two disciplines is sustained by the application of different data analytical
methods, but, more fundamentally, by attention to different aspects of human sociality.
Social psychology − especially through the research tradition of social cognition − often
concentrates on individual perceptions of and behaviours by social actors. Yet, with
some notable exceptions, social psychological research is not usually concerned about
20 how these individual behaviours cumulate to a social system that may feed back to
affect the processes of social perception being studied. Social network research,
however, studies the more systemic elements of human social structure − what might
be called network topology − in ways that (potentially at least) can deal with feedback
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effects. Yet, social network studies typically pay little attention to the motivated social
25 cognition of individuals, and thereby risk a seriously under-theorized account of a
system of human social actors.
Social cognition as the most dominant perspective in social psychology in the past
quarter century has arguably portrayed a person as a stand-alone information
processor. Social cognition has often been cast as a cognitive psychology of information
30 processing about social entities − self, other individuals, and groups. It is true that
social cognition is not purely cold cognition, but hot cognition as well, incorporating
affect and emotions, as well as motivational drivers of the cognitive processes.
Nonetheless, it has often been assumed that motivated cognitive processes are no
different whether they are constructing, manipulating, storing, retrieving, or deploying
35 mental representations about physical objects or social objects. The universal symbol
processing machinery is the core of these processes, and investigation of this
mechanism that resides in an individual mind has been the focus of social
cognition − the individual social actor understood as the motivated cognitive agent.
60 Of course, the differences between the two areas are not always so stark. In certain
research domains − for instance, in small group or organizational processes − individual
and systemic perspectives can come together in natural and compelling ways. Especially
in Asian social psychology, there has been a strong tradition of methodological
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relationalism (Ho, 1998) − the significant point to which we shall return later. But, in
65 general, social network and social psychological researchers naturally tend to focus
within their own strengths and knowledge and, if they ever ask themselves the
question, they are sometimes puzzled as to how, or why, the alternative perspective
might be considered.
We argue that social psychological and social network research complement each other,
70 rather than contradict, in ways that have yet to be fully exploited. We believe that a
richer account of human sociality demands an integration of individual and systemic
perspectives. It may be the case, as extreme individualists would argue, that individual
social cognition is sufficient to explain human social processes, with wider accounts of
social structure an unnecessary addition. Alternatively, it may be the case, as extreme
75 structuralists would argue, that network topology imposes such strong opportunities and
constraints on individuals that accounts of what is going on ‘inside people’s heads' are
unnecessary to explain human social action. There is nothing intrinsically incoherent
about such radical theoretical positions, even if few researchers might endorse them
fully. Yet, unless individualist and structuralist accounts are empirically tested together,
80 so that their relative explanatory values can be examined side by side, it is impossible
to say which is to be preferred. The universality of a single explanation can only be
confirmed by excluding other possibilities, thereby necessitating the examination of
alternative accounts.
(… )
85 In the present article, we contend that, with some notable exceptions, each of the two
areas tends to disregard the concerns of the other, but, for both, there remains an
implicit tension that needs to be addressed for a full account of human social behaviour.
The tension is between individualist and systemic explanations. We begin by reviewing
some important themes in the history of social psychology that express analytical and
90 theoretical difficulties about how to handle individuals within larger scale social systems.
We describe how nascent attempts to integrate social network methods into social
psychology faded as experimental social cognition grew to prominence in the latter few
decades of the twentieth century. We then turn to some theoretical themes within the
history of social network theory, and explain how certain accounts of endogenous
95 structural processes grew out of social psychological theories but gradually shed their
psychological background. Even today, these structural accounts are contrasted to
theories that demand some degree of individual-level explanation, yet that requirement
too often remains implicit and not widely appreciated within the network community.
Our conclusion is not that social psychologists or social network researchers should
100 cease the research they are doing, but rather that the two areas will need to deal with
each other in a more integrated fashion than has occurred to date. The potential
outcome is for rich descriptions of human social processes that do justice to both
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individual psychologies and the systematicities of social systems. To this task, Asian
social psychology and Asian social psychologists may be able to bring some theoretical
105 and practical knowledge.
CONCLUSION
115 Our call, then, is for a stronger integration of social psychology and social network
theory. We are not alone in making such arguments. For instance, Emirbayer and
Goodwin (1994) criticized network approaches for giving insufficient theoretical
attention to individual action and also to global cultural effects; and Abbott (1997)
provided a radical critique of analytical methods that implied decontextualization of
120 sociality. Of course, it is simple to make such calls, but not straightforward to describe
how they might be implemented in practice. There are challenges for the integration we
propose. For a start, theory is not easy for multiscale explanations, although we could
be guided by the serious efforts to write multilevel theory in the organizational
psychology literature (e.g. Klein & Kozlowski, 2000). Some network/organizational
125 researchers have argued not just for multilevel, but also for multi-theoretical
explanations (Monge & Contractor, 2003; Contractor, Wasserman, & Faust, 2006). At
the start of this more integrated endeavour, we need to be broad-minded and possibly
eclectic.
Moreover, data are not always easy to obtain. Network-based data may be difficult to
130 collect and so, for cost reasons, there is often resort to case-study approaches of
individual organizations or simple social systems. Standard sampling procedures are not
appropriate. Network researchers will need to pay more attention to appropriate
individual-level measurement and not rely on poorly constructed instruments. Analysis
of data will not be simple.
135 Because these challenges are substantial, we are not suggesting that social
psychologists or social network researchers should cease what they are currently doing
and take up a new joint programme. Most research will continue within each area, and
rightly so. But, at some point, and in some studies, the results of the labours within the
respective disciplines need to be brought together. Both explicit and implicit knowledge
140 structures available for Asian social psychologists may be usefully deployed. Despite the
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challenges, we are at a point of knowledge where such combined studies are possible.
Methods of data collection, new sophisticated analytical approaches, and new theory are
being developed. New possibilities are in reach: for instance, simulation studies provide
a complete new method for a serious examination of complex theory.
145 In conclusion, of course, we admit that it is possible to study social psychology without
bothering about networks, and it is possible to do social network research without
considering psychology. Our argument is, however, that these two approaches can fill
theoretical and methodological gaps for each other, gaps that are implicit − and
sometimes become explicit − once we carefully dissect themes within these two areas.
150 Our call is for the two areas to cease talking past each other, to seek at some
appropriate level to integrate their findings and knowledge, and thereby to permit a
richer understanding of how humans operate within the complexities of the modern
social world. By the look of this special issue, our call is being heeded.
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UNIT 5 TEXT 2
GLOBAL READING
1 Read the bibliographical data, title and information about the author.
2 Skim the abstract and underlined key words
3 Read the subtitles.
4 With the information from the answers to questions 1-3, predict the content of the
text.
5 Skim the INTRODUCTION and note how the author organized this section of the
text. Consider the following steps mentioned in the CARS model:
DETAILED READING
1) Explain in your own words the information presented in each of the segments in
question 5 above.
6) Mention the three susceptibilities the author discusses and paraphrase them. What
is the function of the trainees´comments in these sections?
Read the conclusion and see which of these steps the author developed.
Outcomes (resultados)
Unexpected outcomes (resultados inesperados)
Reference to previous research (Referencia a investigación previa)
Generalizability of some or all of the reported results (deduction
and hypothesis) (conclusión general a partir de los resultados)
Recommendation (recomendación sobre acciones para investigaciones
futuras)
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James Davies1
1
St Cross College, University of Oxford and School of Human and Life
Sciences, Roehampton University
ABSTRACT
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20 INTRODUCTION
In Further Learning from the Patient, Patrick Casement
(1990) advocated ‘an open-minded clinical approach’ to
therapeutic practice – namely, an inclusive approach in
which practitioners select from a number of ‘perspectives’
25 concepts best suited to the case at hand. This clinical
openness was contrasted with a ‘clinical certainty’ which
assumes that one view of human affairs should prevail in
therapy to the exclusion of all others (Casement 1990, p.
168).1 Casement's work belongs to a research tradition
30 interested in the possible causes of clinical certainty as well
as in the detrimental implications it may have for patients
and the wider therapeutic community. Because the effects
of such certainty have been extensively researched
elsewhere (Valentine 1996; Gellner 1985; Hinshelwood
35 1985), in this paper I focus on its potential causes without
making any normative judgements about the phenomenon
‘caused’.
Scholarly contributions investigating sources of clinical
certainty trace it to varying domains: some have pointed to
40 how candidates are selected and trained (Cremerius 1990;
Kleinman 1988); some to how creativity is discouraged in
training institutes (Kernberg 1996, 2006; Rieff 1966); while
others have seen it as serving a fragmented community
where given ‘schools’ assert ascendancy in opposition to
45 others (Valentine 1996; Hinshelwood 1985). Some of those
offering avenues for reform have urged for a review of
community values, either through embracing theoretical
‘independence’ and integration (Casement 1990, p. 5),
through introducing a robust empiricist testing of ideas
50 (Smith 1991, p. 421), by divesting self-interested groups of
any legal authority over defining what is legitimate or
illegitimate practice (Whan 1999, p. 312); or by
establishing institutional mechanisms by which the power of
executive and educational committees can be devolved
55 (Kernberg 2006). In recent years a new body of literature
has developed proposing reforms to psychoanalytic
education more broadly (Garza-Guerrero 2002a, 2002b;
Kernberg 2006; Levine 2003; Mayer 2003). This literature
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novice. New therapists not only fear for the patient, but
fear that failure will reflect badly upon them, constituting
the definitive judgement on their competence and
suitability. One psychotherapist says:
215 Therapists who worry that a patient will ‘die on them’ really
suffer. Most likely they are really trying to do their job, with
all the thoughtfulness and energy this calls for, but they
expend an enormous extra amount of energy worrying that
the patient's failure or dread outcome may hurt them – the
220 therapist. This kind of worry can wear a therapist out.
(Charny 1986, p. 23)
The following vignette shows in magnified form the kind of
worries many trainees entertain. In a space of a few
minutes this inexperienced trainee became subject to a
225 series of stresses which play upon most therapists' minds
at one time or another:
I had been seeing a patient for only about five weeks. She
was extremely depressed and would often talk of fantasies
about jumping from the local quarry. . . . On the sixth
230 session I went out into the waiting area as usual to collect
her – but she wasn't there. So I went back to check after 5
minutes, then after 10, and again after 15 – she still wasn't
there. Well, with these passing minutes you can imagine
my growing fear. I checked and re-checked the
235 appointment book for a cancellation – there was nothing. I
decided to wait a few minutes more before phoning the
clinic's manager . . . but it was while waiting that I became
my most disturbed and frightened. I thought I'd lost her, I
was so scared. I paced my room thinking – I should have
240 done this or done that, my God! Maybe I should have made
that intervention! A better therapist would have – I should
have worked harder, or taken the threats more
seriously. . . . I also dreaded how this would reflect on me!
Basically I panicked. . . . these minutes have stuck with
245 me; they woke me up to what we as therapists actually do.
(Trainee, London, 2005)
When tragedies occur whether in the form of suicide or in
less severe instances of ‘backsliding’ or patient termination,
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405 (La Fontaine 1985; Herdt 1987; Turner 1967), but what is
particular to this context is not only the configuration of
stresses aroused, or the tacit devices that help to produce
them, but the unique modes of practice to which these
institutional conditions give rise. As to why such conditions
410 operate in the training institutes I studied, psychoanalytic
scholars of organizations will have much to say; but where
this anthropological analysis can contribute to their
investigations is by tracing the consequences these
conditions generate.6
415
CONCLUSION
In this paper I have considered how certain conditions of
training institutes, through the stresses they evoke, render
trainees susceptible to the instruction of seniors. And
420 depending on that which seniors advocate – ‘inclusive’ or
‘closed’ therapeutic adherence – trainees will be influenced
in that direction as practitioners. In this sense I have tried
to formalize what many already know within the community
– that anxiety plays a central part in most training
425 experiences. I have however taken this common knowledge
further by arguing that the internalization of clinical
perspectives partly finds its source in certain exacting
conditions of therapeutic socialization which generate this
anxiety. This argument is premised on the observation that
430 trainee conformity with institutional demands is the general
rule, and ‘dissent’ the exception – an issue whose
implications I have explored elsewhere (Davies 2008). This
argument contributes to the debate outlined in the
introduction as it exposes for those desiring clinical reform
435 two sites at which it might be profitably directed: at the
social conditions of the training institute which arouse
susceptibilities, or else at the instruction which, by
capitalizing on such susceptibilities, inculcates particular
clinical values and perspectives.
440 The fact that we have identified ‘institutional sites’ rather
than ‘institutional members’ as targets for reform is
significant since it is far easier to change the situational
constraints imposed on people than it is to change their
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UNIT 5 TEXT 3
GLOBAL READING
1. Read the title and key words. What do you think the text is about?
2. What is the purpose of this author in this article?
3. Skim the text and note how the author organized the introduction (1.1 is also
part of the introduction) of the text.
Consider the following steps mentioned in the CARS model (page 6):
4. Explain in your own words the information presented in each of these steps.
5. Read the other subtitles and predict the content of the text with the
information you have gathered so far.
Abstract: In this hypothesis paper, I propose a three-component set of jointly necessary and
5 sufficient trigger criteria for all cases of involuntary laughter. The theory incorporates concepts
from the theory of mind in cognitive science. I then examine the information content of the
laughter signal from a game theoretic perspective. I conclude that laughter is a signal of
cooperator value as it provides information on the laugher‟s empathy with the attributed mental
states and her sympathy levels for all affected by the laugh-inducing situation. Laughter also
10 indicates what types of mental representations children, autistic people, nonhuman primates
and adults possess and can falsify.
Introduction
Laughter is a universal and prominent feature of human communication. There have been
scores of theories on laughter‟s underlying trigger mechanism and purpose (for a review see
20 Roeckelein, 2002). However, few have incorporated established concepts from cognitive
science or evolutionary biology. None have generated deeper insights about the underlying
trigger mechanism through empirical findings. This hypothesis paper proposes a trigger
mechanism for all instances of involuntary laughter (hereafter, laughter) using concepts from the
theory of mind in cognitive science and explains the information content of laughter using
25 concepts from game theory.
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Howes, 1992; Stich and Nichols, 1992), others have proposed a different process, namely,
“simulation” as a way of explaining and predicting others‟ behavior (e.g., Goldman, 1989;
Gordon, 1986; Heal, 1986). Simulation requires the subject to empathize, that is, “to put himself
40 in the shoes of another”, to pretend to receive the same sensory inputs, engage the same
processes that the subject would engage in the same situation and predict the behavior based
on what the subject, himself would do. Many have noted that these two methods of explaining
and predicting behavior are not mutually exclusive and some have proposed hybrid positions
(e.g., Heal, 1995). The following proposed “trigger mechanism of laughter” suggests that people
45 use both representations of mental states and simulation.
One of the classic experiments for those who study the theory of mind is the false belief task,
first used by Wimmer and Perner (Wimmer and Perner, 1983). In the false belief task, the
subjects watch a story like the following (Baron-Cohen, Leslie, and Frith, 1985). In the story,
Sally places her marble in a basket, covers the basket and departs. After Sally has departed,
50 Ann moves the marble from the basket and places it in the box. The subject is then asked
where Sally would look for the marble when she comes back. To pass this task, the subject
must attribute a false belief to Sally that the marble is in the basket and predict her to look there.
Around at the age of 4, children become able to pass this task and also show in a variety of
other tasks, that they have developed an ability to understand others‟ mental states, more like
55 that possessed by adults (Baron-Cohen et al., 1985; Gopnik, 1993). Furthermore, autistic
children, even after controlling for mental age and general cognitive ability, tend to fail the false
belief task (Baron-Cohen et al., 1985). Such experiments have allowed Leslie and colleagues to
propose a model of an innate, domain-specific processing mechanism dealing with intentional
mental states such as believe, desire and pretend (Leslie, 1987, 1991, 2000; Leslie and Roth,
60 1994). The following trigger mechanism of laughter is consistent with the idea that domain-
specific representational systems exist for different types of mental states.
Lefcourt has stated that, “joking and laughter probably require the ability to perceive the state of
mind of the person or creature with whom one is in communication and with that of the object or
target of the joke” (Lefcourt, 2001, p. 45). Howe has recently proposed in a brief description of
65 the “Mind Reading Hypothesis” that all humor involves an observer reading the mind of the
target of humor and making the observation that the target of humor resolves “the collision
between old perception and new reality” (Howe, 2002). In addition, previous studies have
shown that discriminating jokes from lies requires the listeners to make second-order mental
attributions, such as that the speaker does not know that the listener knows something
70 (Leekam, 1991; Sullivan, Winner, and Hopfield, 1995; Winner and Leekam, 1991).
Howe limits the “Mind Reading Hypothesis” only to humor and not generally to all cases of
laughter (Howe, 2002). Howe states, “one must separate laughter and humor. Laughter that
comes from a relief of tension is best viewed as a simple reflex action, much like the laughter
response from tickling. Humor on the other hand is far more intricate and includes so much
75 more social interaction than a simple relaxation of fear” (Howe, 2002). The theory described
below, which I will call the Inner Eye Theory, borrowing the term “inner eye” from Humphrey
(Humphrey, 1986), is an extension and elaboration of the idea that mindreading ability is critical
in the generation of laughter and incorporates mindreading in all three components of the
proposed trigger mechanism for laughter. The theory is also an extension of the idea that the
80 human brain attributes mental states to itself and others in a similar manner through inference
(Gopnik, 1993) and the idea that there may be an evolutionarily designed brain module or
modules assigned to this mindreading task (Baron-Cohen, 1995; Humphrey, 1986).
First, I will provide an overview of the proposed trigger mechanism of laughter and then
examine it in the context of previous theories and examples. In the following discussion, the
85 potential laugher will be called the subject while other beings involved in the funny situations are
called agents. Then, I will examine the information content of laughter from a game theoretic
perspective to provide a further support for the elements of the proposed trigger mechanism.
Finally, I will examine previous studies of laughter in children, autistic people, and nonhuman
primates as well as anatomical and functional imaging studies, in the context of discussing the
90 implications of the theory and future directions. The hope is that this theory will encourage
scientific investigations of laughter as an evolutionarily designed signal used to facilitate
cooperation.
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2. The Inner Eye Theory of Laughter
95
2.1. The First Trigger Criterion: Falsification of Belief Representations (FB)
Mental states such as belief and desire are called propositional states since each such mental
state has an associated proposition that is either true or false in reality, independently of the
mental state. The following are two examples expressed in the usual form, “Agent-Attitude-
100 „that‟-Proposition”. The true/false state of the proposition is indicated in parentheses:
1. The author of this article believes that he owns books (true).
2. The author of this article believes that he can afford a new car (false).
The first required trigger criterion of laughter is the falsification by the subject of a belief
representation (hereafter, belief) held by self or others. As Searle noted, beliefs are mental
105 states with a “mind-to-world” direction of fit (Searle, 1983). So, beliefs are representations that
are supposed to reflect the states of the world as they are, unlike desires, which have a “world-
to-mind” fit and represent the desired states of the world.
The falsified belief (FB) can be found in the past or in the present. It can be found in real or
fictional characters. Often the subject detects a belief that is to be falsified when the belief is
110 implied or expressed by another through actions including speech and facial expressions. Also
commonly, the FB can be that of the subject when his own expectation or intention is broken.
There can be multiple beliefs falsified in close temporal proximity. Such temporally proximate
false beliefs add up to increase the strength of the laughter.
In all cases, it is the subject‟s current view of the world that falsifies a belief. The subject‟s
115 current view itself can be false. However, to simplify the following discussion, the subject will be
assumed to always correctly view the world when the laughter is triggered.
Propositional attitudes related to belief, namely expectations and intentions, can be subsumed
under the belief category by using the following definitions of those terms. An expectation can
be defined to contain the belief that a certain outcome would occur when certain other
120 conditions are met. Expectation can be falsified by the outcome not coming true. An intention
can be defined to contain the belief that a certain outcome would occur if the holder of the
intention takes a particular set of actions. An intention can also be falsified by the outcome not
coming true.
I will argue that, in all laugh-inducing circumstances, the state of the world that was or is
125 believed or expected or intended, lacks and thus is falsified by, events that the actual or
eventual state of the world possesses. These falsifying events must also result in differences in
the wellbeing of some agents. These differences in wellbeing will be discussed in greater detail
in the description of the third criterion. The emphasis here is that laughter requires the
falsification of a particular belief or a null belief (ignorance) by events present in the actual or
130 eventual state of the world. Greater the strength of the falsification, the stronger the laughter is.
That is, the less activated the representation of the falsifying event from the perspective of the
false belief, the stronger the laughter is.
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2.3. The Third Trigger Criterion: Sympathetic Instant Utility (SIU)
155 I‟ve termed the third criterion, sympathetic instant utility. I borrow the term “instant utility” from
Kahneman, who uses it to mean the pleasurable or painful attribute of an experience at a
particular moment (Kahneman, 1999). I define SIU to be a momentary positive or negative
emotion produced in the following way. Two different states of the world need to be compared:
the state believed or expected or intended from the perspective with the false belief (the false-
160 belief state) and the actual or eventual state. The subject assesses the actual or eventual state
with respect to the false-belief state. If there are differences in the fulfillment of particular desires
for particular agents between the two states, these differences become factors in the calculation
of SIU for the potential laugher.
165 Each of the three criteria described above, specifies a minimum threshold and can be met to
varying degrees beyond the threshold. Each criterion is a necessary condition for the trigger of
laughter and I argue that the different degrees to which the criteria are met explain the various
degrees of laughter and that the three criteria are jointly sufficient to explain all laughter.
There are modulating factors of laughter, such as attention, mood and others‟ laughter. Here I
170 will briefly speculate on how these modulators could work.
The subject has to pay attention to the potentially laugh-inducing events. More specifically, the
subject has to be interested and attentive enough to predict and explain the events by using his
mindreading ability as necessary. When someone is trying to make you laugh, the best thing to
keep yourself from laughing may be to pay no attention at all.
175 Mood likely affects one‟s tendency to laugh (reviewed in Deckers, 1998). Cheerfulness seems
to facilitate humor (Ruch and Carrell, 1998) and funniness of jokes tends to correlate with self-
rated moods of surgency, elation and vigor (Wicker, Thorelli, Barron, and Willis, 1981). Mood
affects possibly through the calculation of SIU. For example, one possibility when someone is
depressed is that she is constantly engaged in comparison of her current state to that of her
180 ideal reference point and this process could affect the SIU calculation by a constant addition of
a negative component for herself.
Others‟ laughter and laugh tracks are well known to affect laughter, usually making laughter
more likely (Donoghue, McCarrey, and Clement, 1983; Martin and Gray, 1996; Provine, 1992,
1996). Ipropose that this also works through the SIU criterion. Others‟ laughter is often the best
185 proof that the target of a laugh-inducing event is undergoing a change in wellbeing (particularly
in status which is not directly observable). In other words, others‟ laughter is interpreted by the
potential laugher as a proof of changes in wellbeing of the target and other laughers and helps
satisfy the SIU criterion. It is also possible that others‟ laughter activates the subject‟s laughter
through a process of empathy as the subject uses her mindreading ability to explain others‟
190 laughter and in the process, the mental states she attributes to others to explain the laughter
cause the subject to laugh herself.
DETAILED READING
Lefcourt Howe
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5)
a. What is the difference between “beliefs” and “desires” according to Searle?
7) What does joking, humor and laughter involve for the following authors:
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