CHAPTER V

SOCIO - RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS AND

IMPACTS

This chapter is mainly concerned with the society of Travancore and changes

in modern society from the latter part of the 19th century till the year of the formation

of Kerala. The factors which contributed for their predominance were examined one

after the other. Travancore was under the grip of feudalism and society has been

bogged down by many social institutions. The social conditions of Kerala during the

18th and the 19th centuries can be understood only by a study of the caste system and

the social customs of Travancore. Caste system, Polygamy, janmi system,

sambandam, smarthavicharam, devadasi system and ordeals were the main practices

in Travancore.410This chapter also tries to present the role of socio-cultural and

religious movements in the changes of community and study the transformation that

took place in the Namboothiri Brahmin community.

5.1 Social Ferment in Travancore

5.1.1 Caste Divisions

The socio- religious condition was very specific to the region of Travancore. It

is seen from a survey that there were 420 castes in Travancore instead of the four

traditional castes prescribed in the Hindu Puranas viz. Brahmanas, Kshatriyas,

Vaisyas and Sudras.411The Brahmins in Travancore are divided into two principal

classes viz., Namboothiri Brahmins or Malayala Brahmins and foreign Brahmins

originally from the Canara, Mahratta, Tulu and Tamil countries. Namboothiri

410
Suma Rose, Polity, Society and Women with special Reference to Travancore,1700-1900
A.D, Carmel International Publishing House ,Trivandrum,2004,p.64.
411
Report on the Census of Travancore, 1875, Trivandrum, 1876, p.185.
Brahmins had put forward certain claims that they were the original owners of the

soil. In consequence of their seclusion, they followed the caste practices and strict

attention to ceremonial purity.412

The 19th century Travancore witnessed the oppressive system of caste to its

fullest. Caste system is said to have its roots as a part of the process of Aryanisation of

the country413 and its origin can be traced back to the migration and settlement of

Namboothiri Brahmins and their accumulation of crucial powers in social, political

and religious sectors.414 This hegemony resulted in a temple oriented society and the

temple culture influenced the social life of Travancore that resulted in an evolutionary

process in society.

The hierarchical formation of the society provided for the ascendancy of the

Brahmins in the medieval period. In the feudal social structure the entire society was

based on the system of caste. During this period the society of Kerala consisted of

Hindus, Christians, Muslims and other minor religious groups such as Buddhism,

Jainism, Sikhism and Judaism. And also the Travancore society was divided into

various caste groups. Within the Namboothiri community also division can be seen. In

theory Brahmanyam was the base of power but in practice wealth decided superiority.

A Namboothiri Brahmin with huge landed property and the position of Brahmanyam

was considered as adyan and others as asyan.415 During the middle ages the Brahmin

supremacy was grounded on the claims of spiritual superiority and the system of

knowledge derived there from.

412
Richard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 ,Vol.II, Oxford
University Press, London, 1899, pp.23-24.
413
Suma Rose ,p.64
414
Elamulam P.N. KunjanPillai, Studies in Kerala History, National Book Stall, Kottayam,
1970, pp. 263-64.
415
Rajan Gurukkal and M. R. Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, Vol.I, Department
of Cultural Publications, Trivandrum, 1999, p,153-154.
 Brahmins appeared before the local chieftains as the holiest of human beings

and representatives of God on Earth and the people accepted the same without

question. People were ready to believe it. There are certain Namboothiri families who

are very popular with their magical and sorcerer heredity. And they are taken as

expert mantravadis or dealers in magic and have complete control over chattan, an

evil mischievous spirit.416There is a belief that a young Namboothiri belonging to the

Narakatheri illom in Thrikodithanam started practicing conjuration after having

learned it from North Malabar.417 Kumaramangalas illom in Changanacherry also said

to have owned more than hundreds of these chattans.418 History tells that for

consolidating the power, Anizham Thirunal Marthanda Varma killed the Ettuveetil

Pillamar. It was believed that even after their death, the ghosts of the ‘Pillamar’ gave

restless nights to the royal family members of erstwhile Travancore. With the

intention to put an end to this ordeal, the royal family consulted scholars and sought

the assistance of the members of Changanacherry Kumaramangalas illom to exorcise

the spirits, and the patriarchs of the mana, with their tantric powers, managed to

control the spirits.419 This indicates the faith of kings and common people on the holy

power of Namboothiri Brahmins. The supremacy of Brahmins in exorcism created

angst among the people.

The severity and rigidity of the caste system broadly divided the society into

two groups, the savarnas constituting upper class and the avarnas the lower class.

The Brahmins and Nayars were considered as savarnas and they enjoyed all

privileges and positions. Avarnas were the low castes who formed the majority of the

416
Fred Fawcett, “Notes on Some of the People of Malabar”, Anthropolog Bulletin, Vol.III,
No.I, Madras Government Museum,Madras,1900, pp.50-51.
417
Thrikkodithanam Maha Kshetram:Pandaviyam, November, 2012,p.64.
418
Interview with K.G.K. Namboothiripad ,Kumaramangalas Mana, Changanacherry, Dated
2nd January, 2150.
419
The Hindu, 16 January, 2015.
population and were subjected to untold socio-economic and political restrains.420

They were treated as untouchables and were strictly prohibited from entering the

temples and the use of public wells and tanks.421

In Travancore, Brahmins were at the apex of the caste hierarchy. In this

respect, they were highly respected by the ruling chieftains and the Rajas. The

Brahmins were attributed with the temporal and spiritual knowledge and experience.

Social and religious disabilities were not a matter of concern when it came to the case

of Namboothiris. They were beyond that and were treated with great respect in the

society.422 Manusmriti Verse 1.93 states that;

as the Brahmana sprang from Brahma’s mouth (the purest part of

Brahma’s and by analogy, man’s body, which is stated to be pure above

the navel), as he was the first born and possesses the Veda, his very birth

is an eternal incarnation of the sacred law, he is a deity even for gods,

be he ignorant or learned is a great divinity, he is the highest on earth,

and the lord of all created beings and of the whole creation.423

And thus explains the hierarchical superiority of the Brahmins. In close

association with the conduct of the caste system was the grave conduct of

untouchability.

Mathilakom records prove a vivid picture of society and enable us to be

authentic to know the segregating ritual monopoly and caste division. Document

No.212 of the record relates to a temporary suspension of Sribali procession in the

temple of Sripadmanabha due to pollution caused by the stone masons touching the

420
R.K. Pruthi, Indian Caste System, Discovery Publishing House, New Delhi,2004,p.150.
421
Elamulam P.N. KunjanPillai, p.432.
422
Robin Jeffrey, Decline of the Nayar Dominance, in Society and Politics in Travancore,
1847-1908, Vikas Publishing, New Delhi, 1976, p. 11.
423
Bhagavan Das, The Laws of Manu, Aparna Publications, Delhi, 1985,p.125.
Vilakkumatam.424 Another one in Document No.90 which is a fragmentary record

mentions the fine paid by a temple tenant for default in bringing rice, and provisions

for the Uttamagupta on the birthday of Iravi Iravi Varma. 425 To add to the situation is

the sudden dawn of the truth that this was all a creation of the age-old Hindu religion.

Religion has always been a central factor in the culture of Kerala.

Due to the hierarchical nature of the caste system and the related economic

divide the households of the Brahmin janmis became the central defining structures in

the social life intact. They managed to keep this position almost till the end of the 19 th

century. Any religious ceremony was to be conducted with the sanction and approval

of Brahmins. E.M.S Namboodiripad in his Atmakatha reveals the truth that during the

Vishu day the adiyan provided his own products as dakshina in front of the

Namboothiri Illom.426 There was a specific rule that non-Brahmin ladies should not

cover their upper part of the body. They were obeyed as the janmis of the land and the

tenants in chief. Hierarchically the Nayars or Sudras were below the Brahmins. They

formed the nobility, the magistracy and officials of the government. The Rajas of

Travancore who belonged to the Nayar clan were considered in position below the

Brahmins.427

The Ezhavas, the Shanars were the next to Nayars in hierarchy. They were

considered low in social estimation. On grounds of pollution they had to remain at a

distance of thirty six feet from a Brahmin and twelve steps from a Nayar. 428 Those

next in hierarchy and the marginalised were the Pulayas, the Parayas and the Kuravas.

424
J.Rejikumar (ed.),Pradhanapetta Mathilakam Recordukal:A.D 1375- 1728, Doc.No.212,
Curuna 94, Ola 131, Government of Kerala Department, Thiruvananthapuram, 2010, p.227.
425
J. Rejikumar (ed.), Doc. No.90, Curuna 41,Ola 11, p.117.
426
E. M.S. Nambudiripad, Atmakatha (Mal.), Poompatta Printing Works, Trivandrum,1970,
p.28.
427
George Norton, Rudimentals:Being a Series of Discourses Addresses to the Natives of
India, Government of India, Madras, 1841, pp. 287-88.
428
Walter Hamilton, East India Gazetteer, Vol.II, Allen and Company, London, 1828, p.179.
Power positions were not in access to these groups. They were exploited and

dishonoured. The custom of the lower caste women going to the Namboothiri illoms

removing the upper garments was strictly observed.429 The upper caste people

despised and avoided them. Everything associated with them came to be synonymous

with impurity.430 There were even some groups who were denied even the base of

‘caste’ as such. They formed the category of ‘non-caste’. Non-caste people were

under total subjection and servitude. They were forced to start their speaking with the

word adiyan meaning “your slave”. Individuality was denied to them in language that

they couldn’t even use the word “I”.431

The triple social evils of untouchability, unapproachability and unseeability

were observed by the people of the time at all levels of Hindu society.432

Untouchability based its weight upon the division of the society into high and low.

There were about twenty two sub castes that were denied interdining conduct or

intermarriage. The caste Hindus preserved the scale of distance within which the

lower castes had no entry and if entered it was considered polluting. The limits of

polluting distance for a Brahmin were sixty four feet from a Paraya, fifty four feet

from a Pulaya and thirty feet from Ezhava.433 Superiority was considered a right to be

maintained by the caste Hindus. Not even the slightest violation was pardoned. In

case of any offense committed it was followed by heavy punishment to the offender.

In 1561 A.D, Kannan Anandan, a tenant was dismissed from service for mixing chaff

429
T.K. Ravindran, Asan and Social Revolution in Kerala: A Study of his Assembly Speeches,
Kerala Historical Society, Thiruvananthapuram ,1972, p.XIII.
430
Richard Lovett, p.27.
431
Samuel Mateer , The Land of Charity:A Descriptive Account of Travancore and Its People,
With A Special Reference to Missionary Labour, J.Snow and Company, New Delhi,
1871,p.57
432
Samuel Mateer, Native Life in Travancore, W.H. Allen and Co., London, 1870, p.299.
433
John Henry Hutton, Caste in India: Its Nature, Function and Origins, Oxford University
Press, Cumberlege,1951,p 179.
with the paddy supplied to the Suchindram temple.434 Total unity in the society was

curtailed owing to all these discriminatory practices. People from the lower caste were

even denied approach to wells. They could not even have moustaches. In the 25th

section of Thiruvalla Granthavari there is an account of the temple being polluted by

the entry of Pulaya and Ezhava. There is a description of expenses of sudhikalasam in

1511A.D.435

Closely associated with the system of caste hierarchy was the system of

slavery in Travancore. Slavery was hereditary in nature and it became increased in

South Travancore. If one were born a slave, he was destined to remain a slave all

through his life, and later passed down this ignominy to his posterity. The depressed

castes like the Pulayas and Parayas at the bottom of the society were treated as slaves

and these poor sons of the soil lived under it in the most insanitary and uncomfortable

conditions. According to Gopalakrishnan, a janmi maintained 200 Pulayas for the

labour works in his land and provide hundreds of them to others for their labour

works.436 There are certain documents discovered from various parts of Travancore.

The earliest of such documents known was one dated in 1431 from South Travancore

discovered by the famous historian S. Desivinagom Pillai. According to this

document some vellalas and pariahs were given as dowry, along with cows, paddy

fields and copper and bronze vessels. An unpublished kolezhuthu sale deed dated

1591was discovered from the Kongerattu house in Thiruvella.437 This record lays

down clearly the sale of a slave. As per this document the owner does not have the

right to kill his slave, but “the right to kill if necessary” had been vested with the

434
K.K.Pillai, The Suchindram Temple, Kalakshetra Publications, Madras, 1953, p.154.
435
P.Unnikrishnan Nair, Thiruvalla Granthavari (Mal.),Mahatma Gandhi University,
Kottayam ,1998,pp.52-53
436
P.K.Gopalakrishnan, Keralathinte Saamskaarika Charithram (Mal.), Kerala Bhasha
Institute, Thiruvananthapuram, 1987,p.462.
437
K.K. Ramachandran Nair, Slavery in Kerala, KK Mittal, Delhi,1986, pp.19-20.
janmis of Travancore.438 It was a common practice that people of all castes except

Brahmins were publicly sold to those who wanted them.439

Children born to a Brahmin lady due to the cohabitation with a low caste man

were treated as the slaves of the king.440 Again for the lower castes there was forced

labour called as oozhiam labour.441 People belonging to Ezhavas, Shanar, Pulaya and

Pariah communities were subjected to compulsory labour. Under this system people

were to do all types of repellent works. The landlords and government officials

exploited this system for the persecution of the low castes. Temples were also entitled

to free labour, rendering the lot of the backward communities more unenviable.

According to the 1836 census, of a total civilian population of 12, 80,668, there were

126,863 slaves who toiled on soil in Travancore.442

5.1.2 Matrimonial Practices among Namboothiri Brahmins

The system of marriage and inheritance followed by the Namboothiris was

something very unique. The special practices were a result of the need to make intact

the family structure. The marriages of the time had no legal form. Instead men and

women relied on certain socially sanctioned relationships. But they had less

stability.443The ownership and control over their landed properties and other assets

were to be maintained. Sambandham was a practice that was prevalent among the

Namboothiri men. The alliance was between a Namboothiri and a girl belonging to

other caste especially of the Nayar community. This was a system that prevailed only

438
Ibid., pp.19-20.
439
P.Shungoonny Menon, A History of Travancore from the Earliest Times ,Higginbotham
and Co.,Madras,1878,p.275
440
V. Yesudhason and Issac Jayadhas, History of Tamil Society and Culture Since 1336, McL
Roy Publications, Martandam, 2002, p.56.
441
Proceedings of the Church Missionary Society,1824,p.162.
442
K.K. Ramachandran Nair,p.41.
443
Nanny de Vries, Thamyris:Mythmaking from Past to Present,Vol.V,No.I, Rodopi,
Amsterdam, 1998, p.49.
in this region.444 There were two reasons behind the formation of sambandham among

the Namboothiri Brahmins. One is that the Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore

belonged to a class of socio-spiritual aristocracy. They had possession of a large area

of land and thus were the janmis of the land. It is significant to know that these janmis

had the privilege to utilize the land without paying any tax. They were quite eager to

preserve the Brahmaswom lands undivided.

To preserve the land undivided real marriage was permitted only to the eldest

son of the family.445 In certain cases this permission could be extended to the second

son. This system followed by the Brahmins in Travancore was named under the

Makkathayam Law of Inheritance.446Only the eldest could marry from within his

caste.447And this marriage was the only real one and was named veli. In contract to

sambandham no right to claim legitimacy was permitted. It was but a relief to the

younger sons to have free sexual relations with the Nayar ladies. But those women in

sambandham and children in such relations had no right on the property of their

‘husband’ or ‘father’ according to the right of kinship.448In spite of these restrictions

sambandham was a practice quite prevalent in Namboothiri families, in illoms, and

among Nayars.

One of the other reasons was that at the time of migration, Brahmin men were

the only invaders into Kerala. They did not bring their women with them in the

beginning stage. During this period elder one of the Brahmins married within the

444
K.M. Panikkar, “Some Aspects of Nayar Life”,The Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XLVIII, July-December ,1918, p.265.
445
K.C. Alexander, Social Mobility in Kerala, Deccan College of Post Graduate Research
Institute, Poona, 1968, p.62.
446
Edgar Thurston, Caste and Tribes in Southern India, Vol. IV, Government of India,
Madras,1976,p.175.
447
K.M. Panikkar, p.265
448
Kathleen Gough, Matrilineal Kinship , University of California,London,1962,p.320.
community and younger male members practiced sambandham with Nayar

families.449

Though sambandham relationships were socially sanctioned they had no

scriptural support. The system of Namboothiri men having relationship with Nayar

women was supported neither by the anacharams or sixty four injunctions nor by the

Sankara smriti.450The Smritis cited intercaste mixing as a misshapen only in the Kali

Age and thus was banned. It was also taken that a dvija would lose his caste once he

gets into a marriage alliance with a sudra woman. Consequently the dvija would

become a sudra himself. The cause of satisfaction of lust for a Namboothiri to

approach a sudra woman was not sanctioned by Sankaracharya.451But even then the

system prevailed.

The system of sambandham, though a foliage to the Nayar community, was

continued by the Nayar caste and was considered an honour.452The reasons for this are

varied. One, this was a custom that the Brahmins themselves being the upper castes

had imposed upon the subsidiaries. One of the famous Manipravala texts,

Chandrolsavam written in the 15th century describes that there was a common belief

made or imposed upon the Nayars that only a Brahmin sperm could give them good

children.453Two, the Nayars deemed it their pride to have children from the purest

449
Kodungallur Kunjikkuttan Thampuran, Keralam:Kerala Charithra Kavyam, Devi
Bookstall, Kodungallur ,2014,p.15.
450
While all the upper castes in India used Manusmriti as their code of life, the Namboothiri
Brahmins had Sankara Smriti which designated that they should pursue 64 definite
practices. It lay out ever performance of Brahmins from their birth to death, without leaving
any free space. B.Rajeevan,“From Caste to Sex”, M.A. Oommen (ed.), Rethinking
Development: Kerala's Development Experience, Vol.I, Concept Publishing Company,
New Delhi, 1999, p.49.
451
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Kochi Rajya Charithram, Mathrubhumi Publications, Calicut,
1912, p.768.
452
O. Chandu Menon, Sarada (Mal.),NBS, Kottayam, 1896, p.62.
453
P.K. Gopalakrishnan, p.437
caste group. It is conspicuous how deep the Brahmins had made their influence on the

society of the time.

Another marital custom that prevailed in Travancore was thalikettu kalyanam.

It prevailed even in the early part of this century among the non-Brahmin castes such

as Nayars, the Ezhavas and the Kammalas. It has been prevalent among Nayars till

recently in the name of kettukalyanam.454 Thalikettu Kalyanam was not that type of

real marriage. It was only a ceremony to be performed on a girl before she attained

puberty. In this ceremony a Brahmin or a relative of the girl would tie a thali around

her neck.455 There was difference in the conduct in poor and rich families. In poor

Nayar families the girl’s mother would tie the thali around the girl’s neck in front of

an idol. In wealthy families the girl was tied the thali by feudal overlords and

Brahmins who were familiar with the taravadu by political alliances.456Eleven was

taken to be the ideal age for the conduct of this ceremony. In every tharavadu, the

ceremony was performed once in ten years, or twelve years. Usually it was performed

in a mass scale for a batch of girls. The ceremony demanded much expenditure as it

was an elaborate function. The thali tier was not intended to be the girls' future

husband.457 It was only in a wealthy family that the girl was tied thali by a Brahmin.

A girl being tied thali by a Brahmin was deemed a matter of great pride for the

family. It symbolises the status associated with the caste of Brahmins during the time.

Due to these matrimonial practices, the population among Namboothiris diminished.

454
C.J. Fuller, Changing Cultures Nayar's Today, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
1976, p.110.
455
G. Krishna Nadar, Socio-Economic Background of the Military History of Travancore
Kerala-India, D.R Karuna Publications, Trivandrum, 1993, p.132.
456
Maratt Mythili Anoop and Varun Gulati (eds.), Scripting Dance in Contemporary India,
Lexington Books, Mayland, 2016,p.32.
457
M.S.A. Hao, Social Change in Malabar, The Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1957, p.85.
Various census reports will give a picture of the Namboothiri population of

Travancore in the 19th and 20th centuries.458

Table 5.1
Population of Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore459

% of total
Total population of
Year of Total population in population of
Namboothiri
census Travancore Namboothiri
Brahmins
Brahmins
1836 1280668 9843 0.77
1854 126247 10238 0.81
1875 2311379 10762 0.47
1891 2557736 7201 0.24
1901 2952157 9475 0.33

Table 5.1 shows that the number of Namboothiris did not increase but got

reduced. This situation was because of the marriage system that prevailed among the

Namboothiri community. Among Namboothiri community the eldest brother or

Moosads alone were to marry from the same community. In consequence some

women would never get a husband and would never know the warmth of being a

mother. This reduced the population of Namboothiri Brahmins.

Dowry system among them resulted in the Namboothiri women remaining

unmarried. Another reason was that in Namboothiri illoms physician was never

allowed to see sick Namboothiri women. The examination, diagnosis and treatment

were all through maid servant that often resulted in inequalities between men and

458
Elamkulam P.N Kunjanpillai, p.197.
459
Travancore Census Reports, 1875, 1891, 1901.
women in the community.460 But the population of other communities increased and

they gained numerical strength in the late 19th century.

5.1.3 Women in the Brahmin Community

Namboothiri Brahmin women or Antarjanam 461 lived under the shackles of heavy

restrictions from the part of the men folk who were tyrannical in conduct. Women

were destined to serve her husband and were confined to the kitchen. 462 They stayed

within the four walls of the illoms. The end result was that women were in no better

position than that of the slaves.

In the 18th and 19th century women in Travancore were very much restrained by

the norms and customs of society. The definite patriarchal system that was followed

gave women no freedom either at home or in the society. An Autobiography

Atmakathakku Oramukham of Lalithambika Antharjanam supports this description

with her own experience from her childhood onwards. As a girl, she was subjected to

numerous restrictions. Her travelling was in a closed bullock carts Kettuvallam or

house boats. Even after her marriage also she was not allowed to attend the public

meeting. It was considered a great sin for other family. 463 They were regarded as

inferior to men and hence they had no share of the family property except among the

Nayars which followed matrilineal system. They were married off at an early age and

dowry given to her became the property of the husband. She was called to do the

duties at home as a good wife and mother. Female education was a taboo. A woman

seldom had any right to go for a job and earn money. These were unthought of in their

460
Elamkulam P.N Kunjanpillai, p.199.
461
Antharjanam literally means one who lives inside the house, and this was the term used in
Kerala to characterize the Namboodiri Brahmin women. Devaki Nilayamgode,
Antharjanam:Memoirs of a Namboodiri Woman, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
2011,p.8.
462
Suma Rose,p.66.
463
Lalithambika Antharjanam, Atmakathacku Oramukham (Mal.) ,Current Books, Thrissur,
1991, pp.20-21.
traditional society. They were facing major problems in the economic field that in the

Brahmin families, women did not have the property inheritance rights which were

solely enjoyed by the male progeny. But the situation was different among Nadar

women. They were provided the right to own property and also the right of

inheritance and the upper class women had no right to seek job and earn money. But

lower sections were at least unskilled laborers.464

In the social system of the Brahmin community, women were considered not as

persons but as insignificant things.465 Discriminatory practices against the female

child were conspicuous in almost every life cycle ceremonies. There was

discrimination among boys and girls. The desire for a male child was so strong among

Brahminical society. Thus Brahminical rites to this effect were introduced in the

medical texts. Pumsavana or ‘male producing’ is a rite which aimed to grant the

family sons and the rituals were conducted after conception.466 Such discriminations

haunted a woman for the rest of her life.

The birth of a girl child was unhappily afforded by the families. The female child

grew up amidst such segregating thoughts of herself as an inferior to the males in the

family. In educational matters girls and boys were treated differently. A girl was

provided with very simple reading and writing. Sometimes basic arithmetic lessons

were also provided. But a boy could undergo detailed learning experience. The girls

internalised a second position especially with the contributing rituals that were

patterned such.467

464
Beena Dominic and Amritha Jothi ,“Women’s Education and Social Transformation’with
The Special Reference to the Role of Christian Missionaries in Kerala”, International
Journal of Scientific & Engineering Research, Vol. II, Issue 10, October, 2011 ,p.1
465
Suma Rose, p.66.
466
Julia Leslie (ed.),Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
New Delhi,1992, p.92.
467
Kanippayyur Sankaran Namboodirippad, Ente Smaranakal (Mal.),Vol.I, Panchangam
Press, Kunnamkulam,1991,p.155.
 Parasurama is believed to have asked all Namboothiri women to carry with

them an umbrella when they go out so that they do not spoil the sight of the male sex.

The Namboothiri woman had to cover themselves with a white cloth called mundu

from neck to foot. They were not allowed to use gold items and nose rings. These

women are therefore always attended by a Nayar woman in their outdoor movement,

and they go sheltering their face from public gaze with a cadjan umbrella.468

Chastity was demanded from them within the polygamous household set up.

They enjoyed no right to own property. Widow Remarriage was also a taboo while

the Namboothiri men were allowed to take many wives. This left many women in

sorrow of having to share their husbands with other women. E.M.S Namboodiripad

gives a detailed account of the marriage system among the Namboothiris. In certain

cases Namboothiris married two or three women for conducting penkoda that means

to give away his daughter or sister or other ladies from his family. 469 Marriage was

fixed on the basis of the matching of horoscope of the bride and groom.

Various societal customs added to the plight of Antarjanam. One such custom

was polygamy. The institution of Polygamy became popular and was very common in

South Travancore among almost all castes.470 In a polygamous system man can marry

more than one wife at a time. The men from Namboothiris, Kshatriya and other higher

castes, who had their own caste wives, practiced Polygamy by cohabiting with women

of the Nayar caste.471 The system allowed only the chief woman to be called a ‘wife’

468
Edgar Thurston, pp153-154..
469
E. M. S. Nambudiripad , p.36.
470
V. Yesudhason and Issac Jayadhas, p.71.
471
A.Sreedhara Menon, Keralasamskaram (Mal.),Sahithya Pravarthaka Co-operation,
Kottayam,1992,p.159.
while others were concubines and the children of the latter were considered

illegitimate.472

Child marriage was another ignoble custom of the society. The marriageable

age for girls among the Brahmins was set at 5 or 7 while for the boys it was 10. Even

before forgetting her mother's feed she became a wife to a healthy youth and is

compelled to conceive, in order to become a mother.473 The age of the child-bride was

so low that she could not even understand the real meaning of the relation. No parent

would dare to make their girl stand unmarried past the marriageable age because it

was very difficult to find a husband for her after the age. But the girl being so young

and the husband being aged it took no time before the young girl became a widow.

And to add to the plight the girl is restricted from marrying again. The young girls

were thus doomed to a life of widowhood for the law forbade them to remarry. The

position of a widow was more pitiable than any other social category. She had to put

up* with the caste conditions that caused her to mourn till her death. Widows could

no longer eat betel leaves. They were compelled to bathe in cold water, and were

insisted to appear in pure white cloth, shaven head and naked forehead. Luxury of

ornaments and other amusements were barred for her. She could not attend feast and

festivities. She was considered a bad omen in the community.474

There was the system of smarthavicharam that made the condition of

Namboothiri women pitiable. It was a trial for adultery and the first person was only

considered as accused one because all the other accused persons had sexual

intercourse with a prostitute.475 The Namboothiris were unable to understand the

472
Abbe Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Clarendon press, Oxford, 1906,
p.207.
473
V. Yesudhason and Issac Jayadhas, p.67
474
Interview with Uma Devi, Thenganathu Madom, Karunagappally, Dated 15th December,
2015.
475
Malayala Manorama,7 June,1905.
sexual deprivation that the women gravely succumbed to. But the patriarchal system

believed that the women ought to be strictly controlled or else will go astray. And this

was not an isolated conduct as such deviances were expected to occur regularly.

The person accused of crimes should undertake ordeal in a temple. The ola
476
documents of Suchindram temple disclose that the kaimukku or ghee ordeal was

adopted regularly among the population of Travancore. It was generally known as

Satya Parikshya.477 The documents called kaimukku records found in Vattappalli

Madam, where Namboothiris were thickly populated, deal with the details connected

with a number of cases of kaimukku ordeal in the Suchindram temple. The earliest

among the available documents pertain to the ordeal conducted in 1627 A.D.478 It was

approximately the extension of the Smarthavicharam under which Namboothiri

community particularly the Namboothiri woman accused of adultery were first tried

before a caste tribunal of elders.479 Permanent smarthanmar were arranged on a

regular basis. The trial was to be done with the knowledge and permission of the

Maharaja. There appears a record of the process of smarthavicharam that began on

the 16 March of 1901 at the illom of Peringara Namboothiri in the area of

Muttambalam belonging to Vijayapuram village in Kottayam town.480 A huge sum of

money was distributed to the smarthan, to the mimasakan, to the agakkoyma,

purakkoyma and to the relatives. Smarthan received a kizhi containing 24 fanam. Four

belonging to the mimaskan category received 7 kizhis containing 16 fanam each. One

476
Kaimukku was a practice of dipping the fingers of the accused in boiling ghee to test the
guilt or innocence. James Forbes and Eliza Rosée Montalembert, Oriental Memoirs:A
Narrative of Seventeen Years Residence in India , Vol.I, Richard Bentlry ,London, 1834,
p.201.
477
T.K. Ravindran, “The Ghee Ordeal and its Prohibition”, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol.II,
University of Kerala, Trivandrum, September, 1975, p.367.
478
Ibid.,p.368.
479
Velayudhan Panikkassery, Keralacharithrapatanangal (Mal.),Velayudhan Panikkassery,
Kumaranalloor,1998, p.30
480
Malayala Manorama, 16 November, 1901.
kizhi was also given to agakkoyma and another one to the purakkoyma and another to

the relatives. These expenses are incurred in addition to the other common expenses

for the smarthavicharam. In addition there were also expenses to be met in the kind of

money to be dispersed to the servant women in the illom.481 It was the family of the

woman that had to meet the entire expenses incurred on the inquiry process.482

The first and foremost punishment for the woman found guilty was that she

would be expelled from the Brahmin community and she would no more be

considered a person, but would only be a sadhanam in the eyes of others.483The

excommunicated woman would be ill fated or death likes condition.484 She was

compelled to seek asylum in the house of an avarna. Such excommunicated women

often had to be married to Mappilas and Ezhavas.485 If others did not marry the

degraded woman, she would be kept in a separate place and be taken care of by the

Raja though as his slave.

Besides, there was the dowry system that added to the misery of women. The

system of dowry was well-associated with the Namboothiri marriage and the amount

of dowry was much high and it was affordable only by wealthy illoms.486 William

Logan says, “in order to get their daughter married at all, a Namboothiri must be rich,

for with each of them he has to pay the bride - groom a heavy dowry and many

481
P.Bhaskaranunni,Smarthavicharam (Mal.),Sahitya Pravarthaka Co-operative Society,
Kottayam,2000, p.162.
482
Mathilakam Granthavari,Vol.V,Curuna 1308,Ola 618, 971 M.E(1796A.D).
483
P. R. G. Mathur, “Smartha Vicharam among the Nambudiri Brahmins of Kerala”, Journal
of Kerala Studies,Vol.II, University of Kerala, Trivandrum, September, 1975,pp.352-363.
484
Malayala Manorama, 5 July,1905.
485
Interview with Harish P.M , Temple Priest , Palayattu Mundakkal Illom,Kottur ,
Thiruvananthapuram, Dated 16th February, 2015.
486
P.K. Balakrishnan, Jathivyavasthithiyum Kerala Charitravum (Mal.),Sahitya Pravarthaka
Co-Operation, Kottayam,1992, p.358.
illom’s resources have been drained in this way”. 487 As polygamy was allowed many

of the young girls got married to elderly Brahmins who were already married.

Ms. Lindberg, director of Swedish South Asian Studies Network at Lund

University chronicled around 187 marriages held between 1935 and 1939 and

researched on the practice of dowry in erstwhile Travancore. As a research conclusion

he has recorded that it was among the Namboothiri Brahmin and Syrian Christian

communities in Kerala that the system of dowry was highly incident.488

When a comparison is made between the conditions of the Namboothiri

women and Nayars women it is understood that the latter enjoyed far better

situations.489 Their family organisation was matrilineal and that contributed

positively to their high position. A Nayar family was known as tharavadu.490Nayars

were among the few castes that permitted their girls to get educated. Both the boys

and girls of the community were given education in the nearby schools known by the

term kalaris. When a section of a community is left uneducated it is the community as

a whole that will get perished. This was one of the contributing factors that led to the

diminishing position of the Namboothiri Brahmin community in the later ages to

come. The gradual decline of the Namboothiri population and the intensification of

the Namboothiri women’s sufferings posed a challenge to the Namboothiri

community. The civil condition of Namboothiri Brahmins is illustrated in Table 5.2.

487
William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol.I, Government Press, Madras, 1989, pp.127-28.
488
The Hindu, 9 March, 2012.
489
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural Heritage of Kerala, S.Viswanathan
Ltd.,Madras,1996,p.262-
266.
490
Saugata Bhaduri and Indrani Mukherjee (eds.), Tran cultural Negotiations of Gender:
Studies in (Be)longing ,Springer, New Delhi,2015,p.126.
 2.
1.
Sl.
No

495
Other
Brahmins
Brahmins
Caste

Namboothiri

F
F

M
M
Sex

Population Dealth
with

6,433
7,498

26,908
27,233

-
-
-
-

0-6
375 12 42 3 7-13
1,230 47 166 15 14-16
2,896 878 639 312 17-23
Married

6,082 6,806 1,355 1,848 24-43

2,024 4,780 520 1,528 44 and
above

12,607 12,523 1,375 3,706 Total

Table 5.2

5,271 5,135 1,138 1,219 0-6

3,928 4,334 890 908 7-13

208 1,621 178 40 14-16
Census of India,1931, Travancore, Vol.XXVIII ,Part II-Tables, Trivandrum, 1932,pp.41-43.

99 1,968 78 566 17-23

76 625 39 312 24-43
Unmarried

21 120 13 112 44 and

above
Civil Condition of Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore, 1931495

9,603 13,803 2,336 3,518 Total

- - - - 0-6
3 - 2 - 7-13
23 182 378 0 14-16
118 10 29 4 17-23
1,244 182 378 72 24-43
Widowed

3,310 701 961 198 44 and

above
4,695 1,075 1,748 274 Total
 The civil condition of Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore reflects the

pathetic situation of Namboothiri community. Table shows that 46.91% of male

members from Namboothiri community remained unmarried while unmarried women

were of 36.31%. The percentages of married women were only 21.37%. Of the total

percentage of Namboothiris the percentage of widowed male members was 3.65 %.

Of the widowed female it was 27.17 %.The societal power that was allocated to the

Namboothiri Brahmin community was not to last long with the coming of major

societal revisions. Thus a transformational phase was resulting that made the society

witness mixed outcomes.

The society of Brahmins following the misreading of Hindu religion gave only

a secondary position to their women. The essential duty of a woman was taken as

giving birth to children and taking care of them. In the society woman was a daughter,

mother or wife and nothing more than that. It also added to them an existence solely

based on their men. Once their husbands pass away, women lose their status in family

and suffer from many disabilities.

Namboothiri Brahmin women suffered from dowry problems acutely. A heavy

varadakshina in marriage prevailed during that time. Large sums of money amounting

Rs1000 to Rs 2000 were demanded as dowry and this practice led to alienation of

Brahmaswom properties and the ruination of families.496 This naturally led many

women of average Namboothiri families to remain unmarried till death. Many

Namboothiri women felt that being a Namboothiri woman was the worst fate any

human being could have, and they sometimes prayed that no one should ever "be born

a Namboothiri woman”.497

5.1.4 Slave System

496
Proclamation of Rani Gowri Parvathi Bai on 31st Karkkadakam 998 M.E., Show Case
Records, Government Archives, Thiruvananthapuram.
497
Interview with Athira D, Kallampilly Illom, Poovarani, Pala, Dated 8th March, 2015.
 Slavery was not something new to Travancore. The underlying concept was to

have a lower caste and gender enslaved by high class. The available inscriptions and

the copper plates are evidences to indicate the slave trade in medieval Kerala.

The Tharisappalli Copper Plates of the King of Venadu , Ayyanadikal Thiruvadikal is

a proof for the exchange of a plot of land to the Syrian Church at Tangasseri. It also

provides a special privilege for Christians as an exemption from the slave tax to the

Government. It reflects that slave trade was very prominent in Venad. 498 Its impact

was felt throughout Travancore. The origin of the institution of slavery is closely

associated with the beginning of the caste system in Travancore. By 1847, there were

1, 65,000 slaves in Travancore.499

The area of Travancore witnessed the supreme power position of Brahmins

with the latter’s socio-religious dominance. This in turn it led to a segregation of the
500
system into different caste groups. The poor and the destitute were dominated by

the high caste group. And those belonging to the supposed lower castes were under

the plight of slavery. Pulayas, Parayas, Paravas, Kuravas and Vettuvans were the
501
general categories casted as slaves. A deep system of segregation with the burden

of slavery started prevailing. Nayars enjoyed power with their close connections with

the Namboothiri Brahmins. They could become the chief land-holders and owners of

slaves.502 Oozhiyam service was mandatory for the group. It was made compulsory for

every slave to work on certain days in a year in the land of the upper class and that too

without pay. It was named oozhiyam and those who excused themselves were

punished severely. A villager, byname, Arumainayamgam refused to do oozhiyam

498
Velayudhan Panikkassery, Keralacharithrapatanangal (Mal.), Velayudhan Panikkassery,
Kumaranalloor, 1998, p.64.
499
C.M. Agur, Church History of Travancore, S.P.S Press, Madras, 1903, p.891.
500
K.K. Kusuman, Slavery in Travancore, Kerala Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1973, p.25.
501
Samuel Mateer , The Land of Charity:A Descriptive Account of Travancore and Its People,
With A Special Reference to Missionary Labour, p.297.
502
Francis Day, Land of the Perumals, Gantz Bros, Madras, 1863, p.27.
service and he attended the Sabbath worship. In consequence he was cruelly beat and

tortured by his masters.503

5.1.5 Devadasi System

Travancore witnessed another social evil in the form of the system of

devadasi. The meaning of devadasi is servant of devas of God. There was a time when

the system was given a holy touch with its close association with temple services. The

introduction of the system is traced to Rajaraja Chola I and to the space of

Suchindram temple.504 Devadasis were the dancing girls who were forced to dedicate

their lives in the temples.505A devadasi enjoyed no hope of retirement unless and until

she has a daughter and dedicates her to the temple. 506

In Kerala, Suchindram temple, Cheramangalam Vishnu temple, Sree Vallabha

temple at Thiruvalla, Keralapuram Siva temple, Padmanabhasamy temple and

Padmanabhapuram Ramaswamy temple were the prominent among those that started

practicing this system by the 11th century. Kaviyoor temple Granthavari of 1530 A.D

documented that Kaviyoor temple provided rice for two important Devadasis during

the first day of the festival to the tenth day.507 Though it was a place of morality and

spirituality, temples had a degenerating atmosphere after the Chera period. This

further led to a similar moral degeneration in the devadasi system and the word

devadasi became a synonym to the word prostitute. It was in turn heightened with the

power positions of the Namboothiri Brahmins. The tainted marriage practice of the

Namboothiris was the important reason for the deterioration of the devadasi

503
Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore Canara and
Malabar, W. Bulmer and Co., London, 1870, p.461.
504
K.K.Pillay, Studies in the History of India with Special Reference to Tamilnadu,
K.K.Pillai, Madras, 1979, p.520.
505
Census of India, 1901, Vol.XXVI, Part I, Trivandrum,1903, p.277.
506
Devaswom Department Records, Letter dated 23rd August 1907, KSA, Trivandrum, File
No.55/1907.
507
P.Unnikrishnan Nair,Thrikkaviyoor (Mal.),Dinesh Nair,Thiruvalla,2002,p.49.
system.508 The system soon gave way to sexual gratification for the high caste.509

Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai cites the prevalence of devadasi system in Kerala from 11th

century onwards. The consequence turned out to be slavery of young beautiful girls in

the name of the Gods. Namboothiris had them as their properties. 510 Chandrotsavam,

an erotic poem of the fifteenth century would give us enough insight into the instances

of moral degeneracy in lieu with the system of devadasi.511Thus the Namboothiri

domination and their amoral life altogether depraved the devadasi system.

5.2 Restrictions on the Social Privileges of Namboothiri Brahmins

Transition in various social practices has had far reaching impact on

the Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore. The period under study witnessed the

enactment of a series of legislations leading to changes and abolition of many social

institutions and practices. The lower strata of society were elevated to a degree of

social status through these legislations. This furthered a reshaping of the political,

social and economic condition in the state. The second quarter of the 18th century saw

improvements in the society. A more progressive trend appeared in the political scene

of Travancore with the reign of Marthanda Varma. The government of Travancore

was instrumental in enacting several proclamations and legislations pertaining to

different communities. These reformist policies broke the importance of the feudal

chiefs and eradications of social evils leading to a single system of administration in

the whole area of Travancore.

The British conquest in Kerala also brought about several changes in the

political and social contexts. The landlord -tenant relations that were loosely based on

508
George Philip, A Historical Anatomy of the Evolution of Social Revolution in Travancore,
Unpublished PhD Thesis, M.G University, Kottayam,2005, p.69.
509
Suma Rose,p.74.
510
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan PillaI, Janmi Sampradayam Keralattil (Mal.),National Books,
Kottayam ,1959,pp.3l5-316
511
A. Sreedhara Menon, p.275.
social conducts and general sanctioning got an instituted base with the coming of the

British. Property and inheritance, rent and dues to the landlord were all regulated by

the British system. It was the European missionaries who made educational

contributions on a large scale in Travancore. They worked largely among the avarna

Hindus. 512

Literacy started having its spread in the state of Travancore in nineteenth

century itself. To a certain extent the monarchical rule greatly supported it. And

together with the zeal of the missionaries it got an impetus. These developments led to

the decline of the rigidities of the caste system in Travancore. In the first half of the

19th century modern schools as well as village schools were started by the

government. The missionaries had already started seminaries. Many farsighted people

could get well versed in English and thus improve their own prospects. Some of them

even got appointments in higher ranking jobs in government service. Moreover, the

teaching of slave and lower caste students, to which the missionaries gave attention,

worked towards bridging a serious gap in the region's educational tradition.513 The

impact made by the missionaries on the society of Travancore at a time when

nationalism was unborn, far outweighed the number of followers they managed to

attract into their fold.514

512
Keith E. Yandell and John J. Paul,(eds.), Religion and Public Culture: Encounters and
Identities in Modern South India, Routledge,London,2013,p.167.
513
P. K. Michael Tharakan, “Socio-Economic Factors in Educational Development: Case of
Nineteenth Century Travancore”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XIX, No. XLVI ,
17 November, 1984, p.1959.
514
E.M. Paulose, The Protestant Missionaries and Social Reform in Travancore, 1806-1865,
Unpublished M-Phil Thesis, Calicut University, Calicut,1980, p.80.
5.2.1 Abolition of Dowry System

The Proclamation of 1823 issued by Rani Gouri Parvathy Bayi was a move to

improve the situation of women especially that of Namboothiri women in Travancore.

The queen issued a proclamation that “All virgins in the families of Namboothiris and

Potties should be married between the ages of ten to fourteen. An amount more than

700 fanams (Rs 100) was not permitted to be demanded as dowry”. 515 All the women

above fourteen, remaining unmarried shall be married within a period of two years

from this date.516

Later as an extension on 27 January 1940, T. Narayani Amma, woman-

member of the Sree Mulam Praja Sabha introduced the Travancore Anti- Dowry Bill.

This was introduced to restrain the ignominious custom of dowry in marriage. 517 The

bill declared that whoever gave or took or bargained to give or take a boy or girl in

marriage in lieu of receiving or promise of receiving any money or other gratification,

should be deemed to have committed an offence. Punishment suggested for the

violation of the rules was Rs.1000 /- and it was provided that no court shall take

cognizance of any offence under this Act save upon a complaint mode by a resident of

Travancore, within one year of the commitment.518

The Proclamation abolished the age old customs practiced within the

Namboothiri community. The notion of kanyadana, the gift of a maiden at marriage

had its base in Dharmasastras. These ideologies reinforced patriarchal practices and

patrilineal identities. Marriages were in turn a question of establishing prestige

515
Proclamation of Rani Gowri Parvathi Bai on 31st Karkkadakam 998 M.E.,Show Case
Records, Government Archives, Thiruvananthapuram.
516
T.K. Velupillai, The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, The Government Press,
Trivandrum, 1940, p.534.
517
Swapna Mukhopadhyay (ed.), The Enigma of the Kerala Woman: A Failed Promise of
Literacy, Social Science Press, New Delhi, 2007, p.114.
518
Proceedings of the Sree Moolam Popular Assembly ,Vol. XV,27 January, 1940 .
relations in society. But a change in situations contributed to restrict such patriarchal

norms deep rooted in the Brahmin society.

5.2.2 Freedom of Dress

The patriarchal norms of the society can be seen in the custom of women who

were expected to bare their breasts as a mark of respect before the Brahmins. This was

a heinous custom and the system was soon to be met with resistance especially in the

nineteenth century. The Shanar revolt was one such initiative in Travancore. The

custom was that women of high caste could cover their breasts and shoulders but it

was denied to Nadar climber women and other lower castes. Thus in 1822, Shanar

women came forward voicing their right. Under various pressures, especially from the

Madras Governor, Charles Trevelyan, on the 26th of July 1859, the King of

Travancore proclaimed freedom for the Nadar women to cover their breasts. The

women could either wear jacket, or could tie coarse-cloth around their upper-body.519

A proclamation was issued in 1865 by the Maharaja Ayilyam Tirunal

permitting the women of Ezhavas and all other castes to cover the upper parts of their

body.520 With the proclamation of 1865, government of Maharaja published a

circular on 1869 under the supervision of Divan Sir. T. Madhava Rao in which he

declared that “the custom of the Nayar women removing their top dress before the

Nampoothiris, high officials or while going to temples or palace shall not be

continued hereafter, as we do not consider it proper. They shall wear the top dress

while going to Temples, the palace and other places. Government officials shall not

restrict this in any manner.”521 But the changes were not soon to come. This lagging

was affected by the Namboothiri Brahmins and the Royal family members who

519
Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India, Princeton
University Press, New Jersey,1996, p.141.
520
Proclamation of 19th Mithunam,1040 M.E ,Neettu ,Vol. LXXI,pp.210-211
521
Samuel Mateer , The Land of Charity:A Descriptive Account of Travancore and Its People,
With A Special Reference to Missionary Labour, p.61.
considered it a disgrace when Nayar women started covering the upper part of their

body before them. But when it came into effect women could walk through the streets

properly dressed. It was starting point of the beginning of attempts by the backward

communities for equality before law. Education that they acquired helped them in

making forward moves in the society.

5.2.3 Abolition of Devadasi system

Women were not given their due respect by the patriarchal society of the

twelfth century AD. There were many systems that curbed the dignity of the women

folk. The moral and spiritual atmosphere of the temple degenerated and with it the

honour and social status of the devadasis declined.522 In the succeeding years the

social reformers and Christian missionaries felt that the existence of this system was a

social injustice to society and they wanted to uproot the system. As the evils of the

devadasi system manifested, the Government of Travancore sanctioned a complete

cessation of the system by a royal proclamation issued in 1930 during the Regency of

Sethu Lakshmi Bai.523The proclamation stated that conducting any ritual in regard to

making woman a devadasi is illegal and anyone who permits such ritual or takes part

in such ritual is punishable.524

5.2.4 Revocation of Ghee Ordeal

Besides various rules and regulations in Travancore, prohibition of ghee

ordeal was also introduced by the Sovereign for the proper conduct of the judicial

process.The interference of the British Government in Travancore laid the

foundations of modern administrative systems. This helped the people of Travancore

522
Rosamma Mathew, “The Struggle for Womens Rights and Liberation in Kerala,1900-
1947”,U.G.C Major Research Project, U.G.C, New Delhi,2012,p.17.
523
Lakshmi Raghunandan, At the Turn of the Tide: The Life and Times of Maharani Setu
Lakshmi Bayi, the Last Queen of Travancore , Maharani Setu Lakshmi Bayi Memorial
Charitable Trust, Bangalore, 1995, p.135.
524
R. Raman Nair and L. Sulochana Devi, Chattampi Swami: An Intellectual Biography,
Centre for South Indian Studies, Trivandrum, 2010, p.390.
to free themselves from the grip of many social evils. W. Cullen, the Resident in the

Kingdom of Travancore recommended the abolition of the ghee ordeal. He informed

that;

…trial by ordeal cannot be permitted to take place in any part of

Travancore and you were quite right in putting a stop to such

proceedings.525

In 1835 A.D Swathi Thirual Maharaja decided to discontinue the practice of

ghee-ordeal in Travancore.526 The new scheme conceived by W. Cullen and which

was approved by the Maharaja marked an important turning point in the history of

Travancore. This led to the replacement of the old traditional system of Namboothiri

Brahmins and an end of the exploitation under the mask of religious sanction.

5.2.5 Widow Remarriage

The Namboothiri Brahmin widows even at a very young age were not allowed

to remarry. This was a grievous situation for the women of the community. As per the

norms in Rig Veda a woman was allowed to remarry only under certain conditions.

The set conditions included cases where a husband left the woman for asceticism

before consummation, or where he turned insane or became an atheist or became

impotent. But these alternative cases were considered very inferior and were rarely

practiced by higher classes.527

The Government of Travancore came forward to bring changes and passed the

Travancore Hindu Widows Remarriage Regulations528on 22nd September 1938.The

Regulation aimed at making re-marriage of Hindu widows possible and the children

born also were to be legitimized. The Travancore Hindu Widows Re-marriage

525
Ghee Ordeal, Cover File No:15887, 1826.
526
A.Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, D.C.Books , Kottayam ,2007,p.341.
527
Interview with Harish P.M , Temple Priest , Palayattu Mundakkal Illom,Kottur ,
Thiruvananthapuram , Dated 16th February, 2015.
528
The Act and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. X, 1939,p. 11
Regulation was extended to the whole of Travancore. It was applicable to all

marriages of Hindu widows contracted before the commencement of this Regulation

or contracted on or after the commencement of this Regulation, whether such

marriages were allowed by custom or not. The Travancore Hindu Widows'

Remarriage Regulation helped in improving the situation of the Namboothiri widows.

It became a revolutionary step towards social progress of the Namboothiri

community.

5.2.6 Questioning the Power of Karanavans in Namboothiri Families

Antarjanam living under the patriarchal umbrella with the restriction of

Namboothiri community wanted to break the age old ideological grip over them. They

began to protest and articulate their needs and rights. The sole pacification was sought

from the judiciary. They had to search for a new identity and started openly protesting

against the prevailing customs and the patriarchal institution. The Travancore law

reports of the late 19th and early 20th century provide different cases of Antharjanam

filing cases against the Karanavan of their family. Though, comparatively less in

number as compared to the large number of cases of the period the voice of women

can be heard from these cases.

Travancore law report of 1888 indicates a case against the Karanavan through

Devaki Antarjanam Vs. Sambhu case. This case gave the verdict that the widow of an

illom had the right to protect the joint property of the illom from exploitation and

dishonesty by the trustee or manager.529The court also said that in the management

and enjoyment of property, the custom of Namboothiris does not differ from that of

the Marumakkathayam of Nayars, except that the Namboothiris follow the law of

descent through sons.530 The case can be perceived as the determination of a widow to

529
Devaki Antarjanam Vs. Sambhu, Travancore Law Report, No. 46, 1888.
530
Swarna Kumai and Aisha , “Fight for Property Rights-The Case of Antarjanam
arrest the tendency of the Karnavan in alienating the property violating the rule that

alienations could be made only in the interest of the family.

Another case of Lakshmi Umayamma Vs. Vasudevan Krishnan531 of 1912

resulted in the verdict of court giving the sole surviving member of an illom

unrestricted and unlimited powers of alienation. In another case called Sambu

Saraswathi Vs. Sankaran,532 the widow filed a case asking for maintenance from the

husband's illom though she was not willing to stay in the illom. The court recognised

her right of maintenance saying that a widow's refusal to reside in her husband’s illom

was no ground for denying her claim for separate maintenance. All these were

protesting signals to the dominant authoritative male who through ages had ignored

and suppressed women's initiative.

5.2.7 Matrimonial Reform

The system of sambandham that was followed by the Namboothiri Brahmins

did not improve the lot of Nayar women in a better position. Several reactions against

the outdated traditional systems in society emerged. The first novel in Malayalam that

criticized the sambandham system is Indulekha of Oyyarath Chandu Menon in 1889.

Indulekha was a very beautiful educated Nayar girl who was in love with her

muracherukkan, Madhavan. He was also an English educated handsome Nayar man.

Panchumenon, the uncle of Indulekha, was very unhappy with the relation between

Indhulekha and Madhavan and would not allow Madhavan to marry Indulekha. So he

invited a rich, middle-aged Namboothiri for sambatham with Indulekha. Since

Widows”, Proceedings of International Conference of Kerala History, SPCS , Kottayam,

2014, pp. 370-371.
531
Lakshmi Umayamma Vs. Vasudevan Krishnan, Travancore Law Report, No.26, 1912.
532
Sambu Saraswathi Vs. Sankaran,Travancore Law Report,No.4,1912.
Indulekha refused the man decided to marry Kaliyanikutty, a 14-year-old cousin of

Indulekha. 533

Travancore raised its sound for the legislations for the removal of bygone

customs and practices that prevailed among the people. The introduction and

enactment of a series of legislations led to a change in the social institutions and

practices. With the passing of the Malabar Marriage Act of 1896, in Travancore too a

bill was introduced by P. Thanu Pillai in 1896. Thanu Pillai found that the Malabar

Act did not recognize sambandham as the legal marriage.534This attempt was checked

by the Brahmins. Later the Government moved another bill and it became the Nayar

Regulation of 1913.

The Travancore Nair Act of 1913 recognized the sambandam union as legal

marriage and allowed wife and children of a Nayar one half of his self-acquired

property.535 Section 3 of the Travancore Nair Act dealing with marriage, specially

declared “Sambandham of a Nair female with a Nair or a high caste subsisting on the

day of the Regulation coming into force or solemnized thereafter should be deemed to

be marriage for all legal purposes.”536 Section 4 states that it could be dissolved in

cases where one of the parties is deceased or by mutual consent with the formal order

of dissolution by a competent authority. A maximum of Rs.2000 was the set amount

payable by the man to his wife in case he had forwarded the dissolution. When both

the parties clash over the compensation amount, court would take the decision after

considering the circumstances of the parties. A reasonable compensation to the

husband meant the repayment of pecuniary loss caused by the wife's breach of the

marital contract. It was laid down that after the Regulation comes into force, a

533
O. Chandu Menon, Indhulekha (Mal.), Spectator Achukoodam,Calicut,1993.
subsequent sambandham of a male or female during the continuance of a prior

sambandham or other marriage shall be deprived. 537

The draft Bill suggested maintenance of the wife and children by the husband

or the father as the case might be provided the wife did not commit adultery and retain

her religion. Accordingly in case of those marriage contracted under section 3, Clause

(II) after the death of the husband or father, wife and children were entitled to

maintenance out of the husband’s or father’s separate or self acquired property

provided the widow retained her religion, widowhood and chastity. Meanwhile it

contended that "Nothing herein contained shall affect the right of a wife or widow or

children to be maintained by the tarawads”.The Bill said that except for proper

necessity with the consent of the adult members of the tarwad no Karanavan or other

managing member should alienate taraward property or incur debts binding on the

tarawad.538

During the beginning of the 20th century several journals in Malayalam got

published with the sole agenda of fighting injustices of all kinds in society. Abhinava

Keralam was one such journal which strongly questions the concept that some people

are to be considered as Gods on Earth and idols are to be considered Gods. Abhinava

Keralam also strongly reacted against Sambandha system. It pointed out that

sambandham emerged out of the greedy need of Brahmins. For this purpose they

formed new deeds.539

na visham visham ity ahuh brahma-svani visliam uchyate |

534
Robin Jeffrey, p.186.
535
Anna Winterbottom and Facil Tesfaye (eds.), Histories of Medicine and Healing in the
Indian Ocean World, Vol.I, Palgrave Macmillan,USA,2016.
536
Report of the Marumakkathayam Committee ,Enclosure ‘A’ Draft Regulation, Part II,
Section III,1908.
537
Ibid.,Section VII,1908.
538
The Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1928, p. 820.
539
Abhinava Keralam, No.I,Vol.III, November ,1921,p.46.
 visham ekakinam hanti brahma-svam putra-pautrakam ||540

This phrase explains that if anyone acquired the property of Brahmins it brings

a big wrath to the whole generation of the acquired one. It is like poison but that does

not end with a single person. It spreads to generations after generations.

Nayar Regulation II of 1925 made additional grants concerning samdandham.

With this Act, sambandham was considered a regular marriage, conferring the

inheritance and property rights of children whose parents were both Namboothiris.

The most important part of the Act was the sub-section (1) and (2) of section 21. It

dealt with non-Nayar husbands.

On the death of a non-Nair male marrying a Nair female after the

commencement of this Regulation and leaving him surviving by such

marriage a widow or children or the lineal descendants of deceased

children or all, they shall, if the deceased has also left heirs

according to the law by which he is governed ,be entitled, after

deducting the reasonable expenses of his funeral, to one half of the

self-acquired and separate property left un disposed of by him at his

death, and, in the absence of heirs according to the law which he is

governed, such widow or children or the lineal descendants of

deceased children or all shall be entitled to the whole of such

property.541

The Government of Travancore took further steps to restrain the ultimate

power of the Karanavars of the community. The government took special interest to

promote arrangements for the better execution of the illoms of the Namboothiris, to

construe and restrain the powers of the Karanavar, to enhance the rights of the junior

540
B. Lewis Rice, Epigraphia Carnatica, Department of Archaeology,Mysore,1967,p.84.
541
The Regulation and Proclamation of Travancore, 1097-1100 M.E, Vol. V, Government of
Travancore, 1929, p.614.
members, and to lay down the rules of succession in respect of the self-acquisitions of

the Namboothiris. The Maharani Regent of Travancore passed the Travancore

Malayala Brahmin Regulation on 20 February 1931. The Regulation was declared

applicable to all Malayala Brahmins dwelling in Travancore.542

This regulation did not take away the rights of the karanavar to possess and

manage the properties of the illom and of the Devaswoms.543 A very accurate account

was in turn to be maintained by the Karanavar. And this regulation does not permit

the Karanavar to sell the illom immovable property except for consideration and illom

necessity. And if it seemed necessary to sell the property a written consent of all the

major members of the illom was to be produced. A noteworthy provision was that any

member of an illom was entitled to get a separate allotment of properties of the illom

for his or her maintenance, as the case might be provided there was just and sufficient

cause for such allotment. Thus the individual rights of the members of the illom were

defined. It also gave more freedom of enjoyment of illom properties by junior

members and removed the impediments to the growth of family life experienced by

the younger members of the illom.

Section 15 of Chapter IV said, “on the death of a Malayala Brahmin male

leaving him surviving caste widows and sons and daughters by caste wives they shall,

subject to provision of section 21 of the Nair Regulation II of 1925 take the whole of

the self-acquired and separate properties left unsettled by him at his death in equal

shares”. In case he died intestate, not survived by lineal descendants, it was provided

that subject to section 21 of the Nair Regulation of 1925, the undisposed property

542
The Regulation and Proclamation of Travancore, 1105-1104 M.E, Vol. VII,
Government of Travancore , Trivandrum ,1937,p.53.
543
The Regulation and Proclamation of Travancore, Vol. V,Government of Travancore ,
Trivandrum , 1937,p.614.
should devolve on the members of his illom.544When a Malayala Brahmin female

died, survived by sons and daughters, they should take the whole of the self-acquired

and separate property left unsettled at the death in equal shares. This in turn led to the

Namboothiri wealth that may get dispersed to the Nayar wives.

Times were changing that sambandham was to become a legally sanctioned

relationship as demanded by the Nayar community. This would also make the Nayar

woman and her children to have a right over the property of the Namboothiri husband.

Cash and property vested in the illoms was soon to be dispersed to the taravads. Thus

the wealth of Namboothiri families soon got drained to the Nayar community and the

former’s subsequent decline.545 Nayar community all the more has been pushing for

more and more reforms and activists started voicing.546 This would mean that even if

the husband was a Namboothiri, they could claim the property. This was a matter of

serious magnitude for the Namboothiris as their property was to be divided. Thus the

end result was that the wealth of the Namboothiris would soon be spent.547

5.2.8 Movements towards Social Equality with the Abolition of Slavery

With the coming of missionaries the practice of slavery began to decline. As

the missionaries got more converts from the slave castes the deplorable condition of

slaves agitated their minds from the very beginning. Missionaries tried to end the

plight of the slaves through various memorandum and propagandas.

When Col. Munro became the Resident Dewan of Travancore he influenced

Rani Lakshimi Bai to introduce several social reforms which helped the slaves to get

certain privileges which were hitherto denied to them. By the Proclamation of 1812,

544
The Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol.V, 1097-1100 M.E, p.614.
545
Mannarkandy Sahadevan, From Brahmanism to Liberalism: Ideologies, Attitudinal
Change and Modernity in Kerala, Anoja Saha, Palakkad , 2008,p.270.
546
Yogakshema, 7 September, 1921.
547
Mannarkandy Sahadevan, p.270.
Rani Lakshmi Bai issued a notification to the abolition of slavery. This proclamation

was published on the 21st Virichikam 987 ME as;

…with reference to the natives and foreigners who for the sake of

profit buy at a cheap rate, the boys and girls of several low caste

people of this country and sell them for a higher prices, take them to

distant places and pay tolls at sea ports and thus make a regular

bargain of them. As this is really a inhuman and disgraceful custom,

which ought to be checked, we hereby notify that no person shall, for

purpose of cultivation buy or sell Kuravars, Pariahs, Pulayahs,

Malayars, Vetars and others in mortgage, janmam or pattom, as is

done in many places or get title deeds with the prominent

landholders of the place concerning them or engaged such people

for cultivation and that no people of any other caste shall beyond

this natural customs, buy or sell children of their own caste or pay

toll to the sircar. Any one that acts in opposition to the notification

given above and has a regular dealing of the slaves shall be

subjected to severe punishments, their property confiscated and they

themselves banished from the country.548

The proclamation of 1815 A.D also led to the abolishment of taxes like

Talayara and Valayara.549 The same year also witnessed the removal of restrictions of

the lower castes especially the Ezhavas to carry umbrellas, lights and knives chained

with gold and to wear earrings. On 1861 Travancore government issued a notification

548
K.K. Ramachandran Nair,p.145.
549
Kunjan Pillai, Census of India, 1931, Vol. XXVIII , Part I, Travancore, p.330.
regarding the prohibition of the sale of children and also declared that anyone who

violated the rule will be under criminal punishment.550

The Royal Proclamation of 1815 had played its part in putting an end to the

oppressive situation of the peasants. Missionaries Mr. Athanasius and Vedamonickam

forwarded petitions to the Government regarding the handicaps associated with the

feudal taxes and services. As a consequence the Christians of Travancore got

exceptions from compulsory labour. Pounding of rice and oil supply were some of

such labour activities. It was with the Proclamation on 29 December, 1815 by Her

Highness the Maharani, Gouri Parvathi Bai that Christians got exemptions from

oozhiyam duties connected with Hindu Temples.551This Proclamation was considered

as the first major attempt relating to the abolition of oozhiyam in Travancore. The

next measure of importance was the Royal Proclamation dated 18th September, 1821

which relieved the Nadar Christians of Nanchilnadu from Sunday Oozhiyam services.

This was a setback especially to the high caste as they had been for ages enjoying free

service from the low caste.552 Oozhiyum services had demanded people from the low

castes to do various works like digging tanks, carrying leaves of palm and plantain

trees to various destinations. Travancore state also took away the restrictions in using

wheeled carriages by the common people and they were granted the privilege to use

it.553 This new steps can be taken as a move that shows the revolutionary change

happening in the society. Also the Namboothiris started paying money for the works

that others do for them at their households. This was a situation that was quite

unimaginable ages back.

550
S. Raimon ,Thiranjedutha Sarkar Theetturangal (Mal.),Government of Kerala,
Thiruvananthapuram,1939,p.31.
551
C.M. Agur, p.18.
552
D. Peter and Peter Ivy, Liberation of the Oppressed :A Continuous Struggle, Kanyakumari
Institute of Development Studies, Nagercoil, 2009, p.6.
553
S. Raimon,p.46.
 However, all these Proclamations had nothing to do with the absolute abolition

of slavery. Slaves continued to be bought and sold. For completely stopped the

slavery, Maharajah Swathi Thirunal was presented with a petition by the Christian

missionaries on the 19th of March 1847 through the Resident William Cullen.554 But

the complete emancipation of slaves was taken to be a daring task by the king which

needs extreme caution to carry out. The Resident could not be satisfied with the reply

and he sent a memorandum to the Dewan. The Resident wanted the Dewan to observe

the provision of the Act V of 1843 passed by the Indian Government. This in turn

resulted in the Proclamation of 1853 by which slavery was legally abolished.

However, the Proclamation of 1853 had its own loopholes and drawbacks. Slavery

continued to exist and the English noticed it. The Resident was dissatisfied with the

working of the controversial second and fifth clauses in the Proclamation.555 The

drawbacks of 1853 Proclamation were so glaring. On 24th June, 1855 Maharajah

Utram Tirunal issued a royal proclamation banning slavery altogether in Travancore.

According to this Proclamation slavery was totally abolished and all those

who came forward with the idea of abolition of slavery or amelioration of the

condition of the slaves were accepted and agreed not to disturb the economic

structure.556As part of liberalizing the slave castes of Travancore, oozhiyam or forced

labour demanded by the Government was also completely stopped in 1865.557As an

added blessing the missionary institutions provided the oozhiyars with skilled

expertise in carpentry, weaving and metallic works in case they lose oozhiyavela.

The resolution and assurance that the adiyalans showed upon conversion was

great. There was a subversion of the power of the Brahmin community. The adiyalas

554
Memorandum of the Missionaries, 19 March,1847.
555
English Records, Residents letter to the Dewan of Travancore, 5 May, 1854.
556
Royal proclamation, 1855.
557
V. Balakrishnan and R. Leela Devi, Mannath Padmanabhan and the Revival of Nairs in
Kerala, Vikas Publishing, New Delhi,1982,p.13.
started becoming rebellious. They not only had themselves converted disregarding the

warning of the janmis but even had the courage to skip the work on Sundays. 558 Upon

conversion they could get at least a day off from doing oozhiyavela as Sunday was

taken to be a day of holy duties in the Christian faith. This rebellious conduct spread

even to other spheres of their lives. The adiyalas who were hitherto afraid to be

present in front of the upper castes started forwarding themselves in the public as

speakers and preachers. They started to visit the homes of the janmis. The practice of

untouchability was questioned. Christianity provided them with courage to challenges

inequalities.

5.3 Modern Education and Namboothiri Brahmins

The first decade of the 19th Century witnessed the arrival of Missionaries in
559
Travancore. Their activity took on the character of movements in educational and

social reforms. Schools and seminaries were set up with a vision of imparting spiritual

education as well as western science and language learning. The London Missionary

Society, the Church Missionary Society, the Church of England Zenena Missionary

Society, the Baptist Missionary Society and Evangelical Missionary Society were

some of them.560 People of lower castes and women were focused. The time was quite

harsh towards the idea of educating people of low caste and women when the

missionaries came to Travancore. Such social taboos were shaken off by the

missionaries. Even Government had to start noticing the effort of the missionaries.

During the Residentship of Col. Munro, many facilities were offered to them.

This encouragement led to phenomenal increase in their activities. The Missionary

558
Interview with Kesavan Namboothiri , Kizhakke Nilee Mana Illom,Vakathanam ,
Kottayam, Dated 4th December, 2015.
559
P.Chandramohan, “Colonial Connections of Protestant Missionaries in Travancore”,
Journal of Indian Historical Review, Vol. XXVI, Indian Council of Historical Research,
New Delhi,1999, p.1.
560
Suma Rose,p.96.
work could be classified according to the nature of their work as evangelical, pastoral,

political, industrial, medical, educational and literary. The Protestant Missionaries did

not attach much importance to caste status. They focused on religious conversion and

the converted were provided with free education. Thus the latter entered the world of

reading and writing and Churches became centres of learning. The major contribution

of the missionaries was in the field of modern education.

One of the most important influences of modern education was the

tendency to question the establishment of caste system and supremacy of Namboothiri

Brahmins. The missionaries had started a number of educational institutions

throughout the area of their work with the sole purpose of educating the backward

communities. They were fully aware of the fact that educational work was a necessary

pre-requisite to their religious work. Rev. William Tobias Ringeltaube was the

pioneer in the field of modern education in Travancore.561

The missionaries found that it was through education they could get into

contact with the society and make people embrace Christianity. They asserted the

right of people of oppressed castes to modern education and began the efforts at

female education right from the start. Their education was a fine opportunity

particularly for the avarnas. Missionaries started setting up dispensaries and hospitals

though their basic goal was conversion. They preferred less wealthy classes than the

predominant. As a result of this, slowly the hitherto neglected section came to emerge

in socio-political spheres asserting themselves in social and liberal movements. With

this measure lower castes were emancipated and the out-caste Christians got educated.

They came to the position of the middle class and the Ezhavas also improved their

position gradually. Land got redistributed to them which shook the economic stability

561
Richard Lovett, p.22.
of Nayars and Namboothiris.562 The nineteenth century missionary, Samuel Mateer,

writes:

Let (the educational class of Travancore) take a decided stand

against the social evils of caste. Let them make an attempt in

real earnest to raise the masses by primary education and by a

few firm and resolute measures against the cruel oppression of

the poor and helpless; and a solid and general advance in

national prosperity, power, and happiness will speedily be

evident to the world.563

During this time the Brahmins were far behind in moving with the waves of

the time especially with English education. Though the Namboothiris were well

versed in Sanskrit and Vedas they were extremely backward and failed to move in

time and line with the society. Their main obstacles were false prestige, lack of need

and Brahmacharya from the age of 7 to 16 which tampered the school going age.564

When English schools were started it was considered outrageous for the orthodox

section to study mleechabhasha or ‘Vulgar’ language. Thus even during 1910 they

were extremely backward in English education and many of them followed the
565
traditional Sanskrit education. Such an education was useful when religion carried

much weight in the society. Under the changed circumstances it had less utility. By

1860, numbers of English and Malayalam schools were started in Travancore. 566 But

562
International Congress on Kerala Studies, Vol.II, AKG centre for Research and Studies,
Trivandrum,1994, p.104.
563
Samuel Mateer, Native Life in Travancore, p,352.
564
Namboothiri Website Trust, Namboothiris and Perumaals, Namboothiri Websites Trust ,
Calicut, Retrieved on 12 March ,2015,
http://www.namboothiri.com/articles/yogakshemasabha.htm
565
Interview with Madhavan Namboothiri, Thalikkal illom, Haripad, Dated 22nd April,
2015.
566
George Mathew, Communal Road to a Secular Kerala, Concept Publishing Company,
New Delhi, 1989, p.35.
the number of Namboothiri children going to school was less than meager. The table

5.3 clearly shows the situation of the time.

Table 5.3

Community wise Distribution of Students Enrolled in the Schools in

Travancore, 1862567

Community Number of Student in 1862 %

Nayars 424 26.85
Christians 315 19.95
Tamil Brahmins 266 16.85
Muslims 37 2.34
Namboothiri Brahmins 1 0.06
Others 19 1.20
Total 1062

The drastic deviance from the part of the Namboothiri is quite conspicuous.

This deviance cannot completely be attributed to the caste base alone as Tamil

Brahmins had 16.85% of their children enrolled while the Namboothiri Brahmins only

.06%.Thus traditional society witnessed a change in situations. With acquiring

education there occurred a change in the hitherto followed customary restrictions. As

knowledge was power the lower castes came to taste the same which was earlier

accessible only for the high caste. What is quite conspicuous is that it was not the

Brahmin community as a whole who lagged behind in matters of education and

progress.

When examine the Census report of 1931 the percentage of literacy rate of

Namboothiri Brahmins is very low even when compared to the percentage of other

Brahmins. The table below illustrates the fact.

567
Administrative Report of Travancore, 1863-1864, pp.20-21.
 Table 5.4
Literacy Rate of Brahmins (Census of 1931)568

Total Literate in
Caste Literate Illiterate
Population English

Female

Female

Female

Female
Total

Total

Total

Total
Male

Male

Male

Male
Namboothiri
4,362

4,307

8,669

1,123

2,640

3,105

5,745
795
328

69

14

83
Brahmins

Other
13,931
7,498

6,433

4,853
2,240

7,093

1,426

3,055

4,481

556

571
15
Brahmins

It is observed that the percentage of other Brahmins having literacy with

regard to the total population of them is around 50%. That is half of the population are

literate among the non- Namboothiris. While among the Namboothiris the percentage

is only 12. The percentage of illiteracy among the Namboothiris is around 66 which

are quite huge. The table also shows the rate of literacy in English. For the

Namboothiris it is quite pathetic. The rate is even below one percentage while for the

non- Namboothiris it is at least 4 percentage. Thus we see that it is something quite

unique for the Malayala Brahmins.

With the spread of education the language that was made popular was not

Sanskrit but Malayalam. Till then Sanskrit was the important medium of expression

of the socially privileged. Malayalam emerged as the vernacular literature. The credit

of compiling the first Malayalam-English Dictionary on scientific basis goes to a

568
Census of India 1931, Travancore ,Vol.XXVIII, , Part II,Table XIV, Government
Press, Trivandrum, 1932, pp.129-131.
German Missionary, Benjamin Bailey.569This in itself made a tremor to the rooted

supremacy of the language of the high caste. This was in turn paving way for the

downturn of the hegemonic supremacy of Namboothiri Brahmins.

5.4 Interruption on Caste Based Society

With the introduction of English education and salaried employment the land

owning communities suffered a setback. The movement for social changes that came

from the lowest sections of the society provided them with a chance to escape from

the oppression of the caste system and also to have a respectable status acknowledged

by the Travancore Government. This turn of events helped the lower sections to have

a better sense of existence. The association of the backward communities with the

missionaries also led to the end of an old way of life and the beginning of a new era.

The European power worked to crate certain structural changes in the

economy of Travancore in the nineteenth century. Newer undertakings such as coffee,

tea and rubber plantations were the results of their efforts. The cultivation and export

of cash crops increased considerably. During the 19th and 20th century Travancore,

State concentrated more on trade and commerce. With the proclamation of 1814, Col.

Munro encouraged cotton cultivators by awarding prizes for increased production.

There were certain customs duties that got abolished on 165 minor articles. They

invited tenders for taking up the monopoly of nutmeg plantation in Pattanapuram

taluk, which was formerly granted to a European. For the purpose of the promotion of

commerce, fixing the price and terms of purchasing cardamom by the Government

from cultivators was implemented. Special concessions were given to the weavers and

State abolished cess on weavers and kudiyan was free from tax remittance.570 The coir

569
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History,p.328.
570
S. Raimon ,pp.2-43.
mats and matting industry was introduced in Travancore in 1859.571 During the 1920s

a number of joint stock increased. Moreover these centres of work improved the

habitation and wage earning capacity. Travancore witnessed a pronounced shift both

in its economy and the structure of the work force away from agriculture to

processing industries.572

The distribution of various castes employed in this field shows the importance

of the development of industries from the social point of view. Ezhavas, Nayars,

Nadars, Muslims and Christians benefited largely from the turn of events. The

progress in industrialization led to the emergence of a middle class group of society.

This new working class emerged with no relevance to caste and religion. It was this

new group which in subsequent years worked at the apex of various socio political

activities. Rigid caste feelings began to wean away because on many occasions they

had to stand together for their economic rights. These new economic activities

increased the mobility among the population. In the feudalistic society labour was

almost an obligation. In the new state of affairs labour classes were raised from the

status of mere agricultural labourers to that of labourers working for wage for

stipulated hours of a day.

The closed society which once existed in Travancore had been due to the

extreme immobility in the territorial, occupational and religious life of the people. The

low caste became generally free from the bonds of upper caste and hence they readily

made greater use of the new avenues of life than other social groups. Thus the new

turn of events made a transformation in the discriminating system of caste in

Travancore. Caste that determined status in earlier times came to be replaced by class

571
Coir Bord ,Commodity Note on Coir Mattings, Rugs, Mourzouks, and Carpets, Cochin,
1969,p.2.
572
Report of the Travancore Banking Enquiry Committee, 1930, Vol.I, Trivandrum
Government Press, Trivandrum, 1931, p.16.
concerns wherein those who were once subjugated rose to prominence. While those

who were once prominent settled to lower degrees of class structures because of their

hesitancy to change with the times. Such were the group of Namboothiris in

Travancore. Society started breaking free of the feudalistic structure under the

Namboothiri Brahmins. As they could not utilize the new opportunities of the time

they stayed back. In a class based society they were not able to make their hold.

With the introduction of western education, people in Travancore could

understand that political and economic situation in the state was unfavourable to their

interests and hence, they demanded a share in the administration.573 On the 11th

January, 1891, the leading communities jointly submitted a memorial to Sri Mulam

Tirunal, the Maharajah of Travancore.574 The Memorial was called the Malayali

Memorial or Travancore Memorial and was signed by more than ten thousand of

citizens. K.P. Sankara Menon, C.V.Ramam Pillai, Advocate Norton, C. Krishna Pillai,

K.P. Padmanabha Menon, M.K. Padmanabha Pillai and G. Parameswaran Pillai were

the most active leaders in preparing the Memorial.575They questioned the very basis

of the enjoyment of special rights in Travancore. This was the first visible sign of

political discontent in the State.

Following the Malayali Memorial, the Ezhava Memorial was presented to the

Maharaja of Travancore on 3rd September 1896 under the guidance of Dr. Palpu. The

Ezhava Memorial pointed out that the advantages enjoyed by the Ezhavas who were

converted to Christianity should also be extended to the Ezhavas who had not

changed their religion. Although they did not receive a favourable response from the

573
C.M. Agur,pp.568-570.
574
T.K. Ravindran, Vaikom Satyagraha and Gandhi,Narayana Institute of Social and Cultural
Development,Trichur, 1975,p.26.
575
K.M. Mathew, The Eighth Ring: An Autobiography, Penguin Books, U.K, 2015,p.61.
government, it contributed to the spread of national awareness in Travancore. 576All

these memorials gave expression to the political awakening of the people of

Travancore.

The social division of Travancore society into upper class and lower class and

special privileges enjoyed by the high castes created many problems leading to social

disharmony and communal conflicts. The social and religious awakening of various

communities in Kerala encouraged the low caste Hindus to fight against social

injustice and for the removal of untouchability. These actions initiated by the

intellectuals brought the socio-cultural renaissance of the nineteenth and early

twentieth century in Travancore. The movement earned inspiration from the social

reformers like Chattambi Swamikal, Sree Narayana Guru and Ayyankali.

The endeavour of Sree Narayana Guru resulted in radical changes in the

existing ideology and institution of the society. According to Guru, caste was not

determined by God. If caste is necessary, let everyone be a Brahmin. By his inspiring

message of brotherhood-one caste, one religion, one God for the mankind .Guru asked

the lower caste people to organise themselves for achieving their rights. Since caste

was associated with traditional occupations, the Ezhavas were advised and

encouraged by Guru to give up toddy tapping and instead take up industry, trade and

commerce. As a furthering effort he had opened a weaving workshop in Sivagiri

Ashram. It was directed to train poor Pulaya and Ezhava boys so that they are

equipped with some means of livelihood.577 Ayyankali worked for the upliftment of

Pulaya caste and organised the Pulayas to achieve equal rights. In 1907, Ayyan Kali

formed an organization by name ‘Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sangham’ for the

576
Ibid.
577
M.S.A. Rao, Social Movements and Social Transformations : A Study of Two Backward
Classes Movements in India, Macmillan Company of India, Madras, 1979, p.38.
emancipation of the Pulaya.578 Chattampi Swamigal had a liberal social outlook. In

his religious work Vedadhikaranirupanam, Swamigal shattered the myth of

Brahmin’s right to the monopoly of Vedic learning and asserts the right of every

Hindu, irrespective of caste, has free access to the treasures of the Vedic lore.579

The First major struggle against social injustice and the removal of

untouchability was the famous Vaikom Satyagraha. A committee comprising of T.K.

Madhavan, K. Kelappan, K.Velaudha Menon, T.R. Krishnaswami Iyer and Kuroor

Neelakandan Namboothiri was formed to wardoff the evil customs in the society. Its

aim was to get the approach roads to the Vaikom temple opened for the low caste

people of the Hindu community. They had been forbidden to use roads and ways near

the temple.580 The denial of the right of free movement created indignation among the

educated when they became aware of social discrimination.

According to tradition, Vaikom temple is said to have been constructed by

Parasurama. The story goes that he found the sacred linga submerged in shallow

water on the shore of the Vembanad Lake and removed it to the present spot and built

a temple there. The sage is said to have stayed here for one whole year performing the

ceremony of Sahasrakalasam and feeding daily a number of Brahmins.581 This

ceremony is continued even to this day. The poojas were performed by the officiating

priest. As per the customs of those days , the avarnas were not allowed to use the

approach roads to the Vaikom temple and notice boards were put up to prohibit them

from entering and to remind them of their inferior status. The restrictions were

imposed by the high caste savarnas against the low caste avarnas because casteism

578
K.K. Kusuman, p.12.
579
K.P.K. Menon , Chattambi Swamigal :The Great Scholar-Saint of Kerala,1853-1924,
P.G Narayana Pillai,Trivandrum,1967,pp.32-33
580
S. Raimon, Selected Documents of Vaikom Satyagraha, Government of Kerala,
Thiruvananthapuram,2006, p.i-ii.
581
A. Sreedhara Menon ,Kerala District Gazetteers, Kottayam District, Trivandrum,
1975, p.542.
and untouchability were created by them and prevailed in society without any

challenge. These ills of the society were opposed by the people through Vaikom

Satyagraha. On 30th March 1924, a Satyagraha campaign was started in front of the

temple at Vaikom in Central Travancore by members of Ezhava caste, Syrian

Christians and some high caste Hindus.582 The movement was met with resistance

from a part of the orthodox thinkers.

On 1925, a savarna meeting was held at Vadayattu for discussing the

restraints caused by the Vaikom satyagrahies for them. Hatred of savarnas towards

Vaikom satyagraha gets reflected though the meeting held at Vadayattu. In this

meeting the savarnas decided to submit a memorandum to Her Highness Sethu

Lakshmi Bai, against the Vaikom satyagrahies and express their hatred towards it.

With this memorandum they wanted to suppress the satyagraham.583 It was during the

heydays of the Brahmin supremacy in medieval period in Travancore that caste

restrictions remained unchallenged. The temples were considered as sanketam

grounds and reserved exclusively to the high caste Hindus. Further the low caste

Hindus were not permitted to enter the temples.

With the visit of Mahatma Gandhi the Satyagraha received nationwide

attention.584 Then later the proceedings resulted in the historic Temple Entry

Proclamation. The dreams of equalization for all castes in the state have already

started sprouting. The proclamation was issued on 12th November 1936 by Maharaja

Sri Chithira Thirunal. This proclamation applied only to temples under the

management of Government. And later in November 1950, the temples under private

managements were open for all sections of the Hindu community by the Travancore-

582
Richard Sisson and Stanley Wolpert (eds.),Congress and Indian Nationalism: The Pre
independence Phase, University of California Press,Berkeley,1988,p.187
583
S. Raimon, pp.189-192
584
G.Krishnan Nadar, Down Trodden Movement in Kerala, Krishnan Nadar,
Thiruvananthapuram, 2007,p.65.
Cochin Temple Entry Act which was passed by Travancore-Cochin State

Assembly.585

The act brought forth right to every Hindu to enter any temple and offer

worship without any restrictions on caste or sect. Again the government of

Travancore-Cochin passed The Travancore-Cochin Removal of Social Disabilities

Act in 1950. It aimed at removing social disparity. The Act was extended to the whole

of the State of Travancore-Cochin.586 The Act provided that no person owning or in

charge of any secular institution should impose or cause or suffer to be imposed on or

against any person, any restriction or discrimination in the matter of admission to or

service in such secular institutions on the ground that he belonged to a particular

religion or caste or creed. It made people of every caste and creed to have access to

any stream, river, and other water resources and also to pathways, latrine

conveniences or means of transport which are maintained out of state funds for the

good of the public. No Hindu is to suffer under class or sub-caste disparity. The Act

was even concerned with the disparity in transactions. No one on his caste basis

should be denied the right to buy articles and no dealers are allowed to withhold any

article from a person whom he considers a lower caste member. In case of deviances

even imprisonment for a period of six months or fine up to one thousand rupees, or

both were done. In short the Act worked to protect the rights of the commons in the

society.

Thus the time witnessed a lot of changes regarding the religious conduct that

was considered a monopoly of the Namboothiri Brahmins in Travancore. The places

and spaces solely preserved for the high caste came to be occupied by others. The

high community lost their power and control over the matters of the time. The main

585
Travancore-Cochin Government Gazette,19 September ,1950.
586
The Travancore -Cochin Code, Vol.II, Act VIII,1950.
clauses under which this change happened can be categorised as; transformation from

a caste based society; breaking the lineage of strict patriarchal norms; and relaxation

of the hegemonic religious conduct. The low rate of literacy and education by the

Namboothiri community made them lag behind.587When the social reforms of the

time aimed at rebellious reforms at Namboothiri the efforts of visionaries within the

high caste worked patiently to make their community aware of the root problems.

Such a group of visionaries who emerged within the community worked not with

revenge but with an aim of uplifting the community of which they were a part of. This

group was the Namboothiri Yogakshema Mahasabha. The thrust field of this group

was a positive transformation of the Namboothiri community.

Among the caste organizations of Kerala, the Namboothiris were rather slow

in imbibing caste cluster consciousness.588 When other communities were influenced

by reforms, Namboothiris were reluctant to it and were under the influence of many

customs and practices that were not suitable to the period. The introduction of modern

western education created an upward movement to various other castes in Kerala. The

Missionary education was a fine opportunity particularly for the avarnas. But

probably believing in the permanence of the landed wealth they had, Brahmins

refused to take English education. "Many (Brahmins) were following the blind belief

they once had’’.589 Gradually there was a shift in the economic balance established

between the communities. The low caste Hindus in particular turned to eradicate the

evil customary practices amongst themselves and strived to get those social and

political rights which had been denied to them for ages.

587
Interview with Usha Devi, Former president of Vanitha Yogakshema Sabha, Kottayam,
Dated 2nd April, 2014.
588
Lucy Caroll, “Colonial Perception of Indian Society and the Emergence of Caste
Associations”, Journal of Asian Studies, February, 1978, p.233.
589
Malayala Manorama,19 July ,1905.
 The Mysorean interlude, land survey and settlement work of the nineteenth

century, the introduction of tenure reforms, the application of British concept of

ownership of land which made it saleable, had far reaching effects in the economic

structure in Kerala. Land could be sold to anyone who had money disregarding caste

status. The situation made financially sound Namboothiri families into middle

class while middle class families became poor. And the already suffering families

totally struggled. They got deprived of their earlier political role and social dominance

enjoyed in the previous centuries and was forced to confine themselves to spiritual

and religious affairs.590 To add to this economic setback was the matrimonial custom

prevalent in the community. Thus it was high time a change happened within the

community itself. The first step in this direction of social transformation and progress

in terms of modernity was focused on marriage system, widow remarriage, education,

dowry system etc.

5.5 Namboothiri Yogakshema Mahasabha and the Brahminical

Transformation
A designed and conscious effort to reform Namboothiris started in the first

decade of the 20th century resulting in the formation of Yogakshema Mahasabha.

During the months of February and March, 1908, certain Namboothiris joined at

Cherumukku Vaidikan's Illom. Desamangalam Valiya Sankaran Nambudiripad was

the one who took charge of the discussions and proceedings of the meetings.591This in

turn resulted in the formation of the regional organization Namboothiri Yogakshema

Mahaasabha. It was known under many different banners viz; Namboothiri

Federation, Namboothiry Samajams, Welfare Societies, Malayala Brahmana

Mahaasabha and The Namboothiri Mahaasabha.The first two amalgamated to form

590
C.A. Innes ,Malabar Gazetteers, Kerala Gazetteers Department, Thiruvananthapuram,
1997,pp.105-106
591
Mangalodayam,Vol.I, No.I, 1909,p.24.
the later Yogakshema Sabha. Yogakshema Mahasabha declared its primary aim as the

protection of Brahmanism.592

The members with enlightened views aimed at removing the feudalistic

character of their community. Also they wanted to oust superstitions and other

discriminatory customs in their community. They supported and welcomed the new

era of Western education, upward mobility and the educational, religious, political

and economic progress of the community.593

The activities spearheaded by this Mahasabha can be taken as the base for

future developments committed to the upliftment of Namboothiri Brahmins. Kurur

Unni Nambudiripad, Chittoor Narayanan Namboothirippad and V.T. Bhattathiripad

were the major stalwarts in the pioneering phase of the Sabha. V.T. Bhattathiripad

was radical in the action and he desired change not only for the Namboothiri

community but for the entire society of Kerala. He encouraged widow remarriage in

the Brahmin society and tried to reform the conservative practices of the Namboothiri

community in particular and the society at large. Adukkalayilninnum Arangathekku

made a tremor and marriage reform among Namboothiris was the central theme of the

drama and it was the first social drama in Kerala.594 Together with him there was

Desamangalam Valiya Sankaran Nambudiripad who became an active worker of the

Namboodiri Yogakshema Sabha.

The Sabha focused on marriage customs. Yogakshema Sabha took

a decision in 1919 and voiced against the sambandham and promoted the marriage of

all Namboothiris within the community. This was of course a revolutionary move. A

592
Palakeezh Narayanan (ed.), VT: Oru Ithihasam (Mal.), Cherukad Smaraka Trust,
Perinthalmanna, 2004,p.28.
593
P.K. Aryan Namboothiri, Nalukettil ninnu Nattileykku (Mal.), Mangalodayam
press,Trichur,1969, pp.32-34.
594
M.R. Manmathan, “Theatre as an Apparatus of Reform: Reflection on Adukkalayil Ninnu
Arangathekku”, Journal of the Institute for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vol.I, No.II, IRISH, Kannur, 2009, pp.230-233.
meeting was held at Thrissur on the 25th of 1919 with an aim to introduce various

social reforms. The Madras Namboothiri Act of 1933 was passed in the same year, the

Madras Marumakkathaayam Act was passed, by which sambandham was considered

a regular marriage with legal validity, conferring on the children the same rights of

inheritance and property as held by children of the Namboothiri community. These

laws decreased the number of sambandham marriages and also led to the liberation of

Namboothiri wives and girls who were in misery. Earlier they could not get young

Namboothiri boys for marriage because of the practices of polygamy and parallel

sambandhams by elder sons.

In Travancore, the Namboothiri community found it hard to go with the

changing situations especially with modern education. In his autobiography, V.T.

Bhattathiripad says that he felt ashamed to realize that he could not read a Malayalam

advertisement even when he was at the age of eighteen. 595 In March 1919, a magazine

of Mitavadi reported the increased number of Ezhava students in Travancore in 1914.

It was around 23,893 which hiked to 51,114 in 1918, an increase of 114 percentage

within four years.596Therefore sabha could initiate changes and importance was given

to knowledge of English and the importance of English education was included in the

agenda of the Yogakshema Mahasabha.

It was in the field of education that the Yogashema Mahasabha had its major

advancement. In 1919 at Edakkunni, near Thrissur, Namboodiri Yogakshema

Mahasabha took the initiative for Nambodiri Vidyalayam to give modern education to

Namboothiri boys and girls. In 1931, the school went for a system of co-education.

English coaching was arranged for the girls in Brahmaswom Madhom at Thrissur so

that they can get admissions in Vidyalayam. It went to the extent of creating public

595
V.T. Bhattathiripad, V.T.yude Sampoorna Krithikal(Mal.),D.C Books, Kottayam, 1997,
p.188.
596
P.K.Gopalakrishnan, p.513.
opinion that free feeding houses called oottupura for Brahmins should be stopped and

the funds be diverted for education.597 With all these developments the Namboothiris

were made aware of the changing times and the need to change with the time.

The Yogakshema Mahasabha pressed for five main objectives which were to

allow all young Namboothiri men to marry within the community; eradicate both

illiteracy and lack of modern education; abolish the practice of veiling or marakkuda

among women; widow remarriage and end of the evils of untouchability and

unapproachability. The year 1942 witnessed the Namboothiri Yogakshema

Mahasabha getting dissolved.

Though the study is confined to the period before the ‘birth of Kerala’, a

detailed analysis of the contributions of the Yogakshema Mahasabha exposes the role

played by the Sabha for a transformational spurt in the community. Sabha worked for

bringing reforms among Namboothiri community and also acknowledged the larger

socio-political developments including resisting colonial domination, cultural

practices and ending economic exploitation as foundational in achieving their desired

goal. It was a period that witnessed the disintegration of the Namboothiris from the

high position. And it was in the same period major efforts were taken from within the

community itself that initiated reforms to improve their welfare in accordance with

the changing circumstances.

Having analyzed ‘Socio - Religious Reform Movements and Impacts’ it is

evident that the society of Travancore was desperately in need of certain

reformational attempts. The socio religious set up of the region pressed for such

purgation in the society. The hierarchical superiority of the Brahmin community,

under religious sanctioning, made lives for others miserable. The discriminatory

practices made unpleasant divides within the society. At the same time various

597
Yogakshemam, 1 October1920
customs within the Namboothiri community had shaken the very roots of the

privileged sect. The matrimonial practices among the Namboothiris had varied

consequences. It had its own negative impacts that needed to be attended to.

Namboothiri women had an unenviable existence under the caste and gender oriented

societal practices. Devadasi system debauched the situation further. Gradually society

witnessed changes especially with the changing reign and spread of literacy. The rigid

rules of caste system were having a reversal. Matrimonial reforms were also

introduced. A call for social equality made its new face appear in the society. Modern

education called for a ‘reasonable’ reformation in the society. But the Namboothiris

lagged behind in grabbing the opportunities of various changes which subsequently

affected them negatively. It was under such a situation that the Yogakshema

Mahasabha came forward to make reformations with the Namboothiri community lest

they would be left behind. Thus a community who were the main cause for reforms

started attempting reforms within themselves.

Map showing the Major Namboothiri Brahmin Illoms