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I
n the Eastern and Southern reaches of the island of Mindanao live modern peoples whose
ancestors lived off the land as swidden farmers, forest foragers and fishers. Today, they live in
quiet interior villages as well as crowded city neighbourhood, some as farmers, others as wage-
workers with a range of variation in between. We know them today not only as citizens of a
modern country, as Filipinos but also by an abundance of ethnonames, each linked to homeland
within Mindanao’s predominantly mountainous landscape. The exceptional diversity of ethnicities,
languages and homelands does not encumber highland inhabitants of Mindanao; by contrast,
others might consider this diversity a problem. The Philippine government, for instance, refers to a
blanket category of indigenous peoples (IPs) or cultural communities (ICCs); in Mindanao, many
community-based organizations refer to a region-specific category of lumad that signals a historical
and cultural status distinct from Christian and Muslim majorities. All these terms used to refer to
Mindanao’s indigenous peoples deemphasize differences amongst them. These terms are rarely used
self-referentially in everyday speech. Instead, Mindanao’s indigenous populations use many names
to express identity and belonging. How do we begin to articulate their vision of a complex social
world, one that takes into account their past and present, includes other peoples who have long
lived alongside them as well as those who have historically dominated them?

ETHNONAMES IN HISTORY

Through centuries of contact with outsiders, an astounding variety of named groups have flowered
in Mindanao. Some ethnonyms were self-ascribed or coined by friendly neighbours; Manobo
for “human being,” Bukidnon1 or Mandaya for “people from the mountains,” or Tagabawa for
“Southerner” are some examples. When recorded by those who were indifferent to their existence
or seeking to dominate them, older meanings fade and suggest a new racialized social inferior or
lawless scoundrel.
Some names may only be a century old but varied modes of self-ascription persist. Language,
descent and identification with a home place all play roles in this process, allowing us to relate
ancient social formations to that recorded in early history, and observed in contemporary times.
In the 18th to 19th centuries, the Spanish entered Mindanao from Christianized portions of the
Philippine Archipelago; they were followed by Americans, Japanese and other foreign settlers in the
early 20th century. They generated new lists of “pagan” groups or “tribes” with abundant overlap
and confusion. Official Spanish and American accounts, as well as those by travellers, privateers and
missionaries, enumerate variations and synonyms that reflect diversity in language and life ways.
Broadly conceived of as naturales de la tierra, they were distinguished from Christian Visayans of the
Central Islands and from Muslim inhabitants of Western Mindanao and Sulu. The lists presumed
discrete groupings of distinct peoples; they suggested seemingly natural social realities that in fact 216 | Group of Bagobo
highlanders.
were mediated through the political and economic lens of colonial or frontier agents.2 The act of
enumeration itself created new meanings and hierarchies similar to what transpired elsewhere in
217 | Kalasag war shield
Southeast Asia.3 Mindanao, Davao Province
After World War II and Philippine Independence in 1946, the migration of land-poor settlers and Davao del Sur
Bagobo population, Keduli
as well as industrial expansion changed Mindanao even further. As settlers in frontier territories group Ripara wood, natural
became demographically dominant, the social dynamics of land competition enshrined a cultural dyes
(Sicarig root), shell (Conus
hierarchy that was expressed in an early national policy of cultural and political integration. litteratus), plant fibres,
Today’s Mindanao is divided into nearly thirty provinces and is administered in six districts. horsehair, metal, cotton Late
Elected leadership is often politically dominated by settler families in the highest levels, but less so 19th-early 20th century 89 x 31
x 9 cm
in interior villages. The development of Philippine state institutions since the mid-20th century has American Museum of Natural
also increased a routinized administrative consciousness where one identifies with one’s province, History, New York Collected
by Laura Watson Benedict in
city, municipality and village: a historical process that creates a “home place” for settlers and their 1910
children. 70.1/6127

For indigenous peoples in Mindanao, however, these modes of routinization shrink or fragment once
expansive homelands. Ancient flows of people across territories do not imply the absence of ownership
of rights to land but instead signal how coasts, rivers and forests were customarily shared. But as one’s
“home place” comes under the political and administrative rule of different political entities and as
administrative units on local and national levels multiply, so do lists of names. Today, one encounters
named ethnic groups claimed by a province or a city. Closer scrutiny will reveal that the homelands
and social spaces of such groups spill over provincial and city boundaries. The paradox of being
betwixt and between reflects the dilemma characterized by Eric Wolf as shared by “people without 314
 history”.4 Today, indigenous peoples are defined not
only by being the first inhabitants of a land but also
by their cultural distinctiveness from a majority, a
relationship simultaneously expressing self-awareness
as well as having limited power.5 With religious
conversion under Spanish Jesuits, wage work in abaca
plantations, recruitment into militias in the Caraga
or Davao districts, or appointment as “tribal ward”
officers under American generals, they cease being
“natives” in our eyes, yet at the same time, we do
not see them as citizens. It is a conundrum analogous
to what James Clifford describes as “pure products
go[ne] crazy”,6 referring to implicit assumptions in
modern societies that indigenous peoples cannot
and must not change. Setting aside our own
understanding of ethnic groups and what they are
supposed to refer to—territory, descent, language,
even dress—what conceptual categories do members
of these communities use for themselves?

BANUA AS ZONE, LANDSCAPE,

HOME PLACE

Members of Mindanao’s highland communities

conceive of their homelands as part of zones or
cultural landscapes that defy provincial boundaries.
They do not displace newer political divisions but
coexist alongside them. Despite disruptions in
traditional patterns of land use by newer modes of
titled land tenure, including ancestral domain land
registries that gained impetus with the passing of the
Indigenous Peoples’ Rights law in 1997,7 old place
names continue to be meaningful and persist as
epithets for sites, landmarks and resources.
What is a social space rooted in named places or eco-
facts that links people and their shared resources?
Termed by James Francis Warren as “zones” in
the Sulu Archipelago, described by Mangahas as
“landscape” among Isamal in the Davao Gulf, and
echoed in her characterization of Batanes fishers’
creation of a ritual space, vanua, these concepts
are relevant a wider Austronesian context.8 The
metaphor of a house or boat as a sheltering structure
that is analogous to a human-made circle of
cooperation situates the social world within a natural
one.9 It also resonates with what Thomas Kiefer,
15 Eric Casiño and others call “polities” among Tausug
and Maguindanao, and Andaya’s model of a “cultural state” based on the telling of common myths 218 | Tubeskirt Mindanao,
Davao Province Bagobo
in Maluku.10 population Banana tree fibres
In Mindanao, the term banua delineates a larger world encompassing humans and nature that (abaca), warp ikat, natural
dyes 19th century
transcends any single group of people. The B’laan word banwu for commonly held land, the 74 x 127 cm
Mandaya/Mansaka term banwa for home or the Earth, as well as the Tagabawa Bagobo notion of The National Museum of
Ethnology, Leiden Collected
banua as the world larger than the village (banod) suggest a supra-local unity of settlements.11 Hence, by Bréjard in 1886 566-266
a banua is a multi-layered social space made up of people who make a living there; the ecologically-
specific resources that they must share; and the symbolic creation of tropes of cooperation, such as
the telling of myths of shared origin, to order the relations of humans to each other. Flexible and
porous, banua are not territories as much as expanded home places, zones or landscapes.
If we approach banua as a model of indigenous social organization in Mindanao, we can conceive
of a plurality of peoples who speak mutually unintelligible languages, wear dissimilar clothes, live
in distinct ecological niches, engage in divergent spiritual practices yet live close enough to each
other to share resources (such as rivers, ports, lakes or sacred mountaintops) and build ritualized
economic relations expressed in myths and idioms of kinship. A banua is not predicated on racial,
ethnic, linguistic or religious sameness. Cultural differences are not ignored but are understood
as one of many social facts. The banua model of society does not take plurality and diversity as a
problem to be solved but as a natural condition of life.

MINDANAO, TEXTILE ARTS AS A SYSTEM OF ACTION

In the last three decades, much has been written on the textile consumption of Southeast Asians
especially with regard to long distance exchange and the late entry of European mercantilism.12
Mindanao cloth makers participated in longstanding networks of trade and consumption involving
textiles made within as well as outside the communities that desired them.13 Mindanao highlanders
exchanged forest products with coastal partners to obtain manufactured or processed items such
as metal goods, ceramics, and other commodities including cloth, many of which have been
circulating in Philippine maritime trading zones for centuries.14 Producers of intricate ikat freely
incorporated manufactured textiles in their clothing repertoire, reflecting the depth and breadth of
cloth consumption in Insular Southeast Asia as a whole.
Textiles have played a part in every banua in Mindanao but those made of abaca (Musa textilis
sp.) and patterned with ikat motifs were made in only a few of them. I address three—Caraga
in the East, Davao in the South-Central reaches, and Sarangani in the Southern most part of the
island.15 They are the homelands of Bagobo, B’laan, Mandaya and T’boli who weave abaca ikat
and transform them into ceremonial garments and ritual blankets, items which find their way to
non-weaving neighbours within the same banua through exchange relations, or through marriage.
Equally important, the shared desire for certain items of cloth and clothing delineate analogous
modes of political, spiritual and economic leadership of which these textiles play a significant part.16
The art of making heirloom cloth and ceremonial dress has long been viewed as a form of collective
representation. Alfred Gell argued, however, that art must be viewed as “a system of action,
intended to change the world rather than encode symbolic propositions about it.” How else can we
investigate the personal dimensions of artistic production of peoples who do not create specialized
institutions, such as those found in mass societies, but instead delineate, support and create networks
of relationships through the making of meaningful things?17 If we view Mindanao cloth as art with
agency—purposive, highly specific and arising out of cooperation among men and women in their
communities of origin and deployed both near and far—how do these textiles “change the world?
The ancestors of today’s indigenous peoples in Mindanao were part of subsidiary or peripheral
societies linked to Maguindanao or Tausug centres of power and trade, and, later on, Spanish and 316
American colonial subjects. They managed these relationships in varied ways; some accommodated
the powerful partners while others resisted or avoided interaction by withdrawing into the interior.
By the late 1880s, the Spanish and their proxies, followed by the Americans and their agents, did
not significantly change the indigenous peoples’ politically marginal position despite claims of their
betterment through conversion or routinized modernity.18 Prior exchange relations were obscured
due to a mechanistic perception of non-porous “tribal” boundaries and from subaltern responses
and strategies that encourage such obscurity.
From the point of view of lowland Christians and Muslims who have historically dominated the
highland peoples, abaca is a lowly fibre set below luxury imports such as cotton or silk. The highland
communities value them within a social structure and system of meaning that is not shared with
dominant groups. For the people of the banua, the transformation of abaca into ceremonial textiles
with motifs laboriously dyed into their threads expresses the aesthetic power found in their song
cycles, poems, the retelling of myths and words of praise.19 Alongside splendid abaca, elaborate
head and shoulder cloths made of cotton are gifted or exchanged as chiefly artifacts and sources of
spiritual protection.

CARAGA AND THE MANDAYA HOMELANDS

Caraga, in the East, refers not only to a town and the river that runs through it, but to the larger
region that sweeps the Eastern Cordillera, the Pacific coast and often includes the upper reaches of
the Agusan River.20 The principal textile producers in Caraga are the Mandaya who consider the
highlands of this region their homeland. Neighbouring peoples such as the Agusan Manobo have
historically obtained their abaca ikat textiles from the Mandaya, as observed by John Garvan in
the early 20th century.21 The peoples of Caraga also include the closely related Mansaka and those
who self-ascribe as Dibabawon, Tagakaolo, Mangguangan and Mamanua. Within this banua, some
speak related languages but not others, and most share material culture assemblages, including the
gifting and to a lesser extent, the wearing of abaca ikat textiles. In the Mandaya language, abaca
ikat cloth is called dagmay. It is made into tube skirts for women (linaog) as well as blankets that
have both a ceremonial and utilitarian purpose. The textiles traded by the Mandaya to the Manobo
in the 1930s mostly consisted of tube skirts of heirloom quality with wide ikat patterns featuring
auspicious motifs such as crocodiles, lizards and human motifs. Married Mandaya women in the
late 20th century report the involvement of heirloom quality dagmay in bridewealth negotiations.
It is likely that Mandaya also traded dagmay outside of Mindanao; it is known as a term for rough
abaca cloth among the Tausug of Sulu,22 but it is unclear if similar qualities were circulated in the
Caraga and Sulu zones.

DAVAO AND THE BAGOBO HOMELANDS

Davao, in the South Central region, refers to a city, its river, but also to the slopes and coasts
surrounding the Davao Gulf. Mount Apo, the highest peak in the Philippines, sits above the crook
of the gulf. The principal textile producers are the Bagobo, who consider the highlands and foothills
around the mountain as their homeland. They self-identify as part of Obo, Tagabawa, or Guiangan
subgroups23 that occupy contiguous segments of the zone. The Tagabawa live South to Southeast
of Mount Apo including the area around Sibulan River; the Guiangan Bagobo live in territories
hugging the Eastward slopes and foothills near the Calinan and Talomo Rivers; the Obo Bagobo
live North and Northwest of the Guiangan homelands concentrated around the area known as the
Bagiuo.24
The Davao zone is also the homeland of riverine and coastal peoples, some of whom speak
languages related to Bagobo, such as Dibabawon and Matigsalug, while others speak languages
more closely related to Mandaya, such as Isamal, Kalagan and Tagakaolo. The Bagobo share
with most of the banua a material culture assemblage that include the wearing and gifting of
abaca ikat textile and ceremonial dress. The term for abaca cloth in Tagabawa Bagobo is inabal.
Elaborately patterned inabal are made into high status heirloom tube skirts called ginayan.
Bagobo ginayan are unique in the way that a mother piece (ine) containing the widest and
most elaborate ikat designs are sewn between two identical side pieces (bata, “child”). Like
the Mandaya, crocodiles (buwaya) are favoured motifs. Inabal with little or no ikat patterns,
such as those with subtly heathered stripes imitating the colouring of bird feathers, are made
into men’s trousers (saroar) and upper garments. Fine ginayan in museum collections were
acquired by Europeans in the 1880s; equally splendid examples were acquired by Americans
in the 1900s.
Bagobo mothers have in the recent past given gifts of complete ceremonial attire to grown
daughters and sons as expressions of love and pleasure in their skill in dance, the playing of
musical instruments, or the singing of poetic narratives called sambila. Completeness in attire
is considered central to the wearing of Bagobo ceremonial dress. For men, head cloths were
governed by sumptuary rules in the early 20th century include the red-patterned tangkulu which
was as a privilege of the headman (Datu) or of warriors who have proven themselves in raiding.
In the late 20th century, complete assemblages were often owned by respected leaders or gifted
performers. In addition, married women reported the significance of ginayan in bridewealth
negotiations of the 1950s and 1960s.

SARANGANI

In the far South is the zone surrounding Sarangani Bay; the city of General Santos sits at the
mouth of six rivers including the two largest, Buayan and Silway, which drain the highlands
that embrace the bay. The B’laan considers the mountains and foothills North and East of the
bay to be their homelands, with Mount Matutum holding a special meaning. The T’boli live
West of the bay extending into the highlands around Lakes Sebu, S’loton and Lahit. Myths of
origin shared by these two groups have also incorporated the Teduray who live farther North
in the mountains and coasts of the Cotabato zone, with a significant town-dwelling segment
culturally articulated with Maguindanao. The principal abaca textile producers in the banua
are understood to be the T’boli and the B’laan. 25 In the highlands and inland hills, the T’boli
and B’laan occupy relatively distinct communities that are linked, socially if not physically, to
coastal communities where they live alongside settlers. The T’boli and B’laan each differentiate
amongst themselves by geographical location. The T’boli of the coast, mohin, are distinguished
from their counterparts in the highlands near the lakes, s’bu, while the B’laan reckon in terms
of the discontinuous areas where they now live: Sarangani, Koronadal and Davao del Sur. 26
Abaca ikat cloth is called t’nalak in the T’boli language and nabal among inland B’laan. The
most intricately-patterned B’laan nabal are made into women’s heirloom tube skirts (tabi
mlato); somewhat similar to the Bagobo, solid or striped nabal are made into men’s short
trousers (sawal). T’boli t’nalak are made into heirloom blankets (ye kumu), and, as late as the
1960s, into tube skirts for women (lewek) and trousers (sawal) for men. The Sarangani banua
and its indigenous communities have been somewhat subsidiary to the powerful peoples of
the Cotabato zone; for the inland B’laan, the Davao banua also exerted significant influence.
However, these relations continue to be reinterpreted and expressed in metaphors of kinship
or estrangement.
CLOTH IN ACTION 219 | Warrior costume
Mindanao, Davao Province
Bagobo population
For the peoples of Caraga, Sarangani and Davao, how do textiles create networks to “change the Plain weave cotton,
application of glass beads and
world”? Like much of Island Southeast Asia, the symbolism of cloth as female and metal goods as mother-of-pearl disc, plant
male is observable, especially in marriage settlements that require bridewealth of “male” goods (gongs, fibres, cuprous alloy
19th-early 20th century Jacket:
heirloom brass, horses, cows) with counter-gifts of cloth and personal ornament. These practices are 43.5 x 118 cm; Trousers: 97
poorly understood by settlers, colonizers and agents of central government. In legal exchanges, terms x 77 cm Musée du quai
Branly, Paris Monique and
for bridewealth (sablag, sunggud, et al.) and countergifts may be found in all three banua, along with Jean Paul Barbier-Mueller
a rigorous classification of cloth by use (blankets versus garments), appearance (colour, type of ikat, donation
stripe or ornament) and exchange value (by number of horses, cattle and sometimes slaves). Enmeshed 70.2001.27. 858;
70.2001.27.857
in these exchanges are the perceived status of brides, grooms and their families. Because marriages
are negotiated within larger circles of kindred, precious cloth as part of costly marriage goods may
support existing status hierarchies while also having the potential to create or transform them. Hence
marriages with outsiders that do not involve bridewealth signal a lost social opportunity, but may
also be welcomed as a relief from the obligation to share the economic burden of marriage benefits.
For subsidiary peoples trading with other banua, or engaged in land disputes with Visayans, Japanese
settlers and agro-industrial entities, effective leadership is crucial and often the specialisation of men.
Warriors or magani (bagani in Mandaya) are co-dependent on the political skill of fellow braves who
have emerged as Datu (bong fulong in B’laan). The use and ownership of chiefly clothing, ornament
and weaponry also marks these statuses. Datu effectively deploy economic resources and recruit
the labor and support of weavers as well as senior female kin in accumulating resplendent attire. 320
Epics and narrative poems across all three banua are replete with images of the exquisitely attired
brave acting against political and spiritual foes while gaining the love of noble and often equally
powerful women.27 Mandaya, Bagobo, B’laan and T’boli leaders wear head cloths governed by
sumptuary and stylistic rules, or wear shoulder cloths that similarly signal status or authority. Not
normally purchased, head and shoulder cloths are commissioned or received as gifts via the labor
and participation of women within and across banua. It accounts for shell ornaments in highland
ceremonial garb, or the preponderance of forest-sourced elements in their coastal counterparts.
It also underscores crucial partnerships between men and women, between villages in conjoined
communities, and between communities within banua.
In reflecting on the worlds and lives of the indigenous peoples of Mindanao, we see how indigenous
textiles are expressions not only of beauty and spiritual strength but also of ideals of leadership, merit,
and cooperation, connecting dissimilar peoples as well as individuals. Their power lies in their beauty
as much as their social meanings; when given or acquired, the vision of the maker intertwines with that 324
223 | Female ornament
Mindanao, Davao Oriental,
Davao del Norte and
Compostela Valley Mandaya
population Plaited rattan, goat
hairs, glass beads
19th century
40 x 13 cm
Museo Nacional de
Antropologia, Madrid
of the user. At the same time, they have the potential to support projects of inequality and dominance
over others. Outside Mindanao and beyond banua, as textiles take on new meanings for collectors and
museum goers28 in what ways can they “change our world” and act upon our perceptions? Beyond
artifacts with encoded symbolic propositions, they oblige us to participate in relations of intellectual
reciprocity with the peoples who made them. As markers of cultural nuances expressing actual or
desired social realities, they create relationships in expandable landscapes. We begin to see that cultural
difference is not as a dilemma but a natural attribute of an expansive world.

NOTES

1. See more on the Bukidnon in: Biernatzki, 1985;
Fumitaka, 1989; Cole, 1956.
2. Van den Muijzenberg, 2010; Lynch, 2011.
3. Anderson, 1991; Winichakul, 1995.
4. Wolf, 1997.
5. Barnard, 2010 citing Saugestad, 2001.
6. Clifford, 1988.
7. See also Arquiza, 2005.
8. Warren, 2007; Mangahas, 2004 and 2008.
9. Waterson, 1997; Wernstedt and Spencer 1967.
10. Kiefer, 1972; Casiño, 2000; Ileto, 2007; Hayase, 2007;
Andaya 1993.
11. Dubois et al., 1978; Arcenas, 1993, p. 11-5; Lalo,
1997; Svelmoe and Svelmoe, 1990; Yengoyan, 1996;
Hayase, 2007, p. 186.
12. Barnes and Kahlenberg, 2010.
13. Laarhoven, 1994.
14. Hutterer, 1977; Solheim, 2006; Junker, 2002.
15. These only partly coincide with similarly named
325 provinces and cities.
16. Space limits discussion of other banua, such as
Cotabato or Bukidnon, but the convergence of ikat with
abaca is strongly represented in the three included here.
17. Gell, 1998, p. 6-9.
18. Abinales, 2000; Tiu, 2005; Paredes, 2008; Alejo, 2000;
Gaspar, 2000; Rodil, 1994.
19. Heindrickx, 2007, for a discussion of Okinawan
bashofu.
20. Schreurs, 1989; Maceda, 1964.
21. Garvan, 1931.
22. Sakili, personal communication.
23. Guiangan synonyms include Jangan, Giangan, Klata,
Clata and Atto; the latter means “human” or “person.”
24. Benedict, 1916; Cole, 1956; Quizon, 1998; Payne,
1985.
25. Schlegel, 1972 and 1999; Arcenas, 1993, p. 35; Casal,
1978; Pastor Roces, 1991; Quizon, 2000, p. 34.
26. Duhaylungsod and Hyndman, 1992; Quizon, 2012.
27. Manuel, 1958.
28. Fer, 2005, on small regional museums.
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Sites internet :
http://igorot.com/cms/ (actif en 2012)
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http://www.nikeprogramme.org/index.php/component/glossary/Ifugao-English-Dictionary-1/M/M-843/ (actif
en 2012)
http://epics.ateneo.edu/epics (actif en 2012)

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