MIDDLE VOICE IN MODERN GREEK

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Volume 48

Linda Joyce Manney

Middle Voice in Modern Greek

Meaning and function of an inflectional category
 MIDDLE VOICE
IN MODERN GREEK
Meaning and function of
an inflectional category

LINDA JOYCE MANNEY

University of La Verne, Athens Campus

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY

AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA
 TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Manney, Linda Joyce.
Middle voice in modern Greek: meaning and function of an inflectional category / Linda Joyce
Manney.
p. cm. -- (Studies in language companion series, ISSN 0165-7763 ; v. 48)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Greek language, Modern--Middle voice. I. Title. II. Series.
PA1087.93 .M36 1998
489’.35 21--dc21 98-044715
ISBN 90 272 3051 X (Eur.) / 1 55619 934 1 (US) (alk. paper) CIP
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Dedicated with love to the memory of
Aliki Litsas-Kalogera
and
Dimitris Panayiotis Kalogeras
Κληρþθηκα, κληρþθηκα
και στην αγÜπη δüθηκα
Κληρþθηκα, κληρþθηκα
σε σÝνα παραδüθηκα.

Refrain from a popular song by Yiorgos Dalaras,

Music and lyrics by Yiorgos Zikas.
Acknowledgements

This work presents my views on the form and function of inflectional middle
voice in Modern Greek, and is based on the results of a twelve year study, parts
of which were carried out in London, England, San Diego, California, and
Thessaloniki, Greece. The original impetus for my interest came from a seminar
on the Modern Greek language which I attended at Kings College London,
University of London, Department of Greek Studies, during the academic year
1986-1987. The professor who organized the seminar, Roderick Beaton, raised
some extremely interesting issues on the semantics of voice inflection in Modern
Greek, and it was this initial orientation that alerted me to the vast number of
questions one could ask in a study of the inflectional middle system of Modern
Greek. My stay in London during the 1986-87 academic year was extremely
productive and memorable, thanks to the generosity and kindness of several
very special people who were tremendously supportive of all my endeavors:
Xanthi and Desmond Lauder, Ted and Roula Petropoulos, Kostas Mavroeidis,
Panos Kalogeras, Yiorgos Kalogeras, Sally Laird, and Costas Douzinas. I am
also grateful to Neil Smith, Department of Phonetics and Linguistics, Univer-
sity College London, for helping me obtain an Overseas Research Student
Scholarship to fund my studies in London, and for providing a safe haven for
me in his department during my stay.
The present work, which aims to provide a clear description of a wide
range of uses of the Modern Greek middle system, owes a great deal to the
Greek language consultants who have worked with me over the years, and
who have spent literally hundreds of hours explaining to me the numerous
subtleties of the Greek inflectional middle system as it occurs in actual usage
events. To these people I express my very deepest appreciation for all the
insights into the Greek language which they were able to share so eloquently
with me: in London, England, Nikos Papakostas, Kostas Eleftheriadis, and
Xanthi Lauder; in San Diego, California, Fotis Zaharanglou, Elizabeth
x Acknowledgements

Kosakidou-Pace, Maria Baltazani, Elias Koutsoupias, and Hara Statha-

Halikas; in Thessaloniki, Greece, Nasia Stefanidou, Marina Tsoannopoulou,
Thalia Pagonidou, Eleni Petraki, Margie Basli, Fotini Apostolou, and Yiorgos
Kalogeras. Without the help of these language consultants, the present study,
if it had materialized at all, would have been greatly impoverished.
The first draft of the present work took form as my doctoral dissertation
(Manney 1993), written at the University of California, San Diego. I would
like to express my gratitude to my dissertation committee for their constant
support and guidance as I was constructing the initial data base and developing
a preliminary analysis of the Modern Greek middle system. I am especially
grateful to my dissertation supervisor Ronald Langacker, whose path-break-
ing work in cognitive linguistics provided me with appropriate analytical tools
to construct what I believe is a reasonable analysis. I am also indebted to my
dissertation committee members Aaron Cicourel, Tony Edwards, Suzanne
Kemmer, and Margaret Langdon, each of whom provided valuable insights
and perspectives from his or her respective field of study.
The second stage of this study was done during my stay in the English
Department, Artistotle University of Thessaloniki, from 1993 to 1996, during
which time I completely rewrote the first five chapters of the book and added
the sixth chapter, thereby revising the analysis substantially. I am especially
grateful to Thanassis Kakouriotis and Eliza Koutoupi-Kiti, who were the
respective Chairs of the English Department and the Linguistics Section at
that time. Both Professors Kakouriotis and Koutopi-Kiti were extremely
accommodating, taking great care to welcome me in the department and to
share all available resources with me. During this period of rethinking and
rewriting, I also benefited tremendously from guidance and direction pro-
vided from the linguistic community outside of Greece. I would like to
express my thanks to Series Editors Mickey Noonan and Werner Abraham,
both of whom have provided constructive commentary to preliminary drafts
of my work and have also offered support and encouragement as I have
reshaped and refined the analysis. I am deeply grateful to Professors Bernard
Comrie and Talmy Givón, both of whom were especially kind and generous to
read and comment on an unsolicited manuscript, and to encourage me to
persevere in my theoretical approach to inflectional middle voice in Modern
Greek. I am also indebted to Brian Joseph, who very graciously read and
commented substantially on an intermediate version of the present work.
Finally, I would like to thank Yiorgos Kalogeras, who read in full a semi-final
Acknowledgements xi

draft of the present work and provided very useful and abundant editorial
commentary. Needless to say, the extremely generous individuals named
above are in no way responsible for the remaining imperfections in the present
work.
I would like to express a special word of thanks to the following faculty
member of the English Department, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, for
their friendship, kindness, and support they have offered me over the years:
Youli Theodosiadou, Angeliki Athanassiadou, Elsie Sakellaridou, Mihalis
Kokkonis, Mihalis Milapidis, Marianthi Makri, Eliza Koutoupi-Kiti, and
Thanassis Kakouriotis. I wish also to acknowledge my colleagues at the
University of La Verne, Athens, Greece, and to thank them for the warm
welcome they have extended to me: Adrianne Kalfopoulou, Elaine Drandaki,
Karen Simopoulos, Anna Krinis, Thanassis Douvris, Peter Wilkins, and Jeff
Nonemaker.
Finally, a big round of kisses and hugs to my husband, Yiorgo, and my
daughter, Myrsini, for their unwavering moral support, which inspired me to
move forward, and for their great flexibility on the home front, which enabled
me to complete this study in its present form.

Thessaloniki, July, 1999

Abstract

Middle Voice in Modern Greek: Meaning and Function of an Inflectional

Category provides an in-depth analysis of the inflectional middle category in
Modern Greek; the basic unit of analysis is the middle structure, a clause with
a middle inflected matrix verb and its array of nominal arguments. Against the
theoretical backdrop of cognitive linguistics, it is argued that a wide range of
seemingly disparate middle structures in Modern Greek comprise a complex
semantic network, and that this network is organized around two prototypical
middle event types, which are noninitiative emotional response and spontane-
ous change of state. The two middle prototypes and their networks of ex-
tended values are illustrated extensively and analyzed in considerable detail.
In those cases where middle structures have active counterparts, middle and
active variants of the same verb stem are compared in order to demonstrate
more clearly the semantic distinctions and pragmatic functions encoded by
inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek. Major semantic groupings of
middle structures treated include emotional response in particular and psycho-
emotive experience in general, spontaneous change of state and/or the result-
ing state, agent-induced events in which an agent subject is (emotionally)
involved with or affected by some aspect of the designated situation, passive-
like events in which a patient subject is affected by a nonfocal agent, implicit
or specified, and reflexive-like events in which a patient subject and an
unspecified agent may overlap to varying degrees. Major claims advanced are
that (i) a large part of the Modern Greek middle system is organized around
two central event types, noninitiative emotional response and spontaneous
change of state, both of which involve a nonagent as the most focal partici-
pant; and (ii) a major function of inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek is
to encode reduced or absence of agency.
xiv
Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Defining the problem

1.0 Introduction 1
1.1 Objectives of the present study 4
1.2 General assumptions of the cognitive linguistic framework 5
1.3 Data base of the present study 9
1.4 Organization of the discussion 10

Chapter 2: Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice

2.0 Introduction 15
2.1 Clarification of terms 16
2.1.1 Middle voice as a typological phenomenon 18
2.1.2 The middle reflexive 25
2.1.3 The middle construction 32
2.2 Descriptive sketch of the Modern Greek voice system 37
2.2.1 General characteristics of the inflectional middle system 38
2.2.2 Major types of middle structures 41
2.3 Present approach to middle voice in Modern Greek 53
2.3.1 The nature of grammar as envisioned within cognitive
linguistics 53
2.3.2 Cognitive constructs used in the present study 58
2.3.2.1 Categorization and complex categories 58
2.3.2.2 Nondistinct arguments and low individuation 61
2.3.2.3 Event structure and role archetypes 62
2.3.3 Middle voice and active voice: two opposing complex
categories 64
2.3.3.1 Emotional response as a prototypical middle event
type 65
2.3.3.2 Spontaneous change as a prototypical middle event
type 66
xvi Table of Contents

Chapter 3: Experiencer subject structures

3.0 Introduction 71
3.1 Noninitiative emotional response as a characteristic prototype 74
3.1.1 Prominence of notions conveyed 75
3.1.2 Frequency of occurrence 77
3.1.3 Basis for semantic extension 79
3.2 Middle inflected verbs with experiencer subjects 80
3.2.1 Verbs of emotional response 81
3.2.1.1 Experiencer is the goal of an external force 83
3.2.1.2 Experiencer is highly affected 85
3.2.1.3 Source is undifferentiated 90
3.2.2 Verbs of mental attitude 93
3.2.3 Verbs of thinking 100
3.3 Active inflected verbs with experiencer subjects 107
3.3.1 Verbs of knowing and understanding 108
3.3.2 Verbs of perception 115
3.4 Conclusion 118

Chapter 4: Agent subject structures

4.0 Introduction 121
4.1 Active-middle pairs: different participant roles, different events 124
4.1.1 Middle structures: self-contained action 124
4.1.2 Middle structures: self-contained action and mental
experience 127
4.1.3 Middle structures: effected object 131
4.2 Active-middle pairs, different participant roles, similar events 133
4.3 Active-middle near minimal pairs 138
4.3.1 Middle structures: subject as benefactor 139
4.3.2 Middle structures: increased subject involvement 143
4.3.3 Middle structures: subject as goal 149
4.4 Polysemous middle verbs with conflicting senses 154

Chapter 5: Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive

structures
5.0 Introduction 165
5.1 Spontaneous change of state as a characteristic prototype 169
5.1.1 Prominence of notions conveyed 169
Table of Contents xvii

5.1.2 Frequency of occurrence 170

5.1.3 Basis for semantic extension 170
5.2 Middle structures: spontaneous change 172
5.3 Middle structures: steady state 178
5.4 Middle structures: passive meaning 186
5.4.1 Middle passive: agent encoded 188
5.4.2 Middle passive: agent not encoded but pragmatically implicit 190
5.4.3 Middle passive: agent neither encoded nor pragmatically
relevant 197

Chapter 6: Reflexive structures

6.0 Introduction 203
6.1 Reflexivity and topicality as crosslinguistic phenomena 206
6.1.1 Reflexive relationships 206
6.1.2 Topicality 210
6.2 Modern Greek reflexive constructions in contemporary texts 218
6.2.1 Noun phrase and middle inflectional reflexives 220
6.2.2 Verbal prefix reflexives 223
6.3 Conclusion 232

Appendix A 237
Appendix B 247
References 257
Author Index 267
Subject Index 271
List of Figures

Figure 2.1 Key participants in the middle event prototype of

noninitiative emotional response 66
Figure 2.2 Key participants in the middle event prototype of
spontaneous change 67
Figure 3.1 Key participants in the middle event prototype of
noninitiative emotional response 82
Figure 3.2 enδiaférome:MID/A ‘to be interested’ 87
Figure 3.3 iperifanévome:MID/0 ‘to be proud’ 96
Figure 3.4 sovarévome:MID/0 ‘to get serious’ 97
Figure 3.5 δiamartírome:MID/0 ‘to protest’ 100
Figure 3.6 tin skéftete káθe méra ‘S/he thinks of her everyday.’ 102
Figure 3.7 skéftete:MID/0 ‘S/he’s thinking.’ 102
Figure 3.8 siloyízome:MID/0 ‘to think through and conclude,’
analoyízome:MID/0 ‘to reflect on and assess.’ 104
Figure 3.9 mixanévome:MID/0 , sofízome:MID/0 ,
skarfízome:MID/0 , ‘to think up or contrive’ 106
Figure 3.10 antilamvánome:MID/0 ‘to understand by intuition’ 114
Figure 3.11 esθánome:MID/0 ‘to feel’ 118
Figure 4.1 siyirízome:MID/A ‘to get cleaned up’ 126
Figure 4.2 apomakrínome:MID/A ‘to move away, to retreat’ 126
Figure 4.3 filáγome:MID/A ‘to be careful’ 127
Figure 4.4 tináxtike:MID/A ‘she got a shock, she was deeply upset’ 129
Figure 4.5 orkízome:MID/A ‘to swear’ and eksomoloγúme:
MID/A ‘to confess’ 133
Figure 4.6 afosiónome:MID/A ‘to be dedicated’ 134
Figure 4.7 epiδikníome:MID/A ‘to show off’ 135
Figure 4.8 arpáxθike apó to sosívio ‘He grabbed the lifesaver (to
help himself).’ 141
xx List of Figures

Figure 4.9 penévete ya to θeatrikó érγo tu ‘He’s bragging about

his play.’ 142
Figure 4.10 penévete ya to θeatrikó érγo tu ‘He’s proud of his
play.’ 142
Figure 4.11 mirástike tin periusía tis ‘She shared her estate.’ 144
Figure 4.12 δikeoloyíte pánda ‘She’s always making excuses.’ 146
Figure 4.13 arpáxθike apó to klaδí ‘She grabbed the branch to
steady herself.’ 147
Figure 4.14 arpáxθike apó to klaδí ‘She grabbed the branch in a
panic.’ 147
Figure 4.15 promiθévome ta laxaniká ‘I obtain vegetables.’ 150
Figure 4.16 o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos takes the blame.’
(Yiórgos willingly accepts the responsibility) 152
Figure 4.17 o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos gets stuck with
the blame.’
(Yiórgos and someone else share the blame) 153
Figure 4.18 o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos gets stuck with
the blame.’
(No one is to blame) 153
Figure 4.19 éxete anaferθí ‘You have referred to’
(Deemphasizes subject’s relationship with a second
participant) 156
Figure 4.20 éxete anaferθí ‘You have referred to’
(Subject is emotionally involved) 157
Figure 4.21 iperaspízonde ton krístyan ‘They (the lawyers) are
defending Christian.’ (Subject is not fully responsible) 160
Figure 4.22 iperaspízete to kaθestós tu ‘He (Castro) is defending his
regime.’
(Subject is emotionally involved) 160
Figure 5.1 δiastélome:MID/0 ‘to expand,’ iγrénome:MID/0 ‘to get
wet’ 172
Figure 5.2 skorpízome:MID/A ‘to get scattered (spontaneously)’ 174
Figure 5.3 δialíome:MID/A ‘to come apart, to dissolve’ 176
Figure 5.4 δialíθike:MID/A ‘it was dismantled’ 176
Figure 5.5 afksánome:MID/A ‘to increase’ 178
Figure 5.6 xronoloγúme:MID/A ‘to be dated from’ 180
Figure 5.7 δiatíθeme:MID/A ‘to be available;’ aγnoúme:MID/A
‘to be unknown’ 183
List of Figures xxi

Figure 5.8 Middle passive 1: agent encoded 190

Figure 5.9 Middle passive 2a: agent not encoded but implied
pragmatically 194
Figure 5.10 Middle passive 2b: agent not encoded but implied
pragmatically 196
Figure 5.11 Middle passive 3a: agent not encoded nor pragmatically
relevant 198
Figure 5.12 Middle passive 3b: agent not encoded nor pragmatically
relevant 200
Figure 6.1 Topicality as a constellation of four scalar components
(Drawn from Givón 1984: 364) 211
Figure 6.2 Schematic representation of the middle inflectional
reflexive construction:
i ifiyénya θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself / was
sacrificed.’ 215
Figure 6.3 Schematic representation of the middle inflectional
reflexive construction:
i ifiyénya θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia was sacrificed /
sacrificed herself.’ 216
Figure 6.4 Schematic representation of the noun phrase reflexive
construction:
i ifiyénya θisíase ton eaftó tis ‘Iphigéneia sacrificed
herself.’ 217
Figure 6.5 Schematic representation of the verbal prefix reflexive
construction:
i ifiyénya afto-θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia willingly sacrificed
herself.’ 218
Chapter 1

Defining the problem

1.0 Introduction

What function does inflectional middle voice serve in the Modern Greek
language?1 What in particular are its defining properties? How can we best
account for the massive polysemy which characterizes both the entire middle
system as well as particular middle inflected verbs? How should we treat near
or true minimal pairs in which the middle but not the active variant of a verb
stem implies the subject’s psycho-emotive involvement? What is the relation-
ship between the large number of middle verbs which express emotional
response, on the one hand, and those middle verbs which encode passive and/
or reflexive-like meanings, on the other hand? These are questions with which
the present study is concerned.
Middle verbs discussed below are members of numerous diverse seman-
tic classes and occur in a wide range of clause types and discourse contexts.
Using Langacker’s (1987a, 1991b) network model as a key descriptive de-
vice, I characterize middle inflected verbs with seemingly disparate values as
members of an intricate but unified complex category whose more central
members depict the event types of either noninitiative emotional response or
spontaneous change of state. The internal structure of these event types each
provides the basis for a range of extended values of middle verbs as they occur
across the lexicon. These extended values are depicted as instantiations of a
set of interrelated abstract semantic templates, or schemas, which provide the
internal semantic structure for the middle category. Inflectional middle voice
in general and the more limited roles of the middle inflected passive and the
middle inflected reflexive are shown to be functionally related in that all three
are associated with events in which the notion of a responsible agent is absent,
irrelevant, or incongruous.
2 Chapter 1

As a number of scholars have established thus far, inflectional middle

voice in Modern Greek is extremely complex and poses a special challenge to
the analyst, especially since middle voice as both a formal category and a
network of meanings eludes rigid definitions which refer to the presence or
absence of particular discrete features. Joseph and Smirniotópoulos (1993)
clearly demonstrate that morphological markers which exclusively encode
one or another verbal category are virtually nonexistent in the Modern Greek
verbal system. In characterizing verbal morphology, including voice inflec-
tion, in Modern Greek, Joseph and Smirniotópoulos adapt the notion of
cumulative exponence to demonstrate that every element of form which
follows a verbal root is a partial exponent of several morphological features: a
single form can mark more than one morphological category, which in turn
means that there is clearly no one-to-one mapping of morphemes to morpho-
logical categories. For any verb in Modern Greek, then, a cluster of segments
follows the verbal root, yet no single element in the complex can be isolated as
the exclusive marker of a particular morphosyntactic category. This fact
clearly complicates the morphological description of the Modern Greek in-
flectional voice system.
Joseph and Smirniotópoulos provide a number of examples in order to
illustrate their claims. For example, in the nonactive (i.e., middle inflected)
verb plénonde:MID/A ‘they’re being bathed / they are bathing,’ -onde com-
prises a portmanteau realization, cumulatively expressing the following four
categories: nonactive, present , imperfect, and third person plural. It is not
possible to isolate any of the four; rather, they are all expressed simulta-
neously by means of the form -onde. In the perfective form plíθikan ‘they got
bathed / they took a bath’ -ik- simultaneously marks the following three
morphological categories: nonactive, past, and perfective. The form -θ-, occa-
sionally labelled as the marker of passive / nonactive voice (Rivero 1990,
Haspelmath 1990), is clearly not the exclusive marker of passive voice in the
above cited verb form; rather, it is one of two markers of nonactive voice
which appears in a subset of nonactive past perfective verbs. Joseph and
Smirniotópoulos further note that the morpheme -θ- is not always present in
perfective passive / nonactive forms, for example káika:MID/A ‘I got burned’
and kópika:MID/A ‘I got cut.’ On the basis of these and numerous other
examples, Joseph and Smirniotópoulos conclude that because of cumulative
exponence and portmanteau realizations, it is impossible to isolate formally
any single morphological category as it is encoded in an inflected verb form of
Modern Greek.
Defining the problem 3

Descriptive accounts of Modern Greek, such as Mackridge (1987), dem-

onstrate the semantic complexity of middle inflected verbs as a single inflec-
tional class. Mackridge observes that in Modern Greek there is a formal
distinction between active and nonactive / passive voice; he acknowledges,
however, that “the morphological categories (voice) do not always coincide
with the semantic categories (diathesis)” (1987:85). In an attempt to impose
some semblance of order on a seemingly unorderly system, Mackridge pro-
poses the following three categories of passive (i.e., middle inflected) verbs:
(i) passive, i.e., passive verbs with active counterparts; (ii) deponents, i.e.,
passive verbs with no active counterparts; and (iii) verbs whose passive form
differs in meaning from the active form. Of these three categories, the first
one, passive, is discussed most extensively. Under one subdivision of passive,
which Mackridge terms the true passive, he includes an extremely diverse
array of construction types, both semantically and functionally; three of these
construction types are illustrated below. (The terms used to designate these
three classes are my own, not Mackridge’s.)
Change of state with a specified inanimate agent / source:
(1) ta δéndra kserizóθikan apó ton ánemo
the-trees:NOM uproot:3PL:MID/A PREP the-wind:ACC
‘The trees were uprooted by the wind.’
(example 2a, p.87)
Generic state or condition:
(2) aftó to δomátio zesténete éfkola
this-the-room:NOM warm:3SG:MID/A easily
‘This room heats up easily.’
(example 9, p.87)
Emotional response:
(3) efxaristíθika apó / me . . .
please:1SG:MID/A PREP / PREP
‘I was pleased because of . . .’
(example 7, p.87)
Mackridge also recognizes a large class of deponents, defined as the set
of nonactive verbs which have no active counterparts; in this category he
includes the following: lipáme:MID/0 ‘to be sorry,’ θimáme:MID/0 ‘to
remember,’ drépome:MID/0 ‘to be ashamed,’ érxome:MID/0 ‘to come,’
4 Chapter 1

paraponyéme:MID/0 ‘to complain.’2 Finally, the third class in Mackridge’s

typology consists of those passive verbs with active counterparts where the
active and passive forms are said to differ in meaning; examples given include
the following: simvulévo ‘to advise’ / simvulévome ‘to consult;’ δanízo ‘to
lend’ / δanízome ‘to borrow;’ orkízo ‘to give an oath to’ / orkízome ‘to swear.’
Mackridge’s description suggests that a comprehensive treatment of
nonactive voice in Modern Greek will necessarily involve considerable com-
plexity: while there are certain recognizable semantic classes of passive /
nonactive inflected verbs, the commonality among these semantic classes is
not always obvious. Furthermore, there are numerous types of seemingly
idiosyncratic semantic relationships between the members of various active
and passive variants of the same verb stem. An adequate account of the
meaning and function of nonactive / passive verbs in Modern Greek will
clearly require, at the very least, a highly refined model of form-function
mapping, as well as a considerable body of naturally occurring nonactive /
passive inflected verbs.

1.1 Objectives of the present study

The objectives of the present study of Modern Greek inflectional middle voice
are as follows. First and foremost my intention is to exemplify a wide range of
uses of the inflectional middle voice system in Modern Greek, which is robust
and thriving in its fourth uninterrupted millenium of existence. In working
toward this end I have attempted to present a detailed description of major
patterns of meaning inherent in the Modern Greek middle system, some of
which which have not been analyzed or reported in any other studies of middle
systems of which I am aware. In Chapters 3 - 6, for example, I specify a
number of interrelated schematic relationships to account for several different
usages of Modern Greek middle voice, and I differentiate, both semantically
and functionally, several types of middle verbs from their active inflected
counterparts.
The present research thus fills a gap in the literature, since much of the
contemporary linguistic research on Modern Greek middle voice focuses in
depth on particular usages of middle verbs. These include the middle inflected
passive construction (Warburton 1975; Joseph 1982; Lascarátou and
Warburton 1981; Smirniotópoulos 1991), the passive and the reflexive-like
Defining the problem 5

functions of middle voice (Campos 1987; Tsimplí 1989), the generic middle
construction (Condorávi 1989), and the modal middle construction
(Papastathi 1999). Vassiláki (1986, 1988), on the other hand, provides a more
comprehensive treatment of the inflectional middle system overall, while
focusing on the central function of middle verbs to encode what she character-
izes as an agentless reflexive event. These studies, through careful analysis of
specific usages of middle inflected verbs, provide a rich knowledge base from
which to begin a broader description of the inflectional middle category. The
present study attempts such a treatment: it examines a number of highly
diverse but commonly occurring values of middle inflected verbs, including
but not limited to the passive, generic, and reflexive usages, and specifically
defines the intricate semantic relationships which connect these various usages
to each other and to a more encompassing middle voice network. As far as I
am aware, no other work has been done to date which attempts to explain as
wide a range of values of middle inflected verbs as that treated in the
discussions below. The present analysis thus contributes to an increased
understanding of middle voice systems in general, and offers additional
insights into the nature of the Modern Greek middle system in particular.
A second objective of this study is to demonstrate how a cognitive/
functional approach to linguistic analysis is sufficiently refined and has the
requisite analytical constructs to accommodate a system such as inflectional
middle voice in Modern Greek. Throughout this study I will be drawing
extensively on seminal works in cognitive / functional theory (Givón 1983,
1984, 1989, 1990; Langacker 1982, 1986, 1987a, 1987b, 1991a, 1991b;
Lakoff 1977, 1982, 1987; Talmy 1978, 1985a, 1985b, 1988). Applying and/or
extending selected aspects of this research, I provide a systematic and coher-
ent account of numerous seemingly disparate and/or idiosyncratic functions of
middle voice in Modern Greek.

1.2 General assumptions of the cognitive linguistic framework

In Chapter 2, I summarize particular facets of cognitive theory that are used in

the present study. Here, however, I would like to present a more general
overview of cognitive linguistics in order to clarify the view of language and
linguistic theory which permeates and guides the present study. What follows
is a brief review of those assumptions of cognitive linguistics which distin-
6 Chapter 1

guish it from many other contemporary theories of linguistic analysis and

which figure prominently in the present work. As I demonstrate throughout
this study, the justification for making such assumptions is that they enable me
to analyze a wide range of Modern Greek middle data, much of which has not
been previously analyzed, as the manifestation of a unified and coherent
morphosyntactic system; the internal semantic organization of this system is
the subject of Chapters 3 - 6.
Cognitive linguistics defines the grammar of a language as a comprehen-
sive description of the structure of that language, and maintains that linguistic
forms are essentially grounded in semantic structure (cf. Langacker 1987a).
Cognitive theory further claims that linguistic knowledge is subsumed under
knowledge in general, so that knowledge of one’s language is informed and
influenced by other types of highly structured nonlinguistic knowledge.
Therefore, the distinction between pragmatic and semantic meaning is graded,
rather than absolute, and linguistic meaning is claimed to be encyclopedic in
nature. In one major area of cognitive linguistic research, it has been argued
that commonly occurring clause level constructions prototypically designate
events which are central to human experience (cf. Goldberg 1992, 1995), and
that linguistic meaning in general is embodied and experientialist in nature
(Johnson 1987; Lakoff 1987). The present study, in adopting a cognitive
linguistic approach, assumes that major classes of grammatical constructions
are each associated with a characteristic schema or set of schemas and thus
constitute form-meaning pairings, and that meanings associated with a given
linguistic form are shaped and enriched in part through the particular
function(s) which that form serves. In particular, I argue that clause level
constructions with middle inflected matrix verbs prototypically designate the
event types of emotional response and spontaneous change of state, and that
such event types have reached the status of prototype partly because of the
frequency and saliency of the experience they designate.
Cognitive linguists also maintain that linguistic meaning is speaker-based
(cf. Fillmore 1977a; Langacker 1987a). Language users, when expressing a
given idea through linguistic means, make specific coding choices from
among numerous options available; in this way, they impose one of many
possible subjective perspectives, or construals, on a particular situation or
event. Different construals of the same objective event typically involve an
adjustment in 1) the relative prominence given to its various subparts, 2) the
perspective from which it is viewed, and/or 3) the level of specificity at which
Defining the problem 7

the event is characterized. In other words, the meaning of an expression

includes both its general semantic content as well the specific variable imagery
which is conveyed by any one of several possible structures that could
alternatively encode the same situation.
The notion of construal is used in the present discussion to characterize
subtle semantic differences between members of a number of middle-active
pairs, some of which are used to depict the same objectively viewed situation.
In such cases, the two variants often differ according to which subcomponents
of the designated event are alluded to or emphasized. One such pair is
exemplified by the verbs iperaspízo:ACT/M / iperaspízome:MID/A, defined
in a contemporary Greek language dictionary as near synonyms which mean,
roughly, ‘to fight in order to preserve or protect something, so that one’s
enemy doesn’t gain ground’ (Kriarás 1995: 1401). However, according to all
speakers queried, the two verbs differ significantly in meaning. Consider
sentence pair (4)a - (4)b below, both of which state that someone is defending
human rights.
(4) a. iperaspízete ta anθrópina δikeómata
defend:3SG:MID/A the-human-rights:ACC
‘S/he defends / is defending human rights.’
(subject is personally / affectively involved)
b. iperaspízi ta anθrópina δikeómata
defend:3SG:ACT/M the-human-rights:ACC
‘S/he defends / is defending human rights.’
(subject is more detached from what s/he defends)
The two sentences differ in meaning according to the degree to which the
subject is affectively involved with the event depicted. The middle construc-
tion in (4)a implies that the subject defends human rights with a great deal of
passion and zeal, and that s/he is personally involved with the cause s/he
defends. The active construction in sentence (4)b, on the other hand, is neutral
with respect to personal involvement, and as compared to sentence (4)a
suggests that the subject is somewhat detached from what s/he defends.
At this point I will simply suggest, without further discussion, that the
middle inflection in (4)a construes the notion of emotional involvement
whereas the active inflection in (4)b construes detachment, and that these
schematic meanings are in turn related to the meanings of proposed middle
and active prototypes, respectively. Additional examples of this same verb are
8 Chapter 1

discussed in section 4.4, and different but analogous middle-active pairs are
considered in Chapters 3 - 6. Throughout the discussion, it is claimed that
middle inflected verbs consistently invoke one or more of a set of abstract
schematic meanings, including that of emotional involvement, in a variety of
semantic classes.
Another assumption of cognitive theory adopted in the present study is
that there is no strict dichotomy between absolute predictability and arbitrari-
ness of a given linguistic construction. Rather, cognitive theorists argue for
an alternative position between these two extremes, that of motivation
(Langacker 1987a; Lakoff 1987; Goldberg 1992). Motivation is a semantic
rationale for the occurrence of a particular linguistic structure. More specifi-
cally, it is an inferred connection between a given form in one context and a
less central sense of the same form in another context. With respect to Modern
Greek voice inflection, the fact that the verb stem iperaspiz- has both middle
and active forms, as illustrated in sentences (4)a and (4)b above, is not strictly
predictable from any aspect of the semantic account of middle voice presented
here. Given that noninitiative emotional response is one central meaning of
middle voice, however, the meaning of the middle structure in (4)a is moti-
vated as a member of the middle category: both (4)a and the middle prototype
designate events in which the entity depicted as subject is emotionally in-
volved.
On the other hand, a cognitive account of linguistic data can make
predictions, but the predictions made are of strong tendencies rather than
absolutely defined generalizations. This is clearly the case in the present
account of Modern Greek middle voice as a complex semantic category whose
most central members designate noninitiative emotional response and sponta-
neous change of state. While my analysis is not at odds with the occurrence of
middle inflected verbs that have initiative agent subjects, it correctly predicts
that agent subject middle verbs will differ in meaning from their active
counterparts in ways which are related to the meanings of each respective
prototype (cf. Chapter 4), and that by far the greatest number of middle verbs
across the lexicon designate processes or states in which the subject is not an
agent (cf. Chapters 3 and 5).
Cognitive linguistic theory plays an important role in the present task of
characterizing the numerous senses of middle voice attested in Modern Greek.
It will be argued in subsequent chapters that middle voice inflection is the
manifestation of a highly structured schematic category which consistently
Defining the problem 9

conveys a recurrent set of meanings in numerous classes of verbs and in a

variety of contexts. In those cases where the same objective situation can be
encoded with either the middle or the active form of the same verb stem,
middle as opposed to active voice inflection usually imparts a very distinctive
construal of the situation which is consistent with its semantic characterization
across the lexicon. Thus, while the presence or absence of middle voice
inflection on a particular verb stem is not absolutely predictable, it can almost
always be motivated, once its central sense has been established. Therefore,
the present study makes the following assumptions, based on a cognitive
approach to linguistic analysis.
1. Morphosyntactic structure such as voice inflection has semantic content.
2. The meaning of linguistic structure is speaker-based.
3. The occurrence of middle inflection in particular contexts can almost
always be motivated.

1.3 Data base of the present study

The data base upon which this study is founded contains approximately
11,000 sentences which exemplify over 600 verbs. A little over half of these
verbs have both active and middle forms; the remaining verbs constitute two
groups, one of which has active forms only, the other of which has middle
forms only. All verbs in the data base were found in authentic Greek texts,
both spoken and written. After finding these verbs as they occurred in actual
texts, I then asked at least two different native speakers to provide example
sentences illustrating the typical uses of each verb. About 85% of my ex-
amples illustrating particular verbs were elicited from native speakers; the
remaining 15% were taken directly from naturally occurring texts, both writ-
ten and spoken. I checked the semantic meanings of all the examples obtained,
both elicited and textual, usually with two or three, but sometimes with as
many as ten, native speakers of Greek.3
The middle verbs examined comprise four main semantic classes, which
are the following: mental experience, agent-initiated events, spontaneous
changes of state and states, and passives. For the semantic class of mental
experience, 194 verbs were obtained. This class is further differentiated as
follows: 107 verbs of emotional response; 36 verbs of mental attitude; 12
10 Chapter 1

verbs of thinking; 24 verbs of perception; 10 verbs of cognition; 5 miscella-

neous verbs. For the class of agent-initiated events, 148 verbs were obtained;
79 of these have both active and middle forms. Of these 79 active-middle
pairs, over half of the middle verbs designate events that do not involve
physical energy, for example endáso:ACT/M ‘to place something in or among
a group’ / endásome:MID/A ‘to get involved in something.’ Of the remaining
verbs, 23 are middle-only and 46 are primarily active, a few of which have
middle forms that depict the event generically. The largest class of verbs in
this study, spontaneous changes of state / resulting states, consists of 207
verbs, 111 of which have both middle and active forms. Of these 111 verbs,
100 of them have middle forms which designate a spontaneous change or state
and active forms which designate an agent-initiated event. In the remaining 11
active-middle pairs, both active and middle forms designate states. Sixty-one
verbs were found which have active forms only, one half of which can
designate both a stative relationship and an agent-initiated event, for example,
krióno:ACT/0 ‘to be cold; to catch cold; to chill something.’ Thirty-five
middle-only verbs were found which designate a state or a change of state
only, for example, ekfilízome:MID/0 ‘to decompose’. Additionally, the data
base contains 155 examples of middle inflected passives and 85 examples of
reflexive constructions, both lexical and inflectional, and all 240 of these
examples were taken from naturally occurring texts, both written and spoken.
It is often the case that active and middle forms of the same verb convey
very subtle nuances of meaning which distinguish one from the other, as was
shown in examples (4)a and (4)b above; such active-middle pairs can be found
in all four semantic classes described above. With such pairs I checked the
readings of both constructions with several consultants, sometimes with as
many as eight or ten native speakers of Modern Greek, in order to ascertain the
often highly elusive meaning differences between active and middle voice in
particular contexts.

1.4 Organization of the discussion

The present analysis of Modern Greek middle voice is organized as follows.

Chapter 2 discusses those particular notions, both descriptive and theoretical,
which are central to the present analysis of middle voice as an internally
coherent category, parallel to but independent of active voice. I first review
Defining the problem 11

contemporary studies of voice and transitivity which use both functional and
formal frameworks, and I then illustrate common inflectional middle voice
structures in Modern Greek. Next I describe the internal participant structure
of the proposed middle event prototypes, noninitiative emotional response and
spontaneous change of state, as comprising the primary components HIGH
AFFECT and LOW VOLITION of the entity designated as subject, and
LOW INDIVIDUATION of the entity designated as source, in those cases
where there is a source; each of these in turn is shown to have a great deal of
internal structure.
Chapter 3 treats verbs of mental experience in some depth. I begin by
offering a justification for the proposed middle prototype of noninitiative
emotional response. I then consider classes of mental experience verbs which
are inflected for middle voice: verbs of emotional response, verbs of thinking,
and verbs of mental attitude. It is argued that verbs of thinking and mental
attitude are related to the middle event prototype of noninitiative response
primarily through substructures of the meaning component HIGH AFFECT
which characterizes the experiencer subject. Next, I consider several classes
of active inflected verbs of mental experience, and I show how they differ
from middle verbs of mental experience, both morphosyntactically and se-
mantically, in ways which are motivated by the active prototype of goal
directed action performed by an agent.
The analysis in Chapter 4 treats middle-active alternants constructed
from the same verb stem where both forms have an agent as subject, and
characterizes a range of diverse middle structures as motivated extensions
from the middle event type of emotional response. In many cases the middle
and active inflected members of a given verb stem could be used to depict the
same set of circumstances yet differ in meaning. Recurrent meanings among
agent-subject middle constructions with active counterparts include the fol-
lowing: the agent subject benefits from the process depicted by the verb; the
agent subject responds emotionally to some aspect of the designated scene; an
object moves into the agent subject’s domain; and the agent subject is not fully
responsible for the designated process. It is shown that these recurrent mean-
ings are related to the middle prototype via semantic extension from one or
more of the meaning components which comprise the middle event prototype.
Chapter 5 treats middle structures which designate states, changes of
state, and passive constructions and introduces a second middle event type,
that of spontaneous change of state. A large number of middle structures are
12 Chapter 1

treated which depict spontaneous and natural change, as well as changes of

state in which the notion of agency is implicit if not lexically specified. It is
shown that middle verbs in this latter class are related to the spontaneous
change prototype through various extensions of the component LOW INDI-
VIDUATION, as well as through HIGH AFFECT and LOW VOLITION.
The relationship between the inflectional middle category and the middle
inflected passive is also addressed in Chapter 5, and the difference between
the two is argued to be graded rather than absolute, since both typically
represent agentless events.
Chapter 6 discusses the three most commonly occurring reflexive con-
structions in Modern Greek, two of which are encoded lexically, the other of
which is encoded inflectionally. In the first of the lexical reflexives, an
inflected form of the reflexive noun phrase o eaftós tu ‘himself’ occurs with a
middle or an active inflected matrix verb; in the second, the reflexive prefix
afto- ‘self’ is attached to a middle inflected verb. The inflectional reflexive on
the other hand, is encoded simply by means of a middle inflected verb,
although not all middle inflected verbs convey a reflexive meaning. While
lexical and inflectional reflexive constructions can sometimes be used inter-
changeably, the lexical and inflectional strategies for encoding reflexive rela-
tionships are clearly unrelated, both diachronically and synchronically (cf.
Tzártzanos 1989); what remains to be explained is the rationale for each of the
two strategies. Using Givón’s (1979, 1983, 1984, 1990) discourse-pragmatic
construct of topicality, I argue that the role of the affected self is more highly
topical in the lexically encoded reflexives, and that the middle reflexive, as an
extended value of the spontaneous change of state middle event type, further
serves to deemphasize or attenuate the agency of the entity encoded as subject.
The middle reflexive, like the middle passive discussed in Chapter 5, is related
to the larger inflectional middle system via the semantic components LOW
VOLITION and HIGH AFFECT of the entity encoded as subject.

Notes

1. Traditional grammars of Modern Greek, such as Tzártzanos (1989), refer to the nonactive
morphological voice, i.e., that which is termed middle voice in the present study, as
passive voice. Tzártzanos (1989) further identifies four different semantic categories, all
four of which are encoded by each of the two morphological voice systems; these
semantic categories, or δiathésis, are as follows: eneryitikí ‘active,’ paθitikí ‘passive,’
Defining the problem 13

mési ‘middle’ and uδhéteri ‘neutral.’ Among the more contemporary descriptive gram-
mars of Modern Greek, both Mackridge (1987) and Holton, Mackridge, and Philippaki-
Warburton (1997) refer to the nonactive morphological voice as passive voice, whereas
Joseph and Philippáki-Warburton (1987) term the nonactive voice medio-passive.
2. The citation form for both Ancient and Modern Greek verbs is first person singular
present tense, rather than the infinitive; furthermore, the formal infinitive has disap-
peared from the Modern Greek language. See Joseph (1978/1990, 1980) for a diachronic
perspective on the loss of the infinitive in Greek and the consequences of the loss in the
modern language.
3. In order to gain a more nearly complete understanding of the meaning and function of
inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek, it would be necessary to examine all middle
verbs collected thus far in a variety of authentic discourse contexts, to obtain several
native speaker intuitions on their meaning and function, and if possible, to contrast the
middle verb with its active inflected counterpart in the same syntactic and discourse
contexts. Although I have provided a number of textual examples and have touched on
the pragmatic functions of middle voice, I have not done a comprehensive study of
middle verbs in authentic discourse contexts; rather, the present work focuses, somewhat
artificially, on the sentence level meanings of inflectional middle voice. As I have noted
above, the inflectional voice system in Modern Greek is tremendously complex, both
semantically and morphosyntactically. In order to begin to glean the massive polysemy
inherent to the middle voice system in particular, I have worked extensively with several
native speaker consultants in order to tease out the various usages of a given middle verb,
and to contrast these meanings, whenever possible, to those associated with the active
inflected counterpart. Some linguists may feel uncomfortable, justifiably, with a method-
ological approach that gives such a central role to speaker-reported intuitions of sentence
level semantic meanings. I see no other way, however, to get at the subtle meanings
encoded by large numbers of middle inflected verbs, especially since, as noted above,
semantic nuance is typically passed over in dictionary entries of active-middle pairs.
Hence, extensive discussion with native speakers is required if one’s goal is to determine
the full range of values encoded by middle inflected verbs. Since the proposed sentence
level meanings of affective involvement and reduced agency of the subject entity were
also reported in those cases in which I examined the meaning and function of middle
verbs in actual discourse contexts (see Manney 1995, 1998, and also sections 4.4, 5.4, and
6.2 of the present work), I feel fairly certain that the abstract semantic meanings proposed
here accurately represent some of the more common usages of inflectional middle voice.
Chapter 2

Prolegomena to a study of
Modern Greek middle voice

2.0 Introduction

Middle voice in the Greek language constitutes a major verbal inflectional

paradigm which is attested in the earliest surviving Greek texts; it appears on
the Mycenaean Greek clay tablets, dated at 1200 B.C. (Palmer 1980) and in
the Homeric epics, whose transmission into written form was completed by
approximately 550 B.C. (Lesky 1985).1 As the inflectional middle system of
Modern Greek can be traced back at least 3,000 years, it displays obvious
distinguishing properties, both synchronic and diachronic, which set it apart
from the middle systems of many other contemporary European languages.
Before attempting to characterize a system as intricate, massive, and histori-
cally robust as that of the Modern Greek inflectional middle voice, however, I
will first consider the range of questions raised by contemporary theoretical
linguists on voice phenomena and related issues. In recent years, there has
been a proliferation of studies on voice, transitivity, and semantic/thematic
roles whereby terms such as middle, middle voice and middle construction are
used by linguists from widely divergent backgrounds to characterize a range
of clearly distinct phenomena. Therefore, in this chapter, I attempt to clarify
the most common uses of these terms as they are used in current research, and
to distinguish this range of meanings from the way I use the term middle voice
to define a major verbal inflectional category in the Modern Greek language.
The discussion of issues treated in Chapter 2 is organized as follows. In
section 2.1, recent scholarship on voice phenomena is reviewed, and an
attempt is made to identify the various senses of terms such as middle voice,
16 Chapter 2

middle reflexive, middle construction, etc., as they are used by contemporary

theoretical linguists. Following the review of representative linguistic litera-
ture presented in section 2.1, section 2.2 provides a detailed description of
inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek, especially as it contrasts with the
active voice inflectional system. It is shown that the Modern Greek middle
system can instantiate an extremely wide range of meanings and functions,
many of which have not been analyzed in previous treatments of middle voice,
either as a morphosyntactic or as a semantic category. In section 2.3, particular
theoretical constructs drawn from cognitive linguistics are described in some
detail (cf.Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987b, 1991a; Geeraerts 1989; Taylor
1989), and their usefulness in explaining Modern Greek inflectional middle
voice as a unified semantic category is demonstrated.

2.1 Clarification of terms

In current linguistic research, the term middle has been used to designate one
or more of the following phenomena: (i) a verbal inflectional class whose
members contrast systematically, both morphosyntactically and semantically,
with those of the active inflectional class (Klaiman 1991; Andersen 1991,
1994; Manney 1991, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1998); (ii) a semantic domain
which can be expressed by a number of diverse morphosyntactic devices,
including, but not limited to, an attenuated form of the primary reflexive
strategy (Geniusiene 1987; Kemmer 1993); (iii) the derived member of a pair
which typically occurs in a particular type of transitivity alternation
(Grimshaw 1982; Guerssel, et al. 1985; Roberts 1987; Fagan 1992; Abraham
1995). Middle verbs, in all three of the senses defined above, have been the
focus of numerous studies which utilize a variety of theoretical approaches to
analyze the relevant data; consequently, the term middle has been used to
designate a range of extremely diverse phenomena, both synchronically as
well as diachronically. In order to distinguish the numerous phenomena which
have been referred to as instances of the middle and to clarify how, if at all,
they are related to middle voice as an inflectional category of the Greek
language, I review below the most common usages of the term middle in
recent linguistic research.2
Klaiman (1992) attempts to single out the various types of phenomena
included under the rubric of middle, and her three-way classification, based on
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 17

both semantic and morphosyntactic criteria, is clearly a step in the right

direction. The first type of middle which Klaiman identifies is that of the
generic middle, an intransitive construction which encodes a state of affairs
rather than a specific event, has a patient-like subject, and typically alternates
with a transitive counterpart whose direct object corresponds to the subject of
the generic middle construction. Such a middle construction is illustrated in
(1) below (Klaiman 1992: 35).
(1) The soup that eats like a meal.
The second type of middle specified in Klaiman’s classification is that of
the middle reflexive, which she defines morphosynactically as the combina-
tion of a reflexive morpheme and an active inflected verb. She notes, however,
that the middle reflexive can encode a range of semantic functions in addition
to that of semantic reflexivity, i.e., coreference between two arguments, and
she cites some of those functions discussed in greater detail by typological
studies such as Geniusiene (1987) and Kemmer (1993). As documented in a
number of studies, some of which are considered below, the middle reflexive
occurs quite commonly in many Romance languages; consider the following
example from Spanish (Klaiman 1992: 35), illustrated in (2) below.
(2) Juan se levanta
Juan REFL raise
‘Juan gets up.’
The third sense of the term middle as identified in Klaiman (1992) is that
of a verbal inflectional category which is opposed, both formally and func-
tionally, to an active inflectional category. Klaiman illustrates the middle -
active opposition as attested in Ancient Sanskrit with examples (3)a and (3)b
below (Klaiman 1992: 38, attributed to Burrow 1973: 294).
(3) a. vardhate
grows:MID
‘X increases, X grows bigger’ (Intransitive)
b. vardhati
grows:ACT
‘A increases X, A makes X bigger’ (Transitive)
Klaiman’s typology thus identifies three different senses of the term
middle, defined according to either semantic criteria, i.e., the generic middle,
18 Chapter 2

or morphosyntactic structure, i.e., the middle reflexive and the inflectional

middle. In the following discussion I further differentiate among those con-
struction types which have been collectively labelled as instantiations of the
middle. In particular, I review a range of research representing a number of
theoretical frameworks which treat one or more of the senses of middle as
specified by Klaiman in her tripartite classification summarized above. I also
provide examples drawn from these same works which illustrate the diversity
of phenomena which have been included under the general cover term of
middle.

2.1.1 Middle voice as a typological phenomenon

Various studies which examine middle voice as a crosslinguistic phe-

nomenon have included the inflectional middle system of Ancient Greek
within the scope of analysis; representative works reviewed here are Klaiman
(1988, 1991), Kemmer (1993), and Andersen (1989, 1991, 1994). Kemmer
(1993) views middle voice as a semantic domain realized by any one of a
number of distinct morphosyntactic devices, including verbal inflection, and
maintains that middle voice as a crosslinguistic semantic phenomenon repre-
sents an extended value of the active voice system. Klaiman (1991) and
Andersen (1991, 1994), on the other hand, argue that middle and active
inflectional systems are basic verbal categories such that neither is derived
from the other. While Klaiman (1991) and Kemmer (1993) maintain that
middle inflection typically serves to encode events with an agent-like subject,
Andersen (1989, 1991, 1994) argues instead that middle inflected verbs in the
Greek language function to encode agentless events.
Klaiman (1991) is concerned with characterizing the range of possibili-
ties for encoding grammatical voice across language. In Klaiman’s view,
grammatical voice is a verbal category which includes the subcategories of
derived voice, pragmatic voice, and basic voice. According to Klaiman,
Ancient Greek and Sanskrit are languages which display a basic voice system,
in that both active and middle voice inflections are basic verbal categories
such that neither is derived from the other. Klaiman maintains that in such
systems, voice inflection functions primarily to encode alternations in the
participant role of the argument that occurs in subject position.
Klaiman (1988), which focuses on the semantic role of the subject in a
middle voice construction, makes a pivotal distinction between the roles of
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 19

actor and controller; actor is the source of the action depicted by the verb, and
controller is that entity which determines the course of the action. According
to Klaiman, the Indo-European middle voice system is one in which the actor
correlates partially with the controller; her characterization of the Indo-Euro-
pean middle voice draws on three sources of information, which are Barber’s
(1975) sketch of various Ancient Greek middle inflected verbs, Smyth’s
(1974) grammar of Ancient Greek and a Sanskrit grammar (Speijer 1973).
Klaiman maintains that for all Ancient Indo-European languages, the primary
function of middle voice was to mark an identity between the source of the
action and the entity principally affected. She claims that middle voice was
then extended to depict situations in which the affected subject of a verb is
distinct from the actor, and that this extended meaning constitutes the passive
function of the middle voice inflection. While Klaiman does not further
elaborate on her use of the term passive, the one example she provides from
Sanskrit illustrates a change of state with no explicitly encoded agent
(Klaiman 1988:36, example 7b.)
(4) namate dandah
bend:MID stick:NOM
‘The stick bends.’
Klaiman thus proposes that absence of agency is an extended rather than the
basic value of the middle voice system of Sanskrit, and she extends this claim
to characterize the inflectional middle system of Ancient Greek as well,
although she does not provide attested data from Ancient Greek texts in
support of her claim.
Klaiman (1991) elaborates more on the notions of controller and control,
and explicitly argues that inflectional voice systems such as that of Ancient
Greek represent one of various morphosyntactic resources for encoding the
control construct. Control is defined notionally as the ability to determine the
outcome in a given situation or set of circumstances. The control construct
incorporates a binary distinction between control and noncontrol predicates;
this classification is claimed to provide a rationale for the occurrence of both
middle and active voice inflection. Three main morphological classes of verb
stems in Ancient Greek are identified: those which inflect for middle voice
only, those which inflect for active voice only, and those which inflect for both
active and middle voice; she uses two secondary sources, Schwyzer (1950)
and Smyth (1974), for examples of Ancient Greek middle and active inflected
20 Chapter 2

verbs. Basing her claims on a set of citation forms drawn from these two
sources, Klaiman maintains that middle voice in Ancient Greek is associated
with the part of the control construct which encodes presence of control:
middle verbs with no active counterparts are claimed to depict situations in
which the subject is both animate and intentional. Middle verbs with active
inflected counterparts are also claimed to be subsumed by the notion of
control: the subject of a middle verb in a middle-active pair is claimed to
depict an undergoer, i.e., one who is controlled by another participant. Active
inflection, by comparison, serves to encode both absence and presence of
control: according to Klaiman, verbs which inflect for active voice only
denote reflexes and other events which do not involve an intentional entity and
therefore encode absence of control; active verbs with middle counterparts, on
the other hand, encode control events with an agent locus.
As pointed out by Andersen (1994), Klaiman’s rationale for voice inflec-
tion in Ancient Greek is not consonant with the facts as attested in Ancient
Greek texts. Andersen, drawing on a number of examples from literary texts
of Homeric and Attic Greek, demonstrates, among other things, that (i)
middle-only verbs which Klaiman classifies as control predicates, i.e. those in
which the subject is animate and intentional, often occur with inanimate
subjects in actual texts (Andersen 1994: 46-47); and (ii) numerous active-only
verbs which Klaiman classifies as noncontrol predicates, i.e., those in which
the subject is not intentional, can be inflected for the imperative mood
(Andersen 1994: 45-46). In other words, Klaiman’s proposals concerning the
relationship between voice inflection and the control construct do not emerge
from a detailed description of active and middle inflected verbs as they are
used in actual Greek texts; hence, her account of voice inflection does not
address the massive polysemy which characterizes both active and middle
inflected verbs, some of which are cited in her study.
Like Klaiman (1988, 1991), Kemmer (1993) defines middle voice as both
a semantic domain and a formal category. In specifying the central core of the
semantic domain which middle voice encompasses, Kemmer cites Lyon’s
(1969) characterization of middle voice as signalling that “the ‘action’ or
‘state’ affects the subject of the verb or his interests (Lyons 1969: 373).” With
respect to the formal means used to encode middle voice semantics, Kemmer
is concerned with any one of several distinct formal devices used in the
expression of some cluster of semantic properties fitting Lyons’ description;
these various coding devices are collectively referred to as instances of a
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 21

middle marker.
Unlike Klaiman, Kemmer proposes a close relationship between middle
and reflexive semantics, and is concerned with specifying the similarities and
differences between prototypical middle and reflexive situation types. Early in
her discussion, Kemmer distinguishes three types of formal relationships
between middle and reflexive constructions: in one-form systems, such as that
of German, the middle marker is formally identical to the reflexive marker; in
two-form cognate systems, such as that of Russian, the middle marker is
similar but not identical to the reflexive marker; in a two-form noncognate
system, such as that of Classical Greek, the middle inflection and the primary
reflexive marker are formally distinct and diachronically unrelated (1993: 24-
26). Kemmer focuses on the second type of system, i.e., two-form cognate,
while proposing a single set of crosslinguistic generalizations to account for
all three types of middle systems.
According to Kemmer, both prototypical middle and prototypical reflex-
ive situation types depict events in which the initiator / agent and the endpoint
/ patient entities are one and the same.3 The prototypical middle situation type,
on the one hand, designates an event in which an agent subject is involved in
bodily action, i.e. Modern French s’habiller ‘to get dressed’ and Ancient
Greek keíresthai ‘to cut off one’s hair’ (1993: 54). A prototypical reflexive
event type, on the other hand, involves a simple clause that expresses a two-
participant predication in which the agent-like and the patient-like entities are
coreferent, i.e., Mary stabbed herself (1993: 42). Prototypical middle and
reflexive situation types differ along the semantic parameter of distinguish-
ability of participants such that middle as opposed to reflexive situation types
have a lower degree of distinguishability between the initiator / agent and the
endpoint / patient of the action; this distinguishing principle is viewed as a
special case of the more encompassing semantic notion of relative elaboration
of events. Kemmer argues that the reflexive / middle semantic domain is
situated on a transitivity scale at a point midway between a prototypical active
/ transitive event, which Kemmer exemplifies with the English verb hit, and a
prototypical active / intransitive event, which she exemplifies with the English
verb go. According to Kemmer, the entire active continuum, within which the
middle voice domain is located, stands in opposition to a second continuum,
the latter of which defines the true passive.
Because Kemmer’s focus is on middle markers which are claimed to
derive from a historically prior reflexive function, it is not possible to relate or
22 Chapter 2

compare the resulting analysis of middle reflexive systems to the inflectional

middle system of the Greek language. With respect to both form and function,
the Modern Greek inflectional middle system differs markedly from the
middle reflexive system found in a language family such as Modern Romance,
for example; in the case of the latter, the original middle category has disap-
peared, and a reflexive pro-form has taken on numerous functions formerly
encoded by the now defunct middle system. In the Modern Greek language,
on the other hand, the original inflectional middle system is fully intact, both
functionally and structurally. Furthermore, the primary reflexive strategy,
which utilizes a form of the head noun o eaftós ‘the self,’ and the middle voice
inflectional system, which comprises a major verbal paradigm, are unrelated,
both diachronically and synchronically, a fact which Kemmer also notes. In
addition, a number of empirical studies on the inflectional voice system of the
Greek language have argued that the most typical function of middle inflected
verbs is to encode an agentless event, in Modern Greek (Vassiláki 1986, 1988;
Manney 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1998) as well as in Ancient Greek (Gonda
1960a, 1960b; Chantraine 1963; Andersen 1989, 1991; 1994).4 It is fairly well
established, then, that the Modern Greek inflectional middle voice does not
share any special affinity with the primary reflexive construction, either
semantically or morphosyntactically.
It is possible, however, that the more general construct low degree of
elaboration could be adapted to characterize particular subdomains within the
larger Greek inflectional middle system. Kemmer maintains that events with
low degree of elaboration are viewed by the speaker as an undifferentiated
whole, without regard to the nonlexicalized subevents or less focal semantic
participants which remain offstage in a more abstractly construed event type. As
noted in the above cited studies on the Greek language, middle inflected verbs
typically encode a point of view which focuses on what happened, rather than
on who was responsible. Since an agent participant, prototypically specified in
an active voice construction (cf. Lakoff 1977), is not encoded in the typical
middle construction, it could be argued that the middle verb as opposed to its
active counterpart presents a given event at a lower degree of elaboration. The
more general semantic parameter of low degree of elaboration as a possible
common denominator of middle systems crosslinguistically is thus more clearly
consonant with the facts of the Greek language, since such a notion might
feasibly be invoked to characterize the strong tendency of the Modern Greek
inflectional middle voice to encode absence or attenuation of agency.
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 23

Gonda (l960a, 1960b), drawing on data from Classical Greek and San-
skrit texts, argues that the original function of inflectional middle voice in
Ancient Indo-European languages was to depict events which indirectly in-
volved a nonagent subject. In particular, he argues against the traditionally
held opinion that the primary meaning of the Indo-European middle was to
convey that an agentive subject’s interests were affected in some way (cf.
Lyons 1969); in Gonda’s account, the notion of subject affectedness is a
derived meaning of middle voice. The original meaning, Gonda claims, is that
of an event which occurs with respect to, rather than because of, the entity
encoded as subject. In other words, middle inflected verbs depict events as
unfolding in the vicinity of a neutral participant, rather than resulting from the
subject’s volitional effort. According to Gonda, this impersonal sense of
middle voice is illustrated by the Ancient Greek verb loúomai
‘wash:1SG:MID’. Gonda hypothesizes that this verb may have originally
meant something like ‘a process of washing the body is taking place with
regard to the person under consideration (i.e. the subject)’, rather than ‘X
washes himself,’ and thereby depicts the washing event independently of any
initiating forces.
According to Gonda, this impersonal sense of middle voice gave rise to
the meaning of subject affectedness, which, in his view, involves a nonvoli-
tional subject that is affected by the event designated by the verb; this
secondary meaning of affected subject then led to the further extended ‘me-
dial’ sense, which conveys that the subject intentionally performs a process
with respect to her/his own interests. This derived medial sense is illustrated
G
in the middle member of the following pair: agein:ACT ‘to lead, to carry
G
X’ / agesthai:MID ‘to carry away for oneself’. In sum, Gonda claims that the
original meaning of Ancient Indo-European middle voice was not that of
subject affectedness, but rather that of something happening to, or befalling a
subject, or taking place in the vicinity of a subject (1960a: 49).
Andersen (1989, 1991, 1994), in characterizing Ancient Greek middle
voice as an inflectional category which typically encodes absence of agency,
is reminiscent of Gonda (1960a, 1960b) as summarized above. Andersen
(1989, 1991, 1994) cites numerous linguistic examples from Ancient Greek
texts as well as several relevant passages from the early Greek grammars of
Dionysius Thrax and the Stoics in support of his claim that the central function
of Ancient Greek middle voice was to encode an anticausative event, i.e., an
agentless event. Andersen argues that the Ancient Greek voice system com-
24 Chapter 2

prises two opposing inflectional categories, which are active (enéryeia or

‘performance’) and middle (páθos or ‘experience’). These two categories
distinguish two types of relationships between the subject and the event
depicted by the verb: whereas active inflection (enéryeia) typically encodes
the subject’s performance of the event designated by the verb, middle inflec-
tion (páθos) typically encodes the subject’s experience of the event.
While Andersen proposes that inflectional middle voice in Ancient Greek
typically functions to encode an event with an experiencer as subject, he is
also concerned with the massive polysemy which characterizes both active
and middle inflected verbs as they occur in particular linguistic and discourse
contexts. Andersen appeals to Sperber and Wilson’s (1986) distinction be-
tween code and referential modes in proposing a two level representation of
linguistic meaning: a semantic, contextually independent meaning, and a
pragmatic, contextually dependent meaning.5 Without actually presenting an
explicit analysis of a particular set of data, Andersen maintains that middle
inflection is defined on the semantic level by the presence of a single distinc-
tive semantic feature, that of the subject experiencing the event depicted by
the verb. Particular senses of middle inflection, such as the anticausative, the
passive, the reflexive, the indirect reflexive, as well as those which Andersen
terms the exceptional meanings, are viewed as semantically underspecified
meanings whose more specific senses are derived via contextually inferred
interpretations which are determined on the pragmatic level. Since Andersen
does not demonstrate explicitly how the two proposed levels of analysis
account for particular examples drawn from Ancient Greek texts, it is not
possible to evaluate the success of his theoretical approach in accounting for
attested data. However, his descriptive characterizations of Ancient Greek
middle voice are based on a wide range of textual examples and thus attempt
to address the tremendous complexities and massive polysemy of inflectional
voice in the Greek language.
The preceding discussion has briefly summarized the key points of recent
typological studies on middle voice which include the inflectional middle
system of Ancient Greek within the scope of analysis. Andersen (1989, 1991,
1994), Klaiman (1988, 1991) and Kemmer (1993) all maintain that middle
voice as a morphosyntactic category serves to encode the notion of subject
affectedness. Unlike Andersen, however, Kemmer and Klaiman both claim
that a basic function of middle voice is to encode events with a volitional
agent-like subject. Kemmer in particular maintains that middle voice is a
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 25

semantic domain which is located in the center of an active continuum, the

endpoints of which mark one-participant active intransitive events, exempli-
fied by the English verb go, and two-participant active transitive events,
instantiated by the English verb hit. Klaiman (1991) and Andersen (1994), on
the other hand, maintain that active and middle voice in Ancient Greek are two
basic verbal categories such that neither is derived from the other, and that the
middle inflectional system is clearly orthogonal to morphosyntactic transitiv-
ity. Unlike both Kemmer and Klaiman, however, Andersen (1989, 1991,
1994) argues that the primary function of inflectional middle voice in Ancient
Greek is to depict the absence of agency of the entity encoded as subject;
Gonda (1960a, 1960b) makes a similar claim. In present study of Modern
Greek, it will be argued that inflectional middle voice comprises a basic verbal
category which is opposed, both morphosyntactically and semantically, to the
active inflectional system, and that middle voice typically functions to encode
reduced or absence of agency.

2.1.2 The middle reflexive

The term middle reflexive has been used in contemporary linguistic research to
designate a type of construction comprising a bound or unbound reflexive
morpheme and an active inflected verb (cf. Klaiman 1992). In this section I
review a small but representative sample of research on the middle reflexive
which illustrates the variety of theoretical approaches that have been used to
explain its distribution. I will first review a group of studies which utilize
formal syntactic devices to formulate precise rules that account for particular
usages of reflexive morphology, including the impersonal, the middle (also
referred to as the generic middle construction), the unaccusative (also referred
to as the ergative construction or the agentless change of state) and the
passive. I will then consider cognitive/functional and/or typological ap-
proaches which analyze a wider range of attested middle reflexive construc-
tions, including both morphosyntactically transitive and intransitive types, as
points along a continuum of reflexivity which is defined according to semantic
or notional rather than formal criteria.
Among the formal studies of the middle reflexive, most analyze the
reflexive morpheme as one of three possible linguistic entities: (i) an argument
of the verb; (ii) the lexical or syntactic reflex of a valency reducing operation;
or (iii) the instantiation of two or more distinct homophonous morphemes. The
26 Chapter 2

first position is taken in Manzini (1986), who uses government-binding theory

to explain four reflexive middle constructions in Italian such that reflexive si is
analyzed as a type of pronoun.6 In the first of these construction types, which
she terms impersonal si, si is analyzed as a free variable which forms a chain
with the underlying subject; this construction type is illustrated in (5) below
(Manzini 1986: 242).
(5) si lava volentieri i bambini
‘One gladly washes the children.’
In the second of her four construction types, reflexive si, si is analyzed as a
dependent variable which refers back to the subject and forms a chain with the
underlying object; such a construction type is illustrated in (6) below (Manzini
1986: 248).
(6) i bambini si lavano
‘The children wash themselves/each other.’
Third, she identifies the middle si construction in which si is analyzed as a free
variable plus a passivizer; it is maintained that this free variable occurs as an
object at d-structure and as a subject at s-structure. Such a construction is
illustrated in (7) below (Manzini 1986: 256).
(7) i bambini si lavano volentieri
‘The children wash gladly.’
Finally, she considers the middle reflexive usage of si, which occurs with a
small class of verbs in small-clause relative constructions. In such a construc-
tion type, si is analyzed as a variable whose interpretation is referentially
dependent on its subject, and serves as an indication that the syntactic transfor-
mation of passivization has taken place. An example of this construction type
is provided in (8) below (Manzini 1986: 258, attributed to Burzio 1981).
(8) gli unici bambini lavatisi
‘The only children who wash themselves’
Other formal analyses of the middle reflexive have argued that instances
of the reflexive morpheme such as those illustrated in (5) - (8) above mark the
operation of various derivational processes, either lexical or syntactic, which
reduce the valency of a verb. For example, Grimshaw (1982), using the
framework of lexical functional grammar, articulates an analysis of se con-
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 27

structions in French whereby se serves as the formal marker of one of

numerous intransitivizing processes, and according to Grimshaw “appears to
be an arbitrary grammatical marker which makes no direct contribution to the
interpretation of the sentence (1982: 100).”
Among those studies which utilize elements of government-binding
theory and which argue for the intransitivizing function of middle reflexive
constructions, many explain the reflexive morpheme as a clitic which absorbs
the role of an underlying subject or object argument that is suppressed in the
surface form of the derived intransitive construction.7 The differences among
various reflexively marked constructions are often accounted for by appealing
to the distinction between lexical and syntactic processes. Wehrli (1986)
argues that in French, reflexive and reciprocal constructions as well as middle
constructions marked with se have undergone absorption of the object and
subject roles, respectively, in the syntactic component: the syntactic compo-
nent is assumed to accommodate only those processes which are productive
and regular, and the processes of reflexivization and middle formation are
shown to be productive and regular. On the other hand, Wehrli maintains that
inherent reflexives and inchoative constructions marked with se have under-
gone object and subject absorption, respectively, in the lexicon; his assump-
tion is that these latter reflexive marked constructions are the result of
idiosyncratic and/or irregular processes, and that the lexicon is the repository
of such processes.
Another formal approach to explaining the multiple functions of the
reflexive morpheme within a given language is to analyze two or more
instances of the same phonological form as functionally distinct homopho-
nous units. Cinque (1988) argues for two different types of impersonal si in
Italian: one which is syntactically realized as an argument of the verb, the
other which is not an argument but instead functions as a syntactic marker for
a generic entity. In a similar vein, Campos (1989) argues that impersonal se
and passive se in Spanish reflect two different types of operations: passive se
marks the process of object absorption which occurs in the lexicon, whereas
impersonal se absorbs the feature of [+definite] and is viewed as an empty
indefinite pronoun.
In sum, formal treatments of the middle reflexive vary with respect to two
main points. The first of these concerns the type of structural element which
the reflexive morpheme is claimed to instantiate. Three positions which have
been reviewed here are the following: the reflexive morpheme is (i) an
28 Chapter 2

argument of the verb; (ii) a reflex or marker of one of various derivational

processes which typically reduce the valency of the predicate, or in terms of
government-binding theory, a structural device which absorbs an underlying
thematic role; (iii) a set of homophonous forms which instantiate a variety of
different grammatical functions. The second point of difference among formal
analyses of the middle reflexive is whether the construction is analyzed as the
result of a syntactic or a lexical process. In addressing these particular
questions, formal accounts share the common goal of elaborating or refining
various components of the grammatical machinery in order to derive correctly
a subset of common reflexive structures.
An alternative strategy to analyzing the middle reflexive is first to pro-
vide a comprehensive description of all the various instantiations of the
middle reflexive in a given language or set of languages, and then to attempt a
theoretical characterization of the entire range of its attested values. Typologi-
cal and/or cognitive/functional studies which adopt this approach typically
regard the middle reflexive as a large set of related construction types which
are situated along a continuum, semantic or otherwise, rather than as the
various results of separate and distinct lexical or syntactic processes.
Geniusiene (1987), in her description of reflexive marked constructions
in Lithuanian, Latvian, and Russian, uses what she calls a “probabilistic
approach to language,” attributed to Nalimov (1979), whereby language is
viewed as a continuum of diffuse phenomena which gradually merge into one
another (Geniusiene 1987:59). In Geniusiene’s view, the reflexive marker is a
semantically meaningful element which typically serves to reduce the valency
of a verbal predication. Because her focus is on providing an accurate and
thorough description of the possible derivative meanings of reflexive con-
structions, she includes a wide range of construction types in her typology;
some of the most commonly discussed types which she illustrates are reflex-
ives and semantically related construction types, reciprocals, inchoatives,
passives, middle formations (also known as generic middle constructions),
and inherent reflexives.
However, Geniusiene also examines several commonly occurring reflex-
ive construction types which have not been widely discussed in formal stud-
ies; four such constructions are illustrated below. For ease of exposition, all of
the examples provided here are taken from Lithuanian, but parallel examples
are given in Geniusiene (1987) for other languages as well (terms written in
boldface are Geniusiene’s). Reflexive marked constructions are illustrated in
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 29

the (b) examples; their nonreflexive counterparts are provided in the respec-
tive (a) examples.
Lexical Converse (1987: 73)
(9) a. petr-as paskolino man pinig-u
Peter-NOM lent I:DAT money-GEN:PL
‘Peter lent me some money.’
b. as pa-si-skolinau is petr-o pinig-u
I:NOM PREF-REFL-lent from Peter-GEN money-GEN:PL
‘I borrowed some money from Peter.’
Absolute Reflexive (1987: 83-84)
(10) a. berniuk-as muša vaik-us
boy-NOM beats child-ACC:PL
‘The boy beats children.’
b. berniuk-as muša-si
boy-NOM beat-REFL
‘The boy fights/is pugnacious.’
Deaccusative (1987: 94)
(11) a. petr-as svaido akemen-is
Peter-NOM throws stone-ACC:PL
‘Peter is throwing stones.’
b. petr-as svaido-si akmen-imis
Peter-NOM throws-REFL stone-INST:PL
‘Peter is throwing stones.’
(Both sentences (11)a and (11)b can refer to the same objective event, but
sentence (11)b serves to pragmatically deemphasize the object being thrown.)
Agent Oriented Action (1987: 135)
(12) a. jon-as atvede vaik-a i mokykl-a
Jonas-NOM brought child-ACC to school-ACC
‘Jonas brought the child to school.’
(action performed for the sake of the patient)
b. jon-as at-si-vede vaik-a i
Jonas-NOM PREF-REFL-brought child-ACC to
mokykl-a
school-ACC
‘Jonas brought the child with him to the school.’
(action performed by the agent for his/her own benefit)
30 Chapter 2

Like Geniusiene (1987), Maldonado (1992) considers the set of middle

reflexive constructions which have been widely discussed, such as the pas-
sive, the impersonal, the generic middle and the true reflexive, as well as many
of those which have not been widely discussed, such as the benefactive-like
uses of se, the emphatic function of se, and the use of se in constructions which
depict unplanned and/or unexpected occurrences. Using the theoretical frame-
work of cognitive linguistics, Maldonado accounts for several diverse se-
constructions in Mexican Spanish as the various instances of a single unified
semantic category.
Maldonado makes two major theoretical claims in his analysis of Spanish
se as a unified semantic category. The first is that middle se and reflexive se
occupy two extremes of a semantic continuum that signals distinguishability
of participants; middle se designates a low degree of distinguishability while
reflexive se conveys a higher degree of distinguishability by comparison. The
second claim advanced is that the various uses of the Spanish middle reflexive
comprise a semantically defined morphosyntactic category, the middle do-
main, whose primary function is to position a given event midway on a
continuum of transitivity. In the case of the prototypical transitive event type
involving two participants, se functions to depict a reduction either in the
degree of control exercised by an agent, or in the the degree of separability
between the subject and the object. In the case of the prototypical intransitive
event involving only one participant, se marks an increase in the subject
entity’s level of involvement in the process designated by the verb.
One major group of se- constructions which occur in morphosyntactically
transitive clauses and which are claimed to depict reduced transitivity are
those that depict situations which typically involve or affect the subject to a
greater degree than their nonreflexive counterparts. Such constructions, col-
lectively termed benefactive, are analyzed as designating events in which a
second participant is situated within the abstract dominion of the entity
designated as subject, thereby reducing the degree of separability between two
participants. One such benefactive construction marked with se and its
nonbenefactive counterpart are illustrated respectively in (13)b and (13)a
below (Maldonado 1992: 152).
(13) a. María Carmen guardó el boleto en la bolsa del pantalón
‘María Carmen kept the ticket in the pants pocket.’
(María Carmen is not wearing the pants where the ticket is
located)
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 31

b. Claudia se guardó el boleto en la bolsa del pantalón

‘Claudia kept the ticket in the pants pocket.’
(Claudia is wearing the pants where the ticket is located)
In the case of those middle reflexive constructions which depict increased
transitivity as compared to their nonreflexive marked counterparts, the notion
of dynamicity is invoked to characterize the subject’s increased level of
participation in the event designated by the middle reflexive verb. In one type
of usage, se imposes an emphatic reading on the designated event; such a
construction and its nonemphatic counterpart are illustrated respectively, in
(14)b and (14)a below (Maldonado 1992:371).
(14) a. Sin mayor conflicto,
Juan *se decidió / decidió cambiar de trabajo
‘Juan decided to change his job.’
b. Con muchas dudas y después de mucho pensarlo,
Juan *decidió / se decidió a cambiar de trabajo
‘Juan made up his mind to change his job.’
In another related type of middle reflexive construction, the notion of
dynamicity conveyed by se is more abstract, and invokes a reading whereby
the event designated by the verb runs counter to the norm or to normal
expectation. Such a dynamic / nondynamic pair is illustrated respectively in
(15)b and (15)a below (Maldonado 1992: 317).
(15) a. En el otoño las hojas caen de los árboles
‘In autumn the leaves fall from the trees.’
(the usual or expected situation)
b. De pronto las hojas se cayeron de los árboles
‘Suddenly the leaves fell down from the trees.’
(presence of a force which works counter to the expected
situation)
Assuming a model of transitivity such as that proposed by Hopper and
Thompson (1980) in which transitivity is viewed as a semantic continuum,
Maldonado (1992) proposes that se constructions such as those illustrated in
(13)a - (13)b - (15)a - (15)b above, as well as more commonly discussed se
constructions such as the passive, impersonal, reflexive, and generic middle,
comprise a unified semantic category which serves to reduce the transitivity of
32 Chapter 2

highly transitive events and to increase the transitivity of highly intransitive

events. According to Maldonado, therefore, the middle reflexive se in Spanish
occupies a semantic area which is situated midway between prototypical
transitivity and prototypical intransitivity.

2.1.3 The middle construction

Numerous studies, most of which utilize the framework of generative syntax,

have utilized the term middle construction to designate the derived member of
an alternating pair whereby the derived member designates a generic situation
with a patient-like subject and an implicit agent (Keyser and Roeper 1984,
Hale and Keyser 1986; Abraham 1986, 1995; Roberts 1987, Fagan 1988,
1992; Condorávi 1989; Stroik 1992, Hoekstra and Roberts 1993). The basic,
underived member of the pair, on the other hand, often designates a specific
event with an explicit agent in subject position. A typical example of the
middle construction in English was illustrated in example (1) above and is
repeated below in example (16).
(16) The soup that eats like a meal.
The middle construction has been defined crosslinguistically according to two
key properties. First of all, in those cases where the middle is the intransitive
member of a transitive - intransitive pair, the direct object of the transitive
construction is realized as the subject of the corresponding middle variant of
the same verb, and the agent nominal of the transitive construction is not
typically expressed in the middle variant. However, in languages such as
German, middle constructions can also be derived from an intransitive coun-
terpart (cf. Abraham 1986, 1994; Fagan 1992). Secondly, the middle construc-
tion typically depicts a generic situation or state, rather than a change of state
event in which a patient is affected.8 Furthermore, in languages such as
German, Dutch, and English, it has been shown that middle constructions
almost always cooccur with one of a restricted set of manner adverbials;
Abraham (1995) has suggested that the presence of a manner adverb in the
derived middle construction is related to a nonlexicalized benefactive seman-
tic role which serves as a recovering device for the explicit agent present in the
nonderived member of the pair.
Recent studies have identified three different morphosyntactic means
available for encoding the derived middle member of an alternating pair. First
of all, in some languages, such as English, Frisian, and Dutch, the derived
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 33

middle construction is encoded with the same active inflected form that is used
to designate its basic eventive counterpart (Keyser and Roeper 1984; Roberts
1987; Hale and Keyser 1986; Abraham 1986, 1995; Fagan 1988, 1992; Stroik
1992; Hoekstra and Roberts 1993). Examples of the basic and the derived
members of one such pair in English, taken from Keyser and Roeper (1984:
384), are provided, respectively, in sentences (17)a and (17)b below.
(17) a. He bribed a government official
b. Government officials bribe easily.
In languages such as German and the Romance languages, on the other
hand, the middle construction is encoded with an active inflected verb plus a
reflexive morpheme (Abraham 1986, 1995; Zubizarreta 1987; Cinque 1988;
Hirschbühler 1988; Fellbaum and Zribi-Hertz 1989; Fagan 1992). Examples
of such middle constructions are provided below; sentence (18) illustrates a
German middle construction derived from a transitive variant (Abraham
(1986: 26); sentence (19) illustrates a German middle construction formed
from an intransitive counterpart (Abraham 1995: 8), and sentence (20) illus-
trates a middle construction in Italian (Cinque 1988: 559).
(18) Diese Nonnen erbauen sich leicht.
these nuns edify REFL easily
‘These nuns edify easily.’
(19) Es welkt sich eben schnell bei dieser Hitze
It wilts REFL PART quickly at this heat
‘Everything wilts quickly in this heat.’
(20) Questo vestito si lava facilmente
this suit REFL wash easily
‘This suit washes easily.’
Finally, in languages with an inflectional middle voice system, such as
Modern Greek, the middle / generic construction can be encoded with either a
middle or an active inflected verb (Condorávi 1989; Kakouriótis 1992); two
such pairs are illustrated in (21)-(21)b and (22)a-(22)b below. The first pair
illustrates a generic / eventive alternation where both variants of the verb are
inflected for active voice (adapted from Kakouriótis 1992; 30-31); the second
set illustrates an alternation in which the middle / generic variant is inflected
for middle voice, and the eventive variant is inflected for active voice
(Kakouriótis 1992: 56).
34 Chapter 2

(21) a. aftó to kréas vrázi éfkola

this the-meat :NOM boil:3SG:ACT/0 easily
‘This meat boils easily.’
b. o máyiras vrázi to kréas
the-chef:NOM boil:3SG:ACT/0 the-meat:ACC
‘The chef boils / is boiling the meat.’
(22) a. i kótes sfázonde éfkola
the-chickens:NOM slaughter:3PL:MID/A easily
‘Chickens slaughter easily.’
b. o yeorγós sfázi tis kótes
the-farmer:NOM slaughter:3SG:ACT/M the-chickens:ACC
éfkola
easily
‘The farmer slaughters the chickens easily.’
Condorávi (1989) further observes that middle inflected and active inflected
generic / middle constructions in Modern Greek, such as those illustrated in
(22)a and (21)a, respectively, must be the result of two different processes, since
middle inflected but not active inflected middle constructions allow the explicit
mention of an agent. Therefore, sentence (23)a below, with a middle inflected
verb and an agent phrase, is attested, while sentence (24)a, with an active
inflected verb and an agent phrase, is ill-formed (Condorávi 1989:25-26).
(23) a. aftó to psomí kóvete éfkola akóma
this the-bread:NOM cut:3SG:MID/A easily even
ki apó peδyá
CONJ PREP children
‘This bread can be cut easily, even by children.’
(Attested)
b. aftó to psomí kóvete éfkola
this the-bread:NOM cut:3SG:MID/A easily
‘This bread cuts easily.’
(24) a. *aftí i pórta aníyi éfkola akóma
this the-door:NOM open:3SG:ACT/M easily even
ki apó peδyá
CONJ PREP children
‘This door opens easily, even by children.’
(Ill-formed)
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 35

b. aftíi pórta aníyi éfkola

this the-door:NOM open:3SG:ACT/M easily
‘This door opens easily.’
With the exception of Condorávi (1989), all of the above-cited studies on
the middle construction as the generic member of an eventive - generic
alternation are formulated within the framework of or assume various ele-
ments of government-binding theory as articulated in Chomsky (1981). With
the exception of Condorávi (1989) and Hale and Keyser (1987), studies on the
middle construction reviewed in this section have assumed that the eventive
member of the pair is basic and that the middle / generic variant is derived,
either by means of a syntactic rule or by the operation of one or more lexical
processes. The question of whether middle formation is a lexical or a syntactic
process has thus received a great deal of attention in recent scholarship
conducted within the framework of generative syntax. In addressing the issue
of precisely how middles are derived, major formal studies such as Roberts
(1987), Fagan (1992) and Abraham (1995) have proposed new models of the
lexicon and/or the syntax as envisioned within a government-binding frame-
work, and thus develop innovative approaches in explaining key properties of
the middle construction as well as related construction types such as the
passive and the reflexive.
Roberts (1987) proposes a reformulation of various key principles of
government-binding theory, most notably the projection principle, so that
middle formation as well as passivization in English can both be analyzed as
instances of a syntactic movement rule rather than as a lexical or quasi-lexical
process. According to Roberts, both types of derived constructions are charac-
terized by the structural presence of a phonologically unrealized agent the-
matic role which is present in the basic underlying representations of both
constructions. Roberts’ innovative claim is that the projection principle is not
always applicable to the underlying subject position, and that the agent
thematic role associated with subject position is suppressed during the course
of the derivation from the basic transitive construction to the derived middle or
passive construction.
Fagan (1988, 1992), on the other hand, claims that middle formation in
English, as well as in French and German, is a lexical process which
genericizes an underlying subject and externalizes an underlying direct object
to subject position. In order to account for middle constructions with both
predictable and nonpredictable meanings, she proposes a model of the lexicon
36 Chapter 2

which recognizes two separate levels of analysis. The static lexicon comprises
an arbitrary list of lexical items as well as a list of productively formed words
which have acquired, in addition to their more predictable meanings, a range
of extended senses; the dynamic lexicon, on the the hand, encompasses all
productive word formations and generates input to the syntactic component as
well as to other lexical processes. According to Fagan, those few middle
constructions whose meanings are not entirely predictable are listed in the
static lexicon, whereas the majority of middle constructions with predictable
meanings are formed in the dynamic lexicon.
Fagan also maintains that middle formation in both German and English
is conditioned by two key semantic factors. First of all, the inherent aspectual
properties of a verb are claimed to determine the eligibility of that verb to
undergo middle formation. Invoking Vendler’s (1967) classification of verbal
aspectual types which recognizes the categories of activities, accomplish-
ments, achievements, and states, Fagan argues that only verbs which depict
activities or accomplishments can undergo middle formation. Secondly, the
eligibility of an underlying transitive construction to undergo middle forma-
tion is further conditioned by the properties of the underlying object. Using
van Oosten’s (1984) semantic notion of responsibility, Fagan argues that
middle formation can apply only to those verbs whose direct objects can be
perceived as responsible for the action depicted by the verb. In Fagan’s
analysis, therefore, middle formation is specified as a lexical process which
involves a complex interplay between syntax, semantics, and the lexicon.
Abraham (1995), on the other hand, argues that middle formation in
German displays properties characteristic of both lexical and syntactic pro-
cesses, and that reflexive morphology in the German middle construction is
semantically motivated by agent dethematization common to both the middle
construction and the true reflexive. With respect to its lexical properties,
German middle formation shows affinities with the adjectival passive formed
with the auxiliary sein, the latter of which is claimed to be lexically derived.
Furthermore, as illustrated in sentences (18) and (19) above, middle formation
in German applies to both transitive and intransitive constructions, and there-
fore cannot be explained as an instance of moving an underlying direct object
into subject position. On the other hand, middle formation in German shares
affinities with syntactically derived structures such as the passive formed with
the auxiliary werden, in that both types of constructions are extremely
productive. Furthermore, both involve an alternation of semantic roles in the
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 37

underlying and derived constructions such that an underlying agent is

dethematized during the course of the derivation.
Abraham suggests that this process of agent dethematization is the unify-
ing factor through which the (eventive) passive, the reflexive, and the middle
construction are related in German. He first demonstrates that passivization is
sensitive to the properties of coreference, since it fails to apply in those
constructions where the subject and the direct object are coreferent. He
concludes that the passive cannot apply in such a case because the reflexive
relation marked by German sich is already moving in the direction of agent
dethematization, and possibly direct object promotion. As a result, the direct
object is not clearly distinguished from the subject in the relevant sich con-
struction types. According to Abraham, if the reflexive middle in German is
the result of a secondary detransitivization process (as opposed to the primary
one of passivization) it is because the transfer of something from a doer to an
undergoes can no longer take place, since the doer and the undergoer in the
relevant constructions types are not referentially distinct.
These three studies, Roberts (1987), Fagan (1992) and Abraham (1995),
thus illustrate the range of issues treated in the discussion of middle formation
as a lexical or a syntactic process. Of those studies which are reviewed in this
section, six propose that middle formation arises via an instance of Move-NP
in the syntactic component (Keyser and Roeper 1984; Hale and Keyser 1986;
Roberts 1987; Fellbaum and Zribi-Hertz 1989; Stroik 1992; and Hoekstra and
Roberts 1993); three studies argue for a purely lexical analysis of middle
formation (Hale and Keyser 1987; Fagan 1988, 1992). Still other studies
(Zubizarreta 1987; Cinque 1988) claim either that middle formation can be
either a lexical or a syntactic process, depending on language particular facts,
or that middle formation within a single language displays properties of both
lexical and syntactic processes and that it is functionally related to both the
passive and the reflexive (Abraham 1995).

2.2 Descriptive sketch of the Modern Greek voice system

In this section I present a descriptive overview of the inflectional voice system

in Modern Greek. I focus on the diversity, both semantic and morphosyntac-
tic, of clausal constructions whose main verbs are inflected for middle voice,
and on the range of semantic distinctions encoded by active and middle
38 Chapter 2

inflected variants of the same verb stem. The term middle voice is used in the
present study of Modern Greek to designate one of two formally distinct
inflectional voice systems, and it is argued that the middle system typically
functions to depict events independently of an initiating agent.

2.2.1 General characteristics of the inflectional middle system

All Greek verbs, in both finite and nonfinite form, are obligatorily inflected for
middle or active voice; voice is indicated in a portmanteau realization which
also encodes tense, aspect, and modality (cf. Joseph and Smirniotópoulos
1993). Modern Greek verbs can be grouped into three classes according to
their inflectional possibilities: those with active inflection only, to be termed
active-only, those with middle inflection only, to be termed middle-only, and
those with both active and middle inflected forms, to be termed active-middle
or middle-active. A simple clause that is built around a middle inflected verb
will be referred to as a middle structure. Examples of common active-only
verbs include the following: perpatáo:ACT/0 ‘to take someone for a walk; to
walk; to show someone the ropes’, kséro:ACT/0 ‘to know’, skívo:ACT/0 ‘to
bend over’, and arosténo:ACT/0 ‘to get sick’. An equally large number of
Greek verbs are middle-only. In traditional grammars of Ancient Greek, such
as Smyth (1974), and in contemporary grammars of Modern Greek, such as
Holton, et al. (1997) the term deponent has been used to refer to such verbs. I
do not use the term deponent in the present study, however, since this term has
been used by a variety of scholars to refer to extremely diverse phenomena.9
Examples of commonly occurring middle-only verbs include lipáme:MID/0
‘to feel regret; to feel sorry for someone’, xazmuryéme:MID/0 ‘to yawn’,
paraponyéme:MID/0 ‘to complain’, ksexínome:MID/0 ‘to overflow’,
fimízome:MID/0 ‘to be famous or well-known’. There is also a very large set
of active-middle verbs in Greek; typical examples include skotóno:ACT/M ‘to
kill someone’ / skotónome:MID/A ‘to really exert oneself; to get in a fight with
someone’, pandrévo:ACT/M ‘to marry someone off; to act as a matchmaker’ /
pandrévome:MID/A ‘to get married’, simvulévo:ACT/M ‘to give advice’ /
simvulévome:MID/A ‘to receive advice’, enθaríno:ACT/M ‘to encourage
someone’ / enθarínome:MID/A ‘to feel encouraged’, leróno:ACT/M ‘to get
something dirty / lerónome: MID/A ‘to become dirty.’
Middle inflected verbs, both middle-only and active-middle, can occur in
morphosyntactically transitive as well as intransitive clauses. In the present
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 39

work, a clause is considered to be morphosyntactically transitive only if it

contains a nominative case marked subject and an accusative or sentential
object. Morphosyntactically intransitive clauses include those with oblique
objects (a preposition plus an accusative or genitive case marked object),
genitive objects, or no objects. Transitive and intransitive clauses with middle
inflected verbs are illustrated in sentences (25) and (26) below, respectively.
(25) fováme to yáni
fear:1SG:MID/0 the-Yiánni:ACC
‘I’m afraid of Yiánni.’
(26) periplaníθike s tus δrómus
wander:3SG:MID/0 PREP the-streets:ACC
tis θesaloníkis mexri ta mesánixta
the-Thessaloniki:GEN until the-midnight:ACC
‘S/he wandered around in the streets of Thessaloniki until mid-
night.’
While active-middle variants of the same verb stem most typically encode a
transitivity alternation in which the active member of the pair is transitive and
the middle member of the pair intransitive, it is sometimes the case that active-
middle variants of the same verb stem are both intransitive or both transitive;
two such pairs are illustrated below in sentences (27)a - (27)b and (28)a -
(28)b, respectively.
(27) a. vréxi
rain:3SG:ACT/M
‘It’s raining.’
b. vréxese
rain:2SG:MID/A
‘You’re getting wet.’
(28) a. promiθévo ta laxaniká s
pass:1SG:ACT/M the-vegetables:ACC PREP
tus manáviδes
the- greengrocers:ACC
‘I supply vegetables to the greengrocers.’
b. promiθévome ta laxaniká apó
pass:1SG:MID/A the-vegetables:ACC PREP
40 Chapter 2

tus manáviδes
the-grocers:ACC
‘I get vegetables from the greengrocers.’
The above examples illustrate, among other things, that the inflectional voice
system in Modern Greek has its own internal organization and rationale which
overlaps with but differs from that of the transitivity system, since both active
and middle inflected verbs can occur in morphosyntactically transitive and
intransitive constructions.10
Of those intransitive middle constructions which occur with an oblique
object, there are four prepositions which typically mark the oblique object;
these are apó ‘from, by, because of’, me ‘with, through, by, because of’ se ‘to,
towards, in, on’, and ya ‘for, about’. The prototypical values of each of these is
given below.
apó ‘a source or origin’
me: ‘a means or instrument’
se: ‘a path between two points’
ya: ‘a broad region or area, either physical or abstract’
These prototypical senses are illustrated in sentences (29) - (32) below.
(29) aftó to δaxtilíδi íne δóro apó
this the-ring:NOM be:3SG:MID/0 gift :ACC PREP
tin yayá mu
the-grandmother:ACC 1SG:GEN
‘This ring is a gift from my grandmother.’
(30) píγame s ti kríti me aeropláno
go:1PL:ACT/0 PREP the-Crete:ACC PREP airplane:ACC
‘We went to Crete by plane.’
(31) δósto se ména
give:2SG:IMP:ACT/M PREP 1SG:ACC
‘Give it to me.’
(32) δen éxo iδéa ya ti práγma
NEG have:1SG:ACT/0 idea PREP the-thing:ACC
miláne
talk:3PL:ACT/M
‘I don’t have any idea what they’re talking about.’
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 41

2.2.2 Major types of middle structures

While middle inflected verbs are not restricted to any particular semantic class
and in fact occur across the entire lexicon, middle structures tend to encode
events which belong to one of the following three general semantic groups:
mental experience, e.g., fováme:MID/0 ‘to be frightened’, self-contained or
self-affecting agent-initiated events, e.g. apoloγúme:MID/0 ‘to defend one-
self’, and spontaneous states and changes of state, e.g. kalíptome:MID/A ‘to
be / to get covered with something’. Middle structures can also encode four
well known intransitive situation types, which are the passive, the reflexive,
the reciprocal, and the generic / middle. However, active inflected verbs also
occur in all three of the above-mentioned semantic classes, for example, in the
class of mental experience, θimóno:ACT/0 ‘to be/become angry’; in the class
of self-contained agent-initiated events, skívo:ACT/0 ‘to bend over,’ and in the
class of spontaneous changes of state, lióno:ACT/0 ‘to melt’. Furthermore,
there are alternative means of encoding the passive, the reflexive, the recipro-
cal, and the generic middle which do not rely exclusively on middle inflection;
for example, the periphrastic passive is formed with the copula and a middle or
an active inflected participle, the noun phrase reflexive consists of a middle or
an active inflected verb and a reflexive noun phrase, and a second type of
generic middle construction is encoded simply with an active inflected verb.
While middle inflection typically imparts one or more of a cluster of
related meanings whenever it occurs in a given verb class or construction type,
such meanings are easier to isolate in the case of minimal or near minimal
active - middle pairs.11 Two such minimal pairs were illustrated in sentences
(27)a - (27)b and (28)a - (28)b above; these are repeated for convenience
below as (33)a - (33)b and (34)a - (34)b.
(33) a. vréxi
rain:3SG:ACT/M
‘It’s raining.’
b. vréxese
rain:2SG:MID/A
‘You’re getting wet.’
(34) a. promiθévo ta laxaniká
pass:1SG:ACT/M the-vegetables:ACC
42 Chapter 2

s tus manáviδes
PREP the-greengrocers:ACC
‘I supply vegetables to the grocers.’
b. promiθévome ta laxaniká apó
pass:1SG:MID/A the-vegetables:ACC PREP
tus manáviδes
the-greengrocers:ACC
‘I obtain vegetables from the grocers.’
The middle form in (33)b as compared to its active counterpart in (33)a depicts
an animate subject which undergoes experience; the middle structure in (34)b
as compared to its active counterpart in (34)a depicts a recipient subject.
The distribution of inflectional active and middle voice in Modern Greek
as illustrated thus far suggests that an adequate analysis of middle voice must
involve more than a description of the semantic class, situation type, or
morphosyntactic structure instantiated by a particular set of middle structures,
since active and middle inflected verbs often occur within the same semantic
class and/or clause type. If Modern Greek middle voice is to be accounted for
as the linguistic manifestation of an internally coherent and unified conceptual
system, as I maintain that it is, then its characterization will require a highly
refined model of linguistic categories. Such a model must be capable of
expressing the semantic nuance encoded by middle verbs across the lexicon and
in numerous linguistic and pragmatic contexts, and it must also be able to
differentiate the meanings of active and middle voice verbs in those cases where
both middle and active inflected forms of the same verb stem are attested.
Having shown that middle inflected verbs are not exclusive to any
particular semantic class, I now turn to those semantic classes in which middle
verbs tend to cluster. One major class of commonly occurring middle verbs is
that of psycho-emotive experience. Examples (35) - (41) below illustrate
typical active and middle voice constructions which depict emotional or
mental experience. Let us first consider sentences (35) - (37)b.
(35) i ipuryí vlépun pandú
the-ministers:NOM see:3PL:ACT/M everywhere
sinomosíes paraloyízonde sinexós
conspiracy:ACC paranoid:3PL:MID/0 always
‘The ministers see conspiracy everywhere.
They’re always paranoid/They’re always getting paranoid.’
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 43

(36) a. apelpístike me ton ánδra tis

despair:3SG:MID/A PREP the-husband:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She was despairing over her husband.’
(she was greatly upset)
b. o ánδras tis tin
the-husband:NOM 3SG:GEN 3SG:ACC
apélpise
upset:3SG:ACT/M
‘Her husband upset her.’
(she was less upset by comparison)
(37) a. enδiaférete ya ta provlímata
interest:3SG:MID/A PREP the-problems:ACC
ton erγatón
the-workers:GEN
‘S/he’s interested in the workers’ problems.’
(s/he takes a personal interest in the workers’ problems)
b. ta provlímata ton erγatón ton
the-problems:NOM the-workers:GEN 3SG:ACC
enδiaférun
interest:3PL:ACT/M
‘The workers’ problems interest him.’
(neutral with respect to personal interest)
Sentence (35) illustrates one of a large group of middle-only verbs which
depict the psycho-emotive response or state of an animate experiencer. Sen-
tence pairs (36)a - (36)b and (37)a - (37)b illustrate a very common middle-
active alternation in which the experiencer subject of the middle construction
is encoded as a direct object in the active counterpart, and the source of
experience, encoded as an oblique noun phrase in the middle construction,
occurs as the subject of the active counterpart. In such pairs, middle as
opposed to active constructions are reported by native speakers to be more
natural and also to convey a stronger emotional experience on the part of the
human experiencer. The middle construction in sentence (36)a as opposed to
its active counterpart in (36)b implies that the experiencer subject was suffer-
ing tremendously because of the husband; the active sentence, on the other
hand, suggests simply that the husband bothered or annoyed his spouse.
44 Chapter 2

Likewise, in the middle - active pair shown in (37)a and (37)b, the middle
construction suggests that the interested party is more personally involved
with the workers’ problems as compared to the the active construction, the
latter of which is neutral with respect to degree of personal involvement.
Sentences (38) and (39) illustrate the fact that within particular subclasses
of mental experience verbs, one or the other voice inflection may predomi-
nate. For example, many (although not all) verbs of thinking are middle-only,
whereas verbs of perception tend to be inflected for active voice; examples
from these two classes are illustrated in sentences (38) and (39), respectively.
Notice that the constructions with both middle and active inflected verbs are
morphosyntactically transitive.
(38) sképtome eséna káθe méra
think:1SG:MID/0 2SG:ACC every day
‘I think about you every day.’
(39) vlépis to peδí ekí péra
see:2SG:ACT/M the-child:ACC there over
‘Can you see the child over there?’
However, even within a given semantic subclass, active and middle verbs
which are similar in meaning often occur. Examples (40) and (41) below
illustrate a middle and an active inflected verb, respectively, each of which
designates the emotional experience of love. Again, both the middle and the
active constructions are morphosyntactically transitive.
(40) erotéftike to yórγo
love:3SG:MID/0 the-Yiorgo:ACC
‘S/he fell in love with Yiorgo.’
(i.e. romantic love)
(41) aγápise to yórγo
love:3SG:ACT/M the-Yiorgo:ACC
‘S/he loved Yiorgo.’
(love in the general sense, which may or may not involve romantic
love)
Another large group of middle inflected verbs depict self-affecting or
self-contained agentive events. Examples (42) - (46) illustrate pairs of typical
active - middle alternants in which both members of the pair depict an agent-
induced event, i.e., an event initiated by an agent where the agent is encoded
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 45

as subject. The active - middle pair shown in (42)a - (42)b below is represen-
tative of a rather large class of verbs in which the active member occurs in a
morphosyntactically transitive clause and depicts an agent who acts on a
second participant, whereas the middle construction is morphosyntactically
intransitive and designates an agent who performs a particular process which
involves only him/herself.
(42) a. apomákrine to áloγo apó tin fotyá
move:3SG:ACT/M the-horse:ACC PREP the-fire:ACC
‘S/he moved the horse away from the fire.’
b. apomakrínθike apó tin fotyá
move:3SG:MID/A PREP the-fire:ACC
‘S/he moved away from the fire.’
In the next set of active - middle pairs, illustrated in (43) - (46) below, the
active and middle members of a given pair can both be predicated of the same
objectively observed event, yet they convey different meanings. Consider
sentences (43) - (44), where the active and middle members of each pair occur
in transitive and intransitive constructions, respectively.
(43) a. o náftis pu épese s tin θálasa
the-sailor:NOM REL fall:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-sea:ACC
árpakse to sosívio pu tu
grab:3SG:ACT/M the-lifesaver:ACC REL 3SG:GEN
ériksan
throw:3PL:ACT/0
‘The sailor who fell into the sea grabbed the lifesaver that they
threw to him.’
(He may have grabbed it for someone else.)
b. o náftis pu épese s tin θálasa
the-sailor:NOM REL fall:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-sea:ACC
arpáxθike apó to sosívio pu tu
grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-lifesaver:ACC REL 3SG:GEN
ériksan
throw:ACT/0
‘The sailor who fell into the sea grabbed the lifesaver that they
threw to him.’
(He clearly grabbed it for himself.)
46 Chapter 2

(44) a. árpakse to klaδí tu δénδru ya

grab:3SG:ACT/M the-branch:ACC the-tree:GEN for
na to skarfalósi
SUBJ 3SG:ACC climb:3SG:ACT/M
‘S/he grabbed the branch of the tree so that s/he could climb up
it.’
(A simple physical act of grabbing)
b. arpáxθike apó to klaδí tu δénδru ya
grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-branch:ACC the-tree:GEN for
na to skarfalósi
SUBJ 3SG:ACC climb:3SG:ACT/M
‘S/he grabbed the branch of the tree so that s/he could climb up
it.’
(S/he grabbed the branch to steady herself;
(S/he grabbed the branch as a response to fear.)
Although in each case both the active and the middle variants could be
used to encode the same externally viewed situation, they clearly differ in
meaning. The middle sentence in (43)b strongly suggests that someone
grabbed a lifesaver in order to help himself, whereas the active counterpart in
(43)a has no such implication. Hence in (43)b, the subject of the middle
construction is construed as acting in his own interest. In (44)b, the same
middle verb in a different linguistic context implies that someone grabbed a
branch either as a means to avoid falling or as an involuntary response to
panic; the subject is thus understood as acting for its own benefit or as
responding to an experience rather than initiating an event. The active coun-
terpart, on the other hand, simply means that someone intentionally grabbed a
branch as s/he was climbing a tree.
In examples (45) - (46), the middle and active variants constitute true
minimal pairs in that the active and middle structures of a given pair are
formally identical except for voice inflection. In such cases, it is clear that
voice inflection contributes to the meaning of the clause, since the designated
event and the participants in the event are understood quite differently in the
active and middle members of a given pair.
(45) a. íne o teleftéos ton moikanón
be:3SG:MID/0 the-last:NOM the-Mohicans:GEN
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 47

iperaspízete perisótero to kaθestós tu

defend:3SG:MID/A more the-regime:ACC 3SG:GEN
pará kápyes iδées
instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s the last of the Mohicans. He’s defending more his regime
than some ideals.’
(Said of Fidel Castro by Elizábet Papazói, former Greek am-
bassador to Cuba, Interview in Eleftherotypía 6 March 1994)
(He’s defending with his entire heart and soul; he’s passion-
ately involved in defending his regime)
b. iperaspízi perisótero to kaθestós
defend:3SG:ACT/M more the-regime:ACC
tu pará kápyes iδées
3SG:GEN instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s defending more his regime than some ideals.’
(He’s defending in the physical sense of the word only, he’s not
affectively involved with what he’s defending)
(46) a. mazí tu iperaspízonde ton krístyan
with ACC:3SG defend:3PL:MID/A the-Christian:ACC
áli pénde δikiγóri
other-five-lawyers:NOM
‘Along with him five other lawyers are defending Christian.’
(the five lawyers have limited responsibility)
(Ena, 3 January 1991)
b. mazí tu iperaspízun ton krístyan
with him defend:3PL:ACT/M the-Christian:ACC
áli pénde δikiγóri
other-five- lawyers:NOM
‘Along with him five other lawyers are defending Christian.’
(neutral with respect to responsibility)
The middle verb in sentence (45)a suggests that the person defending does so
because of a strong affective involvement with what is being defended,
whereas the active counterpart in sentence (45)b is neutral with respect to
personal involvement. In sentence (46)a, the middle variant of the same verb
stem, as compared to its active counterpart in (46)b, implies that the five
48 Chapter 2

lawyers have limited responsibility for and reduced involvement with the
legal defense of their client. Hence, the subjects of middle verbs as compared
to those of their active counterparts are understood to be either more person-
ally involved with or less responsible for the state of affairs designated by the
verb stem.
The third large semantic class of middle inflected verbs to be illustrated
here designate a spontaneous state or a change of state. Examples (47) - (50)
below illustrate typical active and middle constructions which designate
agentless changes of state.
(47) a. i pórta éklise
the-door:NOM close:3SG:ACT/M
‘The door closed.’
b. éklise tin pórta
close:3SG:ACT/M the-door:ACC
‘S/he closed the door.’
(48) a. i spóri skorpístikan s tin avlí
the-seeds:NOM scatter:3PL:MID/A PREP the-yard:ACC
‘The seeds scattered in the yard’
(i.e. because of the wind, the movement of birds, etc.)
b. o yeorγós skórpise tus spórus
the-farmer:NOM scatter:3SG:ACT/M the-seeds:ACC
s tin avlí
PREP-the-yard:ACC
‘The farmer scattered the seeds in the yard.’
(49) ta frúta sápisan
the-fruit:NOM spoil:3PL:ACT/0
‘The fruit got overripe.’
(50) aposindéθikan ta fíla ke éyinan
spoil:3PL:MID/0 the leaves:NOM and become:3PL:ACT/M
lípasma
compost:ACC
‘The leaves disintegrated and turned into compost.’
The first pair illustrates the pattern in a rather large class of active inflected
change of state verbs: sentences (47)a and (47)b depict a spontaneous change
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 49

of state and a causative event, respectively, and both variants are inflected for
active voice. An equally large subgroup is represented by the pair shown in
(48)a and (48)b: the verb in (48)a, which depicts a spontaneous change of
state, is inflected for middle voice, whereas the causative counterpart in (48)b
is marked for active voice. Finally, examples (49) and (50) exemplify change
of state verbs with no causative counterparts; the verb in (49) is active-only,
whereas the verb in (50) is middle-only.
Sentences (51) - (53) illustrate another type of alternation in which the
middle member of the active-middle pair designates a stative relationship.
Consider the pair in (51)a - (51)b, representative of a large class of verbs in
which the middle member of the pair designates a stative relationship and the
active counterpart, an agent-initiated event.
(51) a. aftá ta δío xrómata sinδiázonde
this-the-two-colors:NOM combine:3PL:MID/A
‘These two colors go together well.’
b. sinδíasa tis δiakopés mu me
combine:1SG:ACT/M the-vacation:ACC 1SG:GEN PREP
tin δulyá
the-work:ACC
‘I combined my vacation and my work.’
In sentence pairs (52)a - (52)b and (53)a - (53)b both the active and the middle
variants designate states. In both cases, however, the active construction
differs from its middle counterpart in three respects: it is morphosyntactically
transitive, and it is both more emphatic and less natural than the middle
construction.
(52) a. o néos δískos δiatíθete se
the-new-recording:NOM available:3SG:MID/A PREP
LP kaséta ke CD
LP cassette and CD
‘The new recording is available in LP, cassette, and CD.’
(public advertisement)
b. δiaθéti tría-aftokínita ke
available:3SG:ACT/M three-cars:ACC and
δío-spítya
two-houses:ACC
50 Chapter 2

‘S/he has three cars and two houses.’

(Emphatic)
(53) a. to DEP apotelíte apó
the-DEP:NOM form:3SG:MID/A PREP
tris kaθiyitikés vaθmíδes
three-professorial-levels:ACC
‘D.E.P. (i.e., the Assembly of University Professors) is formed
by three professorial levels.’
(To Víma, 17 September 1989)
(Neutral with respect to emphasis)
b. trís kaθiyitikés vaθmíδes apotelún to
three-professorial-levels:NOM form:3PL:ACT/M the
DEP
DEP:ACC
‘Three professorial levels form D.E.P.’
(Highly emphatic)
It has been suggested thus far that middle inflection added to a verb stem
tends to produce a verb that belongs to one of three main semantic groups:
psycho-emotive experience, self-contained agentive events, and spontaneous
states and changes of state. As noted earlier, middle structures are also used to
encode four major types of intransitive constructions: the passive, the reflex-
ive, the reciprocal, and the generic middle. Although the true passive encoded
with middle inflection is attested, however, it is not nearly as common a usage
in Greek as the true passive is in other languages such as English.12 Sentences
(54) and (55) below illustrate two instances of the inflectional passive con-
struction as it occurred in contemporary Greek texts.13
(54) δen δóθikan ta xrímata
NEG give:3PL:MID/A the-money:NOM
s to xristofí apó to EEK
PREP the-Christofi:ACC PREP the-EEK:ACC
‘The money wasn’t given to Christofi by the E.E.K.’
(Interview with Yiórgos Daláras, Eksóstis 13 April 1990)
(55) an eksondoθí o gorbatsov
SUBJ exterminate:3SG:MID/A the-Gorbatsov:NOM.
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 51

pii θa ton δiaδexθún

who:NOM FUT 3SG:ACC follow:3PL:MID/0
‘If Gorbachev gets assassinated, who will follow him?’
(Interview with Míkis Theodorákis, Ena 15 August 1990)
The middle passive construction type which encodes an agent-like entity
as an oblique noun phrase, illustrated in sentence (54) above, is highly
uncommon in actual Greek texts (Warburton 1975; Lascarátou and Philippáki-
Warburton 1981; Lascarátou 1984). Far more common is the construction type
shown in sentence (55), in which agency is lexically unspecified and often
pragmatically irrelevant as well.
Middle inflection is also used to form one type of reflexive construction
in which the notion of agency is irrelevant or ambiguous.14 Sentences (56)a -
(56)b below illustrate a common type of active-middle alternation whereby
both constructions designate a reflexive relationship. The active structure,
which consists of an active inflected verb and the reflexive noun phrase, is
often emphatic as compared to its inflectional middle counterpart; the middle
structure, on the other hand, is neutral with respect to emphasis and is
ambiguous between a passive and a reflexive reading.
(56) a. i ifiyénya θisíase ton eaftó tis
the-I:NOM sacrifice:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself’
(emphatic)
b. i ifiyénya θisiástike
the-I.:NOM sacrifice:3SG:MID/A
‘Iphigéneia was sacrificed/sacrificed herself.’
While sentences (56)a - (56)b illustrate a common pattern of active-middle
alternation in which the active but not the middle inflected verb occurs with a
reflexive noun phrase, there are also cases in which both the middle and active
members of a pair can occur with the reflexive noun phrase; such a pair is
illustrated in sentences (57)a - (57)b below.
(57) a. iperaspízete ton eaftó tu
defend:3SG:MID/A the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He’s defending himself.’
(i.e., he’s defending himself with a great deal of passion and
zeal)
52 Chapter 2

b. iperaspízi ton eaftó tu

defend:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He’s defending himself.’
(neutral with respect to passion)
Middle inflection is also used to encode one type of generic middle
construction. It was noted in Section 2.1.1 above that there are two types of
generic middle constructions in Modern Greek, one with an active inflected
verb and the other with a middle inflected verb. Such generic middle construc-
tions were illustrated in examples (21)a - (21)b and (22)a - (22)b, respectively,
and are repeated below as examples (58)a - (58)b and (59)a - (59)b (data
adapted from Kakouriótis 1992: 30-31, 56).
(58) a. aftó to kréas vrázi éfkola
this the-meat:NOM boil:3SG:ACT/0 easily
‘This meat boils easily.’
b. o máyiras vrázi to kréas
the-chef:NOM boil:3SG:ACT/0 the-meat:ACC
‘The chef boils / is boiling the meat.’
(59) a. i kótes sfázonde éfkola
the-chickens:NOM slaughter:3PL:MID/A easily
‘Chickens slaughter easily.’
b. o yeorγós sfázi tis kótes
the-farmer:NOM slaughter:3SG:ACT/M the-chickens:ACC
éfkola
easily
‘The farmer slaughters the chickens easily.’
Example (58)a illustrates a generic middle construction which is formed with
an active inflected verb; example (59)a illustrates another generic middle
construction encoded with a middle inflected verb.
The preceding discussion illustrates the multifunctionality of middle
voice within the larger system of inflectional voice in Modern Greek. The
descriptive sketch presented above, although brief and somewhat simplified,
suffices to show, first of all, that voice inflection in Modern Greek can express
considerable nuance, and secondly, that the occurrence of a middle inflected
verb is not limited to any one particular type of clausal construction or
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 53

semantic class. Among other things, examples (25) - (59) illustrate two
distinguishing characteristics of the inflectional voice system in Modern
Greek noted earlier: (i) the active-middle distinction crosscuts the transitive -
intransitive distinction whereby a transitive construction is defined according
to the presence of both a nominative case subject and an accusative case direct
object; (ii) Modern Greek middle inflection consistently conveys one or more
of several related semantic properties such as affectedness, increased emotive
involvement and/or reduced agency or responsibility of the entity encoded as
subject. Any viable treatment of inflectional middle voice as a unified cat-
egory will have to account for data such as those illustrated in (25) - (59)
above, all of which illustrate the complexity and scope of the voice system in
Modern Greek.

2.3 Present approach to middle voice in Modern Greek

In this section I review those aspects of cognitive linguistic theory which are
used to analyze the Modern Greek inflectional middle system as the realiza-
tion of a complex but internally coherent schematic network. The basic
structural unit I consider is a simple clause comprising a verb stem inflected
for middle voice and the nominal arguments of the middle inflected verb; I
refer to such a unit as a middle structure. While the general constructional
template for middle structures has a variety of specific instantiations, these
formal variants consistently invoke one or more of a cluster of related mean-
ings which recur across numerous semantic classes of middle inflected verbs
as they occur in particular middle structures. The goal of the present study is to
identify and account for these common patterns of meaning which middle
structures instantiate as members of a unified inflectional category. After
summarizing the relevant theoretical notions used in the present study, I
preview the analysis to be developed in subsequent chapters, which maintains
that middle structures in Modern Greek comprise a complex schematic net-
work whose prototypical function is to encode an agentless event.

2.3.1 The nature of grammar as envisioned within cognitive linguistics

Cognitive linguistics is distinguished from many contemporary linguistic

theories in maintaining that linguistic structure is conceptual in nature, and
54 Chapter 2

that linguistic conceptualizations are built up from the language user’s re-
peated experience with contextualized linguistic data. In other words, cogni-
tive theorists advocate a bottom-up, usage-based approach. In the following
discussion, I first characterize the usage-based model of grammar which is
central to cognitive linguistic theory, and I then identify additional organizing
principles of cognitive linguistics which are incorporated in the present analy-
sis of Modern Greek middle voice, presented in detail in chapters 3 - 6.
Unlike many theoretical models which view grammar as a mechanism to
generate a set of well-formed constructions, the cognitive model views gram-
mar as a structured inventory of conventional linguistic units. Such an inven-
tory is dynamic in nature, comprising a constantly evolving set of cognitive
routines that are shaped, maintained and modified by language use
(Langacker 1987a: 57). These conventionalized units include both (i) sche-
matic templates and (ii) specific expressions. A schema is a general, abstract
representation of the commonalities observed across a number of specific
instantiating expressions; it is learned through repeated observation of linguis-
tic data which embody the pattern in question. Hence, it is claimed that higher
level abstract structures are built up from the language user’s repeated expo-
sure to contextualized data which instantiate particular patterns of lower level
subschemas. A specific expression is included in the grammatical inventory
when it has achieved special saliency via frequency of occurrence; such an
expression is referred to as a unit. Basic units are combined to form progres-
sively larger structures, the latter of which may display properties which
cannot be computed solely on the basis of the values of their individual
components alone (Langacker 1987a: 75).
In a usage-based model (cf. Langacker 1991b), specific expressions may
be listed in the grammar, and/or they may also be subsumed under a more
encompassing schematic template. Those conventionalized units and idiosyn-
cratic expressions which are not ostensibly related to a more general pattern
and must therefore be learned individually are listed separately in the gram-
mar. This acknowledgement that linguistic structure is partly arbitrary in no
way invalidates the claim that linguistic structure is conceptual in nature;
indeed, a linguistic form which displays erratic distribution or semi-produc-
tive patterning is still meaningful, even if its full array of attested values is not
entirely predictable. Those units which are grouped together as instantiations
of a more general schema, on the other hand, may be computed by rule, but at
the same time may also be accessed separately as specific expressions. This
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 55

treatment is entirely consistent with the maximalist, nonreductive approach

adopted in cognitive linguistic theory, which both recognizes and deals with
the massive redundancy inherent in the linguistic system. It contrasts sharply
to an alternative approach adopted in many current formal frameworks, the
latter of which value the stipulation of maximally general statements to
account for fully regular patterns.
Cognitive theory also maintains that many complex categories, both
lexical and grammatical, do not always display a single superschema which
subsumes all the attested values of a single form. Indeed, “if high level
schemas are extracted, they may be of only secondary significance, serving
more of an organizing function than an active computational one.” (Langacker
1991b: 265). In an actual usage event, low level patterns, or subschemas, are
extracted as language users come into contact with particular instances of a
given category. Lower level schemas then give rise to higher level generaliza-
tions, and at the same time they specify how the details of the global pattern
are actually implemented. While greater exposure to specific instances of a
particular category leads to greater complexity of the structural system that is
subsequently developed, most of the significant linguistic generalizations are
made at a lower, local level of organization.
The usage-based model of grammar assumed in the present research is
therefore maximalist, nonreductive, and data-oriented in function. It is maxi-
malist in the sense that the linguistic system is viewed as a massive, highly
rendundant inventory of conventional units. These units range from fully
general to completely idiosyncratic; fully regular patterns are not the norm.
The usage-based model is nonreductive, since the language system it depicts
comprises both rules/patterns/schemata, as well as individual knowledge of
specific structures. Finally, the model proposed here is data-oriented, and
therefore takes a bottom-up approach. Grammar as envisioned within cogni-
tive linguistics comprises a structured inventory of a vast array of symbolic
resources which speakers use in specific contexts to construct linguistic
expressions. The cognitive approach is concerned with particular instantia-
tions that lead to the formation of more abstract schemas, and focuses on the
range of attested values of the schemas so developed.
The present study adopts the usage-based model of grammar described
above, and assumes additional tenets of cognitive linguistic theory in develop-
ing an analysis of Modern Greek middle voice as a complex category. One
assumption made in the present study which is empirically justified through-
56 Chapter 2

out the remaining chapters is that morphosyntax is semantically motivated.

Cognitive theory explicitly maintains that linguistic forms, both grammatical
and lexical, are essentially grounded in semantic structure (cf. Langacker
1987a); a substantial body of recent research has demonstrated that both
derivational and inflectional morphology as well as constructional templates
are meaningful units with a great deal of internal semantic complexity
(Brugman 1988, Casad 1988, Cook 1988, 1994, DeLancey 1981, 1982, 1984,
1985, 1987, 1990, Floyd 1993, Goldberg 1992, 1995; Nikiforídou 1990, 1991,
Janda 1990, 1993, Maldonado 1992, Manney 1993, 1994, 1995, 1998; Smith
1985, 1994, Taylor 1994a, Tuggy 1988, Velázquez-Castillo 1993, 1996).
While all linguistic units are intrinsically characterized in terms of their
semantic properties, the meaning of any given form may be highly schematic.
This is clearly so for most grammatical morphemes, such as case, number,
aspect, or voice inflections, as opposed to lexical items, such as the noun
mountain or the verb chop. Talmy (1988) shows that grammatical as opposed
to lexical morphemes typically convey relativistic or topological relation-
ships, rather than particular specifications of shape, color, material, manner,
etc. Topological notions include things such as locatedness, linear extent,
adjacency, and one-to-one correspondence.
Morphosyntactic structures beyond the level of the individual morpheme
have also been shown to comprise meaning structures which are subject to
explicit characterization. Numerous cognitive / functional studies on voice
and transitivity have established that a prototypical meaning of an active /
transitive clause is that a human agent acts upon a patient (Lakoff 1977;
Hopper and Thompson 1980; Givón 1984; Langacker 1986, 1987b, 1991a;
Croft 1986, 1991). In addition to the active / transitive clause type, a variety of
other clause types have been represented as meaningful structures with a great
deal of internal complexity, in English (van Oosten 1984; Lakoff 1987;
Fillmore and Kay, (manuscript); Brugman 1988; Goldberg 1992, 1995), as
well as in Greek (Nikiforídou 1990).
Furthermore, cognitive linguistic theory has shown that the active event
prototype may be extended in numerous ways, giving rise to a variety of
construction types with active / transitive morphosyntax that do not depict the
active / transitive prototype (cf. Langacker 1991a). By means of one such
mode of semantic extension, the transfer of energy in a prototypical active
event type is metaphorically extended to depict physical movement along a
path. The schema which defines a path includes the following elements: an
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 57

origin, or starting point; a goal, or endpoint; and a sequence of contiguous

locations which connect the source and the goal (Johnson, 1987). The active /
transitive event schema of physical energy exchange and the path schema are
analogous in the following ways. The energy source in the agent-patient
schema corresponds to the starting point in the path schema, the energy sink
corresponds to the endpoint of the path, and the transfer of energy from the
agent to the patient in a prototypically transitive event corresponds to the
sequence of locations which connects the starting and endpoints of a path. The
path-like flow of energy is understood to proceed outward from the energy
source toward the energy sink, just as movement along a path is understood to
proceed from a point of origin toward a goal. This path schema, in turn, can
also be extended to structure experience other than that of physical movement,
such as vision, directed attention, and the understanding of time (Lakoff and
Johnson 1980; Johnson 1987; Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987a).
The second assumption made in the present study is that linguistic meaning
is partly determined by speaker perspective. While linguistic units, both lexical
and grammatical, are viewed as the result of a form-meaning pairing, linguistic
meaning is claimed to involve more than simply a statement of the conceptual
content of a particular construction. Cognitive theory explicitly maintains that
speakers draw from a range of linguistic options in order to impose one of many
possible perspectives on a given situation, and that such speaker choices
contribute significantly to the meaning of a linguistic expression (cf. Fillmore
1977a, Talmy 1978, Langacker 1987a). Following Langacker (1987a), I will
refer to this ability to impose varying conventional images on the same objective
situation as construal.
A third assumption of cognitive theory adopted in the present study is that
the dichotomous distinction between absolute predictability on the one hand
and arbitrariness on the other is an artifact of linguistic theory rather than the
reflection of actual linguistic phenomena which have been subjected to in-
depth empirical investigation. Cognitive theorists argue for an alternative
position between these two extremes, that of motivation (Langacker 1987a;
Lakoff 1987; Goldberg 1992, 1995). Motivation is a semantic rationale for the
occurrence of a particular linguistic structure. More specifically, it is an
inferred connection between a given form in one context and a less central
sense of the same form in another context.15 The inability to predict with one
hundred percent certainty which of two or more forms will occur in a given
context does not mean, therefore, that the choice of one form over another has
58 Chapter 2

no principled basis. Even if its occurrence is not strictly predictable, a seman-

tic rationale for a given form can almost always be provided, once its more
prototypical functions have been established.

2.3.2 Cognitive constructs used in the present study

In this section I briefly review those particular constructs drawn from cogni-
tive linguistic theory which are used in chapters 3 - 6 below to characterize
the Modern Greek inflectional middle system as a semantically motivated
morphosyntactic category.

2.3.2.1 Categorization and complex categories

The theoretical construct of complex category as developed by Langacker
(1987a) and applied in the present research has its origins in a well known
series of psycholinguistic experiments designed by Eleanor Rosch and her
associates to determine the nature of semantic categories (Rosch 1973, 1975,
1977, 1978, 1981). Rosch’s work has clearly established that semantic catego-
ries have a great deal of intricate internal structure, and that boundaries
between categories are typically flexible and graded rather than discrete and
absolute. Category members are determined according to their resemblance to
a central member, or prototype, rather than by inclusion in a set defined by
criterial attributes. A prototype is generally defined as a typical instance or
best exemplar rather than an absolute representation of a particular category,
and may also be quite complex internally. (A more specific characterization of
the nature of category prototypes will be provided in sections 3.1 and 5.1.)
Membership in a given category is thus specified by degree rather than by
definition, since it is often the case that no single set of defining characteristics
identifies all members of a category and excludes all nonmembers; rather,
category members are specified as central or peripheral with respect to the
category prototype.16
As Geeraerts (1993) notes, prototype theory as initiated by Rosch and her
associates has been adapted in numerous ways by an interdisciplinary group
of scholars in the cognitive sciences to develop an ongoing research program
in two related areas. In the field of cognitive psychology, prototype theory has
prompted a great deal of research into the nature of categorization, and various
components of Rosch’s original hypothesis have been confirmed, refined and
/ or challenged by additional empirical investigations.17 In the area of linguis-
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 59

tic semantics, prototype theory has provided a viable model for explaining
lexical and morphosyntactic polysemy as a structured and principled linguistic
phenomenon (Brugman 1981; 1988; Dirven and Taylor 1988; Floyd 1993;
Goldberg 1992, 1995; Janda 1993; Lindner 1982; Nikiforídou 1990, 1991;
Taylor 1994a). Cognitive linguistics, in explicitly maintaining that the capac-
ity for language is intimately related to other cognitive abilities, has incorpo-
rated both the psychological and the linguistic dimensions of prototype theory
in a unified and comprehensive model of categorization.18
Cognitive linguists have developed highly articulated models of linguis-
tic categorization based on Rosch’s original notion of categorization as the
perceived resemblance of category members to a category prototype; these
models include the radial network (Lakoff 1987), the family resemblance
network (Taylor 1989), and the complex category (Langacker 1987a). While
all three models explain the growth and development of a linguistic category
via motivated extension from the category prototype, Langacker’s model,
unlike the other two, also explicitly allows for the development of category
structure via the elaboration of higher level abstract schemas which encom-
pass more particular instantiations of a given category. Thus, in articulating
the construct of complex category, Langacker advocates a synthesis of the
prototype and the schematic models of categorization, which he terms the
network model.
As Langacker observes (1987a: 369), linguistic categories are typically
complex in the sense that they group together, and treat as equivalent for
certain purposes, a variety of distinct and sometimes quite disparate elements;
such an array of elements cannot be reduced to a singular and uniform
characterization. Both lexical items and morphosyntactic structures typically
instantiate a wide variety of interrelated senses and established values, and are
thus insightfully analyzed as instances of a complex category. A complex
category is structured according to at least two types of relationships which
hold among the various senses of a single form; these relationships involve
both the elaboration of an abstract schema and of the extension of a category
prototype. As noted above, a schema is an abstract characterization that is
fully compatible with all the members it defines, and therefore embodies the
commonality of all its members. A prototype, on the other hand, is a typical
instance or a best exemplar of a category, and other elements are assimilated to
the category on the basis of their perceived resemblance to the prototype.
While the schema and the prototype are central in characterizing the relation-
60 Chapter 2

ships among diverse senses of a given linguistic element, a complex category

does not necessarily have a single global level prototype and/or a single all
encompassing schema, as noted above. As Langacker observes, “There may
be multiple prototypes in a network, and/or there may not be a single ‘super-
schema’ compatible with all the other members of the category. . . . Thus, a
network need not incorporate a well-behaved schematic or taxonomic hierar-
chy, with a single topmost node that dominates all the others (1987a: 387).”
Yet the interaction of these two processes, extension of a prototype and
elaboration of an abstract schema, provides a great deal of internal coherence
within a complex category. The architecture of a complex category consists of
a set of semantic nodes and a system of arcs which connect these nodes; the
arcs represent the categorizing relationships of extension and elaboration, and
the nodes represent the various senses of a single form which are related to
each other via extension and/or elaboration. Within such a network, however,
particular nodes and categorizing relationships can become more prominent
than others, so that particular senses of a given form are more frequent,
commonplace, or preferred than are other senses of the same form. As a
linguistic category is used in a particular instance, one or more active nodes is
activated within the category (Langacker 1984, 1987a). The active node is that
particular sense of a polysemous item which most closely approximates the
notion which the speaker wishes to express on a given occasion. The primary
activation of any one node can then induce the secondary activation of another
node or set of nodes, which further enriches the semantic value of an expres-
sion. In this way, a multiply polysemous item in a given context is understood
to invoke a set of interrelated meanings, some of which are more central and
obvious, and others of which are more peripheral and elusive, to speakers of
the language in question.
The notion of complex category as defined above is central in explaining
the various usages of middle voice in Modern Greek as the multiple instantia-
tions of a single unified schematic network. The set of middle structures
examined here encompasses a wide range of disparate senses which are
clearly not reducible to a single uniform characterization, yet a recurrent set of
related meanings is consistently associated with a large number of middle
inflected verbs across semantic class. As I delineate those relationships which
connect the various instantiations of middle structures, I show that a wide
range of diverse middle structures form a network of related meanings which
originate in extensions from one or more senses of at least two related
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 61

prototypical middle event types, those of (i) noninitiative emotional response

and (ii) spontaneous state/change of state.

2.3.2.2 Nondistinct arguments and low individuation

In the present study, the semantic construct of low individuation is defined as
a scalar notion which characterizes particular components of events desig-
nated by a large number of middle inflected verbs; the construct as I under-
stand it originates with ideas developed in Langacker and Munro (1975) and
Hopper and Thompson (1980), which propose constructs such as nondistinct
arguments and individuation, respectively, to define particular types of argu-
ments which occur in various types of clausal constructions. The term nondis-
tinctness as used by Langacker and Munro (1975) identifies a structural
property which generalizes over two principal construction types. The first
type includes all those constructions which contain an unspecified argument.
In this case, either the subject or the object argument is semantically implied
but remains lexically unspecified. A construction with an unspecified argu-
ment instantiates the nondistinct argument phenomenon in that an implicit but
nonlexicalized argument cannot contrast with a lexically realized argument.
The authors illustrate that in numerous languages there is a subsequent gener-
alization from nonspecificity to nondistinctness. In particular, morphology
which marks constructions with an unspecified argument in either subject or
object position is extended to mark constructions with nondistinct arguments,
such as those which comprise the family of reflexive constructions. The term
individuation as used by Hopper and Thompson (1980), on the other hand,
refers to a semantic complex which characterizes the direct object in a highly
transitive construction; the noun phrase which encodes such a direct object is
proper, animate, concrete, singular, count, and referential; a nonindividuated
direct object, by comparison, has opposite values for these same properties.
In Modern Greek, low individuation is one of several recurrent semantic
properties which distinguishes middle inflected verbs from their active in-
flected counterparts, and may be instantiated in middle structures in at least
two ways. In one manifestation of low individuation, an agent or an agent-like
entity is either lexically unspecified but semantically implied, or else lexically
specified but encoded as an oblique rather than a nominative or accusative
case marked noun. In the case of middle inflected verbs with a passive
meaning, for example, an agent-like participant, implicit or specified, is low in
individuation, since it is either absent from or deemphasized within the setting
62 Chapter 2

in which the relevant event occurs; examples (54) and (55) above, respec-
tively, illustrate such instances of low individuation.19 Secondly, an entire
event may be low in individuation to the extent that it is not sharply delineated
from or highly visible or salient within the setting in which it occurs. There-
fore, a steady state as opposed to a punctual process is low in individuation,
since the former as compared to the latter is less easily perceived or observed;
see example (51)a for an illustration of this second type of low individuation.
In terms of the present study, then, the gradient notion of low individuation
can characterize particular defocused participants in events encoded by
middle structures, and may be extended in scope to depict an entire event as
nonsalient within the setting in which it occurs.

2.3.2.3 Event structure and role archetypes

In analyzing the conceptual structure of events which are encoded linguistically
as middle structures in Modern Greek, I propose two interrelated middle event
prototypes, (i) noninitiative emotional response, and (ii) spontaneous state/
change of state; both of these are characterized as complex event schemas whose
most prominent participants depict nonagent role archetypes as identified in
Langacker’s (1986, 1987b, 1991a) billiard ball model of event structure.
According to the billiard ball model, the world is comprised of discrete objects
which constantly make contact with each other; within such a dynamic setting,
particular events are defined. An event which is singled out for linguistic
encoding can depict a simple state, a simple interaction, or a group of contiguous
interactions within an action chain. While energy is typically thought of as a
physical force, it has numerous alternative representations. Talmy’s (1985b)
theory of force dynamics explicitly outlines a model of energetic interactions
which is extended to psychological and social domains to account for a wide
variety of nonphysical forces which are linguistically relevant.
The billiard ball model can express a range of interaction types among the
various participants of an action chain. The key participant types, or role
archetypes, and their prototypical values are as follows: agent or energy
source, an animate entity which acts volitionally to affect other entities;
instrument, an object used by an agent to affect another entity; experiencer,
an animate entity engaged in some type of mental process; patient, an entity
which undergoes a change of state; mover, an entity which changes position
with respect to its surroundings; zero, a participant which displays any static
property, such as occupying a location; absolute, an entity whose role in a
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 63

process is viewed in isolation from the flow of energy.20 The general cover
term theme encompasses those role types listed above which do not constitute
a direct or indirect energy source, i.e., experiencer, patient, mover, and zero;
the term thematic relationship defines a simple, conceptually autonomous
relationship which involves a theme as its only participant. To Langacker’s
list of role archetypes, I add that of source, which I understand as an energy
source that is not necessarily equated with an intentional agent; that is to say, a
prototypical source, unlike a prototypical agent, may or may not be animate
and volitional.
In addition to setting up a model of event structure which identifies key
participant types and interactional schemas, Langacker (1991a) also recog-
nizes alternative means of cognitively accessing the various elements encoded
in clause structure. Each alternative ordering is viewed as a natural path, and
the initial element in each sequence is represented as a conceptual starting
point. According to Langacker (1991a), both an energy source of an action
chain and a thematic relationship with a single nonagent participant constitute
cognitively natural starting points, although the directionality of each runs
counter to the other. These two opposing but equally plausible means of
conceptually accessing clause structure are invoked by Andersen (1994) to
characterize the functions of the middle and active voice as attested in the
Ancient Greek language. In Andersen’s view, which is based on a careful
examination of middle and active inflected verbs as they occur in various
Ancient Greek texts, middle and active voice are diametrically opposed in that
the former accesses an event from the innermost core, represented conceptu-
ally as a single-participant thematic relationship, whereas the latter voice
inflection accesses an event from the opposite point of view, which takes the
energy source of an action chain as the conceptual starting point.
The present study uses the cognitive linguistic notions of conceptual
starting point, action chain and role archetypes to characterize the nature of
events which are most typically encoded by middle structures in Modern
Greek. In particular, I claim that at least two middle event prototypes, both
of which involve a nonagent subject, constitute cognitively natural starting
points in that each accesses an event from the conceptual core, defined in
Langacker (1991a) as a thematic relationship involving a single nonagent
participant. The event types of noninitiative emotional response and spontane-
ous change of state constitute two types of core events which are basic to more
complex interactions, the latter of which may add another level of energetic
64 Chapter 2

interaction to include a direct or indirect energy source. The analysis devel-

oped in Chapters 3 - 6 demonstrates that these two middle event types,
noninitiative emotional response and spontaneous change of state, motivate a
wide range of middle structures attested in Modern Greek, and that a wide
range of meanings typically invoked by middle inflected verbs across the
lexicon are related to one or both of these two prototypes via the categorizing
relationships of elaboration and/or semantic extension.

2.3.3 Middle voice and active voice: two opposing complex categories

In the present research, cognitive approaches to categorization and event

structure are used to explain the inflectional middle system as a highly
structured complex category which imposes its own characteristic view or
perspective on those events which are encoded by middle structures. In
particular, I explicitly maintain that middle inflected verbs and the middle
structures built from them are not derived in any way, semantically, morpho-
syntactically, or otherwise, from their respective active counterparts; instead,
both middle and active voice are viewed as basic verbal categories in Modern
Greek, each with its own set of characteristic meanings and functions which
greatly contribute to the meaning and form of the respective constructions in
which they occur. It is argued that two key event types, (i) noninitiative
emotional response and (ii) spontaneous change, occupy a central position in
the Modern Greek inflectional middle system. In proposing these two proto-
typical middle event types, however, I do not exclude the possibility that
additional higher level schemas and/or local prototypes may contribute to the
structural coherence of the Modern Greek middle system. I have chosen to
focus here on two key middle event prototypes, since they provide the basic
semantic structure to account for a wide array of the most commonly occur-
ring middle structures in my data base thus far.
The present study thus maintains that while both the middle and active
variants of a single stem can often encode the same objectively viewed event,
such active and middle structures differ in meaning in ways that are consistent
with the differences in meaning between their respective set of event proto-
types; indeed, the patterns of meaning associated with a particular inflectional
category consistently invoke the same subtleties of meaning across the lexicon
and across clause types. Once one or more prototypes for each inflectional
category is established and their internal structures are analyzed, the various
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 65

attested paths of semantic extension and/or elaboration in each category can

be traced. I now turn to a brief characterization of the two middle event types
which I analyze as central components of the inflectional middle system of
Modern Greek.

2.3.3.1 Emotional response as a prototypical middle event type

In terms of the billiard ball model of event structure, the prototypical event
type of noninitiative emotional response involves an experiencer of emotion
which undergoes the effects of an external force; this forceful interaction is
instantiated in the domain of mental experience rather than physical energy.21
Like the agent-patient active event type described above, the emotional re-
sponse event type invokes the notion of a path; unlike the active prototype,
however, the middle prototype involves a path that leads to rather than
originates from the subject, so the experiencer subject of the middle schema is
understood as an energy sink, rather than an energy source.22
The prototypical middle event type of noninitiative emotional response
comprises a gestalt with several internally complex meaning components which
form the basis for a wide range of extended values of the middle network; three
such components discussed in the present study are those of HIGH AFFECT,
LOW VOLITION, and LOW INDIVIDUATION. The first two, HIGH
AFFECT and LOW VOLITION, characterize the experiencer subject in
noninitiative emotional response. The component HIGH AFFECT has two
primary meanings. The first is that the sentient experiencer subject has an
increased response to psycho-emotive stimulus; the second, equally salient
aspect of HIGH AFFECT is that the sentient experiencer undergoes experi-
ence rather than initiates a mental act. The second component, LOW VOLI-
TION, expresses that the experiencer subject of the prototypical middle event
is not in control of the psycho-emotive forces which act upon him/her.
Therefore, the subject is not responsible for her/his ensuing mental state. A
third component, LOW INDIVIDUATION, characterizes the source of the
psycho-emotive response. The source, while distinct from the experiencer, is
either lexically unspecified or else lexically encoded as an oblique nominal; it
is therefore nondistinct from the setting in which it occurs.
The schema which represents the event type of noninitiative emotional
response is illustrated in Figure 2.1 below.
66 Chapter 2

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW nondistinct from setting

INDIVIDUATION

Figure 2.1. Key participants in the middle event prototype of noninitiative emotional
response

Semantic extension occurs when any of the several meaning components

serves as the basis for an extended meaning of the category network; domain
transfer, on the other hand, occurs when a central part of the category
structure is realized in a domain other than that of mental experience. In
characterizing Modern Greek middle voice as a complex category, I illustrate
and discuss numerous instances of semantic extension and domain transfer.

2.3.3.2 Spontaneous change as a prototypical middle event type

In terms of the billiard ball model and the action chain of events, the middle
prototype of spontaneous change involves one single participant, that of a
patient which undergoes a change of state.23 Unlike the middle event type of
noninitiative emotional response described above, prototypical spontaneous
change as encoded by middle structures is realized in the physical domain of
three-dimensional space, yet the common denominator of both is that the most
prominent and/or the only lexically encoded participant in the events depicted
is an energy sink, rather than an energy source. In other words, both of the
middle event prototypes proposed in this study depict a nonagent undergoer
as the most prominent participant, lexically encoded as a nominative case
marked subject.
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 67

The schema which represents the event type of spontaneous change is

presented below in Figure 2.2.

PATIENT/ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT

undergoes
change of state
experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION

not responsible

Figure 2.2. Key participants in the middle event prototype of spontaneous change

The patient subject depicted in Figure 2.2 above shares affinities with the
experiencer subject shown in Figure 2.1, in that both are characterized by the
meaning components of HIGH AFFECT and LOW VOLITION. Unlike the
experiencer subject of noninitiative emotional response, however, the patient
subject of spontaneous change undergoes a change of state. In both middle
event types, however, the notion of agency or responsibility for the designated
change is not invoked by their internal semantic structure. The two proposed
event types of noninitiative emotional response and spontaneous change of
state will be invoked throughout the present discussion of Modern Greek
inflectional middle voice as typical middle event types whose component
substructures may be extended and / or transferred to yield a wide range of
divergent but related usages of a single and internally coherent complex
category.

Notes

1. As observed in Chapter 1, some Greek grammars use the terms passive voice or medio-
passive voice to identify what I refer to here as inflectional middle voice.
68 Chapter 2

2. See Halliday (1967) for a discussion of the term middle to designate a feature of English
clauses in which either the actor and the initiator or the actor and the goal are one and the
same, i.e., ‘The prisoners marched;’ ‘She washed.’ respectively. See Lascarátou (1984),
Andersen (1989, 1991, 1994) and Abraham (1995) for a discussion of the term middle as
it was used by Ancient Greek grammarians.
3. Andersen (1994) proposes an alternative characterization of the relationship between
reflexive constructions and inflectional middle voice in Ancient Greek. In particular,
Andersen demonstrates that reflexivity is a semantic meaning which can be variably
encoded by a number of distinct morphosyntactic devices, only one of which is the
inflectional middle voice. Furthermore, each of these morphosyntactic devices can
encode a number of other meanings in addition to semantic reflexivity. Manney (1998)
makes analogous claims about the relationship between reflexive semantics and the
inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek.
4. See Bakker (1994) for an alternative view of the Ancient Greek inflectional middle
system based on Kemmer’s (1993) analysis of middle voice as a semantic domain, and
Andersen (manuscript) for a detailed counterargument to Bakker’s position.
5. See Taylor (1994b) for a critique of the two-level representation of linguistic meaning.
6. Manzini also mentions the ergative construction, i.e., one that depicts an agentless change
of state, encoded in Italian with either zero marking or with the reflexive morpheme. In
Italian, those verbs which depict an agentless change of state and which are marked with
the reflexive si comprise approximately one half of the agentless change of state verbs in
the lexicon. Unlike the four si constructions in which the reflexive morpheme is analyzed
as a pronoun, the agentless changes of state marked with si are claimed to be the
instantiation of an irregular and unproductive process which should therefore be analyzed
as lexical rather than syntactic.
7. See Jaeggli (1986) for a more precise definition and detailed discussion of the process of
absorption.
8. Some studies, most notably those on Romance languages, use the term middle construc-
tion to refer to any one of a number of senses of the middle reflexive, including, but not
limited to, a derived construction with a generic meaning. See Zubizarreta (1987) and
Fellbaum and Zribi-Hertz (1989) for French, and Massam (1992) for English.
9. For example, see Andersen (1991) for a discussion of how the term deponent was used by
Ancient Greek and Latin grammarians.
10. Andersen (1991) and Klaiman (1991) make this same point for the inflectional middle
and active systems in Ancient Greek.
11. There are occasional active-middle pairs in which the two variants do not appear to signal
a significant semantic difference, for example meraklóno:ACT/M ‘to enjoy the good
things in life’ / meraklónome:MID/A ‘to enjoy the good things in life.’ Such pairs are
viewed as exceptional, and in the present treatment, would be separately listed as
individually learned units which do not conform to the more general patterns displayed
by a large number of active-middle pairs.
12. Scholars of the Modern Greek language such as Warburton (1975), Lascarátou and
Philippáki-Warburton (1981), and Lascarátou (1984) have consistently maintained that
Prolegomena to a study of Modern Greek middle voice 69

the middle inflected passive is not a common usage of the inflectional middle voice.
13. The stative passive formed with the copula and a middle or active inflected participle will
not be treated here. See Lascarátou (1984) for a survey of the various morphosyntactic
possibilities in Modern Greek for constructing clauses with a passive meaning.
14. See Manney (1998) for a detailed discussion of the various types of reflexive construc-
tions in Modern Greek.
15. The term motivation as used in the present work differs from the sense in which the term
is used in functional studies on natural syntax and iconicity. For example, Haiman’s
motivation hypothesis (1985) claims that, given two different linguistic expressions with
closely related meanings, the differences in their meanings will correspond to differences
in their formal properties (1985: 20). By contrast, the term motivation as I use it refers to
a semantic relationship between identical forms which encode seemingly disparate
meanings.
16. For a critique of criterial attribute models, see Lakoff (1982, 1987), Taylor (1989) and
Geeraerts (1993).
17. For example, see Armstrong, et al. (1983), Taylor (1989), Rips (1991), Mandler et al.
(1991).
18. Dowty (1987, 1991) argues for a modified version of prototype theory to explain
thematic roles, but unlike the above-referenced works, maintains that linguistic meaning
is determined by criterial properties which are stated in terms of binary oppositions.
19. Shibatani (1985) has examined a wide range of passive and passive-like constructions
crosslinguistically in which the entity that functions as agent is low in individuation. In
Shibatani’s analysis, members of such a family of constructions are interrelated by virtue
of sharing the common function of agent-defocusing. On the other hand, Myhill (1997)
shows that there is substantial variation across languages as to what type of agents can be
defocused, in terms of semantic as well as pragmatic criteria. He therefore concludes that
agent defocusing is clearly not a unified crosslinguistic phenomenon, since defocused
agents occur in a number of construction types and encode a wide range of meanings and
functions.
20. See Gruber (1965) and Fillmore (1968) for the first linguistic treatments of thematic roles
identified in the present discussion.
21. The prototypical middle event type of noninitiative emotional response will be further
described and justified in section 3.1.1 below.
22. Kövecses (1990) also represents the human experiencer subject in an emotional interac-
tion as an affected entity which is acted upon by external forces. His model of emotion
calls for two distinct entities, a person and an emotion, both of which function as primary
participants in a dynamic causal interaction. According to Kövecses’ model of emotional
experience, the person is disturbed by an external event which involves her/him as a
patient. As a result of this external event, an emotion comes into existence.
23. The prototypical middle event type of spontaneous change will be further discussed and
justified in section 5.1.1 below.
Chapter 3

Experiencer subject structures

3.0 Introduction

Middle inflected verbs with mental experiencers as subjects constitute a large

and diverse semantic class in Modern Greek. Furthermore, as illustrated in
section 2.2.2, various types of experiencer subject constructions are encoded
by both active and middle inflected verbs. In the present chapter, however, the
two inflectional voice systems are shown to differ considerably within the
semantic class of mental experience, particularly when middle and active
variants of the same verb stem are compared, and also when various subgroup-
ings of mental experience verbs are examined in detail.
In one rather large class of experiencer subject constructions, a middle
verb occurs with an experiencer subject in a structurally intransitive clause;
active variants, when attested, occur in transitive clauses that encode a source
or cause participant as subject and an animate experiencer as accusative
object. As compared to their middle counterparts, the active variants are used
less frequently and are often reported by native speakers to be somewhat
strained or uncommon. Furthermore, a number of speakers report that in many
such pairs, the middle as opposed to the active structure portrays the experi-
encer participant as more intensely affected or more emotionally involved.
Such a pair, exemplified by the verbs anastatónome:MID/A ‘to be/become
upset’ and anastatóno: ACT/M ‘to cause someone to be/become upset’ is
given in sentence pair (1)a - (1)b below.
(1) a. anastatóθike me tin íδisi
upset:3SG:MID/A PREP the-news:ACC
‘S/he got upset because of the news.’
(s/he is very upset by the news)
72 Chapter 3

b. tin anastátose i íδisi

3SG:ACC upset:3SG:ACT/M the-news:NOM
‘The news upset her.’
(she is less upset by comparison)
In another major class of experiencer subject constructions, an active
verb occurs with an experiencer subject in a structurally transitive clause.
When such active structures have middle counterparts, the middle variant
typically encodes an agentless state or passive, and both inflectional variants
are equally frequent and commonplace. Such an active-middle pair is illus-
trated in (2)a - (2)b below.
(2) a. ákuse tin foní tis kóris
hear:3SG:ACT/M the-voice: ACC the-daughter:GEN
tu prin bí apó ti pórta
3SG:GEN before enter:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-door:ACC
‘He heard his daughter’s voice before s/he came in through the
door.’
b. akústikan vímata na
hear:3PL:MID/A footsteps:NOM SUBJ
anevénun ti skála
ascend:3PL:ACT/0 the-staircase:ACC
‘Footsteps could be heard coming up the staircase.’
A large number of middle-only verbs with experiencer subjects are also
attested; some of these depict noninitiative emotional response, as illustrated
in sentence (3) below; others depict focused thinking, as shown in example
(4).
(3) lipíθike polí pu málose
feel regret:3SG:MID/0 very COMP scold:3SG:ACT/0
to yó tu
the-son:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He felt a lot of regret and remorse for having scolded his son.’
(4) δen meγálose kalá ta peδyá tu
NEG raise:3SG:ACT/0 well the-children:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He didn’t raise his children well.’
Experiencer subject structures 73

pote δen analoyízonde

never NEG think:3PL:MID/0
tis evθínes tus
the-responsibilities:ACC 3PL:ACC
‘They never think about their responsibilities.’
Various active-only verbs occur in experiencer subject constructions as
well. Unlike the middle-only verbs illustrated in examples (3) and (4) above,
many (but not all) active inflected verbs which designate emotional response
are used in both causative / transitive and noncausative / intransitive construc-
tions; such a pair is illustrated in sentences (5)a - (5)b below.
(5) a. aγanáktisan apó tis stásis
exasperate:3PL:ACT/0 PREP the-stoppage:PL:ACC
erγasías ton leoforíon
work:GEN the-buses:GEN
‘They got exasperated because of the bus strikes.’
b. tus aγanáktisan i stásis
3PL:ACC exasperate:3:PL:ACT/0 the-stoppage:PL:NOM
erγasías ton leoforíon
work:GEN the-buses:GEN
‘The bus strikes exasperated them.’
Although the class of active-only verbs illustrated above occupies an impor-
tant position in the semantic class of mental experience and raises additional
questions on the function of inflectional voice categories in general, it will not
be treated in the present discussion. My goal is to define major meanings and
functions of the inflectional middle category within the semantic class of
mental experience, especially as these contrast with typical usages of the
inflectional active category; therefore the scope is limited to general patterns
displayed in the first three groups, since only these include middle inflected
verbs.
The discussion of inflectional middle voice and the semantic class of
mental experience in Modern Greek is organized as follows. In section 3.1 I
review the characteristics of linguistic prototypes in order to demonstrate that
the event type of emotional response, as encoded by middle structures illus-
trated in (1)a and (3) above, displays the properties of linguistic prototypes in
general which have been established by previous studies in cognitive / func-
74 Chapter 3

tional linguistics. Section 3.2 discusses a wide range of middle inflected verbs
which depict mental experience, including the large class of emotional re-
sponse verbs as well as verbs of mental attitude and verbs of thinking. In
section 3.3 I discuss two main classes of active inflected verbs which desig-
nate mental experience; these are verbs of knowing and understanding, and
verbs of perception. Their middle counterparts, which typically encode an
agentless stative or passive construction, are related to the more encompassing
middle category via extended senses of meaning components associated with
inflectional middle voice across the lexicon.

3.1 Noninitiative emotional response as a characteristic

prototype

As noted in section 2.3.3 above, cognitive linguists propose a model of

categorization in which the category prototype functions as a norm for assess-
ing the degree of membership displayed by other members of the category in
question (cf. Lakoff 1982, 1987; Langacker 1987a; Taylor 1989; Geeraerts
1989, 1990, 1993). Given the central role of the category prototype in cogni-
tive models of categorization, numerous scholars have attempted to specify
the key properties of category prototypes in general, resulting in the formula-
tion of a set of criteria according to which particular category prototypes can
be assessed (cf. Langacker 1987a; Lakoff 1987; Croft 1986, 1991; Geeraerts
1989,1990, 1993; Taylor 1989; Winter 1990; Janda 1990, 1993; Nikiforídou
1991). Three such criteria proposed in the above cited studies are used in the
present research to argue that noninitiative emotional response, proposed as a
prototypical middle event type for the inflectional middle system of Modern
Greek, qualifies as a category prototype; these criteria are as follows: (i)
prototypes typically convey notions which are highly prominent in human
experience; (ii) prototypes are most often encoded by frequently occurring
linguistic structures; (iii) prototypes provide the structural basis for semantic
extension.1 In the discussion which follows, I focus on these three criteria in
order to show that the proposed middle event prototype of noninitiative
emotional response displays properties characteristic of category prototypes
in general, and is therefore justifiably advanced as one of two central event
prototypes which structure the inflectional middle system of Modern Greek.
Experiencer subject structures 75

3.1.1 Prominence of notions conveyed

Cognitive theory explicitly maintains that linguistic knowledge is encyclope-

dic in nature, since particular linguistic meanings, both lexical and grammati-
cal, are typically defined with respect to highly elaborated systems of
knowledge (cf. Talmy 1985a; Langacker 1987a). Such systems of knowledge,
variously characterized as frames (Fillmore 1977b, 1982, 1985), idealized
cognitive models (Lakoff 1982, 1987) and conceptual domains (Langacker
1982, 1987a), are initially built up from continuous exposure to a wide range
of human experience. Within a particular region of a given knowledge system,
one or more substructures may obtain special status by virtue of their fre-
quency of occurrence and/or social or cultural significance. Such a substruc-
ture often emerges as a category prototype, functioning as the central core
around which a partial or an entire complex category is internally structured.
As noted in section 2.3.1 above, any level of morphosyntactic structure,
from an inflectional morpheme to an entire clausal configuration, can be
organized as a complex category. Cognitive linguists (Fillmore and Kay,
manuscript; Lakoff 1987; Fillmore, Kay, and O’Connor 1988) have developed
the framework of construction grammar to analyze basic clausal constructions
as a closed class set of abstract structures analogous to the finite class of
grammatical morphemes; each constructional template comprises a form-
meaning pairing with a prototypical value and a range of extended values, and
functions to specify both semantic/pragmatic and syntactic structure. Goldberg
(1992, 1995) utilizes this model to account for a wide range of ditransitive clause
types in English as extended values of a prototypical structure which depicts a
transfer of an object from an agent to a recipient.2 The transfer of property
schema is included in what she terms humanly relevant scenes, i.e., abstract
event types which generalize over particular interactions that are fundamental
to human experience. Goldberg argues that a range of basic clause types across
language are motivated by the following schematic event types, or humanly
relevant scenes: (i) something moving, (ii) something undergoing a change of
state or location, (iii) something being in a state, (iv) someone experiencing
something, (v) someone causing something, (vi) something having an effect on
someone, (vii) someone possessing something.
Langacker (1991a), in articulating his conceptual model of event struc-
ture and clause types, also analyzes basic clausal configurations as schematic
representations of archetypical human behavior. In particular, Langacker
76 Chapter 3

argues that the conceptual domain of direct perceptual experience provides a

medium for a wide range of highly prominent human experiences, and is
therefore expected to play a crucial role in determining linguistic prototypes.
One such prominent human experience, briefly characterized in section 2.3.1,
is that of observable physical movement which is initiated by a human agent
and is directed toward a patient-like entity; such an interaction clearly in-
volves the tactile and the visual modes of perceptual experience. Langacker
(1987a), as well as a number of other cognitive / functional scholars (Lakoff
1977; Givón 1984; Croft 1986, 1991) have proposed this particular type of
human interaction as the prototypical event type for transitive clause struc-
tures built around an active inflected matrix verb. In another line of related
research, it has been shown that the notion of animacy is central in linguistic
representation (cf. Silverstein 1976; Givón 1976, 1979). Numerous studies
have argued for one or another type of animacy hierarchy to explain the
preference for those forms which designate human as opposed to nonhuman
and animate versus inanimate entities. Such hierarchies have been invoked to
explain various types of agreement phenomena (Givón 1976; Comrie 1980),
patterns of anaphoric reference (Ariel 1988, 1990, van Hoek 1995), as well
as the determination of grammatical relations such as subject and object
(Fillmore 1968, 1977b; Givón 1979, 1984, 1990; Langacker 1986, 1987b,
1991a).
According to Langacker (1991a), the interpretation of direct perceptual
experience is central to human thought and behavior, and is therefore expected
to play a major role in determining linguistic prototypes. Because the interpre-
tation of psycho-emotive experience is also central to human thought and
behavior, the present research maintains that it, too, will play a crucial role in
determining linguistic prototypes. Indeed, various linguists have proposed
that emotional / affective experience plays a central role in the structuring of
linguistic encoding systems. Fillmore (1968) was among the first to recognize
semantic case roles, including that of experiencer, as a set of universal notions
which find expression in and interact with the morphosyntactic strategies of a
given language. Building on Fillmore’s original insights, Langacker (1986,
1987b, 1991a) analyzes semantic roles such as agent and experiencer as
conceptual archetypes, such constructs which are viewed as “prelinguistic
concepts grounded in everyday experience” which “are so basic and experien-
tially ubiquitous that their manifestation in language is for all intents and
purposes inevitable” (1991a: 285). A number of functional studies have also
Experiencer subject structures 77

examined the central role that emotive experience plays in linguistic encoding
systems, and argue that the pragmatic meaning of a given linguistic form
includes an expressive / evaluative, as well as a textual / referential, function
(Halliday and Hasan 1976; Givón 1989; Fleischman 1990, Velásquez-Castillo
1993, 1996; Manney 1995).
The claim I advance that the event type of noninitiative emotional re-
sponse is a central template of the middle category concurs with the findings
of previous cognitive / functional research cited above, which maintains that
schematic representations of humanly relevant scenes, including that of affec-
tive / emotive experience, play a major role in shaping linguistic encoding
systems. The emotional experience middle event type, in designating a human
experiencer affected by emotion, portrays a basic type of human activity and is
encoded by a construction which focuses on a human animate entity as clausal
subject. As such, it reflects what Givón (1976:152) terms the “egocentric /
anthropomorphic nature of discourse,” i.e., the strong tendency for human
language users to be concerned with humans rather than nonhumans. There-
fore, I assume, along with Goldberg (1992, 1995) and others, that humanly
relevant scenes function as prototypical meanings for a range of basic linguis-
tic construction types, and I furthermore propose the humanly relevant scene
of noninitiative emotional response as one of a cluster of prototypical middle
event types that motivates a wide range of middle structures attested in the
Modern Greek language.

3.1.2 Frequency of occurrence

The usage based model of categorization adopted in the present study is

experientialist and dynamic in nature. It therefore anticipates fluctuations in
the frequency and/or status of the various instantiations of a particular linguis-
tic category, which in turn affect the internal structure of the category in
question. In one line of cognitive linguistic research, it has been shown that
when a particular value of a linguistic category is frequently invoked, there is
an increased possibility that this value will achieve the status of a category
prototype (Langacker 1982, 1987a; Lakoff 1982, 1987; Johnson 1987;
Geeraerts 1990, 1993; Winter 1990; Janda 1993). Langacker (1987a: 380)
explicitly maintains that “a complex category is shaped in accordance with a
speaker’s previous experience and is continually adapted to accommodate
changing experiential patterns. A high degree of entrenchment is a major
78 Chapter 3

determinant of prototypicality.” Geeraerts (1993: 258) argues that “(E)ven

though dominant frequency is neither a sufficient nor a necessary criterion for
the centrality of an item’s reading, rising frequency tends to correlate with
growing centrality.”
In Modern Greek, middle inflected verbs which encode emotional re-
sponses or states designate frequently occurring human experiences, such as
xérome:MID/A ‘to be/become happy’, lipáme:MID/0 ‘to be sorry, to feel sorry
for’, and varyéme:MID/0 ‘to be/become bored; to be/become exasperated’.
Although the cognitive model which represents this experience is internally
complex, the experiences, themselves, are extremely commonplace, and the
lexical forms which encode such experience are equally common. Further-
more, the scope and range of emotional response as encoded by middle
inflected verbs suggests that, at the very least, this domain is highly elaborated
in Modern Greek. By way of example, a summary of the middle inflected
emotion verbs investigated in the present study is listed below. (See Appendix
A for a listing of the 94 middle inflected verbs of emotional response that are
included in the present data base.)
to be jolted/startled/surprised/upset (15 verbs)
to be furious/angry/annoyed (9 verbs)
to be oblivious/to be lost in thought (8 verbs)
to feel encouraged/inspired (6 verbs)
to be depressed/discouraged (5 verbs)
to be scared (5 verbs)
to be impressed by/engrossed by/interested in (4 verbs)
to be happy/in good spirits (4 verbs)
to be worried/concerned (4 verbs)
to be ashamed/humiliated/offended (4 verbs)
to experience hardship (4 verbs)
to feel suspicious (4 verbs)
to be deeply moved emotionally (4 verbs)
to despise/to feel disgust (3 verbs)
to feel pity/sorrow/sympathy (3 verbs)
to feel relief (3 verbs)
to be tempted (2 verbs)
to feel pleasure (2 verbs)
to fall in love (1 verb)
to be bored (1 verb)
others (3 verbs)
Experiencer subject structures 79

As a careful examination of the lexicon reveals, middle inflected verbs of

emotional response occupy a prominent position in the middle voice system of
Modern Greek: there is a substantial number of middle inflected verbs of
emotional response, and within this large class, many are high frequency
colloquial forms.

3.1.3 Basis for semantic extension

Numerous studies have established that recurrent patterns of meanings associ-

ated with a given linguistic form often constitute motivated semantic exten-
sions from a category prototype; furthermore, the value proposed as category
prototype on the basis of salience and/or frequency often functions as the
source of several diverse but related senses of the category in question, some
individual senses of which may conflict with each other yet internally cohere
with some substructure of the proposed category prototype (Lindner 1981,
1982; Smith 1985, 1987; Janda 1990; Nikiforídou 1991; Manney 1993, 1995).
Studies in cognitive linguistics have also accounted for what appear to be
accidental or random distributional patterns as a semantically motivated net-
work of meanings. For example, it has been observed that within a number of
particular grammatical categories such as case and aspect, a limited and well
defined set of meanings is consistently invoked by a given form while other
possible meanings are not attested (Smith 1987; Nikiforídou 1991), and/or
that particular senses of a given form are more central than others (Janda 1990,
1993; Nikiforídou 1990, 1991). Cognitive studies cited above have explained
the distribution of such grammatical categories by positing a category proto-
type and tracing the system of extended senses which a given form can
instantiate. In the present study of inflectional middle voice in Modern Greek,
I maintain that the relationships among a range of highly disparate usages of a
middle verbs can be clearly and economically stated, assuming the proposed
middle event type of noninitiative emotional response as a central prototypical
structure. For example, as illustrated in section 2.2.2 above, middle structures
in Modern Greek can encode agent subject constructions, many of which
imply the agent subject’s emotional involvement with some aspect of the
designated scene. It is argued in Chapter 4 that such middle verbs are related to
the prototypical middle event type of emotional response via extended values
of HIGH AFFECT of the entity designated as subject.
Positing a particular prototype also allows for a statement of the relative
80 Chapter 3

status of various instances of a single category. The fact that not all instances
of a category are equally common or occur with equal frequency has been
explained by cognitive/functional linguists in terms of distance from or prox-
imity to the prototype (Croft 1986, 1991; Janda 1990, 1993; Nikiforídou
1991); in particular, such analyses have shown that less commonly occurring
values of a given category tend to be farther removed from the category
prototype via semantic extension than more frequently occurring usages. With
respect to the present study, which advances agentless events as prototypical
middle event types, the analysis correctly predicts there to be fewer middle
verbs which depict an agent subject than those which depict a nonagent
subject. Among those middle structures which depict an agent subject, the
model developed here correctly predicts there to be fewer middle structures
which depict an agent that intentionally acts on a second distinct participant,
as opposed to those which depict an agent who is emotionally involved and/or
who acts on his own behalf or for her own benefit. Furthermore, although
there is, indeed, a group of conventionalized middle structures which are not
obviously related to the two proposed prototypes and which therefore must be
listed individually, the analysis developed here correctly predicts that these
are few in number relative to the entire middle category, and that the majority
of middle verbs as compared to their active counterparts will depict absence or
reduction of agency and/or absence or attenuation of an energetic interaction
between an agent and a second distinct participant.

3.2 Middle inflected verbs with experiencer subjects

Three major subclasses of middle inflected verbs, all of which designate

psycho-emotive experience, are treated in the following discussion. The first
class to be considered, psycho-emotional response, constitutes a large class of
commonplace middle verbs whose active variants, in those cases where active
variants exist, typically occur less frequently than their middle inflected
counterparts (see Appendix A for a list of 94 middle verbs which depict psycho-
emotive response). Verbs of emotional response instantiate the prototypical
middle event type of noninitiative emotional response, most schematically
represented as the response of an animate experiencer to an optionally encoded
external source. The two participant roles are further defined according the
general schematic components HIGH AFFECT and LOW VOLITION,
Experiencer subject structures 81

which characterize the experiencer subject, and LOW INDIVIDUATION,

which characterizes the nonsubject source or cause. Two additional classes of
middle inflected verbs with experiencer subjects are analyzed as extended
values of the middle category through semantic extension of one or more
subcomponents of the emotional response schema. Verbs of mental attitude
such as sovarévome:MID/0 ‘to be / get serious’ are related to the middle
category via extended values of HIGH AFFECT / increased response
and HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience; verbs of thinking such as
sképtome:MID/0 ‘to think, to think of X’ are represented as extended values of
the middle category via the semantic component HIGH AFFECT / increased
response.

3.2.1 Verbs of emotional response

Emotional experience is represented very differently, both morphosyntactically

and semantically, in middle / intransitive and active / transitive variants of verbs
of emotion such as anastatónome:MID/A ‘to get upset’ and anastatóno:
ACT/M ‘to cause someone to get upset,’ respectively. The experiencer subject
in the middle structure as compared to the experiencer object in the correspond-
ing active structure is portrayed as more highly affected and/or emotionally
moved in the designated interaction. Another difference between active and
middle variants of emotional response verbs is that the source of the response
is often perceived as more diffuse and / or less differentiated from the setting in
the middle versus the active structure. The schematic meanings HIGH AF-
FECT and LOW INDIVIDUATION, associated with the undergoer subject
and the oblique source or cause, respectively, recur in numerous lexical classes
of middle inflected verbs, as will be shown in Chapters 4 and 5. Functionally,
inflectional middle as opposed to inflectional active voice serves a dual purpose
in the semantic class of emotional response. In terms of Langacker’s (1991a)
model of event structure, the intransitive middle structure encodes one type of
conceptual starting point by focusing attention on the emotional reaction of
an animate being, rather than on the instrumental sources or vaguely defined
external circumstances which prompt the emotional response. A linguistic
construction which focuses on an experiencer’s emotional response rather than
on the cause of the response is natural and expected, assuming along with Givón
(1976) that language users are more concerned with human than with nonhuman
entities when constructing their everyday worlds of discourse. In addition to the
82 Chapter 3

function of depicting events independently of initial causes, middle structures

sometimes serve the expressive function of further emphasizing the role of the
entity encoded as subject, usually for reasons related to the speaker’s particular
communicative goals in the larger discourse context. Thus, the inflectional
middle category serves both to background an initial source or cause and to
foreground the core event and / or an affected animate entity.3
The proposed schema for the prototypical middle event type of noninitia-
tive emotional response, illustrated above as Figure 2.3, is repeated below in
Figure 3.1.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased response
HIGH AFFECT

undergoes experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW nondistinct from setting

INDIVIDUATION

Figure 3.1. Key participants in the middle event prototype of noninitiative emotional
response

Among those middle structures which designate noninitiative emotional re-

sponse, however, particular components of the middle prototype are salient or
nonsalient to varying degrees according to context. The semantic structure of
a particular verb stem and the clause in which it occurs, as well as the overall
pragmatic context, will determine in part which nodes in the schematic net-
work will be active. Hence, the components which define the prototypical
middle event type will not always be manifested uniformly, even within the
same semantic class.
Experiencer subject structures 83

3.2.1.1 Experiencer is the goal of an external force

In most middle structures which depict emotional response, the animate
experiencer is encoded as a nominative subject and the source or cause, when
explicitly mentioned, is encoded as either a prepositional object or a comple-
ment clause. The two prepositions which most frequently mark the stimulus of
the emotional response are those which prototypically mark a source, i.e. apó
‘by, from, because of’ or an instrument, i.e. me ‘with, by, because of’. The
prototypical values of apó and me were illustrated in section 2.2.1; additional
examples of these two prepositions are provided in sentences (6) and (7)
below.
(6) xθés píra ena γráma apó
yesterday take:1SG:ACT/0 a-letter:ACC PREP
tin aθína
the-Athens:ACC
‘Yesterday I got a letter from Athens.’
(7) ánikse tin pórta me to kliδí
open:3SG:ACT/M the-door:ACC PREP the-key:ACC
‘S/he opened the door with the key.’
The prepositions apó and me also mark the agent or agent-like participant in
middle inflected passive and passive-like structures. Two such middle verbs
are illustrated in sentences (8) and (9) below; the middle passive will be
further defined and illustrated in section 5.4.
(8) kirievómaste apó ti singínisi
conquer:1PL:MID/A PREP the-emotion:ACC
ke aftí mas oδiyí
and this:NOM 1PL:ACC guide:3SG:ACT/M
‘We are conquered by emotion. And this (i.e., emotion) guides
us.’
(Statement made by Yiórgos Daláras, personal interview, Ena, 22
June 1994.)
(9) aftí i pseftikí eksusía tus δínete
this-the-false-power:NOM 3PL:ACC give:3SG:MID/A
me ena molívi
PREP a-pen:ACC
‘A false sense of power is given to them by/with a pen.’
84 Chapter 3

(i.e. ‘They get a false sense of power because they are journalists.’)
(Statement made by Yiórgos Daláras, personal interview, Ena, 22
April 1992.)
Sentences (10) and (11) illustrate the use of the prepositions apó ‘by, from,
because of’ and me ‘with, by, because of’ with commonplace middle-only
verbs that designate emotional response.
(10) drápike apó ti mítera tu
ashamed:3SG:MID/0 PREP the-mother:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He was embarrassed in front of his mother.’
(11) varéθike me tis parakseniés
fed up:3SG:MID/0 PREP the-eccentricities:ACC
tis yinékas tu
the-woman:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘He’s fed up with his wife’s eccentricities.’
Sentence (12) and (13) illustrate commonplace middle verbs of emotional
response which have active / causative counterparts and which encode the
source participant as a prepositional object marked with either apó or me.
(12) empsixóθike apó ta pariγoritiká loya
be encouraged:3SG:MID/A PREP the-comforting-words:ACC
tis meγális aδelfís tu
the-big-sister:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘He was encouraged by his older sister’s comforting words.’
(13) endiposiástikan me tin piótita
be impressed:3PL:MID/A PREP the-quality:ACC
tis δulyás tis
the-work:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘They were impressed with the quality of her work.’
In the middle structures illustrated in sentences (10) - (13) above, an
affected entity is foregrounded as the subject of a clause which depicts
psycho-emotive experience; the source entity is encoded as a prepositional
object. The prepositions which mark the sources or causes of emotional
response in sentences (10) - (13) are the same ones which were shown in
sentences (6) and (7) above to mark sources prototypically and in examples
(8) and (9) to mark the agent or instrument in passive-like structures. Unlike
Experiencer subject structures 85

many middle passive structures, however, the middle structures in sentences

(10) - (13) represent the more natural means of portraying a participant which
undergoes experience.

3.2.1.2 Experiencer is highly affected

In numerous middle-active pairs in which both structures designate emotional
response, the experiencer in the middle variant is portrayed as more highly
affected. In particular, the middle but not the active structure often implies that
the experiencer subject undergoes a more intense emotional experience or is
more personally involved with some aspect of the designated scene. It is
claimed that the components HIGH AFFECT as well as LOW VOLITION
are salient in such constructions. Sentence pairs (14)a - (14)b and (15)a - (15)b
illustrate common patterns of difference between middle and active structures
in which the middle and active inflected verbs are derived from the same verb
stem. Many native speakers report that the middle structures as compared to
their active counterparts depict a more pronounced emotional experience;
some also report that the intransitive middle construction is more natural and
occurs more frequently in spontaneous interactions than does the active caus-
ative variant.
(14) a. stenaxoryéme me tin iyía tu
worry:1SG:MID/A PREP the-health:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘I’m worried about his health.’
(I’m very worried.)
b. i iyía tu me stenaxorí
the-health:NOM 3SG:GEN 1SG:ACC worry:3SG:ACT/M
‘His health worries me.’
(I’m less worried.)
(15) a. apoγoitéftike apó ta tósa pu tis
discourage:3SG:MID/A PREP the-all:ACC REL 3SG:GEN
étixan s to γámo tis
happen:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-marriage:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘S/he was discouraged because of all the things that happened
in her marriage.’
(S/he was extremely discouraged.)
86 Chapter 3

b. ósa tis étixan

all:NOM 3SG:GEN happen:3PL:ACT/0
s to γámo tis tin
PREP the-marriage:ACC 3SG:GEN 3SG:ACC
apoγoítefsan
discourage:3PL:ACT/M
‘All the things that happened in her marriage discouraged her.’
(S/he was less discouraged by comparison.)
According to several native speakers queried, the middle structure in (14)a as
compared to its active counterpart in (14)b suggests that the experiencer is
more deeply worried about someone’s health; sentence (14)b, by comparison,
depicts an experiencer which is less emotionally engaged. The middle - active
pair in (15)a - (15)b is analogous: in example (15)a, the experiencer subject is
depicted as more desolate than in the active counterpart shown in (15)b. In
both middle - active pairs, middle structures add a level of affective meaning
not present in the active counterpart, and yet within the semantic class of
emotional response represent the more natural coding option.
Within the class of middle verbs of emotional response, the meaning of
increased response can be extended to imply the experiencer’s greater per-
sonal involvement with some aspect of the designated event. Consider the
middle - active pair in (16)a - (16)b below.
(16) a. enδiaférete ya
interest:3SG:MID/A PREP
ta provlímata ton erγatón
the-problems:ACC the-workers:GEN
‘S/he’s interested in the workers’ problems.’
(S/he is personally involved with workers’ problems.)
b. ta provlímata ton erγatón
the-problems:NOM the-workers:GEN
ton enδiaférun
3SG:ACC interest:3PL:ACT/M
‘The workers’ problems interest him.’
(Neutral with respect to personal involvement)
According to all native speakers consulted, the middle construction in (16)a
strongly suggests that the interested party is personally involved with the
Experiencer subject structures 87

workers and might therefore think of their problems as his own. In the active
construction of (16)b, by comparison, the interested party is more removed
emotionally, perhaps considering the workers’ problems from a sociological
or economic, rather than a personal, perspective. In fact, one consultant
suggested that (16)a would most likely be said of a dedicated union organizer,
whereas (16)b would probably be said of a company official, a journalist, or
any other individual who expresses an interest, but clearly does not identify
with the workers. In the middle construction, then, that set of circumstances
which arouses interest, namely, the workers’ problems, is clearly of great
personal concern to the experiencer subject, whereas in the active construc-
tion, the workers’ problems are not necessarily connected to the experiencer’s
personal affairs. In the context of example (16)a, the semantic substructure
HIGH AFFECT/increased response which characterizes the experiencer
subject is further extended to convey personal involvement with some aspect
of the designated scene. The schema which represents this extended value of
the prototypical middle event type is depicted in Figure 3.2 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal
HIGH AFFECT response involvement

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 3.2. enδiaférome:MID/A ‘to be interested’

In Manney (1995) it is shown that middle verbs in semantic classes other

than emotional experience display a similar affective meaning which is ex-
ploited in extended texts to portray the speaker’s subjective view of the scene
depicted. Functionalist studies have shown that the pragmatic value of a given
linguistic form includes an expressive as well as a textual function (Halliday
and Hasan 1976; Givón 1989; Fleischman 1990); Manney (1995) relates the
expressive function of particular high affect middle verbs to the more encom-
passing speaker-based strategy of foregrounding particular components of a
conceived situation. A representative passage which illustrates the expressive
88 Chapter 3

function of the middle category is provided below in Text 1. The passage cited
is part of a longer statement made by Grigóris Farákos, a former high ranking
member of the Greek Communist Party, as he was describing his views on the
issue of internal security among party membership.
Text 1
(excerpt from a personal interview with Grigóris Farákos, Ena 27 November 1991)
(a) orisména θémata éprepe na íne steγaná
certain-issues:NOM should:3SG SUBJ be:3SG:MID/0 waterproof:NOM
(b) na min yínonde γnostá se óla ta méli tu kómatos
SUBJ NEG become known PREP the-all-members:ACC the-party:GEN
(c) ipírksan períoδi pu káti tétyo ítan aparétito
be:3PL:ACT/0 periods:NOM REL something such be:3SG:MID/0 necessary
(d) ke anaférome kiríos s tis perióδus
and refer:1SG:MID/A of course PREP-the-periods:ACC
(e) tis paranomías
the-lawlessness:GEN
‘Certain issues had to be kept secure and not become known to all the members
of the party. There were periods when something like this was necessary. And
I am referring of course to the periods of illegality (i.e., when the party was
illegal).’

In line (d) of Text 1, the middle verb anaférome ‘I’m referring to’ serves
the expressive function of emphasizing the role of the subject in the desig-
nated situation. The schematic meaning HIGH AFFECT / increased re-
sponse invoked by the middle category is exploited in this context to convey
the speaker’s subjective view of events depicted, which is clearly colored by
knowledge of the subject’s very extraordinary personal experience as a party
member during the period of lawlessness referred to, when Greek communists
were routinely singled out and severely punished by agents of the government.
By means of the middle structure, the speaker emphasizes the unique credibil-
ity of the particular entity encoded as subject, i.e., himself, as opposed to any
other individual, in discussing and interpreting the significance of party policy
during the historical period when the Greek Communist Party was illegal.
The pragmatic effect of the middle structure in line (d) above is more
clearly discernible when the middle verb anaférome ‘I’m referring to’ is
compared to its active inflected counterpart, anaféro ‘I’m referring to,’ illus-
trated below in sentence (17). In the context of Text 1, the active inflected verb
is grammatically correct and pragmatically appropriate, but clearly does not
draw attention to the role of the subject to the extent that the middle variant does.
Experiencer subject structures 89

(17) ke anaféro kiríos tis perióδus

and refer:1SG:ACT/M of course the-periods:ACC
tis paranomías
the-lawlessness:GEN
‘And I am referring of course to the periods when the party was
illegal.’
(neutral with respect to personal involvement)
In all three middle - active pairs illustrated above, middle structures provide a
more subjective slant on the respective scenes they depict, since the middle
verbs, unlike their active counterparts, portray both the experience itself and
the speaker’s own articulation of the experience.
It might reasonably be asked if the semantic nuance associated with
middle and active structures illustrated in (14)a - (14)b - (16)a - (16)b could be
attributed instead to the different case marking patterns of the noun phrases
which designate experiencers and sources in each of the respective structures.
Although in these particular examples it is indeed difficult to distinguish the
individual contributions made to the overall clause level meaning by case
marking, prepositions, and voice inflection, the existence of middle verbs
which have affective meanings and which occur in transitive clauses suggest
that in some cases the meaning of high affect is more directly related to voice
inflection. Examples of this type will be treated in detail in Chapter 4; one
instance is illustrated in (18)a - (18)b below.
(18) a. íne o teleftéos ton moikanón
be:3SG:MID/0 the-last:NOM the-Mohicans:GEN
iperaspízete perisótero to kaθestós tu
defend:3SG:MID/A more the-regime:ACC 3SG:GEN
pará kápyes iδées
instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s the last of the Mohicans.
He’s defending his regime more than some ideals.’
(He’s passionately defending his regime with his whole heart
and soul)
(Said of Fidel Castro by Elizábet Papazói, former Greek am-
bassador to Cuba, interview in Eleftherotypía, 6 March 1994)
b. iperaspízi perisótero to kaθestós
defend:3SG:ACT/M more the-regime:ACC
90 Chapter 3

tu pará kápyes iδées

3SG:GEN instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s the last of the Mohicans.
He’s defending his regime more than some ideals.’
(Affective meaning of high involvement is not encoded)
In the longer text from which example (18)a was taken, the former Greek
ambassador to Cuba is describing her close friendship with Fidel Castro, and
expresses great admiration for his personal qualities as well as his political
savvy. According to four out of five speakers queried, the middle structure in
(18)a is more appropriate in the context of the ambassador’s personal descrip-
tions, since it depicts a situation in which the subject is very emotionally
involved with what he defends and thus depicts the subject in a more favorable
light. The active counterpart illustrated in (18)a is well-formed but less appro-
priate, since it implies physical, rather than emotional force, and would thus
depict a more belligerent and less compassionate subject in the larger dis-
course context. In section 4.4, the structure illustrated in (18)a is analyzed as a
motivated member of the emotional middle subsystem through an extended
value of the component HIGH AFFECT/increased response/personal in-
volvement of the entity encoded as subject.

3.2.1.3 Source is undifferentiated

In most cases, middle verbs of emotional response as compared to their active
inflected counterparts focus attention on what happens to the affected entity
encoded as subject, rather than on the role of a second participant or event in
prompting an emotional response. This function of middle structures to en-
code one less degree of causation as compared to their active counterparts is
characteristic of the inflectional middle category in general, and is illustrated
and discussed throughout the present work. In the semantic class of emotional
response, middle verbs often depict situations in which a source or cause is
unknown, vague or undefined. For example, in sentences (19)a - (19)b below,
a specific source or cause of the designated emotional experience is not
encoded; furthermore, in the segment of the event encoded by the middle
structure, the affected subject and his/her intensely emotional reaction are
portrayed as the definitive elements.
(19) a. panikovlíθike prin apó tin enxírisi
panic:3SG:MID/A before PREP the-surgery:ACC
‘S/he was seized with panic before the operation.’
Experiencer subject structures 91

b. panikovlíθike
panic:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he was seized with panic.’
In sentence (19)a, although a specific source or cause is not explicitly men-
tioned, background circumstances alluded to by the adverbial phrase prin apó
tin enxírisi ‘before the operation’ might possibly be construed as an indirect
cause of the emotional response; in sentence (19)b, however, nothing resem-
bling a cause is encoded by the middle structure.
In the active counterpart, illustrated in (19)c below, the clausal subject
designates a well defined cause of emotional response, and the direct object,
the experiencer of emotion.
(19) c. i yiatrí ton panikóvalan prin
the-doctors:NOM 3SG:ACC panic:3PL:ACT/M before
apó tin enxírisi
PREP the-surgery:ACC
‘The doctors alarmed him before the surgery.’
As was the case with middle - active variants illustrated previously, members
of the middle-active pair illustrated in (19)a - (19)c can be further distin-
guished according to degree of emotional intensity depicted: the emotional
response of the experiencer encoded as a direct object in the active structure is
much less intense than that of the experiencer encoded as subject in the middle
counterpart.
Sentences (20)a - (20)c below are analogous. The middle structures in
(20)a - (20)b do not designate the specific cause of the emotional response and
focus instead on the emotional experience itself.
(20) a. taráxθike
upset:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he got upset.’
b. taráxθike ótan ákuse óti
upset:3SG:MID/A when hear:3SG:ACT/M COMP
θa xorísi i kóri tis
FUT separate:3SG:ACT/0 the daughter:NOM 3SG:GEN
‘She got upset when she heard that her daughter was getting a
divorce.’
92 Chapter 3

The middle structure in sentence (20)a rather straightforwardly depicts a

spontaneous emotional response independently of any external causal factors.
In (20)b, although the middle structure does not depict a specific and well
defined entity as cause, the set of circumstances portrayed by the adverbial
clause is understood to bear some effect on the experiencer subject’s emo-
tional condition. However, the scene depicted in (20)b also allows for the
possibility that other unnamed elements might be involved in bringing about
the designated emotional state. Thus, the precise cause of the designated
emotional response is not made explicit in sentence (20)b.
The active structure illustrated in (20)c, on the other hand, clearly depicts
a cause-effect relationship between a cause encoded as subject and the emo-
tional reaction of an affected being, the latter of which is encoded as direct
object. Middle - active variants in (20)a - (20)c are further distinguished
according to degree of affect: the middle as opposed to the active structure
depicts an experiencer which undergoes a more profound emotional experi-
ence.
(20) c. i íδisi óti θa xorísi
the-news:NOM COMP FUT separate:3SG:ACT/0
i kóri tis tin tárakse
the daughter:NOM 3SG:GEN 3SG:ACC upset:3SG:ACT/M
‘The news that her daughter was getting a divorce upset her.’
(she is less upset by comparison)
It is sometimes the case that sources encoded as prepositional objects in
middle structures are construed as more diffuse and/or less specific than
sources encoded as subjects in the active counterparts; such an instance is
illustrated in sentence pair (21)a and (21)b below.
(21) a. taleporíθike me tin eforía
difficult:3SG:MID/A PREP the-tax bureau:ACC
‘S/he had a hard time with the internal revenue service.’
(The internal revenue service in general)
b. i eforía tin talepórise
the-tax bureau:NOM 3SG:ACC difficult:3SG:ACT/M
‘The internal revenue service gave her a hard time.’
(The internal service, specifically the auditors)
According to several native speakers consulted for this pair, in (21)a as
Experiencer subject structures 93

compared to (21)b the precise cause of the experiencer’s problem is unclear.

Any one of several factors related to the tax bureau could have created the
difficulty, i.e., the excessive paperwork involved in filing tax returns, inacces-
sibility of personnel to the public, the convoluted language of the tax forms,
the policies of the tax bureau per se, etc. In the active structure, on the other
hand, there is only one unambiguous reading, which is that the tax bureau
audited someone. Like many middle - active pairs illustrated above, in the pair
shown in (21)a - (21)b, the middle member depicts a scene in which the
representation of an experiencer’s emotional response takes precedence over
the precise specification of a cause - effect relationship; the responsible entity,
when encoded at all, is typically vague and / or nonspecific, especially as
compared to the causal participant encoded as subject in the active counter-
part.

3.2.2 Verbs of mental attitude

A major subgroup of mental experience middle verbs convey the subject’s

psycho-emotive stance toward some aspect of the designated scene. Middle
verbs in this class have no active counterparts, so it is not possible to delineate
the function of middle inflection as clearly as was done above for the semantic
class of noninitiative emotional response. Still, middle verbs of mental attitude
display strong affinities with middle verbs of emotional response in that both
depict an affected subject’s emotive involvement with some aspect of the
scene encoded. Middle verbs of mental attitude, some of which occur with a
volitional entity as subject, are analyzed as extended values of the middle
prototype via the semantic component HIGH AFFECT / increased re-
sponse. Many middle verbs of mental attitude also invoke the meaning HIGH
AFFECT / undergoes experience to the extent that the subject’s mental
disposition is viewed as a response to external circumstances.
One subgroup of middle-only mental attitude verbs depict an emotive
relationship between an experiencer subject and a second participant. Unlike
prototypical middle verbs of noninitiative emotional response, which depict a
simple state or change of state and thus function as conceptual starting points,
verbs in this subgroup may not occur in single argument constructions; rather,
they always occur with a prepositional or accusative object. However, like
many middle verbs which designate psycho-emotive experience, the experi-
encer subjects of verbs in this subgroup are understood to be actively engaged
94 Chapter 3

with the entity encoded as an oblique or an accusative object; in the case of

middle-only mental attitude verbs, the grammatical object often depicts a
source of the designated mental attitude, rather than the goal or endpoint of a
force dynamic interaction. Consider example (22)a below.
(22) a. i élines iperifanévonde ya
the-Greeks:NOM proud:3PL:MID/0 PREP
tin istoría tu éθnus tus
the-history:ACC the-nation:GEN 3PL:GEN
‘Greeks are proud of their nation’s history.’
The middle verb iperifanévome ‘to be proud’ designates a relationship be-
tween an experiencer who feels pride, encoded as subject, and an abstract
source of pride, encoded as an oblique object. As illustrated in example (22)b
below, the verb iperifanévome cannot be used to depict an emotive state; such
a meaning is encoded periphrastically, as shown in sentence (22)c.
(22) b. *i élines iperifanévonde
the-Greeks:NOM proud:3PL:MID/0
‘Greeks are proud.’
(unattested)
c. i élines íne iperífani
the-Greeks:NOM be:3PL:MID/0 proud:ADJ
‘Greeks are proud (in general).’
Unlike middle verbs of emotional response discussed above, most middle
verbs in this subclass function to encode an affective relationship between two
participants, rather than the response of a single participant. In this sense,
verbs in this subgroup resemble middle verbs of personal involvement, such
as enδiaférome:MID/A ‘to be interested in,’ illustrated in (16)a above, rather
than verbs of emotional response, such as panikoválome:MID/A ‘to be seized
with panic,’ illustrated in (19)a - (19)b. Example (23)a below exemplifies a
middle inflected mental attitude verb which occurs in a morphosyntactically
transitive clause.
(23) a. an ke δen íne orθóδoksos o xasán
if and NEG be:3SG:MID/0 Orthodox the-Hasan:NOM
sévete tus orθóδoksus papáδes
respect:3SG:MID/0 the-orthodox priests:ACC
Experiencer subject structures 95

‘Even though Hasan isn’t Orthodox (i.e., an Orthodox Chris-

tian), he has respect for the Orthodox priests.’
As was the case with the verb in (22)a, the middle verb in (23)a sévete ‘he
respects’ is used to depict an emotive relationship between two participants. In
the scene depicted in (23)a, the participant encoded as subject is an experi-
encer who feels respect; the participant encoded as object delineates an
abstract region in which expressions of respect are made. Like the middle verb
in (22)a, the middle verb sévome cannot be used to depict the emotive state of
a single participant, as shown in (23)b below. The passive meaning is ex-
pressed periphrastically, as illustrated in (23)c.
(23) b. *o xasan sévete
the-Hasan:NOM respect:3SG:MID/0
‘Hasan is respectful.’
(unattested)
c. o xasán íne sevásmios
the-xasan:NOM be:3SG:MID/0 respect:ADJ
‘Hasan is respected.’
Sentence (23)d shows the unacceptability of a passive reading for the middle
verb sévome, even though the verb occurs in a morphosyntactically transitive
clause, and even though the inflectional middle category often functions to
encode an agentless passive meaning.4
(23) d. *i orθóδoksi papáδes sévonde
the-Orthodox priests:NOM respect:3PL:MID/0
s tin eláδa
PREP the-Greece:ACC
‘Orthodox priests are respected in Greece.’
(unattested)
I suggest that the impossibility of the passive reading in (23)d is related to the
types of arguments which occur with the verb sévome ‘to respect’ as illus-
trated in (23)a: the subject depicts a psychologically engaged experiencer, and
the accusative object functions as an abstract locus for expressions of emotion,
rather than the goal of a force dynamic interaction. As will be shown in
Chapter 5, the agentless passive middle structure functions both to back-
ground an agent-like participant and to foreground a patient-like entity; how-
96 Chapter 3

ever, in the case of sentence (23)a, the basic scene encoded involves a
nonagent as subject and a nonpatient as object. Hence, the agentless passive
function of inflectional middle voice to defocus an agent-like participant and /
or to foreground a patient is inapplicable to the scene depicted in example
(23)a, with the result that the usage depicted in (23)d is unattested.
Figure 3.3 below depicts mental attitude verbs such as iperifanévome:
MID/0 ‘to be proud’ and sévome:MID/0 ‘to respect’ as members of the more
encompassing inflectional middle category via extended values of the sche-
matic component HIGH AFFECT / increased response.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal projects

HIGH AFFECT response involvement an attitude

Figure 3.3. iperifanévome:MID/0 ‘to be proud’

In another subgroup of mental attitude middle verbs, the experiencer

subjects are more agent-like as compared to those illustrated in (22)a and (23)a
above, since the verbs with which they occur depict scenes in which the
subjects could feasibly exercise some control. However, unlike verbs of
mental attitude illustrated above, middle verbs in this subgroup may also be
used to depict a simple state or change of state of an experiencer-like entity.
They thus share important affinities with middle verbs of noninitiative emo-
tional response: verbs from both classes can be used in a single argument
construction which depicts a psycho-emotive state or change of state. Con-
sider examples (24) and (25) below.
(24) ksafniká i maría sovaréfθike ótan
suddenly the-Maria:NOM be serious:3SG:MID/0 when
árxisan na miláne ya politikí
begin:3PL:ACT/0 SUBJ talk:3PL:ACT/M PREP politics:ACC
‘Suddenly Maria got serious when they started talking about poli-
tics.’
Experiencer subject structures 97

(25) i δiíkisi epanapáfθike metá tin

the-administration:NOM be complacent:3SG:MID/0 after the
simfonía pu éklise me
agreement REL close:3SG:ACT/M PREP
tus ipalílus étsi δen proévlepse tin andíδrasi
the-office staff:ACC so NEG anticipate the-reaction:ACC
ton erγatón pu ki aftí zitúsan
the-workers:GEN REL and 3PL:NOM demand:3PL:ACT/0
áfksisi imeromisθíon
increase:ACC wages:GEN
‘The administration became complacent after they reached an
agreement with the office staff, with the result that they did not
anticipate the reaction of the workers, who also demanded a pay
increase.’
Like middle verbs which designate noninitiative emotional response, the
middle structures in (24) - (25) depict an experiencer subject’s response to
external circumstances: in sentence (24), an experiencer becomes more seri-
ous when particular topics of discussion are introduced; in sentence (25), the
subject becomes lax and acquiescent because of prior successes. Although
these events do not necessarily involve a nonvolitional and / or emotional
reaction, they are similar to emotional response in that both depict a mental
change of state induced in part by outside forces. Middle structures of the type
illustrated in (24) and (25) are related to the more encompassing middle
category via schematic substructures HIGH AFFECT / increased response
and HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience common to both; the schema
which depicts this relationship is provided in Figure 3.4 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal projects

HIGH AFFECT response involvement an attitude

undergoes
experience

Figure 3.4. sovarévome:MID/0 ‘to get serious’

98 Chapter 3

In a third subgroup of middle-only mental attitude verbs, the middle

structures depict the intentional and focused actions of an agent-like subject,
and typically convey strong affective overtones which imply the subject’s
psycho-emotional involvement with some aspect of the scene depicted. Un-
like the agent who acts on a second participant in the prototypical active event
schema, the agent subject in middle inflected verbs of mental attitude acts
because of or with respect to a second participant, the latter of which is
typically (but not always) encoded as a prepositional rather than an accusative
object, in those cases where the middle structure depicts a second participant.
Consider examples (26) and (27) below, both of which depict the intense
energetic involvement of an agent-like subject. The middle verb in (26)
depicts an affective relationship between a highly involved agent and the area
in which his involvement finds expression; the middle verb in (27) designates
a single participant event in which an agent subject acts in spite of unspecified
counterforces.
(26) o yánis katapyástike
the-Yiannis:NOM get involved:3SG:MID/0
me aftó to próvlima ton erγatón
PREP this-the-problem:ACC the-workers:GEN
‘Yiannis got intensely involved with the problem the workers were
having.’
(He willingly exerted a lot of effort - verb implies an intense and
hands-on kind of activity)
(27) anaskumbóθike o kóstas ya na
push hard:3SG:MID/0 the-Kostas:NOM so SUBJ
teliósi tin δiatriví tu
finish:3SG:ACT/M the-dissertation:ACC
‘Kostas pushed himself hard in order to finish his doctoral disserta-
tion.’
(He had to exert a lot of effort to overcome unspecified obstacles
working against him)
The middle verbs illustrated in (28)a - (28)b and (29)a - (29)b below
depict agent-like subjects which engage in emotionally charged struggle; they
can be used to depict a single-participant agent-induced event, as shown in
(28)a and (29)a, as well as an emotive relationship between an agent subject
and a second participant, shown in (28)b and (29)b.
Experiencer subject structures 99

(28) a. i fitités δiamartíronde

the-students:NOM protest:3PL:MID/0
‘The students are protesting.’
b. i fitités δiamartíronde ya
the-students:NOM protest:3PL:MID/0 PREP
tin áfksisi ton δiδáktron
the-increase:ACC the-fees:GEN
‘The students are protesting over the fee increase.’
(29) a. máxete ya na min yelási
struggle:MID/0 so SUBJ NEG laugh:3SG:ACT/0
‘She’s struggling so that she doesn’t start laughing.’
(She’s exerting a lot of effort.)
b. máxete tin ipatítiδa eδó ke
struggle:3SG:MID/0 the-hepatitis:ACC here and
δío mínes
two months
‘S/he’s been fighting against hepatitis for two months.’
However, neither of the middle verbs illustrated above can be used in an
agentless passive construction, as shown in examples (28)c and (29)c below.
(28) c. *i áfksisi ton δiδáktron δiamartiríθike
the-increase:NOM the-fees:GEN protest:3SG:MID/0
‘The fee increase was protested.’
(unattested usage)
(29) c. *i ipatítiδa máxete se polús xórus
the-hepatitis:NOM struggle:3SG:MID/0 in many countries
‘Hepatitis is being fought against in many countries.’
(unattested usage)
The middle structures in (28)b and (29)b do not designate a strongly agent-like
entity as subject, nor do they depict a patient-like entity which undergoes
experience. Therefore, the passive reading fails for both, since the middle
passive structure functions to recast an agent-induced event as an instance of
the spontaneous change of a patient-like entity.
The schema for mental attitude verbs in the third subgroup, all of which
convey the subject’s intense energetic involvement, is depicted in Figure 3.5
below.
100 Chapter 3

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

personal projects
increased involvement an attitude
HIGH AFFECT
response
focused
intensity

Figure 3.5. δiamartírome:MID/0 ‘to protest’

3.2.3 Verbs of thinking

Like middle verbs of mental attitude, middle verbs of thinking are motivated
members of the middle category via semantic extension of the component
HIGH AFFECT / increased response. In both classes of verbs, the experi-
encer subject depicts a psychologically active participant rather than a passive
recipient of a psycho-dynamic force. Furthermore, like many of the mental
attitude verbs illustrated above, most middle verbs of thinking are often used
to depict a relationship between two participants. The nature of the entity
which appears as a second participant differs, however, in each of the two
classes of middle verbs. Most middle verbs of thinking can occur in structur-
ally transitive clauses in which the entity encoded as direct object designates
the mental image or product which originates within the experiencer subject.
Although the internal image may correspond to a particular entity or external
state of affairs, the experiencer subject’s idiosyncratic and subjective view of
an existing entity is obviously not the same as the entity itself. To the extent
that the product of thought is viewed as an extension of the thinking individual
or a result of her psychological effort, middle structures with verbs of thinking
depict a mental event in which the entity encoded as direct object is
nondistinct from the experiencer subject, since the entity encoded as direct
object does not exist separately from and / or independently of the entity
encoded as subject.
Sentences (30)a - (30)d below illustrate typical usages of the common-
place verb of thinking, skéftome:MID/0 ‘to think;’ in (30)a the verb occurs
with an accusative object, in (30b), with a complement clause.
(30) a. tin skéftete káθe méra
3SG:ACC think:3SG:MID/0 each day
‘He thinks about her every day.’
Experiencer subject structures 101

b. i evropéi skéftonde óti

the-Europeans:NOM think:3PL:MID/0 COMP
i míkonos íne ómorfos tópos
the-Mykonos:NOM be:3SG:MID/0 beautiful place:NOM
ya δiakopés
PREP vacation
‘Europeans think that (the island of) Mykonos is a beautiful
place for vacations.
In (30)a, the middle structure depicts an experiencer subject’s intrapersonal
relationship with an image of a particular person; in (30)b, the relationship
depicted is that between an experiencer subject and a particular belief held.
Sentence (30)c below illustrates the use of the middle verb skéftome ‘to think’
with an experiencer subject in an intransitive construction.
(30) c. skéftete alá δen borí na
think:3SG:MID/0 but NEG can:3SG:ACT/0 SUBJ
vrí lísi s to próvlima
find:3SG:ACT/M solution PREP the-problem:ACC
‘S/he’s thinking, but s/he can’t come up with a solution to the
problem.’
Like verbs of mental attitude illustrated above, middle verbs of thinking are
not used in middle passive structures: the function of the middle passive to
defocus an agent-like entity and / or to foreground a patient-like entity does
not apply to middle verbs of thinking, since the experiencer subject and the
object of thought are nondistinct and therefore cannot be represented indepen-
dently of each other. Sentence (30)c below illustrates the impossibility of a
passive reading for the middle verb skéftome:MID/0 ‘to think.’
(30) d. skéftete óti i míkonos
think:3SG:MID/0 COMP the-Mykonos:NOM
íne ómorfos tópos ya δiakopés
be:3SG:MID/0 beautiful-place:NOM PREP vacation
(ok) ‘S/he thinks that Mykonos is a beautiful place for a
vacation.’
(*) ‘It is thought that Mykonos is a beautiful place for a
vacation.’
(passive reading is unattested)
102 Chapter 3

In both the transitive and the intransitive uses of the middle verb
skéftome:MID/0 ‘to think’ the middle structure depicts the intrapersonal expe-
rience of an active animate subject; the schema proposed to represent active
internal experience as encoded by the verb skéftome constitutes an extended
value of component HIGH AFFECT / increased response to include the
notion of active internal focus characteristic of all middle verbs of thinking as
analyzed in this section. The transitive usages of the verb skéftome:MID/0 ‘to
think’ illustrated above are represented by the general schema depicted in
Figure 3.6 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased active internal

HIGH AFFECT
response focus

MENTAL OBJECT

LOW INDIVIDUATION nondistinct

from subject

Figure 3.6. tin skéftete káθe méra ‘S/he thinks of her everyday.’

Intransitive uses of the same verb are represented by the schema given in
Figure 3.7.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased active internal

HIGH AFFECT
response focus

Figure 3.7. skéftete ‘S/he’s thinking.’

Experiencer subject structures 103

Sentences (31) and (32) illustrate two additional commonplace verbs of

thinking which depict everyday intrapersonal experience; in example (31) the
verb anarotyéme:MID/0 ‘to wonder’ depicts a thinking subject’s perspective
on an external situation; in sentence (32) the verb fandázome:MID/0 ‘to
imagine’ depicts the relationship between thinking individuals and the images
they conjure up of hypothetical circumstances.
(31) anarotíθike yatí ítane anixtí i pórta
wonder:3SG:MID/0 why be:3SG:MID/0 open the-door:NOM
‘S/he wondered why the door was open.’
(32) o skinoθétis tus ípe na
the-director:NOM 3PL:ACC say:3SG:ACT/M SUBJ
fantastún óti ítan
imagine:3PL:MID/0 COMP be:3PL:MID/0
s tin paralía
PREP the-beach:ACC
‘The director (of the play) told them to imagine that they were on a
beach.’
In a second subgroup of middle-only thinking verbs, the mental processes
depicted are more specialized as compared to those illustrated in (30) - (32)
above, especially with respect to the depth and complexity of thought desig-
nated. Verbs in this second subgroup include siloyízome:MID/0 ‘to think
carefully in an orderly manner, to ruminate,’ analoyízome:MID/0 ‘to reflect
on and assess,’ and δialoyízome:MID/0 ‘to think very deeply; to meditate;’ the
first two are illustrated below in examples (33) - (34), respectively.
(33) siloyístike pos éfteye ki aftós
thought:3SG:MID/0 COMP blame:3SG:ACT/0 and 3SG:NOM
ya ta pikrá lóya pu ipóθikan kata
PREP the-harsh words:ACC REL say:3PL:MID/A PREP
ti δiárkia tis sinélevsis
the-duration:ACC the-meeting:GEN
‘He thought (and reached the conclusion) that he was also to blame
for the bitter words that were exchanged in the meeting.
(34) i tixéa sinándisi ton δío palión fílon
the-chance meeting:NOM the-two old friends:GEN
104 Chapter 3

tus ékane na analoyistún

3PL:ACC make:3SG:ACT/0 SUBJ think:3PL:MID/0
ta xrónya pu meγálonan mazí
the-years:ACC REL grow:3PL:ACT/0 together
s tin-íδia yitonyá
PREP the-same neighborhood:ACC
‘The chance meeting of the two old friends made them think back
on the years that they were growing up together in the same
neighborhood.’
The middle verb siloyízome ‘to think’ illustrated in (33) typically encodes a
situation in which a mental experiencer follows an orderly sequence of
thoughts leading to some type of conclusion; the middle verb analoyízome ‘to
think’ shown in (34), on the other hand, depicts a mental process in which the
experiencer reflects on and assesses a series of events. Middle verbs of
thinking which designate analytical reasoning are represented as a special set
of verbs of thinking whose stems invoke the additional meaning of a highly
elaborated thought process. The schema which represents the verbs illustrated
in (33) - (34) above as middle verbs of thinking as well as members of the
larger middle category is given below in Figure 3.8.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT increased

active internal
response
focus

MENTAL OBJECT

LOW INDIVIDUATION nondistinct

from subject

Figure 3.8. siloyízome:MID/0 ‘to think through and conclude,’ analoyízome:MID/0 ‘to
reflect on and assess’
Experiencer subject structures 105

In a third subgroup of middle verbs of thinking, the mental processes

depicted involve experiencer subjects whose mental efforts yield clear results
of benefit to them. Unlike middle verbs of thinking illustrated thus far, those
exemplified below convey a greater sense of intensity and intrigue as com-
pared to more semantically neutral verbs such as skéftome:MID/0 ‘to think’ or
analoyízome:MID/0 ‘to reflect on and assess.’ The three verbs of thinking
illustrated below all depict mental processes in which an experiencer subject
shows great intelligence in creating a tangible entity or in shaping up a
particular state of affairs. Consider sentences (35) - (37), which illustrate the
verbs mixanévome:MID/0, sofízome:MID/0, and skarfízome:MID/0, respec-
tively, all of which may be roughly translated as ‘to cleverly contrive / cook up
something.’
(35) o δikiγóros mixanéfθike mya δiaδikasía
the-lawyer:NOM think up:3SG:MID/0 a-procedure:ACC
óste o pelátis tu na min plirósi
so that the-client:NOM 3SG:GEN SUBJ NEG pay:3SG:ACT/0
meγála posá s tin eforía yia
large amount PREP the-tax bureau PREP
tin klironomía
the-inheritance:ACC
‘The lawyer came up with a procedure so that his client wouldn’t
have to pay a lot of taxes on the estate he inherited.’
(verb has negative implications - means to think up a clever but
underhanded plot that concerns something meaningful)
(36) sofístike ena trópo ya na
think up:3SG:MID/0 a-way:ACC so that SUBJ
δósi to andipiretikó s to peδí
give:3SG:ACT/M the-anti-fever medicine:ACC PREP the-child
tis
3SG:GEN
‘S/he figured out a way to get her child to take the medicine.’
(verb means to think up something clever, but doesn’t have the
negative implications that mixanévome has)
(37) skarfístike ena éksipno pséma
think up:3SG:MID/0 a-clever lie:ACC
106 Chapter 3

s tin erótisi tis kutsobólas yitónisas

PREP the-question:ACC the-gossip:GEN neighborhood:GEN
‘S/he came up with a clever lie to the question asked by the
neighborhood gossip.’
(verb has playful implications - means to think up something clever
but innocent)
Although the three middle verbs of thinking differ in terms of connotative
meaning, ranging from negative to playful, all depict situations in which an
actively involved mental experiencer demonstrates considerable intellectual
prowess in devising a solution or a plan favorable to his own interests. Like
verbs of mental attitude, verbs of thinking include a large subgroup of verbs
which invoke a highly energetic sense of psycho-emotive involvement; in the
present study this meaning is schematically represented as focused intensity,
analyzed as an extended value of HIGH AFFECT / increased response. The
schema which depicts this extended value of middle structures illustrated in
(35) - (37) above is provided in Figure 3.9 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT
active internal
increased focus
HIGH AFFECT response

focused
intensity

MENTAL OBJECT

LOW INDIVIDUATION nondistinct effected by

from subject subject

Figure 3.9. mixanévome:MID/0, sofízome:MID/0, skarfízome:MID/0 ‘to think up or con-

trive’
Experiencer subject structures 107

3.3 Active inflected verbs with experiencer subjects

In this section, two major classes of active inflected mental experience verbs
are examined, and they are shown to differ from middle verbs of mental
experience in two respects. First of all, many active verbs with experiencer
subjects have middle inflected variants which encode an agentless passive or a
reciprocal meaning. As was shown in section 3.2 above, middle verbs with
experiencer subjects typically do not occur in the middle passive construction.
It was suggested that this is so because of conflicting elements in the meaning
and function of each: middle verbs of mental experience depict an experiencer
subject’s psycho-emotive response to or involvement with some aspect of the
designated scene; the middle passive, on the other hand, depicts the change of
state of a patient-like participant autonomously and independently of any
other entity. A second key difference between middle and active verbs with
experiencer subjects is that many middle verbs of mental experience occur in
clauses with intransitive morphosyntax, unlike active verbs of mental experi-
ence, almost all of which occur in morphosyntactically transitive clauses.
These basic differences in syntactic properties (possibility versus impos-
sibility of agentless passive and/or reciprocal constructions) and morpho-
syntax (transitive versus intransitive case marking) reflect a fundamental
difference in the conceptualization of active and middle structures which
encode mental experience. I suggest that active verbs of mental experience
constitute extended values of the active event prototype of agent initiated
action; the latter depicts an event in which an agent-like entity acts on a
patient-like entity, and the agent and the patient participants are separate and
distinct. The active event schema may be realized in the domain of mental
experience, giving rise to active inflected verbs of perception and directed
attention. I propose that such active structures are conceptualized as directed
mental activity which originates with the experiencer subject and focuses
on an object of perception that is wholly distinct and separate from the
experiencer subject; the active voice schema for psycho-emotive experience is
structurally analogous to the active voice schema for energy exchange (cf.
Langacker 1986, 1987b, 1991a). Middle inflected verbs of psycho-emotive
experience, on the other hand, are related to the prototypical middle event type
of noninitiative emotional response; this event type depicts an emotively
involved experiencer subject as the goal of a force dynamic interaction.
Therefore, while both active and middle verbs can encode mental experience,
108 Chapter 3

the type of mental event portrayed by each inflectional category differs from
that of its categorical opposite in ways which can be traced to the prototypical
values of each.

3.3.1 Verbs of knowing and of understanding

The knowing events to be discussed here depict two primary participants: a

knowing individual, and a mental object designating that which is known.
Like the middle verbs of thinking discussed in section 3.2.3 above, active
inflected verbs which designate knowing events occur with a nominative case
experiencer subject and an accusative case or sentential object. However,
unlike middle inflected verbs of thinking, whose mental objects are analyzed
as extensions or products of the experiencer subject, active inflected verbs of
knowing, motivated by an active event type, are claimed to depict objects of
knowledge which are conceptualized independently of the experiencer sub-
ject. Therefore, active inflected verbs of knowing, unlike the middle inflected
verbs of thinking discussed above, have middle inflected counterparts which
occur in agentless passive and/or reciprocal constructions.
Five common verbs of knowing are the following:
kséro to know, to know how, to know of
γnorízo to know, to know how, to understand, to recognize
anaγnorízo to recognize, to acknowledge
anakalípto to discover, to figure out
maθéno to learn, to find out, to teach
These are illustrated in sentences (31) - (35) below.
(31) kséri tin lísi tu trítu provlímatos
know:3SG:ACT/0 the-solution:ACC the-third problem:GEN
‘He knows the solution to the third problem.’
(32) γnórize tin yinéka pu tu
know:3SG:ACT/M the-woman:ACC REL 3SG:GEN
sístisan alá δen tus ípe
introduce:3PL:ACT/M but NEG 3PL:ACC say:3SG:ACT/M
típota
nothing
‘He knew the woman they introduced to him but he didn’t say
anything to them.’
Experiencer subject structures 109

(33) anaγnórise tin próin yitónisá tu

recognize:3SG:ACT/M the-former neighbor SG:GEN
s tin laikí aγorá
PREP the-popular-market:ACC
‘He recognized his former neighbor at the neighborhood market.’
(34) kaθós píyene na plirósi to isitírio
when go:3SG:ACT/0 SUBJ pay:3SG:ACT the-ticket:ACC
anakálipse óti tu íxan klépsi
discover:3SG:ACT/M COMP 3SG:GEN had stolen
to portofóli
the-wallet:ACC
‘When he went to pay for his ticket, he discovered that his wallet
had been stolen.’
(35) émaθe xθés óti yénise
learn:3SG:ACT/M yesterday COMP give birth:3SG:ACT/M
koritsáki i aδelfí tu
girl the-sister:NOM 3SG:GEN
‘He found out yesterday that his sister had (i.e., gave birth to) a
little girl.’
Almost all active inflected verbs of knowing have a middle inflected
counterpart with an agentless passive and/or reciprocal meaning; the agentless
passives in (36) - (38) below are the middle inflected counterparts to active
verbs illustrated in examples (33) - (35) above, respectively.
(36) anaγnorístikan ta apotipómatá tu
recognize:3PL:MID/A the-fingerprints:NOM 3SG:GEN
s to perístrofo
PREP the-revolver:ACC
‘His fingerprints were identified on the revolver.’
(37) otan anakalífθike i raδienéryia kanís δen
when discover:3SG:MID/A the-radiation:NOM no one NEG
ipopsiástike ta ásxima apotelésmata
suspect:3SG:MID/0 the-terrible-effects:ACC
‘When radiation was discovered no one suspected its terrible ef-
fects.’
110 Chapter 3

(38) maθéftike óti akóma ke

learn:3SG:MID/A COMP even and
o proθipurγós ítan bleγménos
the-Prime Minister:NOM be:3SG:MID/0 involved
s ta skánδala
PREP the-scandals:ACC
‘It was rumored that even the Prime Minister was involved in the
scandals.’
In the present analysis, the occurrence of such active-middle pairs is
semantically motivated. In the event depicted by the active prototype of agent-
initiated action, an agent willingly acts on a second participant, the latter of
which is separate and distinct from the agent subject. In active structures
which depict knowing events, the knowing subject and the object of knowl-
edge are structurally analogous to the agent and patient participants, respec-
tively, of the prototypical active event type; therefore, the knower subject and
that which s/he knows are represented as separate and distinct from each other.
An agentless passive reading is possible with the middle counterparts of active
inflected verbs of knowing, since the clear distinction between participants
conveyed by the active variants allows for an alternative conceptualization in
which the known is represented independently of any agent-like entity.
Within the semantic class of verbs of understanding, three very
common verbs are attested; these are katalavéno:ACT/M ‘to understand’,
antilamvánome:MID/0 ‘to understand, to be aware of’, and siniδitopyó:ACT/
0 ‘to understand, to realize.’ The active and middle verbs of understanding are
distinguished both semantically and syntactically, and it is claimed that
their differences in internal semantic structure motivate the corresponding
syntactic differences between them. While all three verbs of understanding
occur in clauses with transitive case marking, only the middle verb
antilamvánome:MID/0 ‘to understand, to be aware of’ invokes the notion
HIGH AFFECT / increased response / psycho-emotive involvement, which
is read as the experiencer subject’s psychological involvement with some aspect
of the designated scene. Consider sentences (39) - (41) below, which illustrate
uses of the verbs katalavéno:ACT/M and antilamvánome:MID/0. The active
verb designates a mental act in which the experiencer subject reaches a state of
understanding by means of logical thinking and empirical evidence, whereas
the middle verb depicts a situation in which the experiencer subject understands
primarily through intuition.
Experiencer subject structures 111

(39) a. katálava óti tu

understand:1SG:ACT/M COMP 3SG:GEN
ímuna város
be:1SG:MID/0 heavy
‘I understood that I was a burden to him.’
(I had empirical evidence.)
b. antilífθika óti tu
understand:1SG:MID/0 COMP 3SG:GEN
ímuna város
be:1SG:MID/0 heavy
‘I understood that I was a burden to him.’
(I had an intuition.)
(40) a. katálave óti kápyos
understand:3SG:ACT/M COMP someone:NOM
ítan s to spíti
be:3SG:MID/0 in the-house:ACC
‘S/he realized that someone was in the house.’
(S/he observed concrete signs.)
b. antilífθike kápyon mésa
understand:3SG:MID/0 someone:ACC in
s to spíti
in the-house:ACC
‘S/he realized that someone was inside the house.’
(S/he had a strong feeling.)
(41) a. katalavéno óla
understand:1SG:ACT/M everything:ACC
s to vivlío aftó
in the-book-this:ACC
‘I understand everything in this book.’
b. *antilamvánome óla
understand:1SG:MID/0 everything:ACC
s to vivlío aftó
in-the book this:ACC
‘I understand everything in this book.’
In the pair exemplified in (39)a - (39)b, the middle structure in (39)b implies
that the speaker understands someone else’s feelings through subtle and
112 Chapter 3

indirect means. For example, sentence (39)b could be interpreted to mean that
s/he knew because of a strange look he gave her, a change in his tone of voice,
what he didn’t say, etc. In (39)a however, the most likely interpretation is that
the speaker understands because he tells her explicitly or otherwise lets her
know directly how he feels. The active-middle pair shown in (40)a - (40)b is
analogous. The active verb in sentence (40)a, for example, suggests a state of
understanding achieved through direct means, implying that s/he clearly ob-
served someone in the house. In sentence (40)b, which is the more natural of
the two, the middle verb designates an event in which an individual becomes
aware of a stranger in the house, not through direct observation, but by
interpreting signs such as hearing a creak on the steps, seeing a blurred figure,
etc., or by simply sensing a strangeness in the house. In the pair illustrated in
(41)a - (41)b, only the active verb is possible, presumably because the type of
understanding required to read a book most typically involves rational, inter-
pretive thinking, rather than intuition or affect.
The active verb katalavéno designates a reasoning event whereby under-
standing is attained through the experiencer subject’s first-hand observation of
objects or events that are viewed independently of her affective predisposi-
tions. The middle verb antilamvánome, on the other hand, depicts the experi-
encer subject’s intuitive understanding of things or events as interpreted by an
emotively aroused consciousness; this reading is motivated by the semantic
component HIGH AFFECT / increased response / personal / psycho-
emotive involvement which is common to experiencer subjects in a variety of
middle structures. This proposed difference in semantic structure between the
two verbs also explains why the active verb katalavéno:ACT/M but not the
middle verb antilamvánome:MID/0 can occur in a reciprocal construction.
Consider the following examples.
(42) katalavenómaste tóra δen xriázonde perisótera
understand:1PL:MID/A now NEG need:3PL:MID/0 more
‘We understand each other now; nothing else is needed.’
(line from a well known poem by Yiánnis Rítsos)
(43) antilamvanómaste
understand:1PL:MID/0
*a. ‘We understand each other.’
(not a possible reading)
Experiencer subject structures 113

b. ‘We understand . . .’
(okay in a nonreciprocal sense)
As illustrated above, the reciprocal reading is possible with the active verb
katalavéno ‘to understand’ but not with the middle verb antilamvánome ‘to
understand.’ The reciprocal construction portrays an event such that the sharp
distinction between subject and object is blurred: the subject is represented as
both a source and a goal in the designated interaction. This reading is possible
because the more basic meaning of the verb depicts an event in which the object
of understanding is more clearly separate from the experiencer subject’s
psycho-emotive predisposition. The middle verb antilamvánome, on the other
hand, designates an event in which the experiencer subject and the mental
object are subjectively connected; hence, a reciprocal construal is not possible.
Let us now turn to a characterization of the active verb siniδitopió:ACT/0
‘to understand, to be aware of’, as compared to the middle verb
antilamvánome:MID/0 ‘to understand, to be aware of’. Consider sentences
(44)a - (44)b and (45)a - (45)b below.
(44) a. afú to skéftika polí
after 3SG:ACC think:1SG:MID/0 a lot
siniδitopíisa óti éxi sovará
become aware:1SG:ACT/0 COMP has:3SG:ACT serious
provlímata s to γámo tis
problems PREP the-marriage:ACC GEN
‘After I thought about it a lot, I realized that she has serious
problems in her marriage.’
b. *afú to skéftika polí
after 3SG:ACC think:1SG:MID/0 a lot
antilíftika óti éxi sovará
become aware:1SG:MID/0 COMP 3SG:has:ACT/0 serious
provlímata s to γámo tis
problem PREP the-marriage:ACC GEN
After I thought about it a lot, I realized that she has serious
problems in her marriage.’
(unattested)
(45) a. antilamvánome ti enoís
understand:1SG:MID/0 3SG:ACC mean:2SG:ACT/0
‘I understand what you mean.’
114 Chapter 3

i.e., I grasp what you mean.

(said in reply to an explanation provided by a second indi-
vidual)
b. ? siniδitopió ti enoís
understand:1SG:ACT/M 3SG:ACC mean:2SG:ACT/0
‘I understand what you mean’
i.e., I’m in the process of figuring out what you mean.
(strange; unnatural)
The events depicted in sentences (44)a - (44)b involve a mental change of
state which is the result of considerable thought. The active but not the middle
verb implies that the experiencer subject reaches an understanding by making
logical deductions, so the active verb is more felicitous in the context of
sentences (44)a - (44)b. In the pairs shown in sentences (45)a - (45)b, the
middle construction is judged by all consultants queried to be the more natural
of the two, since it construes an awareness which stems from sensitivity and
intuition rather than deductive thinking. The active construction in sentence
(45)b is strange precisely because it implies that the speaker is in the process
of becoming aware by analyzing something which was just explained to her/
him. The active verb construes an experiencer who understands by means of
logical thinking as opposed to the middle verb, the latter of which construes an
event whereby the experiencer understands through heightened awareness.
The schema which characterizes the middle verb antilamvánome as a member
of the middle category is illustrated in Figure 3.10 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT
psycho-emotive
increased involvement
response
HIGH AFFECT

Figure 3.10. antilamvánome:MID/0 ‘to understand by intuition’

Experiencer subject structures 115

3.3.2 Verbs of perception

Verbs of perception are analogous to verbs of knowing and understanding in

terms of their argument structure and syntactic possibilities. The most com-
mon verbs of perception are typically inflected for active voice and occur with
a nominative case subject that designates a perceiver and an accusative case
object which designates an object of perception. Furthermore, most active
verbs of perception have middle inflected counterparts which can occur in
agentless passive, generic, and/or reciprocal constructions. The verbs which
denote the five senses follow such a pattern: they are inflected for active voice
to designate a perception event in which the perceiver is encoded as a
nominative case marked subject and the entity perceived as an accusative
object, and they have middle inflected counterparts which are used in generic
and/or agentless passive constructions. Commonly occurring verbs which
designate sensory perception are the following:
vlépo to see
akúo to hear
aŋízo to touch
mirízo to smell
katalavéno tin yévsi to taste (literally, to understand the taste)5
These verbs are illustrated in sentences (46) - (50) below.
(46) vlépis to peδí éki péra
see:2SG:ACT/M the-child:ACC there around
‘Do you see the child over there?’
(47) ákuse vímata s to epáno pátoma
hear:3SG:ACT/M footsteps PREP the-upstairs level:ACC
‘S/he heard footsteps on (i.e. coming from) the upstairs floor.’
ŋikse
(48) áŋ to prósopó tu
touch:3SG:ACT/0 the-face:ACC 3SG:GEN
ya na δi an íxe piretó
SUBJ see:3SG:ACT/M if have:3SG:ACT/0 fever:ACC
‘S/he touched his face to find out if he had a fever.’
(49) mírise skórδo mólis bíke
smell:3SG:ACT/M garlic:ACC as soon as enter:3SG:ACT/0
116 Chapter 3

mésa s to spíti
PREP PREP-the house
‘He smelled garlic as soon as he entered the house.’
(50) δen borí na kataláve
NEG able:3SG:ACT/0 SUBJ understand:3SG:ACT/M
tin yévsi tu fayitú tu
the-taste:ACC the-food:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘He can’t taste his food.’
The middle inflected counterparts to the active verbs vlépo:ACT/M ‘to see’
and akúo:ACT/M ‘to hear’ are given below in sentences (51) and (52), both of
which illustrate generic middle structures.
(51) pos éyinan ta malyá su étsi
how become:3PL:ACT/M the-hair:NOM:PL 2SG:GEN so
δen vléponde
NEG see:3PL:MID/A
‘What happened to your hair? It’s not presentable.’
(52) akústike óti óli i ipálili
hear:3SG:MID/A COMP all-the-employees:NOM
tu ipúryiu laδóθikan
the-ministry:GEN bribe:3PL:MID/A
‘It was rumored that all the employees of the ministry were bribed.’
Other common verbs which designate the perceptual activity of a human
experiencer, such as kitázo:ACT/M ‘to look at’, paratiró:ACT/M ‘to notice, to
observe’, and δiakríno:ACT/M ‘to distinguish’ are also inflected for active
voice and have middle inflected forms with agentless passive, generic, and/or
reciprocal meanings. According to the present analysis, perception as encoded
by the active inflected verbs illustrated above designates an event with two
separate and distinct participants: an actively engaged perceiver and an exter-
nal object of perception. Although the domain is no longer that of physical
action, the focus of attention on an object at the end of a perceptual path is
analogous to the transfer of force from an agent to a patient, and hence
approximates the active prototype (cf. Langacker 1991a). Because the object
of perception is depicted independently of the experiencer subject’s emotive
capabilities, it can be alternatively encoded as a patient subject in a middle
passive or middle generic structure, such a construction which designates the
Experiencer subject structures 117

experience or state of a patient-like entity independently of any other partici-

pant or component of the designated situation.
Within the semantic class of perception verbs which designate the mental
activity of a perceiver, the contrast between active and middle voice is
manifested in one set of verbs, which are nióθo:ACT/0 ‘to feel’, and
esθánome:MID/0 ‘to feel’. Unlike the active verbs of perception illustrated
above, the active verb nióθo:ACT/0 does not have a middle counterpart with a
passive, generic, or reciprocal meaning and in this sense is atypical of active
inflected verbs of perception. However, the semantic differences between
these two verbs are analogous to the differences between members of other
roughly synonymous active - middle pairs which were discussed earlier.
Consider the following sentence pair.
(53) a. nióθi tin lípi tis mitéras
feel:3SG:ACT/0 the-sadness:ACC the-mother:GEN
tu
3SG:GEN
‘He feels his mother’s sadness.’
(he is not necessarily sad.)
b. esθánete tin lípi tis mitéras
feel:3SG:MID/0 the-sadness:ACC the-mother:GEN
tu
3SG:GEN
‘He feels his mother’s sadness.’
(he, too, is sad)
The difference in meaning between these two, while quite subtle, is reported
by all native speakers consulted. Sentence (53)a conveys a more focused
perceptual activity which one speaker characterized as directness; sentence
(53)b, on the other hand, implies a more subtle and intuitive response. Further-
more, in the middle but not the active construction, it is understood that the son
identifies with his mother’s feeling and possibly even feels sad himself. These
meanings are consistent with the meanings invoked by the prototypical active
and middle event types treated here, the former which construes perception as
an event which involves a path-like focusing of attention, the latter which
construes perception as an emotive response to an object of perception.
The middle verb esθánome is related to the middle prototype via seman-
tic extension of the substructure HIGH AFFECT / increased response and
118 Chapter 3

by elaboration of the structure HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience;

these relationships to the prototype are depicted in Figure 3.11 below.

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT
psycho-emotive
increased involvement
response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes
experience

Figure 3.11. esθánome:MID/0 ‘to feel’

3.4 Conclusion

The central claim which I have advanced in Chapter 3 is that the linguistic
representation of mental experience in Modern Greek is organized around two
very different conceptual categories, each of which has its own characteristic
morphosyntactic reflexes and syntactic patterning. The first class of mental
experience verbs I discussed are inflected for middle voice and designate
noninitiative emotional response whereby a sentient being undergoes a psy-
chological / emotional experience. After reviewing various studies of category
prototypes and carefully considering the particular facts of Modern Greek, I
concluded that noninitiative mental experience constitutes a prototypical
middle event type in Modern Greek. I then discussed two major classes of
middle inflected verbs of mental experience which were analyzed as exten-
sions from the middle prototype; these are verbs of mental attitude and verbs
of thinking. Next I proposed that a second major group of mental experience
verbs are conceptualized according to the active prototype. The notion of
PATH which structures our understanding of energy flow in the prototypical
active event is extended to the domain of mental activity, in which the path of
an energy flow is metaphorically reinterpreted as a mental path of focused
attention.
Experiencer subject structures 119

Notes

1. As noted by Geeraerts (1989, 1993), prototypicality is itself a graded construct; therefore,

it is expected that all prototypes may not conform to the same degree to the proposed
criteria. In other words, there are central and peripheral prototypes, just as there are
central and peripheral category members.
2. See Goldberg (1992, 1995) for independent motivation for the level of analysis of the
constructional template.
3. See Manney (1995) for more discussion of these issues.
4. The use of the inflectional middle category to encode an agentless passive meaning is
discussed at length in Chapter 5.
5. The middle-only verb yévome:MID/0 ‘to taste’ can occur in many of the same contexts
where the periphrastic expression katalavéno:ACT/M tin yévsi ‘to understand the taste’
appears. According to several native speakers, the former as compared to the latter
conveys greater immediacy or urgency, and often implies the speaker’s emotional
involvement with the situation depicted.
Chapter 4

Agent subject structures

4.0 Introduction

Modern Greek displays a number of middle-active pairs in which both vari-

ants have agent subjects; members of such pairs differ functionally and
semantically in ways which reflect the internal organization of their respective
voice systems. Functionally, middle-active pairs with agent subjects often (but
not always) encode a transitivity alternation whereby the middle but not the
active member is morphosyntactically intransitive. In terms of Langacker’s
(1991a) model of event structure, the middle member of such a pair construes
a less energetic situation by omitting or defocusing particular elements of an
energy transfer. In one main pattern of alternation, the middle member depicts
a single-participant agent-induced event whereas the active depicts a two-
participant agent-induced event; in another major middle-active pattern, both
alternants encode a two-participant event, but the middle structure occurs with
an oblique object. Semantically, agent subjects of middle structures often
invoke extended meanings of the semantic components HIGH AFFECT and
LOW VOLITION, these components which characterize the experiencer and
patient subjects in clauses which depict noninitiative emotional response and
spontaneous change, respectively. Agent subject constructions encoded with
middle verbs, as compared to their active inflected counterparts, often depict
situations where either the effects of the agent’s action impinge on the agent or
where the agent’s emotional involvement is heightened; agent subject middle
structures may also imply that the entity designated as subject has limited
agency or initiative potential.
In Modern Greek there is a well known opposition between active and
middle inflected variants where both designate physical activity. The middle
inflected member of the pair, unlike the active variant, is morphosyntactically
intransitive, and depicts a subject which acts on itself or for its own benefit.
122 Chapter 4

Such a pair, exemplified by the verbs díno:ACT/M ‘to dress someone’ and
dínome:MID/A ‘to get dressed,’ is illustrated in sentences (1)a and (1)b below.
(1) a. o yórγos díni to koritsáki
the-Yiorgos:NOM dress:3SG:ACT/M the-girl:ACC
tu káθe proí
3SG:GEN every morning
‘Yiórgos gets his little girl dressed every morning.’
b. o yórγos pánda dínete prin
the-Yiorgos:NOM always dress:3SG:MID/A before
na pyí to proinó
SUBJ drink:3SG:ACT/M the-morning:ACC
tu kafé
3SG:GEN coffee:ACC
‘Yiórgos always gets dressed before having his morning cof-
fee.’
In a second group of middle verbs with agent subjects, physical action is
also depicted, but the middle structure, unlike the active variant, conveys a
general sense of increased urgency. While this second type of agentive middle
construction is also quite common in Modern Greek, it has not been previ-
ously analyzed or widely discussed in the linguistic literature on voice inflec-
tion. Consider the active-middle pair illustrated in (2)a - (2)b below.
(2) a. o tákis épyase to xéri
the-Takis:NOM grab:3SG:ACT/M the-hand:ACC
tis yinékas tu
the-wife:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘Takis grabbed his wife’s hand.’
(semantically neutral)
b. o tákis pyástike apó to xéri
the-Takis:NOM grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-hand:ACC
tis yinékas tu
the-woman:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘Takis grabbed his wife’s hand.’
(increased urgency and/or vividness)
In sentences (2)a and (2)b, both the active and the middle structures involve
the same two participants and furthermore depict similar scenes in which one
individual grabs a second individual’s hand, yet the two variants differ consid-
Agent subject structures 123

erably in meaning. The middle as compared to the active structure invokes a

general sense of urgency and immediacy, and to some speakers suggests that
the subject acted more as a response to external circumstances than from a
willful decision. The active verb, on the other hand, designates the semanti-
cally neutral act of grabbing someone else’s hand, with none of the affective
overtones present in the middle structure. In both variants, however, the
subject is clearly an agent; the difference between the two lies in whether or
not the designated action is vividly portrayed, and for some, whether or not the
agent is prompted to act by external circumstances.
In the discussion below, I examine common patterns of difference be-
tween active and middle variants of the same verb stem according to meaning
and function. Even though agent subject constructions can be encoded by both
middle-only and active-only verbs, I limit the discussion to middle-active
pairs where both variants have an agent subject, since the semantic effect of
inflectional middle voice is more clearly discernible when middle and active
forms of the same verb stem are contrasted. For ease of exposition I organize
the presentation according to morphosyntactic as well as semantic properties
of agent subject middle structures, since many of the examples to be discussed
have multiple interpretations as well as multiple semantic motivations. How-
ever, the loosely defined groups presented below are not intended as a defini-
tive classification of middle verbs with agent subjects, since numerous middle
structures with agent subjects have not been included. Neither are they in-
tended to identify mutually exclusive subcategories of agent subject middle
structures: middle inflected verbs with agent subjects are notoriously
polysemous as are middle inflected verbs in general; many middle verbs
discussed below belong to several classes simultaneously. My intention is to
provide a partial sketch of a tremendously complex subsystem of the middle
category in which the middle structures occur with agent subjects, and to
characterize the internal coherence of a portion of that subsystem in terms of
its semantic and functional properties.
The discussion of agent subject middle structures is organized as follows.
Section 4.1 discusses active-middle pairs in which the active member has one
more explicitly encoded participant than does the middle counterpart, and/or
where the active and middle verbs do not designate the same set of objectively
viewed circumstances. Section 4.2 examines active-middle pairs where the
active member has one more explicitly encoded participant than does the
middle counterpart, and where both the active and the middle structures
124 Chapter 4

convey roughly the same set of circumstances. In section 4.3, I discuss active-
middle pairs in which both forms have the same number of explicitly encoded
participants and where both structures convey similar externally viewed cir-
cumstances, but where the active and middle structures are understood quite
differently. Finally, in section 4.4 I look at active-middle pairs where both
structures convey the same set of objective circumstances, and where two
opposing meanings are attested for each middle member of the pair. The
seeming contradiction is resolved when the internal structure of the middle
category is examined more closely: it is shown that two conflicting meanings
of the same middle inflected verb can occur via two different paths of
semantic extension.

4.1 Active-middle pairs: different participant roles, different

events

Most of the middle-active pairs treated in this section function to encode a

transitivity alternation in which the middle member is morphosyntactically
intransitive. Three different subgroups of agent subject middle structures are
semantically related to each other and to the larger middle category via
extended meanings of the components HIGH AFFECT / increased response
and HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience. In the first group the middle
structure encodes a scene in which an agent subject performs a self-directed
rather than other-oriented action. In the second group, as in the first, the
middle variant focuses on a self-affecting agent subject. However, the middle
verbs in this class can also designate psycho-emotive response; the active
counterpart does not display such a usage. In the third group, the middle and
the active structures are both morphosyntactically transitive but differ along
several parameters which reflect their respective category structures.

4.1.1 Middle structures: self-contained action

In the active-middle pairs illustrated below, the middle variant occurs with a
single argument depicting an agent which acts for, on, or by itself; the active
counterpart, on the other hand, depicts an event in which an agent acts on or
influences a second participant. Middle verbs in this subgroup often depict
self-contained agent-induced events such as self-directed grooming actions or
Agent subject structures 125

self-initiated physical movement, and are related to the middle prototype via
semantic extension of HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience to include
the notion of self-contained action. The active counterparts, on the other
hand, encode a prototypically transitive event in which an agent subject
intentionally acts upon a second patient-like entity, or a causative event in
which an agent / causer induces a second animate participant to act. Sentences
(3)a - (3)b and (4)a - (4)b, respectively, exemplify active - middle pairs of this
type.
(3) a. siyírise to spíti
clean:3SG:ACT/M the-house:ACC
‘S/he cleaned up the house.’
b. siyirístike ke étrekse
clean:3SG:MID/A and run:3SG:ACT/0
na ton sinandísi
SUBJ 3SG:ACC meet:3SG:ACT/M
‘S/he got cleaned up and ran to meet him.’
(4) a. o níkos apomákrine to áloγo
the-Nikos:NOM move:3SG:ACT/M the-horse:ACC
apó tin fotyá
PREP the-fire:ACC
‘Nikos moved the horse away from the fire.’
b. o níkos apomakrínθike
the-Nikos:NOM move:3SG:MID/A
apó tin fotyá
PREP the-fire:ACC
‘Nikos moved away from the fire.’
The middle structure illustrated in sentence (3)b depicts an agent subject
which undergoes experience to the extent that the cleaning s/he performs
impinges upon or affects her/his own body; in the active structure shown in
(3)a, by comparison, the cleaning performed by the agent subject affects a
second distinct entity. The schema which relates the middle structure illus-
trated in sentence (3)b to the more encompassing middle category is given in
Figure 4.1 below.
126 Chapter 4

AGENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self-contained self-directed
experience action grooming

Figure 4.1. siyirízome:MID/A ‘to get cleaned up’

The active-middle contrast exemplified in sentences (4)a - (4)b distinguishes

other-initiated versus self-initiated movement: the active structure in (4)a
depicts a causative event in which a human agent induces a mover / patient to
act, whereas the middle counterpart in (4)b designates the action of a single
entity which is both an agent and a mover. The schema which depicts the
relationship of the middle structure illustrated in (4)b to the middle prototypes
is illustrated in Figure 4.2 below.

AGENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self-contained self-initiated
experience action physical
movement

Figure 4.2. apomakrínome:MID/A ‘to move away, to retreat’

The active-middle verbs in (5)a - (5)b below illustrate agent subject

constructions which depict both mental and physical activity, yet they are
parallel to the examples given in (3)a - (3)b and (4)a - (4)b above in that the
middle verb occurs with a subject whose intentional action is self-contained as
compared to the active variant, the latter which designates an agent subject
who acts on or for a second participant.

(5) a i maría θa filáksi ta peδyá

the-Maria:NOM FUTguard:3SG:ACT/M the-children:ACC
‘Maria will take care of the children.’
Agent subject structures 127

b. ótan émena s to tsikágo

when live:1SG:ACT/0 PREP the-Chicago:ACC
filaγómuna polí ta vraδyá
guard:1SG:MID/A a lot the-evenings:ACC
‘When I lived in Chicago, I was very careful at night.’
In sentence (5)a, the active verb designates an interaction between an agent
and a patient as opposed to the middle counterpart shown in (5)b, where the
interaction depicted involves only the agent subject. As such, the middle
structure in (5)b is similar to middle verbs of physical activity illustrated in
(3)b and (4)b above, in that it, too, depicts a self-contained rather than an
other-directed process. Unlike the middle verbs in (3)b and (4)b, however, the
middle verb in (5)b also shares affinities with the large class of middle-only
verbs of mental attitude discussed in section 3.2.2, which project the subject’s
personal involvement with some aspect of the depicted scene. The internal
semantic organization of the middle variant in sentence (5)b thus includes
both the notions of personal involvement and self-contained action; this
schematic representation is provided in Figure 4.3 below.

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal
response involvement
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self-contained
experience action

Figure 4.3. filáγome:MID/A ‘to be careful’

4.1.2 Middle structures: self-contained action and mental experience

The active-middle pairs illustrated in this section are like those shown in
sentences (3)a - (3)b - (5)a - (5)b above, in that the subject of each middle verb
engages in self-oriented action, while the subject of the active counterpart
initiates an other-oriented interaction. Unlike the middle verbs in (3)b - (5)b,
however, those illustrated below can also depict psycho-emotive experience.
Consider the following set of examples.
128 Chapter 4

(6) a. tínakse to xalí apó to balkóni

shake:3SG:ACT/M the-rug:ACC PREP the-balcony:ACC
‘S/he shook the rug from the balcony.’
b. tináxtike na proipandísi
shake:3SG:MID/A SUBJ meet:3SG:ACT/M
tin kóri tis pu yirnúse
the-daughter:ACC 3SG:GEN REL return:3SG:ACT/M
kurazméni apo tin δulyá
tired:NOM PREP the-work:ACC
‘S/he jumped up to meet her daughter who was returning from
work, tired.’
c. tináxtike ótan ton íδe
shake:3SG:MID/A when 3SG:ACC see:3SG:ACT/M
na béni yatí ton
SUBJ enter:3SG:ACT/0 because 3SG:ACC
nómise nekró
consider:3SG:ACT/M dead
‘S/he was shocked when she saw him come in, because she had
thought he was dead.’
The difference between the active verb in (6)a and its middle counterpart in
(6)b is parallel to the difference between active and middle members of pairs
illustrated in (3)a - (3)b - (5)a - (5)b above, in that the middle as compared to
the active member of the pair depicts self-contained agentive action. How-
ever, as illustrated in (6)c, the same middle verb is polysemous, and can
designate the emotional response of an experiencer subject as well as physical
movement of an agent subject; this extended sense of the middle verb
tinázome as illustrated in sentence (6)c is schematically represented in Figure
4.4 below.
The active-middle pair exemplified in sentences (7)a - (7)d below is
analogous in that the active member designates physical action whereas the
middle variant encodes both physical action and psycho-emotive experience.
The active structure in sentence (7)a depicts an agent subject which acts on a
separate patient-like entity; the polysemous middle variant can depict (i) a
self-initiated physical movement, as shown in (7)b, (ii) a spontaneous change,
illustrated in (7)c, or (iii) a nonvolitional psycho-emotive response, illustrated
in (7)d.
Agent subject structures 129

EXPERIENCER SUBJECT
increased
response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes
experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE
nondistinct from
setting
LOW INDIVIDUATION

Figure 4.4. tináxtike ‘she got a shock; she was deeply upset’

(7) a. i psaráδes víθisan ta δíxtya

the-fishermen:NOM immerse:3PL:ACT/M the-nets:ACC
tus s ta anixtá tu kólpu
3PL:GEN PREP the-open:ACC the-gulf:GEN
‘The fishermen dropped their nets in the middle of the bay.’
b. arγá viθístike s to zestó neró
slowly immerse:3SG:MID/A PREP the-warm-water:ACC
tis banyéras
the-bathtub:GEN
‘Slowly s/he immersed herself/himself in the hot bathwater.’
c. to plío viθístike alá eftixós
the-ship:NOM immerse:3SG:MID/A but fortunately
kanénas náftis δen pníyike
no one-sailor:NOM NEG drown:3SG:MID/A
‘The ship sank, but fortunately none of the sailors drowned.’
130 Chapter 4

d. viθístike se perisiloyí ótan

immerse:3SG:MID/A PREP thought when
ákuse ta néa apó tin patríδa
hear:3SG:ACT/M the-news:ACC PREP the-country:ACC
tu
3SG:GEN
‘He sank into thought (i.e. he became very pensive) when he
heard the news from his country.’
With the verb stem viθis-, self-initiated movement can be alternatively en-
coded as a transitive clause with the active inflected variant of the verb, or as
an intransitive clause with the middle form of the verb. Consider the contrast
between the middle structure illustrated in (7)b, repeated below as (7)e, and
the active counterpart, shown in sentence (7)f.
(7) e. arγá viθístike
slowly immerse:3SG:MID/A
s to zestó neró tis banyéras
PREP the-warm-water:ACC the-bath:GEN
‘Slowly s/he immersed herself/himself in the hot bathwater.’
(more natural)
f. arγá víθise to sóma tu
slowly immerse:3SG:ACT/M the-body:ACC 3SG:GEN
s to zestó neró tis banyéras
PREP-the-warm-water:ACC the-bath:GEN
‘Slowly he immersed his body in the hot bathwater.’
(less natural)
Native speakers consulted for this study report that while there is little signifi-
cant difference in meaning between sentences (7)e and (7)f, the middle
structure is more natural than the active counterpart. I would like to suggest,
however, that there is, indeed, a difference in meaning between sentences (7)e
and (7)f, although it is largely determined by the subjective perspective of the
speaker, rather than by an objectively observable aspect of the scene encoded.
The active structure in (7)f, explicitly encoding the body as an accusative
direct object, depicts the subject’s body as a patient-like entity which is
separate from the subject and which is acted upon or manipulated by the
subject participant. In the middle structure, on the other hand, the notion of the
subject’s body is not sharply delineated via lexical encoding; rather, the notion
Agent subject structures 131

of acting on, for, or through one’s own body is implicit in the extended
meaning of the middle category as it is instantiated in sentences (7)b and (7)e.
The alternative means of encoding the event, which draws attention to an
aspect of the subject’s own person via explicit lexical encoding, is felt to be
slightly strained semantically, since it implies that the subject and his body are
two distinct entities.1
Additional active-middle pairs which manifest a similar contrast between
explicit encoding versus implicit understanding of an aspect of the subject’s
being will be discussed in more detail in section 4.2. One pair to be treated
there is illustrated in sentences (8)a - (8)b below.
(8) a. afosióni tin prosoxí tis
devote:ACT/M the-attention:ACC 3SG:GEN
s ta maθímatá tis
PREP the-studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She devotes her attention to her studies.’
(neutral with respect to degree of devotion; less natural)
b. afosiónete
devote:MID/A
s ta maθímatá tis
PREP the-studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She devotes herself/she is devoted to her studies.’
(implies greater devotion; more natural)
The active-middle pair shown in (8)a - (8)b is parallel to that illustrated in (7)e
- (7)f: both members designate similar objectively viewed situations, and in
both pairs, the middle structure implies the involvement of some aspect of the
subject which the active counterpart explicitly encodes as an accusative direct
object. Furthermore, the active members of each pair are less natural and occur
less frequently than their middle inflected counterparts, the latter of which
depict interactions which are normally understood as directed toward,
through, or for the benefit of the subject, rather than for or toward a second
participant.

4.1.3 Middle structures: effected object

Modern Greek displays numerous active-middle pairs in which both variants

occur in morphosyntactically transitive clauses. Members of such pairs typi-
132 Chapter 4

cally (but not always) differ according to the types of participants which occur
in their respective subject and object positions; consequently, a different type
of scene is encoded by each variant. Consider middle-active pairs illustrated in
(9)a - (9)b and (10)a - (10)b below: while both members of the pairs are
morphosyntactically transitive, the active but not the middle variant includes
the notion of causation.2
(9) a. o mártiras orkístike oti
the-witness:NOM swear:3SG:MID/A COMP
éleye tin alíθia
say:3SG:ACT/M the-truth:ACC
‘The witness swore that he was telling the truth.’
b. o prítanis órkise tus fitités
the-rector:NOM swear:3SG:ACT/M the-students:ACC
‘The rector swore in the students.’
(10) a tu eksomoloyíθike to meγálo tis
3SG:GEN confess:3SG:MID/A the-big:ACC 3SG:GEN
mistikó
secret:ACC
‘S/he confessed her big secret to him.’
b. o papás eksomolóyise ton árosto
the-priest:NOM confess:3SG:ACT/M the-sick one:ACC
prin peθáni
before die:3SG:ACT/0
‘The priest confessed the sick man before he died.’
In the middle-active pairs illustrated above, the middle variant focuses on an
animate human agent whose action brings a second entity into existence; the
active counterpart, on the other hand, depicts an animate human causer which
prompts a second animate being to act. In terms of Langacker’s (1991a) model
of event structure, such an active-middle alternation functions to encode
overlapping segments of a transitive interaction whereby the active structure,
in explicitly encoding the cause as clausal subject, depicts a scene with one
more layer of energetic input as compared to its middle counterpart.
In addition to encoding one less degree of causation in an energetic
interaction, middle verbs illustrated in (9a) and (10)a above parallel middle-
only verbs of thinking discussed in section 3.2.3: products of thought and
objects of speech are both extensions of those who think and speak, respec-
Agent subject structures 133

tively. A direct object depicted as an extension of the subject participant is

nondistinct from the subject in the sense that it does not exist independently
of the event designated by the middle structure. The schema representing the
commonality between the grammatical objects in middle structures given in
sentences (9)a and (10)a and those which appear in various middle-only verbs
of thinking discussed in section 3.2.3 is provided below as Figure 4.5.

ZERO OBJECT

nondistinct effected by
from subject subject
LOW INDIVIDUATION

Figure 4.5. orkízome:MID/A ‘to swear’ and eksomoloγúme:MID/A ‘to confess’

4.2 Active-middle pairs, different participant roles, similar events

Unlike most of the active-middle examples discussed in sections 4.1.1 - 4.1.3

above, the class of verbs to be considered here have active and middle forms
where both can depict similar sets of objectively viewed conditions, yet the
two variants differ from each other along several parameters. The most
obvious and expected difference is that the active but not the middle verb
occurs in a morphosyntactically transitive clause in which the direct object
explicitly encodes some aspect of the scene that remains implicit in the middle
structure. In these pairs, the active-middle variation serves to impose different
views on a single situation, such that the active variant foregrounds some
element of the scene which remains implicit in the middle counterpart. Middle
verbs to be illustrated in this section are thus functionally related to several
major classes of middle structures, all of which differ from their active
inflected counterparts by focusing on fewer elements of a transitive scene.
In addition to encoding one fewer participant, the middle as compared to
the active structure in each pair is more emphatic, and often conveys a general
feeling of intense involvement on the part of the subject which is not present in
the active counterpart. Consider examples (11)a - (11)b below, which ap-
peared earlier as examples (8)a - (8)b.
134 Chapter 4

(11) a. afosiónete
devote:3SG:MID/A
s ta maθímatá tis
PREP-the studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She devotes herself/she is devoted to her studies.’
(implies greater devotion; more natural)
b. afosióni ti prosoxí tis
devote:ACT/M the-attention:ACC 3SG:GEN
s ta maθímatá tis
PREP-the studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She devotes her attention to her studies.’
(neutral with respect to degree of devotion; less natural)
The active structure in (11)b, by explicitly encoding ti prosoxí ‘attention’
as a direct object, draws attention to an aspect of the subject’s psychological
composition which remains implicit in the middle counterpart. In this context,
singling out and foregrounding an aspect of the subject’s psychological self
gives rise to the strained semantic character of sentence (11)b, reported by 3
out of 5 native speakers queried who accept this usage. For these speakers, the
active and middle structures differ semantically along another parameter
besides that of explicit mention versus implicit understanding. Speakers report
that the middle structure in (11)a is emphatic and conveys the subject’s
increased psycho-emotive involvement, unlike its active counterpart in (11)b
which has no such affective overtones. The middle structure in (11)a is
semantically related to the large and heterogeneous class of middle verbs of
mental experience discussed in Chapter 3 via the semantic path of HIGH
AFFECT / increased response, and to particular subgroups of this class via
the schematic component focused intensity; this relationship is depicted
below in Figure 4.6.

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

psycho-emotive
involvement
increased
HIGH AFFECT response
focused intensity

Figure 4.6. afosiónome:MID/A ‘to be dedicated’

Agent subject structures 135

In the next pair of examples, the active and middle structures are equally
common and felicitous, unlike the pair illustrated in (11)a - (11)b. However,
the two sets are analogous in that (i) both of the active structures explicitly
encode some aspect of the designated scene which remains implicit in the
respective middle counterparts, (ii) the middle but not the active structures
convey a general feeling of intensity and involvement on the part of the
subject, and (iii) the middle structures are emphatic, unlike their active coun-
terparts. Consider the middle-active pair illustrated in (12)a - (12)b below.
(12) a. epiδikníete san neóplutos
show off:3SG:MID/A like nouveau riche:NOM
‘S/he shows off like a nouveau riche.’
(emphatic)
b. epiδikníi ta plúti tu
show off:3SG:ACT/M the-riches:ACC 3SG: GEN
san neóplutos
like nouveau riche:NOM
‘He flashes his wealth like a nouveau riche.’
(neutral with respect to emphasis)
The reading of high involvement common to both middle variants is moti-
vated by the meaning chain of HIGH AFFECT / increased response,
through which the particular middle structures in (11)a and (12)a are related
semantically to the more encompassing middle category. The middle structure
shown in (12)a above is also related to middle-only verbs of mental attitude
treated in section 3.2.2 above via the schematic component projects an
attitude. The schema which depicts the middle verb in (12)a above as a
member of the larger middle category is provided below in Figure 4.7.

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

personal projects
involvement an attitude
HIGH AFFECT increased
response
focused
intensity

Figure 4.7. epiδikníome:MID/A ‘to show off’

136 Chapter 4

Before moving on to the next main group of middle structures, I would

first like to reiterate two important points concerning the nature of complex
categories such as voice inflection in Modern Greek. Thus far I have claimed
that (i) the precise value of a particular middle structure is determined in a
specific context and in contrast to its active counterpart, in those cases where
an active counterpart exists, and (ii) the inflectional middle and active voice
systems each constitutes a separate complex category. It is not possible to
state, across the board, that a middle structure will always have a particular
meaning and that no active structure will ever instantiate a similar meaning,
since each voice category is comprised of several related subsystems, each
one of which can serve as the basis for semantic extension in a given context.
Therefore, in order to most accurately depict the complexity of the inflectional
middle category in Modern Greek, it is necessary to consider, across the
lexicon, how middle verbs compare with their active inflected counterparts, in
those cases where an active counterpart exists, in order to identify major
patterns of difference between middle and active variants of the same verb
stem, and then to specify the recurrent semantic relationships among a variety
of attested middle structures in context.
The need for such a methodological approach is apparent when we
reconsider the usage of particular active and middle structures which, when
viewed individually, appear to be random and unsystematic. Consider the
following examples, which appeared earlier as sentences (10)a and (11)b,
respectively.
(13) tu eksomoloyíθike to meγálo tis
3SG:GEN confess:3SG:MID/A the-big:ACC 3SG:GEN
mistikó
secret:ACC
‘She confessed her big secret to him.’
(14) afosióni ti prosoxí tis
devote:3SG:ACT/M the-attention:ACC 3SG:GEN
s ta maθímatá tis
PREP-the studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She devotes her attention to her studies.’
In the discussion above, I claimed that middle inflection on the verb in
sentence (13) motivates a reading in which the entity encoded as direct object
is nondistinct from the subject, in the sense that to meγálo tis mistikó ‘her big
Agent subject structures 137

secret’ depicts an extension of the subject’s psycho-emotive constitution. In

light of the active construction given in example (14), however, one might
object to this explanation, since the direct object in sentence (14), ti prosoxí tis
‘her attention’ also appears to be an extension of the subject’s psychological
constitution, yet it occurs with an active rather than a middle inflected verb.
When the middle and active structures in (13) and (14) are compared to
their respective active and middle counterparts, however, the proposed expla-
nation makes more sense. Consider the following two pairs of examples,
which first appeared as sentences (10)a - (10)b and (8)a - (8)b, respectively.
(15) a. tu eksomoloyíθike to meγálo tis
3SG:GEN confess:3SG:MID/A the-big:ACC 3SG: GEN
mistikó
secret:ACC
‘She confessed her big secret to him.’
b. o papás eksomolóyise ton árosto
the-priest:NOM confess:3SG:ACT/M the-sick one:ACC
prin peθáni
before die:3SG:ACT/0
‘The priest confessed the sick man before he died.’
(16) a. afosióni ti prosoxí
dedicate:3SG:ACT/M the-attention:ACC
sta maθímatá tis
PREP the-studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She dedicates her attention to her studies.’
(neutral with respect to dedication)
b. afosiónete
dedicate:3SG:MID/A
sta maθímatá tis
PREP the-studies:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She dedicates herself / is dedicated to her studies.’
(implies the subject’s total dedication)
The rationale for one or another voice inflection in examples (13) and (14) is
more obvious when each example is compared to its respective inflectional
variant. In both cases, the active variant explicitly encodes a particular partici-
pant or element of the scene which remains implicit in the middle counterpart;
138 Chapter 4

in example (15)b, the relevant element is original cause; in (16)a it is a

psychological aspect of the entity encoded as subject. The middle verb in
sentence (15)a, as compared to its active inflected counterpart in (15)b, depicts
an event in which the subject and object are nondistinct; the middle structure
in (16)b, on the other hand, implies increased psycho-emotive involvement of
the subject. These examples show that while isolated pairs of middle and
active structures may appear to be similar in meaning and/or function, particu-
lar instances of one or another voice category are typically motivated by some
aspect(s) of the larger category network. Apparently problematic data such as
the active and middle structures illustrated in sentences (13) and (14) above
appear more systematic when each is contrasted with its respective inflec-
tional variant and viewed in relation to the more encompassing voice system
of which it is a part.

4.3 Active-middle near minimal pairs

The middle-active sets discussed below occur in near or true minimal pairs
where the middle but not the active variant often implies the subject’s in-
creased psycho-emotive involvement with some aspect of the designated
scene. A precise representation of these affective meanings is complicated by
the fact that the nuance associated with any particular middle verb may vary
across different usages of a single middle verb and also across different
speakers who characterize the same middle structure. Variation is a natural
facet of language usage, however, and therefore needs to be explicitly recog-
nized in a representative description of inflectional middle voice, despite the
messiness it adds to the already complicated phenomenon being examined.
Furthermore, the occurrence of different readings for the same example is a
good indication that the structure has multiple motivations, so variation across
examples and speakers can often reveal particular details of how a complex
category is structured which might not otherwise be discernible.
For ease of presentation but somewhat artificially, I have divided the
discussion below into three subsections according to the general organiza-
tional schemas which are instantiated by particular groups of middle struc-
tures. However, it should be kept in mind that the schemas occasionally
generalize over or exclude particular semantic detail which individual speak-
ers report. Therefore, while every attempt is made to specify as clearly as
Agent subject structures 139

possible how particular data instantiate a given schema, an equally important

concern is to demonstrate that middle structures with agent subjects consis-
tently invoke the same recurring schematic values which are related to each
other and to the middle prototypes via extended meanings of the component
HIGH AFFECT. Section 4.3.1 discusses active-middle pairs in which the
middle but not the active structure construes the subject as a benefactor. In
section 4.3.2, the middle but not the active structures depict a subject which is
personally or psychologically involved with some aspect of the designated
scene. Finally, in section 4.3.3 active-middle pairs are presented in which the
subject of the middle structure is understood as a goal as well as a source of an
energetic interaction.

4.3.1 Middle structures: subject as benefactor

The middle-active pairs illustrated here encode a transitivity alternation in

which the nonsubject participant of a two-participant event occurs as an
oblique object in the middle but not the active structure. Semantically, the
middle structures can depict a variety of situations in which the subject is
understood to act out of self-interest; the active counterparts are semantically
neutral by comparison, and depict a more straightforward interaction between
an agent subject and a patient-like entity with none of the affective overtones
present in the middle variants. Like many subgroups of middle structures with
agent subjects, those which depict a benefactor subject do not comprise a well
defined lexical class. The meaning of subject-beneficial action is explained in
the present study as one of many schematic meanings invoked by the more
encompassing middle category, and is analyzed as an extended value of the
general meaning component HIGH AFFECT which characterizes the subject
entity in numerous semantic classes of middle inflected verbs.
In the active-middle pair illustrated in (17)a - (17)b below, the middle
structure clearly implies that the entity encoded as subject acts on a second
participant for its own benefit.
(17) a. o náftis pu épese s ti θálasa
the-sailor:NOM REL fall:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-sea:ACC
árpakse to sosívio pu tu
grab:3SG:ACT/M the-lifesaver:ACC REL 3SG:GEN
ériksan
throw:3PL:ACT/0
140 Chapter 4

‘The sailor who fell into the sea grabbed the lifesaver that they
threw to him.’
(semantically neutral with respect to self-interested action)
b. o náftis pu épese s ti θálasa
the-sailor:NOM REL fall:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-sea:ACC
arpáxθike apó to sosívio
grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-lifesaver:ACC
pu tu ériksan
REL 3SG:GEN throw:3PL:ACT/0
‘The sailor who fell into the sea grabbed the lifesaver that they
threw to him.’
(implies that he is trying to save himself)
Both inflectional variants depict a scene in which an agent subject willingly
acts on a second distinct participant, but the nature of the subject’s actions is
understood very differently in the middle and active structures. The middle
structure in (17)b clearly implies that the subject grabbed the lifesaver for his
own benefit; the active counterpart in (17)a portrays the scene more objectively
without suggesting any particular motive for the action depicted. In Section 4.1
above, examples were provided of active-middle pairs in which the meanings
of self-directed and other-directed action have been lexicalized; for example:
apomakrínome:MID/A ‘to move (oneself)’ / apomakríno:ACT/M ‘to move
something (else)’; dínome:MID/A ‘to get (oneself) dressed’ / díno:ACT/M ‘to
dress someone (else)’. In the case of example (17)b, however, the meaning of
self-directed action is due primarily to facets of the conventional imagery
imposed by the middle category when a middle structure rather than its active
counterpart is selected to encode a particular scene, rather than to the lexical
semantics of the verb in question. This reading of self-directed action is
motivated by at least two paths of semantic extension, both of which originate
with the component HIGH AFFECT. In the first, the component of HIGH
AFFECT / increased response / personal involvement is extended to in-
clude the notion of personal benefit; the middle structure in sentence (17)b
implies that the subject acts so that his interests are served. In addition, the
middle structure in (17)b instantiates an extended sense of HIGH AFFECT /
undergoes experience / self-contained action to convey the notion of self-
oriented action. The schema which depicts the paths of semantic extension
instantiated by the middle structure in (17)b is given in Figure 4.8 below.
Agent subject structures 141

AGENT SUBJECT
increased personal personal
response involvement benefit
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self-contained self-oriented
experience action action

Figure 4.8. arpáxθike apó to sosívio ‘He grabbed the lifesaver (to help himself).’

In the next active-middle pair illustrated in sentences (18)a - (18)b below,

similar meanings of self-oriented and self-beneficial action are invoked in the
middle inflected variant; however, the relevant semantic class has shifted from
physical action to verbal exchange.
(18) a. o θeófilos penévi
the-Theofilos:NOM praise:3SG:ACT/M
to θeatrikó érγo pu éγrapse
the-theatrical-work:ACC REL write:3SG:ACT/M
‘Theofilos is praising his (own) new play.’
(implies that he is objectively appraising the play)
b. o θeófilos penévete ya
the-Theofilos:NOM praise:3SG:MID/A PREP
to θeatrikó érγo pu éγrapse
the-theatrical:ACC work:ACC REL write:3SG:ACT/M
‘Theofilos is praising his (own) new play.’
(implies that he is promoting himself)
According to five speakers consulted for this pair, the active structure in (18)a
depicts a subject who objectively acknowledges the merits of his play,
whereas the middle counterpart has a strong affective meaning not present in
the active sentence. Four of the five speakers report that the middle structure in
(18)b portrays a subject who promotes himself by praising his play. As in
example (17)b above, the conventional imagery invoked by the middle struc-
ture in (18)b includes the notions of self-oriented and self-beneficial action,
and the entity encoded as subject is understood to act out of self-interest. The
142 Chapter 4

active counterpart, on the other hand, presents the same objectively viewed
event but without implicating the subject’s motives for acting. The schematic
structure which represents self-beneficial action as represented in sentence
(18)b above is given below in Figure 4.9.

AGENT SUBJECT
increased personal personal
response involvement benefit
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self-contained self-oriented
experience action action

Figure 4.9. penévete ya to θeatrikó érγo tu ‘He’s bragging about his play.’

To one of the five speakers, however, the middle as compared to the

active construction has more positive affective connotations. To this speaker,
the middle structure suggests that the subject takes pride in and derives
pleasure from his work, whereas the active counterpart depicts a subject who
discusses the merits of his play, without implying any particular affective state
or response. This second extended sense of the middle verb penévome also
invokes the notion HIGH AFFECT but is more closely related to the large
class of middle verbs with experiencer subjects as they are characterized in
Chapter 3. Like middle verbs of mental attitude, the middle verb in sentence
(18)b projects the subject’s psychological predisposition toward some aspect
of the designated scene. Furthermore, like middle inflected verbs of emotional
response, the middle structure in (18)b depicts a subject who undergoes

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal projects an
response involvement attitude
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes
experience

Figure 4.10. penévete ya to θeatrikó érγo tu ‘He’s proud of his play.’

Agent subject structures 143

experience to the extent that the entity encoded as an oblique object designates
a source of the subject’s affective response. The schema which represents this
second meaning of the middle structure in sentence (18)b is given in Figure
4.10 above.
The middle structures illustrated in (17)b and (18)b above are related to
the prototypical middle event types via extended values of HIGH AFFECT:
both depict events in which the subjects act for their own benefit and in this
sense are affected by the events they initiate. The middle structure in sentence
(18)b is motivated by the notion HIGH AFFECT through multiple paths of
semantic extension, one of which invokes the notions of self-beneficial and
self-oriented action, the second of which includes the notions of psycho-
emotive attitude and emotional response.

4.3.2 Middle structures: increased subject involvement

Middle members of active-middle pairs often depict an agent subject’s en-

hanced involvement with some aspect of the scene encoded. This value,
analyzed as an extension of the semantic components HIGH AFFECT /
increased response, is fairly common across numerous semantic classes of
middle verbs with agent subjects and reflects the strong semantic connection
between one main subgroup of agent subject middle structures and the large
class of middle verbs which encode noninitiative emotional response. In one
sense of increased subject involvement, the middle structure portrays a rela-
tionship between two participants in which the entity encoded as object is
construed to be more closely connected to the subject as compared to the
corrresponding active structure. Consider the active-middle pair illustrated in
(19)a - (19)b below, where the implication of the subject’s involvement with a
second participant has been lexicalized in the middle verb.
(19) a. mírase tin periusía tis
share:3SG:ACT/M the-estate:ACC 3SG:GEN
s tis tris kóres tis
PREP the-three-daughters:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She distributed her estate among her three daughters.’
(She keeps nothing for herself.)
b. mirástike tin periusía tis
share:3SG:MID/A the-estate:ACC 3SG:GEN
144 Chapter 4

me tis tris kóres tis

PREP the-three-daughters:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘She shared her estate with her three daughters.’
(She keeps a part of the estate for herself.)
The active verb mírase means that the entity encoded as subject distributes
something without keeping a part for herself; the middle variant mirástike
means that the subject shared what she had between herself and others. The
entity encoded as direct object in the middle structure remains within the
subject’s realm of control in the sense that a portion of the estate is held by the
subject for her own purposes, unlike that of the active structure, where the
entity designated by the direct object is transferred in full from one party to
another. Like many agent subject middle structures illustrated in the present
study, the middle structure in (19)b is analyzed as an extended value of the
middle prototype via the semantic components HIGH AFFECT / increased
response which characterize the experiencer subject in middle verbs of men-
tal experience. The schema which depicts the relationship of the middle
structure in sentence (19)b to the larger middle category is given in Figure
4.11 below.

AGENT SUBJECT
personal
increased personal benefit
HIGH AFFECT
response involvement
participant
within realm
of subject’s
control

Figure 4.11. mirástike tin periusía tis ‘She shared her estate.’

For one of the four native speakers consulted for sentences (19)a - (19)b, the
middle but not the active structure also implies that sharing the estate was a
very emotional experience for the subject. Thus, for this speaker, the middle
verb in (19)b shares additional affinities with the prototypical event type of
noninitiative mental experience, since both imply the subject’s heightened
emotional response.
Unlike the active-middle pair illustrated in (19)a - (19)b, the two variants
in (20)a - (20)b below encode a transitivity alternation, yet similar senses of
Agent subject structures 145

HIGH AFFECT / increased response are invoked in the middle but not the
active structure.
(20) a. δikeoloyí pánda tis ataksíes
justify:3SG:ACT/M always the-misbehavior:ACC
ton peδyón tis
the-children:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘She’s always making excuses for her children’s wild behavior.’
(she identifies the causes of their misbehavior)
b. δikeoloyíte pánda ya tis ataksíes
justify:3SG:MID/A always PREP the-misbehavior:ACC
ton peδyón tis
the-children:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘She’s always making excuses for her children’s wild behavior.’
(she takes responsibility for their misbehavior)
The active structure in sentence (20)a encodes an event in which the entity
encoded as subject objectively justifies and defends her children’s behavior;
the middle structure, on the other hand, implies that the subject is blaming
herself, since the act of making excuses as encoded by the middle variant
suggests that she considers herself responsible for what her children do.
As was the case in previous examples, there are multiple motivations for
the middle structure in (20)b which invoke the semantic component HIGH
AFFECT. The middle but not the active structure implies the agent’s emo-
tional response to some aspect of the scene encoded, and is therefore related to
noninitiative emotional response via increased response and undergoes
experience. The related notion of personal involvement is also invoked in
example (20)b: the middle but not the active structure implies that the subject
takes responsibility for what her children do: the children’s misbehavior
is viewed by the subject as a reflection on herself and as such is situated
metaphorically within her realm of responsibility. The schema which depicts
this complex of meanings is given in Figure 4.12 below.
146 Chapter 4

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased personal participant

response involvement within subject’s
realm of
HIGH AFFECT responsibility

undergoes
experience

Figure 4.12. δikeoloyíte pánda ‘She’s always making excuses.’

In another subgroup of active-middle pairs, the middle members depict

the emotionally charged action of an agent subject; the active counterparts, on
the other hand, depict a more neutral interaction with none of the affective
meanings present in the middle structures. Consider the active-middle pair
illustrated in (21)a - (21)b below. (A different usage of the same verb was
illustrated in (17)a - (17)b above.)
(21) a. árpakse to klaδí tu δénδru
grab:3SG:ACT/M the-branch:ACC the-tree:GEN
ya na skarfalósi
PREP SUBJ climb:3SG:ACT/0
‘S/he grabbed the branch of the tree so that s/he could climb up.’
(a simple physical act of grabbing)
b. arpáxθike apó to klaδí tu δénδru
grab:SG:MID/A PREP the-branch:ACC the-tree:GEN
ya na skarfalósi
PREP SUBJ climb:3SG:ACT/0
‘S/he grabbed the branch of the tree
so that s/he could climb up.’
i. s/he grabbed the branch to steady herself;
ii. s/he grabbed the branch in a panic.
Two different but related senses of the middle structure in (21)b were
reported by six people queried. All six consultants stated that the middle but
not the the active structure strongly suggests that someone grabbed a branch in
order to steady herself. This sense of self-directed action whereby the subject
Agent subject structures 147

acts on a second participant for her / his own benefit is familiar having been
illustrated in previous examples, and represents an extension of the semantic
component HIGH AFFECT / undergoes experience. The active counter-
part, by comparison, simply reports that an agent subject is grabbing a branch
with no implication of his motives for doing so. Half of the speakers consulted
for this example also report that the middle but not the active structure
conveys a general feeling of heightened emotional involvement, and in the
context of sentence (21)b could imply that the subject grabbed the branch as a
response to fear. In this second sense, the middle structure in (21)b is also
related to the middle category prototypes via LOW VOLITION of the
subject entity, since the subject’s behavior is understood as less planned and
more automatic than in the corresponding active structure.
The schemas which represent these two different readings of the same
middle structure are given in Figures 4.13 - 4.14 below.

AGENT SUBJECT

increased personal personal

response involvement benefit
HIGH AFFECT

undergoes self-contained self-oriented

experience action action

Figure 4.13. arpáxθike apó to klaδí ‘S/he grabbed the branch to steady herself.’

AGENT / EXPERIENCER SUBJECT

increased
response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes
experience

not in control

LOW VOLITION

Figure 4.14. arpáxθike apó to klaδí ‘S/he grabbed the branch in a panic.’
148 Chapter 4

The middle-active variants shown in (22)a - (22)b are analogous to the

pair illustrated above: the middle but not the active member of the pair is
highly emphatic, and construes an emotionally charged subject which is
prompted to act on a second participant by some unspecified circumstances in
the background. The active counterpart, on the other hand, depicts the interac-
tion between agent and patient more objectively, with no implication of the
agent subject’s emotional condition or motivation for acting.
(22) a. vastíxθike apó ta káŋela
grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-rails:ACC
ya na min pési
PREP SUBJ NEG fall:3SG:ACT/0
‘He grabbed the railing so that he wouldn’t fall.’
(highly emphatic; depicts an emotionally charged subject who
grabs onto something)
b. vástikse ta káŋela
grab:3SG:ACT/M the-rails:ACC
ya na min pési
PREP SUBJ NEG fall:3SG:ACT/0
‘He grabbed the railing so that he wouldn’t fall.’
(neutral with respect to emphasis; objectively depicts an act of
grabbing onto something)
The schematic meanings of self-directed action and other-directed action
as encoded by numerous middle and active variants, respectively, are also
associated with the pair given above, as shown more clearly in sentence pairs
(23)a - (23)b.
(23) a. *vastíxθike apó ta káŋela
grab:3SG:MID/A PREP the-rails:ACC
ya na min pésun
PREP SUBJ NEG fall:3PL:ACT/0
*‘He grabbed the railing so that they (i.e. the rails) wouldn’t
fall.’
(i.e., he is trying to stop the rails from falling - middle verb is
unacceptable in this usage)
b. vástikse ta káŋela
grab:3SG:ACT/M the-rails:ACC
Agent subject structures 149

ya na min pésun
PREP SUBJ NEG fall:3PL:ACT/0
‘He grabbed the railing so that they (i.e. the rails) wouldn’t fall.’
(he is trying to stop the rails from falling)
The active verb vástikse ‘s/he grabbed something’ can be used to depict an
agent subject which acts either for himself, as illustrated in (22)a, or for the
benefit of a second participant, as in the case of (23)a; the middle variant
vastíxθike ‘s/he grabbed something’ is unacceptable on the latter reading as
shown in (23)b, and typically occurs only in those contexts where the desig-
nated interaction is construed as subject-oriented.3

4.3.3 Middle structures: subject as goal

Like the middle structures illustrated in sections 4.3.1 and 4.3.2 above, those
to be discussed here have multiple motivations which are variously related to
the middle category via extended values of the meaning components HIGH
AFFECT and LOW VOLITION. In the active-middle pairs treated below,
the middle member invokes the image of a transfer which ends with the
subject, and the subject is viewed as the goal rather than source of the
interaction; in the active counterpart, the directionality is reversed and the
subject is portrayed as a source rather than a goal. In some cases the two
opposing perspectives have been lexicalized in the active and middle variants;
such a pair is illustrated in (24)a - (24)b below.
(24) a. promiθévi ta laxaniká
provide:3SG:ACT/M the vegetables:ACC
s tus manáviδes tis perioxís tu
PREP the-green grocers:ACC the-area:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘He provides vegetables to the greengrocers in his neighbor-
hood.’
b. promiθévete ta laxaniká apó
obtain:3SG:MID/A the-vegetables:ACC PREP
tus manáviδes tis perioxís tu
the-green grocers:ACC the-area:GEN 3SG:GEN
‘He obtains vegetables from the greengrocers in his neighbor-
hood.’
150 Chapter 4

In example (24)b, the subject of the middle structure is an agent to the extent
that s/he intentionally exerts effort to acquire something, yet the entity en-
coded as an oblique (greengrocers) designates the source of the transfer
depicted. In the middle variant, a recipient subject accepts an object from a
source participant; in the active counterpart illustrated in (24)a, the direction-
ality is reversed: the subject is understood as the source, and the oblique object
greengrocers the goal, of the designated transaction.
Prototypical meanings of prepositions which mark the oblique objects
above are concordant with the claim that the middle and active variants depict
transfer to and from the subject, respectively. The preposition which occurs in
the middle structure, apó ‘from’ typically marks a source or cause, whereas the
preposition se, ‘in, to, toward’ which occurs in the active structure typically
marks a location or goal of movement. The analysis of active-middle variants
(24)a and (24)b based on the image schemas of path and transfer is relatively
straightforward, especially since the meanings of other relevant morphosyntac-
tic elements are consistent with the proposed meanings of middle and active
structures as transfer to and from the subject, respectively.
The schema which represents the middle structure in sentence (24)b as a
member of the middle category is given in Figure 4.15 below.

AGENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT
undergoes subject entity moves
experience directed into subject’s
action realm

Figure 4.15. promiθévome ta laxaniká ‘I obtain vegetables.’

In examples (25)a and (25)b, the notions of path and transfer are invoked
in a representation of a verbal exchange.
(25) a. simvúlepse tin mitéra tu
advise:3SG:ACT/M the-mother:ACC 3SG:GEN
na aγorási yermanikó plindírio
SUBJ buy:3SG:ACT/M German-washing machine:ACC
‘He advised his mother to buy a German-made washing ma-
chine.’
Agent subject structures 151

b. simvuléfθike tin mitéra tu

advise:3SG:MID/A the-mother:ACC 3SG:GEN
prin aγorási to plindírio
before buy:3SG:ACT/M the-washing machine:ACC
‘He got his mother’s opinion before buying a washing ma-
chine.’
Again, in both the active and the middle structures, the subject is an agent to
the extent that he willingly initiates an interaction with another participant.
Unlike the pair illustrated in (24)a - (24)b, however, in examples (25)a - (25)b,
the abstract object of transfer, opinion, is implicit in the verb stem, yet the
directionality of transfer in the active and middle variants is the same. In the
active structure, the subject provides an opinion and in this sense is an abstract
source; in the middle counterpart, someone else gives an opinion to the
subject, and the subject is viewed as an abstract goal. As was the case with the
previous set of examples, both inflectional variants in (25)a - (25)b are
morphosyntactically transitive and occur with the same nominal arguments in
subject and object position, yet they differ in meaning in ways that are
consistent with major patterns of difference between members of active-
middle pairs across the lexicon.
In the next active-middle set, illustrated in examples (26)a - (26)b below,
the middle member of the pair is related to the middle prototypes via exten-
sions of both HIGH AFFECT and LOW VOLITION, and again both the
active and the middle structures are morphosyntactically transitive.
(26) a. o yórγos fortóni
the Yiórgos:NOM load:3SG:ACT/M
tin evθíni s tin néa δimokratía
the-responsibility:ACC PREP the-New Democracy:ACC
‘Yiórgos assigns the responsibility to the New Democracy (i.e.,
the political party).’
(i.e., Yiórgos blames the New Democracy for something.)
b. o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni
the-Yiórgos:NOM load:MID/A the-responsibility:ACC
i. Yiórgos accepts the responsibility.
ii. Yiórgos gets stuck with the responsibility
and someone else is clearly responsible.
iii. Yiórgos gets stuck with the responsibility
but no one person is to blame.
152 Chapter 4

Sentences (26)a - (26)b illustrate the active and middle variants of the
verb stem forton- ‘to load’ as they are used metaphorically to depict socio-
psychological experience. In the active structure, the subject, o Yiórgos, is
depicted as the source of a transfer such that an abstract object, responsibility,
is transferred to a second entity, New Democracy. In the middle counterpart,
the directionality of movement is reversed, and the abstract object is trans-
ferred to the entity encoded as subject. The middle as compared to the active
structure portrays the subject as an abstract goal, since it encodes as subject the
one who is held responsible rather than the one who attributes responsibility to
someone else.
As indicated above, the middle structure is triply ambiguous, according
to three out of four native speakers consulted for this pair, and the three
readings correlate to three degrees of reduced volition as construed by the
middle category. In the first reading, the subject is understood to be volitional
to the extent that he willingly accepts responsibility. In the second reading, the
subject is held responsible through the doings of a second unspecified entity,
and is therefore presented as less of an agent than in the first reading. This
second sense of middle voice is similar to that of the middle inflected passive
structure, to be treated in detail in Section 5.4, in that an unnamed agent is
implicit in the semantics of the middle structure but a nonagent is encoded as
subject. In the third reading, the subject is clearly not an agent, and the
situation depicted is understood to arise strictly by accident rather than by
design. This last sense of the middle structure illustrated in sentence (26)b is
related to that of middle structures which designate spontaneous change,
discussed in detail in Chapter 5, since both encode a patient or patient-like
entity as subject and lack any implication of a responsible participant. The
schema which demonstrates the relationship between the first reading of
sentence (26)b to the middle prototypes is the same as that given in Figure
4.15 above, and is repeated below as Figure 4.16.

AGENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT
undergoes subject entity moves
experience directed into subject’s
action realm

Figure 4.16. o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos takes the blame.’
(Yiórgos willingly accepts the responsibility)
Agent subject structures 153

The schema which characterizes the second reading of sentence (26)b is given
in Figure 4.17 below.

AGENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT undergoes subject entity moves

experience directed into subject’s
action realm

REDUCED VOLITION
not fully
responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION nondistinct nonspecified

from setting

Figure 4.17. o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos gets stuck with the blame.’
(Yiórgos and someone else share the blame)

The schema which characterizes the third reading of sentence (26)b is given in
Figure 4.18 below.

PATIENT SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT undergoes subject entity moves

experience directed into subject’s
action realm

LOW VOLITION
not
responsible

Figure 4.18. o yórγos fortónete tin evθíni ‘Yiórgos gets stuck with the blame.’
(No one is to blame)
154 Chapter 4

4.4 Polysemous middle verbs with conflicting senses

A key theoretical point reiterated in section 4.3 above is that a single complex
category can display a range of attested values, with the common result that
more than one possible reading is attested for the same linguistic form. In this
section, I discuss particular middle structures with two opposing values, each
of which invokes a different subsystem of the middle category so that seem-
ingly contradictory readings are attested for the same middle verb. The appar-
ent contradiction is resolved, however, through a careful examination of the
various semantic components which comprise the internal structure of the
inflectional middle category in Modern Greek.
Consider the middle-active pair below, in which two seemingly opposite
meanings were reported for the middle structure in (27)a.
(27) a. éxete sixná anaferθí se
have:2PL:ACT/0 often refer:PART:MID/A PREP
fónus palestiníon aksiomatúxon
murder:ACC Palestinian-leaders:GEN
‘You’ve often referred to the assassination of Palestinian lead-
ers.’
i. Is a more indirect statement; de-emphasizes subject’s
interest in the fate of Palestinian leaders.
ii. Is a strong statement; implies that subject is emotionally
involved.
(Interview with Rashid, Ena, 9 May 1990.)
b. éxete sixná anaféri fónus
have:2PL:ACT/0 often refer:PART:ACT/M murder:ACC
palestiníon aksiomatúxon
Palestinian-leaders:GEN
‘You’ve often referred to the assassination of Palestinian lead-
ers.’
i. Implies a direct relationship between subject and the fate
of Palestinian leaders.
ii. Neutral with respect to emotional involvement.
The middle structure in (27)a, taken from a contemporary popular Greek
mazagine, is part of a longer statement made by a Greek interviewer during the
course of a politically sensitive interview with a Middle Eastern man. The
Agent subject structures 155

interviewee was an alleged agent of the Palestinian Liberation Organization

who was being held by Greek authorities in Athens until his identity could be
established. Of the ten native speakers consulted for this example, six reported
that the middle structure as compared to the possible active counterpart is a
less emphatic statement, and that it suggests a more indirect relationship
between the subject and the entity encoded by the direct object, fónus
palestiníon aksiomatúxon ‘murders of Palestinian leaders’. According to these
six speakers, the middle structure is more appropriate in this particular dis-
course context, since it implies a distance between the subject, who claims not
to be a Palestinian leader, and the fate of Palestinian leaders. On the other
hand, four of the ten consultants report that the middle as compared to the
active structure is more appropriate because it is a much stronger statement,
implying the subject’s emotional response to the murder of Palestinian people.
Both of these readings are compatible with the pragmatic context of the
example cited, however, and both can also be motivated by different paths of
extension from the same middle prototype.
The first reading, which implies a distance between the entities encoded
as subject and prepositional object, is related to the middle prototype via
extended values of LOW VOLITION which invoke the related notion of
reduced responsibility. In the middle structure shown in example (27)a, how-
ever, this primary sense of LOW VOLITION as reduced responsibility is
further extended to invoke the related meaning of reduced involvement or
limited interaction of the subject with a second participant. This extended
sense of LOW VOLITION can occur in a variety of contexts, one of which is
illustrated in sentence pair (28)a - (28)b below.
(28) a. i zéta askí tin δikiγorikí
the-Zéta:NOM practice:3SG:ACT/M the-law:ACC
‘Zéta practices law.’
(She is, indeed, a lawyer.)
b. i zéta askíte s tin δikiγorikí
the-Zéta:NOM practice:3SG:MID/A PREP the-law:ACC
‘Zéta practices to become a lawyer.’
(She is not yet a lawyer; maybe she works as a legal assistant.)
Sentences (28)a - (28)b both depict the participation of an agent subject in the
legal profession. In the active construction, Zéta participates more fully with
the abstract entity encoded as direct object, to the extent that she has reached
156 Chapter 4

the point of professional achievement which determines one’s status as a

lawyer. The middle structure, by comparison, depicts the subject’s limited
participation with the entity encoded by the oblique object, and clearly implies
to all speakers queried that Zéta has not yet reached the level of expertise
which is required of lawyers. In more schematic terms, the middle as opposed
to the active structure in sentence pair (28)a - (28)b designates the subject’s
reduced involvement with a second explicitly encoded participant, and is
related to the more encompassing middle voice category via extended values
of LOW VOLITION / not in control / reduced control to encode the related
meaning of reduced involvement with another participant.
Like the middle structure in (28)b, that illustrated in (27)a is related to the
middle prototypes via LOW VOLITION to the extent that the middle as
opposed to the active member of the pair involves the subject’s reduced
involvement with some aspect of the designated interaction. However, the
middle structure illustrated in sentence (27)a is also related to the emotional
response middle prototype via extended values of the component HIGH
AFFECT. For those speakers to whom the middle structure in (27)a implies
the subject’s strong emotional response, the semantic component HIGH
AFFECT / increased response is invoked. Two seemingly opposite values
for the same middle structure in the same discourse context are explained by

AGENT SUBJECT

LOW VOLITION not in reduced reduced

control control involvement
with another
participant

PROCESS
LOW INDIVIDUATION
not highly reduced nonemphatic
distinct from acuity
setting

Figure 4.19. éxete anaferθí : ‘You have referred to’

(Deemphasizes subject’s relationship with a second participant)
Agent subject structures 157

positing a single unified and internally coherent middle system which encom-
passes multiple complex components such as LOW VOLITION and HIGH
AFFECT. With respect to example (27)a, the extended sense of LOW
VOLITION which invokes the notion of reduced control is further extended
to invoke the sense of reduced involvement between the subject and a second
participant; the component HIGH AFFECT, on the other hand, motivates the
meaning of increased emotional response.
These two readings of the middle structure in sentence (27)a are depicted
in Figures 4.19 and 4.20, respectively.

AGENT SUBJECT
Increased psycho-emotive
response involvement
HIGH AFFECT

Figure 4.20. éxete anaferθí: ‘You have referred to’

(Subject is emotionally involved)

A parallel set of seemingly contradictory values is attested for two

different usages of the middle verb, iperaspízome:MID/A ‘to defend’. Con-
sider sentence pair (29)a - (29)b below, where both the middle and the active
structures occur with morphosyntactically transitive case marking, and where
both structures designate a similar set of objectively viewed circumstances.
The middle structure in sentence (29)a hints at an important pragmatic function
of middle voice to be discussed in more detail in Chapter 5, that of blurring the
notion of responsibility in certain discourse contexts so that no one participant
is unambiguously credited with the effects of a particular interaction. Sentence
(29)a was taken from a magazine article which reported on the details of a
controversial murder trial. The paragraphs which immediately preceded the
text reproduced below focused on the previous accomplishments of a stellar
defense attorney, referred to in the example as an American myth.
(29) a. enas amerikánikos míθos δilaδí
an-American-myth:NOM that-is-to-say
mazí tu iperaspízonde ton krístyan
with 3SG:ACC defend:3PL:MID/A the-Christian:ACC
158 Chapter 4

áli pénde δikiγóri prótis katiγorías

other-five-lawyers:NOM first-class:GEN
‘That is to say, (he is) an American myth.
Along with him (i.e., the American myth) another five first
class lawyers are defending Christian.’
(the five first class lawyers have limited responsibility for the
case)
(Ena, 3 January 1991)
b. enas amerikánikos míθos δilaδí.
an-American myth:NOM that-is-to-say.
mazí tu iperaspízun ton kristyan
with 3SG:ACC defend:3PL:ACT/M the-Christian:ACC
áli pénde δikiγóri prótis katiγorías
other-five-lawyers:NOM first-class:GEN
‘That is to say, (he is) an American myth.
Along with him (i.e., the American myth) another five first
class lawyers are defending Christian.’
(neutral with respect to limited responsibility)
Three of the four native speakers consulted for this example report that the
middle structure, as compared to the linguistically well-formed and pragmati-
cally appropriate active counterpart, deemphasizes the individual contribu-
tions made by the entity encoded as subject, five first class lawyers, and
furthermore implies that the lawyer previously alluded to as an American myth
is the driving force behind the defense team. On this reading, the middle as
compared to the active structure invokes the notion LOW VOLITION / not
responsible, extended in the context of sentence (29)b to designate the related
notion of reduced responsibility; the subject of the middle structure is thus
portrayed as being not fully responsible for the act of defending. The active
structure in (29)b, on the other hand, is semantically neutral with respect to
reduced responsibility, and depicts a situation in which all of the lawyers are
equally involved in defending their client.
The next middle-active pair to be treated illustrates a different usage of
the same pair of verbs iperaspízome:MID/A ‘to defend’ / iperaspízo:ACT/M
‘to defend’ whereby the middle but not the active variant implies the subject’s
increased psycho-emotive involvement with some aspect of the designated
scene.
Agent subject structures 159

(30) a. íne o teleftéos ton moikanón

be:3SG:MID/0 the-last:NOM the-Mohicans:GEN
iperaspízete perisótero to kaθestós
defend:3SG:MID/A more the-regime:ACC
tu pará kápyes iδées
3SG:GEN instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s the last of the Mohicans.
He’s defending his regime more than some ideals.’
(Said of Fidel Castro by Elizábet Papazói, former Greek am-
bassador to Cuba, interview in Eleftherotypía, 6 March 1994)
(He’s defending his regime with his entire heart and soul; he’s
emotionally involved)
b. iperaspízi perisótero to kaθestós
defend:3SG:ACT/M more the-regime:ACC
tu pará kápyes iδées
3SG:GEN instead some-ideals:ACC
‘He’s defending his regime more than some ideals.’
(He may be using physical force to carry out the defense; he’s
psychologically detached from what he’s defending)
Although sentences (30)a and (30)b both designate a similar set of
circumstances, there is a clear difference in meaning between the two, accord-
ing to four out of five native speakers consulted for this example. The active
sentence in (30)b as compared to its middle counterpart in (30)a implies a
psychological detachment between the subject and whatever s/he defends, and
to some, implies that the subject uses physical force to carry out the defense.
The middle structure in sentence (30)a, on the other hand, is felt to be a much
stronger statement about the subject’s level of commitment to what he de-
fends, since it implies the subject’s emotional involvement. This difference in
meaning is clearly related to voice inflection since in every other respect the
active and middle variants are morphosyntactically identical.
The schemas which represent these two different senses of the middle
verb iperaspízome:MID/A ‘to defend’ are represented in Figures 4.21 and 4.22
below.
160 Chapter 4

AGENT SUBJECT
not reduced reduced
responsible responsibility involvement
with second
LOW VOLITION participant

Figure 4.21. iperaspízonde ton krístyan: ‘They (the lawyers) are defending Christian.’
(Subject is not fully responsible)

AGENT SUBJECT
increased psycho-emotive
response involvement
HIGH AFFECT

Figure 4.22. iperaspízete to kaθestós tu: ‘He (Castro) is defending his regime.’ (Subject is
emotionally involved)

Additional cases in which there are opposite or contradictory semantic

values for particular instances of a single category have been documented in
previous studies of complex categories. For example, in her study of the
semantic network which motivates genitive case marking, Nikiforídou (1991)
cites two opposite values of the genitive case in Ancient Greek, which she
analyzes as the result of two different paths of semantic extension from the
same category prototype. Nikiforídou maintains that the prototypical meaning
of genitive case is that of possessor of a possession. However, at least eleven
other meanings of genitive case in Ancient Greek are attested, all of which are
explained as the result of various paths of semantic extension. The twelve
meanings of Ancient Greek genitive case which her analysis explains are
listed below. (The noun which is marked for genitive case appears in italics;
the schemas appear in uppercase letters.)
1. Socrates’ house (POSSESSOR)
2. Achilles’ anger (EXPERIENCER)
3. Pericles’ son (KINSHIP)
4. stick of ivory (MATERIAL)
5. anger (due to) actions (CAUSE)
Agent subject structures 161

6. some (of the) people (PARTITIVE)

7. man (of) great genius (ATTRIBUTE)
8. addresser (of) Socrates (PATIENT)
9. Aphrodite’s beauty (HOLDER OF AN ATTRIBUTE)
10. better than Plato (COMPARATIVE)
11. a youth from Corinth (ORIGIN)
12. a hand of Zeus (WHOLE-PART/INALIENABLE POSSESSION)
As Nikiforídou points out, genitive case can mark both the holder of an
attribute (example 9) as well as the attribute itself (example 7). Each of these
two opposite values has its own motivation via two different paths of semantic
extension; hence, both are part of the same unified conceptual system. In
particular, the use of genitive case to encode the holder of an attribute, as
illustrated in example 9, arises through a single semantic extension of
POSSESSOR / POSSESSIONS to HOLDER OF AN ATTRIBUTE / AT-
TRIBUTE. The use of genitive case to encode the attribute rather than the
holder of the attribute involves a greater complex of semantic extensions:
POSSESSOR / POSSESSIONS is extended to WHOLE / PARTS (example
12); WHOLE / PARTS is extended to ORIGIN / ORIGINATING ELEMENT
(example 11); ORIGIN / ORIGINATING ELEMENT is extended to CON-
STITUENT MATERIAL / THING CONSTITUTED (example 4); and CON-
STITUENT MATERIAL / THING CONSTITUTED is extended to
DISTINCTIVE PROPERTY / HOLDER OF AN ATTRIBUTE, as in ex-
ample 7. Nikiforídou’s in-depth study of genitive case presents a convincing
argument that two apparently opposite values can arise within the same
unified conceptual system via two different paths of semantic extension.
In her study of verb particle constructions in English, Lindner (1982)
explains two opposite values of the particle out as involving two variations of
the same image schema. One of several such pairs of opposite meanings is
illustrated below.
(31) a. The stars are out (i.e. visible).
(31) b. The lights are out (i.e. not visible).
According to Lindner’s analysis, the prototypical value of out designates a
relationship realized in the domain of physical space between two entities, one
of which is a mover, the other which is a bounded or enclosed object. The
relation between the two entities so designated involves an ordered series of
configurations comprising a path, whereby the mover travels along the path to
162 Chapter 4

go beyond the boundaries of the enclosing object. The prototypical value of

out is illustrated in sentence (32) below.
(32) She went out (i.e. left the room).
In examples (31)a - (31)b above, the domain of instantiation has shifted from
physical space to perceptual access. In sentence (31)a, out represents move-
ment from a hidden state to a visible state, whereas in (31)b, out represents
movement from the viewer’s range of cognitive and perceptual access to an
area outside of this range. Thus, while the relation designated by out remains
constant in examples (31)a and (31)b, the point from which movement is
computed changes, and opposite values for the same particle arise.
Nikiforídou (1991) and Lindner (1982) demonstrate that members of the
same linguistic category often instantiate contradictory values; such variation
is explained as the result of different paths of semantic extension which are
motivated by different components of a single complex category. Similarly in
the present discussion it has been shown that particular middle structures in
Modern Greek may display opposite semantic values, and like Nikiforídou
(1991) and Lindner (1982) the present analysis accounts for such instances of
seemingly opposite meanings as the result of different paths of semantic
extension. The claim advanced here is that subsystems of the inflectional
middle category are organized around extended values of the semantic com-
ponents HIGH AFFECT, LOW VOLITION, and LOW INDIVIDUA-
TION, these components and their range of extended values which
characterize the participants in a variety of situation types encoded by middle
structures. Schemas built around these components can characterize the two
opposite meanings of middle voice discussed in this section, as well as a wide
range of highly divergent middle structures discussed elsewhere in this study,
as motivated members of a single unified complex category.

Notes

1. The contrast illustrated in sentences (7)e - (7)f hints at an important point of difference
between two diachronically unrelated reflexive strategies in Modern Greek, the lexical
and the middle inflectional, discussed at length in Manney (1998) and summarized in
Chapter 6 of the present work. Lexical reflexive constructions which explicitly encode
the notion of the self as a head noun are frequently judged by native speakers to invoke
the image of a split or fractured individual who acts on a part of himself at a distance; the
Agent subject structures 163

inflectional middle counterpart, which does not lexically encode the notion of self,
depicts a more holistic and integrated individual by comparison. It is proposed that the
degree of conceived separation between the active and the passive components of a single
individual is one of two main parameters for distinguishing functionally between lexical
and middle inflectional reflexive constructions. Following Haiman (1985), Langacker
(1987a), Ariel (1988, 1990), Kemmer (1993), and others, I maintain that the degree of
conceived separation between the two aspects of a single individual correlates with the
degree to which they are lexically autonomous.
2. I am grateful to Brian Joseph for calling this to my attention.
3. Like many middle-active pairs illustrated in Chapter 4, the inflectional variants
vastyéme:MID/A ‘to grab’/ vastáo:ACT/M ‘to grab’ are both multiply polysemous. The
following set of examples illustrate a minimal pair in which both members designate a
stative relationship; middle and active structures, while manifesting a meaning contrast
not previously discussed above, appear to be motivated by their respective inflectional
categories.
(A1) vastyéte kalá akóma par ólo pu íne
grab:MID/A well still PREP all REL be:SG:MID/0
oγδónda xronón
eighty years
‘He’s holding up well, even though he’s eighty years old.’
(hints at external appearance)
(A2) vastái kalá akóma par ólo pu íne
grab:ACT/M well still PREP all REL be:SG:MID/0
oγδónda xronón
eighty years
‘He’s holding up well, even though he’s eighty years old.’
(hints at physical stamina)
Although the difference in meaning between middle and active structures illustrated in
(A1) and (A2) above is extremely subtle, half of the speakers queried report that the
middle counterpart in (A1) alludes to the subject’s appearance, implying that something
external to the subject is responsible for his youthful demeanor, whereas the active
structure in (A2) highlights physical strength.
Chapter 5

Spontaneous change of state, stative, and

passive structures

5.0 Introduction

In Modern Greek, a rather large group of middle inflected verbs designate the
spontaneous change of state of a patient-like entity and/or the resulting condi-
tion of various types of nonagent participants. This semantic category, which
constitutes the largest single class of middle verbs found in the present data
base, is the focus of the discussion below. The proposed analysis clarifies the
relationship between middle verbs which designate agentless change of state,
on the one hand, and the middle inflected passive structure, on the other hand.
Middle structures with a passive-like meaning may imply, to varying degrees,
the role of a separate, agent-like entity in bringing about the depicted change
of a patient; however, the middle passive structure which occurs most fre-
quently is a one-place predicate which does not explicitly encode an agent
participant (Warburton 1975; Lascarátou and Philippáki-Warburton 1981;
Lascarátou 1984). Pragmatically, the middle inflected passive functions to
deemphasize the role of a responsible agent in bringing about the designated
change, particularly when the agent is well known and/or the events repre-
sented are controversial within a larger sociocultural context. In such cases,
the middle inflected passive depicts particular events which are obviously
induced by a volitional agent as instances of spontaneous change or random
occurrence (Manney 1992, 1995).
The morphosyntax of Modern Greek offers a number of coding options
for expressing spontaneous change of state. For example, in one class of
active-only verbs, the members all designate a type of spontaneous change
and/or an ongoing state. In the present study, 33 such verbs were examined,
one of which is exemplified in sentence (1) below.
166 Chapter 5

(1) ólo to vráδi íxe meγáli kakokería alá

all-the-night:NOM have:3SG:ACT/0 big-storm:ACC but
o aéras eksasθénise to proí
the-wind:NOM grow weak:3SG:ACT/0 the-morning:ACC
‘All night long there was a big storm but the wind calmed down in
the morning.’
It is also the case that middle-only verbs can designate a spontaneous change
of state and/or the resulting state. Of the 35 such verbs encountered, many
designate commonly occurring natural events in which the notion of a specific
agent is irrelevant to or incongruous with the scene depicted. Sentence (2)
below illustrates a middle-only verb of this category.
(2) to kalokéri ta kalóδia tis DEI
the-summer the-wires:NOM the-DEI:GEN
δiastélonde tóso polí pu kánun
expand:3PL:MID/0 so much COMP make:3PL:ACT/0
kilyá
stomach
‘In the summertime the electric cables expand so much that they get
loose and droopy.’
Another means of expressing spontaneous change of state utilizes active-only
verbs which can depict at least two types of change, one which is initiated by
an agent, and one which occurs spontaneously. These two uses of the verb
yemízo ‘to fill up, to get filled up,’ are illustrated, respectively, in (3)a and (3)b
below; for this entire subgroup, 28 verbs were found.
(3) a. i maría yémise to spíti lulúδya
the-María:NOM fill:3SG:ACT/0 the-house:ACC flowers
yatí érxete o ánδras tis
because come:3SG:MID/0 the-man:NOM 3SG:GEN
‘María filled the house with flowers because her husband is
coming.’
b. yémise i kámara pulyá
fill:3SG:ACT/0 the-room:NOM birds
‘The room filled up with birds.’
(lyrics from a popular song)
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 167

Within the semantic class of change of state, however, the largest sub-
group of verbs are those whose stems are inflected for both middle and active
voice; 111 such verbs are included in the data base for the present study. In
these middle-active pairs, the middle variant encodes a spontaneous change of
state and/or a steady state, whereas the active counterpart most often depicts a
change of state brought about by an explicitly encoded agent subject (See
Appendix B for a list of 146 middle inflected verbs, both middle-active and
middle-only, which designate spontaneous change, spontaneous change of
state, and/or a simple state). Two middle-active pairs are illustrated in sen-
tences (4)a - (5)b below; sentence (4)a illustrates a middle structure which
depicts change of state; sentence (5)a, on the other hand, exemplifies a middle
structure with a stative meaning. The active variants in (4)b and (5)b both
depict events brought about by an agent subject.
(4) a. áfisa ta rúxa mu ékso ke
leave:1SG:ACT/M the-clothes:ACC 1SG:GEN outside and
iγráθikan
wet:3PL:MID/A
‘I left my clothes outside and they got wet.’
b. iγrénis ta rúxa ya na
wet:2SG:ACT/M the-clothes:ACC for SUBJ
siδeroθún éfkola
iron:3PL:MID/A easily
‘You get the clothes wet so that they can be ironed more
easily.’
(5) a. kaθós i apópsis ton trión δaskálon
as the-opinions:NOM the-three-teachers:GEN
taftízonde simfonún éfkola
coincide:3PL:MID/A agree:3PL:ACT/0 easily
s to ti meθódus na akoluθísun
PREP-the:ACC REL strategy SUBJ follow:3PL:ACT/0
ya na δiδáksun to máθima
for SUBJ teach:3PL:ACT/M the-lesson:ACC
‘Since the three teachers’ opinions coincide, they readily agree
on what strategies to use in order to teach the class.’
168 Chapter 5

b. i δikiγóros táftise
the-lawyer:NOM match up:3SG:ACT/M
tin periγrafí tu δrásti me ton ánθropo
the-description:ACC the-doer:GEN with the-man:ACC
pu íxe brostá tis ke
REL have:3SG:ACT/0 front 3SG:GEN and
katálave óti aftós ítan
understand:3SG:ACT/0 COMP 3SG:NOM be:3SG:MID/0
o énoxos
the-guilty one:NOM
‘The lawyer matched up the description of the accused one
with the man in front of her, and she realized that he was the
guilty one.’
The aim of the present chapter is to characterize the semantic motivation
for a variety of attested middle structures which depict a spontaneous change
of state and/or the resulting steady state, and to illustrate the related discourse
function of the middle inflected passive to downplay the notion of agency. In
characterizing the large array of middle structures which encode the change of
state of a patient subject, I propose a second middle prototype, spontaneous
change of state, as a clause level schematic template which is central to a
major subsystem of the middle voice network. In the discussion below, I
examine particular instances of semantic extension in tracing the relationship
between spontaneous change of state and resulting state, on the one hand, and
spontaneous change and intentional change by an agent, on the other hand,
where the identity of the agent of change is irrelevant, unknown or suppressed.
I focus on middle-active pairs such as those illustrated in (4) - (5) above, since
those verb stems which occur with both middle and active inflections provide
the contrast needed to delineate more clearly the function of each voice
category within the general semantic class of change of state / resulting state.
Since change of state / stative middle-only verbs display the same semantic
properties as do change of state middle verbs with active counterparts, the
former are subsumed by the analysis developed in this chapter.
The discussion in Chapter 5 is organized as follows. In section 5.1, I
demonstrate that spontaneous change of state meets the criteria for linguistic
prototypicality as defined by previous research in cognitive linguistics. Next,
in Section 5.2, I discuss a range of middle structures which depict spontaneous
change of state, followed by Section 5.3, where I analyze the stative meanings
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 169

of middle voice as extended values of the spontaneous change prototype.

Section 5.4 considers a range of middle structures with passive-like meanings.
It is claimed that the middle passive functions pragmatically to deemphasize
the agent source of the event encoded by the middle structure; this usage is
related to the more encompassing middle network via the meaning compo-
nents LOW VOLITION and HIGH AFFECT of a patient-like subject, and
LOW INDIVIDUATION of an agent-like entity.

5.1 Spontaneous change of state as a characteristic prototype

In section 3.1, it was shown that the emotional response prototype displays
many of the same properties which characterize linguistic prototypes across
language and across construction type; these properties are the following: (i)
linguistic prototypes typically convey notions which are highly prominent in
human experience; (ii) they are usually encoded by frequently occurring
linguistic structures; and (iii) they display enough internal organization to
provide a structural basis for semantic extension. In this section I show that the
event type of spontaneous change also displays these three characteristic
properties of linguistic prototypes.

5.1.1 Prominence of notions conveyed

The event type of spontaneous change of state is claimed to be a conceptually

basic notion. As noted in section 3.1.1, Goldberg (1995) includes within the
set of humanly relevant scenes that of something undergoing a change of state
or location; humanly relevant scenes are claimed to constitute the semantic
core of a corresponding set of basic clause types which occur across language.
In characterizing his model of event structure, Langacker (1991a) argues that
various types of clausal constructions, ranging from stative / intransitive to
causative / transitive, serve to encode the conceptualization of increasing
layers of energy expenditure.
The most basic layer of event structure depicts a single entity which exists
in a particular state, the next level depicts an entity which absorbs an energetic
force, and so on up the energy chain. More cognitively complex events
encoded as causative / transitive constructions depict higher levels of energy
expenditure, since they can encode energy sources, both direct and indirect, as
170 Chapter 5

well as an energy recipient. According to Langacker’s model, a spontaneous

change of state is conceptualized independently of any initiating energetic
forces; such an event is said to be absolutely construed.1 Absolutely construed
events constitute the semantic core of more complex event types: as
Langacker (1991b: 245) states, “a theme and the change it undergoes provide
the minimum semantic content required for a processual predication, and thus
constitute its irreducible conceptual ‘core’.” A processual relationship which
depicts a spontaneous change of state enjoys a certain autonomy as compared
to one which focuses on an agent as the instrument of change, since the
conceptualization of agent-induced change to a patient entails the notion of the
patient’s change of state. A thematic relationship (i.e. a spontaneous change of
state) constitutes one type of conceptual starting point (cf. Langacker 1991a)
which is used to access more complex and less basic relationships. As a
conceptual starting point, the spontaneous change of state event type is thus
expected to be highly prominent.

5.1.2 Frequency of occurrence

Previous research has shown that category prototypes typically reflect those
values of the category which occur most frequently (See Section 3.1.2 for
more discussion of this point). As noted above, the semantic class of spontane-
ous change of state / resulting state constitutes the single largest class of
middle inflected verbs in the data base for the present study; Appendix B
illustrates 146 commonly occurring middle verbs of this type. Given the
substantial number of middle verbs which depict spontaneous change of state
/ resulting state, it is plausible that this particular event type functions as a
major schematic template for the inflectional middle category and thus occu-
pies the key position of category prototype in a major subsystem of the middle
voice network.

5.1.3 Basis for semantic extension

According to Langacker’s (1991b) network model, the internal structure of a

complex category is developed in large part by the categorizing relationships
of schematicization and semantic extension (See Section 2.3 for more discus-
sion of this point). As a key component of a schematic network, a category
prototype serves as a standard against which additional values of the category
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 171

are assessed for membership and incorporated as central or peripheral mem-

bers of a larger unified conceptual system. Given a particular category proto-
type or cluster of prototypes, other major families of meanings arise as
extensions or elaborations of one or more meaning components of the proto-
type structure(s). Assuming that spontaneous change of state is a key proto-
typical middle event type, the stative and passive-like meanings of inflectional
middle voice emerge as natural outgrowths in this subsystem of the category.
Middle structures with stative meaning are semantically related to the change
of state prototype in that both depict a one-participant event in which a
nonagent occurs as clausal subject. In the present discussion, the general cover
term absolute is used to generalize over any one of several types of nonagents:
patient, an entity which undergoes a change of state; mover, an entity which
changes location; setting subject, an entity which serves as a setting for rather
than a participant in an event; zero, a static entity which exists in a particular
state or is situated in a particular location.2 While the two middle templates
both depict single-participant agentless events, the respective events depicted
differ according to the degree to which they are individuated. A change of
state depicts the change and/or movement of a patient-like entity and is thus
more highly individuated and easily differentiated from the setting in which it
occurs. A resulting state, by comparison, depicts the internally undifferenti-
ated condition of a static entity, and is therefore not as highly individuated nor
easily distinguished.
In another major path of semantic extension, the middle inflected passive
and the spontaneous change of state prototype are related through the semantic
role of patient common to both, although the two structures differ according to
how change is portrayed in each. Whereas the spontaneous change prototype
depicts change autonomously, apart from the forces of an external agent, the
change portrayed by the middle passive is more often attributed to the inter-
vention of an offstage agent. Thus, absence or suppression of an agent-like
entity is the semantic point of convergence through which the event types of
spontaneous change of state, stative and passive make up a unified subsystem
within the larger middle network.
The schematic representation for the spontaneous change of state middle
event prototype, first depicted in Figure 2.2 above, is repeated below as Figure
5.1.
172 Chapter 5

PATIENT / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT undergoes change of state

experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 5.1. δiastélome:MID/0 ‘to expand,’ iγrénome:MID/A ‘to get wet’

I now turn to a discussion of particular middle structures with patient-like

subjects in which the notion of external agency, intentional or inadvertent, is
either absent, remote, or attenuated.3

5.2 Middle structures: spontaneous change

In middle structures designating spontaneous change, the changed entity

encoded as subject can be realized as one of many different role types. In the
prototypical case, a concrete inanimate patient-like entity undergoes a readily
observable physical change, and the change depicted occurs independently of
an agent-like entity. In some cases, the change depicted is internally induced;
such a middle structure is illustrated in example (6)a below.
(6) a. to xéri tis prístike
the-hand:NOM 3SG:GEN swell:3SG:MID/A
y aftó píye s to yatró
for this go:3SG:ACT/0 PREP the-doctor:ACC
‘Her hand swelled up/got swollen so she went to the doctor.’
The middle structure in (6)a above depicts the natural physical response of a
part of the body, the latter of which is encoded as the clausal subject. There is
clearly no suggestion or implication of a responsible agent, and the event so
depicted is natural and commonplace. The active inflected form of the verb
stem pris- , which occurs in a transitive / causative construction, is illustrated
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 173

in sentence (6)b below; it depicts a psycho-emotive response in which the

agent or source is encoded as the clausal subject.
(6) b. tin éprikse me ti grínya
3SG:ACC swell:3SG:ACT/M with the-complaining:ACC
tu
3SG:GEN
‘He really exasperated her with his complaining’
Thus, while the middle and active variants in (6)a and (6)b depict different types
of events, i.e., spontaneous physical change and induced psychological harass-
ment, respectively, the types of participants which each foregrounds as the
clausal subject, i.e., patient and agent, respectively, are exactly as expected,
given the prototypical event types for active and middle voice proposed here.
In another type of middle structure which depicts agentless change, the
entity encoded as subject is a concrete inanimate mover, and the type of
change portrayed is the mover’s spontaneous change of location; such a
middle structure is illustrated in sentence (7)a below.
(7) a. i spóri skorpístikan s tin avlí
the-seeds:NOM scatter:3PL:MID/A PREP the-yard:ACC
‘The seeds got scattered in the yard.’4
(i.e. because of the wind, the action of birds, or other natural
forces)
This middle structure clearly implies that no one person or volitional entity
was responsible for the movement of the seeds; rather, the event happened
because of an unspecified chance occurrence, such as the blowing of the wind
or the action of birds. The middle structure serves to focus attention on what
happened, rather than what brought about the depicted change. The schema
which depicts the relationship of the middle structure illustrated in (7)a to the
spontaneous change of state subsystem is illustrated in Figure 5.2 below.
174 Chapter 5

MOVER / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

undergoes change of
experience location
HIGH AFFECT

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 5.2. skorpízome:MID/A ‘to get scattered (spontaneously)’

As was the case with the active inflected verb illustrated in sentence (6)b
above, the active inflected form of the verb stem skorpis- , illustrated in (7)b
below, occurs in a transitive / causative construction in which the entity
encoded as subject is an animate agent / causer.
(7) b. o yeorγós skórpise tus spórus
the-farmer:NOM scattered:3SG:ACT/M the-seeds:ACC
s tin avlí
PREP the-yard:ACC
‘The farmer scattered the seeds in the yard.’
In the case of the middle structures illustrated in sentences (6)a and (7)a above,
the notion of agency is not included in their internal semantic structure; rather,
they depict spontaneous and/or random change. In terms of Langacker
(1991a), the two middle structures in (6)a and (7)a are conceptually basic as
compared to their respective active counterparts in (6)b and (7)b, since the
notion of an agent-induced process which brings about change to a patient
entails the conceptually simpler yet coherent notion of a patient undergoing
change.
In addition to the large class of middle verbs whose primary meanings
depict a spontaneous change of state or location, there is also a large number
of middle verbs which encode both a spontaneous change of state or change of
location as well as a passive-like meaning which invokes the notion of agency
(See Appendix B for numerous examples of both types of middle verbs). One
such verb in the latter class is δialíome ‘to dissolve, to be taken apart;’ the two
main senses of this verb, spontaneous change and passive, are illustrated in
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 175

sentences (8)a and (9)a, respectively.

(8) a. i sigéndrosi δialíθike metá apó
the-gathering:NOM dissolve:3SG:MID/A after PREP
tin éparsi tis siméas
the-raising:ACC the-flag:GEN
‘The crowd dispersed after the raising of the flag.’
(change in configuration caused by the internal momentum of
the crowd, rather than by the concerted effort of an external
agent acting on the crowd)
(9) a. to amáksi δialíθike ke
the-car:NOM dissolve:3SG:MID/A and
ta komátya pulíθikan
the-parts:NOM sell:3PL:MID/A
‘The car was dismantled and the parts were sold.’
(some unnamed entity was responsible for dismantling the car
and selling the parts)
Unlike other middle structures considered above, that illustrated in sentence
(8)a depicts a change of state which impacts a group of animate beings, rather
than an inanimate object. Nevertheless, the change depicted affects the con-
figuration of the group as a whole, rather than the status of any one individual
who is part of the group. While one or more individuals in the group may,
indeed, behave volitionally in moving away from the center of the crowd, the
dispersal of the entire group as it is depicted in sentence (8)a above occurs, not
necessarily through the concerted effort of particular group members, but
rather as a manifestation of the nature of a group in general to collect, to
increase or diminish in size, to shift in composition, to disband, etc. Therefore,
to the extent that the notion of responsibility arises at all in the context of
sentence (8)a, it is viewed as the workings of a more abstract force that arises
from, but is greater than, the sum total of all group members. On the other
hand, in the passive sense of the same verb, illustrated in sentence (9)a, the
sense of personal responsibility is clearly invoked, but the middle structure
focuses on what happened to the car, rather than who was responsible for its
final state. The relationship between the middle structure in sentence (8)a
above and the spontaneous change of state subsystem of the middle category
is depicted in Figure 5.3 below.
176 Chapter 5

PATIENT / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

HIGH AFFECT undergoes change of

experience state

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 5.3. δialíome:MID/A ‘to come apart, to dissolve’

The schema which depicts the passive sense of the same middle verb, illus-
trated in sentence (9)a above, is given as Figure 5.4 below. (More will be said
in Section 5.4 on the relationship between middle structures with passive-like
meanings and the spontaneous change of state middle event prototype.)

PATIENT SUBJECT
HIGH AFFECT undergoes change of
experience state

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE
LOW INDIVIDUATION

not highly
implicit
distinct from
the setting

Figure 5.4. δialíθike:MID/A ‘it was dismantled’

Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 177

Active counterparts to the middle structures illustrated in (8)a and (9)a above
are illustrated below in examples (8)b and (9)b, respectively.
(8) b. i astinomía δiélise to plíθos
the-police:NOM dissolve:3SG:ACT/M the-crowd:ACC
‘The police dispersed the crowd.’
(9) b. i kléftes δiélisan to amáksi ke
the-thieves:NOM dissolve:3PL:ACT/M the-car:ACC and
púlisan ta komátya
sell:3PL:ACT/M the-parts:ACC
‘Thieves dismantled the car and sold the parts.’
In another subgroup of spontaneous change of state verbs, the event
depicted by the middle structure describes a change in quality or quantity
rather than physical condition or spatial location. Like the types of events
discussed above, those to be illustrated here also designate change which is
depicted independently of any external forces which set the designated event
in motion. Unlike the first type of events discussed, however, those encoded
by middle structures of this next group depict change involving an abstract
entity which serves as the setting for, rather than the locus of, a change of state
or location. The entity encoded as absolute subject does not itself undergo
change; instead, a change in quality or quantity occurs within or with respect
to the abstract region encoded as absolute subject. One such middle verb with
an abstract setting subject is illustrated in sentence (10)a below; the active
inflected counterpart with an agent subject appears as sentence (10)b.
(10) a. i fóri afksíθikan tésaris forés
the-taxes:NOM increase:3PL:MID/A four times
to perasméno xróno
the-past-year:ACC
‘Taxes increased four times last year.’
b. i kivérnisi áfksise tus forús
the-government:NOM increase:3SG:ACT/0 the-taxes:ACC
ya tétarti forá
PREP fourth time
‘The government raised taxes for the fourth time.’
In the middle structure illustrated in sentence (10)a above, the entity depicted
178 Chapter 5

as subject, i fóri ‘the taxes,’ does not itself undergo a change of state or
location; rather, the middle construction depicts an increase in quantity within
the abstract region encoded as the clausal subject. The schema which illus-
trates the relationship between the spontaneous change of state middle and the
type of agentless change illustrated in sentence (10)a above is given below as
Figure 5.5.

ABSTRACT SETTING / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

not in control
ZERO VOLITION
not responsible

PROCESS
LOW INDIVIDUATION
change within
the setting
subject

Figure 5.5. afksánome: MID/A ‘to increase’

5.3 Middle structures: steady state

In this section I examine middle-active pairs where the middle form designates
a stative relation and the active counterpart depicts either an agent-induced
event or a stative relation. In all such pairs encountered (approximately 70 in
number), the middle form is semantically neutral and typically occurs in a
morphosyntactically intransitive clause. The active forms, on the other hand,
typically occur in morphosyntactically transitive constructions and may con-
vey considerable emphasis in their stative readings as compared to their middle
counterparts. This group of verbs can be further subdivided along semantic
lines to form the following three subgroups: (i) those verbs in which the middle
variant is stative whereas the active counterpart depicts an agent-induced
event, (ii) those pairs in which both the middle and the active forms are stative
but may designate different types of situations, and (iii) verb pairs in which both
the middle and the active structures are stative, both designate roughly the same
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 179

objectively viewed situation, but each foregrounds a different entity in the role
of subject. Furthermore, in such middle-active pairs, the active but not the
middle structures occur in morphosyntactically transitive constructions, are
attested less frequently than their middle counterparts, and typically convey
considerable emphasis when they do occur. In all three subgroups, the middle
variants are analyzed as extended values of the spontaneous change middle
prototype, since both the prototype and the extended value instantiate the
meaning component of LOW VOLITION of a nonagent subject.
In the first subgroup, the middle-active voice distinction serves to encode
a stative / transitive alternation. In terms of Langacker (1991b), this type of
voice alternation provides a means to focus attention on one or another level of
energy expenditure in an action chain: the middle structure designates the
simple state of a static entity, whereas the active counterpart depicts both the
simple state and the agent which induces it. This type of middle-active
alternation, which is fairly common in Modern Greek, is illustrated in ex-
amples (11)a - (12)b below.
(11) a. aftá ta nomísmata xronoloγúnde apó
these-the-coins:NOM date:3PL:MID/A PREP
ton tétarto eóna
the-fourth century:ACC
‘These coins date back to the fourth century B.C.’
b. i arxeoloyikí etería xronolóyise
the-archaeological company:NOM date:3SG:ACT/M
aftá ta nomísmata s ton - tétarto eóna
these:ACC the-coins:ACC PREP the-fourth-century:ACC
‘The archaeological company gave the date of these coins as
fourth century B.C.’
(12) a. afta ta δío xrómata sinδiázonde
these-the-two-colors:NOM go together:3PL:MID/A
‘These two colors go together well.’
b. pérsi sinδíasa tis δiakopés
last year put together:1SG:ACT/M the-vacation:ACC
mu me tin δulyá
1SG:GEN PREP the-work:ACC
‘Last year I combined vacation and work.’
180 Chapter 5

In examples (11)a - (11)b, the middle-active variation encodes two overlap-

ping segments of an action chain. The active structure, by including an
additional agent participant in the scene encoded, presents an elaborated
version of the more basic event encoded by the middle form. Examples (12)a -
(12)b are analogous: while the two variants depict nonoverlapping sets of
circumstances, they instantiate the more general pattern in which the middle
structure depicts a steady state and the active counterpart, an agent-induced
event.
Middle structures with stative meaning and those which instantiate the
change of state prototype are semantically related as two instances of a more
general event type which subsumes both; this event type defines a single
participant relationship with an absolute as subject. The middle structures in
(11)a - (12)a are related to the spontaneous change prototype via the meaning
component LOW VOLITION of the absolute subject, in that the entity
encoded as subject in both types of events is a nonagent. The schema which
depicts the relationship between middle structures with a stative meaning and
the spontaneous change middle prototype is depicted in Figure 5.6 below.

ZERO / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

PROCESS
LOW INDIVIDUATION

not highly internally

distinct from homogeneous
setting state

Figure 5.6. xronoloγúme:MID/A ‘to be dated from’

Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 181

In a second group of middle-active pairs, both variants can encode a state

of being but may depict different circumstances. As in the case of the middle
structures illustrated in (11)a - (12)a above, those illustrated below are mor-
phosyntactically intransitive and depict the simple state of a static entity. The
transitive active counterparts, on the other hand, often depict a stative relation-
ship in which a human subject resembles an agent, in ways to be described
below. Consider the middle-active pair illustrated in (13)a - (13)b.
(13) a. o néos δískos δiatíθete
the-new-recording:NOM be available:3SG:MID/A
se LP kaséta ke CD
PREP LP cassette and CD
‘The new recording is available on LP, cassette, and CD.’
(public advertisement)
b. δiaθéti tría aftokínita ke
has available:3SG:ACT/M three-cars:ACC and
δío spítya
two-houses:ACC
‘S/he has (at her disposal) three cars and two houses.’
(s/he owns and makes use of three cars and two houses)
Although both (13)a and (13)b depict stative relationships, that encoded by the
active structure is more energetic, in the following sense. The active but not
the middle variant depicts an asymmetrical power relationship between an
agent-like entity and the objects she possesses. Implicit control which the
subject wields over objects in her possession is analogous to an energy
transfer between an agent-like energy source and a patient-like energy recipi-
ent in the active / transitive event type of physical energy transfer. The middle
structure in (13)a, by comparison, is more basic conceptually: it depicts the
state of being of a single static entity.
In the next middle-active pair, the middle variant occurs with an absolute
subject, and the active counterpart, with an absolute or an agent. Consider
examples (14)a - (14)c below.
(14) a. to aeropláno sintríftike ke
the-airplane:NOM crash:3SG:MID/A and
i triánda epivátes aγnoúnde
the-thirty-passengers:NOM be unknown:3PL:MID/A
‘The airplane crashed and the thirty passengers are missing.’
182 Chapter 5

b. to aeropláno sintríftike ke
the-airplane:NOM crash:3SG:MID/A and
i arxés aγnoún
the-authorities:NOM don’t know:3PL:ACT/M
tin tíxi ton triánda epivatón
the-fate:ACC the-thirty-passengers:GEN
‘The plane crashed and the authorities don’t know the where-
abouts of the thirty passengers.’
c. ékane étisi na δiδáksi
make:3SG:ACT/0 petition:ACC SUBJ teach:3SG:ACT/M
s to frondistírio tis alá
PREP the-private school:ACC 3SG:GEN but
aγnóise tin étisi tu
ignore:3SG: ACT/M the-petition:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He submitted an application to teach at her private school but
she ignored (intentionally) his petition.’
Examples (14)a - (14)b illustrate the commonplace patterning of middle-
active inflectional variants to encode a stative / transitive alternation. Unlike
such pairs illustrated above, in (14)a - (14)b both members of the pair encode
a steady state, yet the middle as compared to the active variant is conceptually
basic. Whereas the middle encodes the simple state of a single entity, the
active counterpart encodes a stative relationship which includes the same
static entity but also highlights the roles of additional nonagent participants.
Sentence (14)c illustrates a different usage of the active variant to depict a
volitional act performed by an agent.
The schema which incorporates the middle structures in sentences (13)a
and(14)a as members of the middle category is depicted in Figure 5.7 below.
In a third group of active-middle stative verb pairs, both forms depict a
stative relationship between two nominal participants. Although the two
variants can encode the same externally viewed situation, they differ signifi-
cantly, both morphosyntactically and semantically. The most obvious differ-
ences are formal: the middle but not the active is morphosyntactically
intransitive, such that the subject of the active structure is encoded as an
oblique object in the middle. Furthermore, the active as opposed to the middle
structure is highly emphatic and has a rather limited usage, whereas the middle
structure is semantically neutral and occurs more frequently. Consider ex-
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 183

ZERO / ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

PROCESS
LOW INDIVIDUATION

not highly internally

distinct from homogeneous
setting state

Figure 5.7. δiatíθeme:MID/A ‘to be available;’ aγnoúme:MID/A ‘to be unknown’

amples (15)a - (15)b below: the active inflected verb in sentence (15)b is
reported by all speakers queried to be highly emphatic and less common as
compared to the middle construction illustrated in sentence (15)a.
(15) a. s to sístima pu protinúme
PREP the-system:ACC REL recommend:1PL:ACT/M
to DEP apotelíte apó
the-DEP:NOM form:3SG:MID/A PREP
tris kaθiyitikés vaθmíδes
three-professorial-levels:ACC
‘In the system which we recommend, the D.E.P.
(i.e., the Assembly of University Professors) is formed by three
professorial levels.’
(neutral with respect to emphasis)
(Excerpt from To Víma, 17 September 1989)
b. s to sístema pu protinúme
PREP the-system:ACC REL recommend:1PL:ACT/M
tris kaθiyitikés vaθmíδes apotelún
three-professorial-levels:NOM form:3PL:ACT/M
184 Chapter 5

to DEP
the-DEP:ACC.
(highly emphatic)
‘In the system which we recommend, three professorial levels
form the D.E.P.’
Sentence (15)a was taken from the text of a lengthy newspaper article
which focused on the possibilities for improving the internal organization of
the Greek university system. While both the middle and the active variants are
attested, the middle structure in sentence (15)a as compared to the active
counterpart in (15)b is clearly the more natural of the two, according to several
native speakers consulted, and straightforwardly specifies a whole/part rela-
tionship between to D.E.P. (Assembly of University Professors) and tris
kaθiyitikés vaθmíδes (three professorial levels). The active structure, on the
other hand, is reported to be highly emphatic, and would typically be limited
to those particular instances in which the speaker / writer wished to reiterate,
clarify, or in some way call attention to the fact that three professorial levels
are being recommended.
I attribute the difference in meaning between the two structures, both of
which designate similar externally viewed circumstances, in part to the differ-
ent schematic meanings associated with prototypical middle and active event
types, respectively. According to Langacker’s (1991a) model of event struc-
ture, a key active transitive template depicts a human agent which willfully
acts on a patient-like entity. One abstract counterpart to the notion of physical
energy and agency depicted in a prototypical active structure is that of empha-
sis in a stative relationship. If we allow for the metaphorical transfer of a
meaning component from one semantic domain to another, then the reading of
emphasis in sentence (15)b is natural and expected. Schematic templates
associated with middle voice, on the other hand, typically designate the simple
response, change, or state of an absolute subject, and thus constitute the
semantic core, or conceptual starting point, of more complex event types.
Absence of agency as a central semantic component of the middle voice
network is thus realized as absence of emphasis or semantic neutrality in
stative relationships of the kind depicted in sentence (15)a above.
The active verb apoteló but not the middle counterpart apotelúme can
also be used in place of a copular predicate. Consider sentences (16) and (17)
below.
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 185

(16) i katáktisi tu evropaikú títlu

the-winning:NOM the-European-title:GEN
apotelí meγáli epitixía ya
constitute:3SG:ACT/M big success PREP
tin elinikí omáδa
the-Greek-team:ACC
‘The winning of the European title is a great success for the Greek
team.’
(Emphatic)
(17) i katáktisi tu evropaikú títlu íne
the-winning:NOM the-European-title:GEN be:3SG:MID/0
meγáli epitixía ya tin elinikí omáδa
big success PREP the-Greek-team:ACC
‘The winning of the European title is a great success for the Greek
team.’
(Neutral with respect to emphasis)
As indicated in the glosses, the verb apotelí is not exactly synonymous with
the copular predicate íne, since the former but not the latter conveys a clear
sense of drama and dynamicity, according to several native speakers con-
sulted. The active construction in sentence (16) is also highly emphatic, and to
some speakers implies a process rather than a state, through which the act of
winning leads to success. If the active verb apotelí is replaced with the copular
predicate íne, as in sentence (17), the emphatic reading or sense of process
disappears, and the resulting construction is characterized by native speakers
as “flat” or “more matter of fact.” The middle verb apotelúme cannot be used
to encode any aspect of the situation depicted in sentence (16).
A parallel set of middle-active variants is illustrated in (18)a - (18)b
below; although both can be used to depict the same set of objectively viewed
circumstances, the middle structure is by far the more common of the two, and
is semantically neutral as compared to the active counterpart, the latter of
which is reported to convey great emphasis.
(18) a. i kiláδa tis θesaloníkis
the-plain:NOM the-Thessaloniki:GEN
periválete apó psilá vuná
surround:3SG:MID/A PREP tall-mountains:ACC
‘The plain of Thessaloniki is surrounded by tall mountains.’
(Neutral with respect to emphasis)
186 Chapter 5

b. psilá vuná periválun tin kiláδa

tall-mountains:NOM surround:3PL:ACT/M the-plain:ACC
tis θesaloníkis
the-Thessaloniki:GEN
‘Tall mountains surround the plain of Thessaloniki.’
(Highly emphatic)
In short, middle-active pairs in which both members of the pair depict stative
relationships are shown to differ semantically in ways that reflect the internal
semantic structure of the respective event types with which each is associated.

5.4 Middle structures: passive meaning

Modern Greek displays a variety of morphosyntactic structures which can

encode a passive-like meaning; the present discussion considers one of these
possibilities, namely, the inflectional middle system.5 Within this more lim-
ited focus on the middle inflected passive, I survey the use of particular middle
structures in contexts which depict or imply the role of an external human
agent in bringing about the circumstances depicted by the verb.6 Therefore, I
do not make any claims about the entire range of functions served by all
passive-like constructions in Modern Greek; rather, I am concerned only with
the function of the middle passive to focus on the fate of a patient-like entity
while implying, to varying degrees, the intervention of a volitional human
agent or group of human agents. Middle inflected verbs are examined in
contexts where the intervention of an agent may or may not be implied but
where the middle structure itself, by focusing on a resulting state or change of
state, is noncommittal on the status of an agent-like participant in the desig-
nated event. The data base for this part of the analysis contains 155 examples
of the middle passive as defined above, all of which were taken from pub-
lished colloquial Modern Greek texts. Each instance of the middle passive
obtained was examined in context and was compared with an active transitive
counterpart whenever possible. Primary sources of data include newspapers,
popular magazines, and novels.
The middle inflected passive structures illustrated in this section consti-
tute extended values of the middle category through their semantic connec-
tions with both the spontaneous change of state and the noninitiative
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 187

emotional response event prototypes. The patient subject of the middle pas-
sive structure is both nonvolitional, in that it does not will the event or
situation designated by the verb, and highly affected, in that it undergoes,
rather than controls, the effects of the event depicted. Middle structures which
depict the event types of passive, emotional response, and spontaneous change
all present events from the perspective of a nonagent which undergoes experi-
ence. As such, these three usages of inflectional middle voice are clearly
related to each other, both semantically and functionally, since all three serve
to focus attention on what happened, rather than who or what was responsible.
Unlike middle verbs surveyed in sections 5.2 and 5.3, however, the
middle passive structure (i.e., one with a patient subject, a middle inflected
verb and an implied or expressed human agent) is not a frequently occurring
usage of inflectional middle voice (Warburton 1975; Lascarátou and
Philippáki-Warburton 1981; Lascarátou 1984). This distributional pattern is
natural and expected, given the present analysis: the passive event type as
characterized above includes the notion of agency, which is either nonsalient
or absent in the prototypical middle event types proposed in this study.
However, middle inflected passive structures are strongly motivated prag-
matically in particular contexts where it is necessary or desirable to downplay
the notion of agency or initial cause.7 Previous research has shown that rich
expressive meanings of the middle inflected passive are invoked precisely in
those cases in which there is a mismatch between the semantic meaning of
spontaneous change of state and the pragmatic meaning of implicit agency
(Manney 1995). For example, the middle inflected passive frequently occurs
in political discussions in which the speaker’s interests are served by camou-
flaging, deemphasizing, or omitting altogether the initial cause of an event,
thereby rendering it less easily distinguished or discerned. In such cases the
use of the middle passive is motivated by the speaker / narrator’s communica-
tive need to suppress the identity of a responsible being. In other cases,
however, middle passive structures occur in contexts in which the identity of
the agent is unknown or where the notion of agency is irrelevant. In such
instances the middle passive is more neutral and less expressive pragmati-
cally, since there is a closer fit between the discourse context of unknown /
irrelevant agency and the schematic meaning of agentless change of state. By
allowing the speaker to focus on what happened, rather than on who or what
was responsible, the middle passive provides an expedient and economical
means of depicting an event independently of a responsible agent.
188 Chapter 5

5.4.1. Middle passive: agent encoded

In one type of middle passive structure, a prototypical agent (i.e., a specific

human being or group of human beings which acts volitionally) is explicitly
encoded as an oblique noun phrase, and a patient-like entity occurs as clausal
subject. This type of passive construction is fairly uncommon, both in Modern
Greek (Warburton 1975; Lascarátou 1984) and across language (Hopper and
Thompson 1980; Givón 1990). In the present investigation of the middle
passive in Modern Greek, four such middle structures were found, one of
which is illustrated in sentence (19)a below.
(19) a. vlépome oti ta kómata
see:1PL:ACT/M COMP the-parties:NOM
sinexízun na ŋxonde
eléŋ apó
continue:3PL:ACT/M SUBJ control:3PL:MID/A PREP
tus paleóterus politikús
the-older-politicians:ACC
‘We can see that the parties continue to be controlled by the
older politicians.’
(Interview with Dóra Bakoyánni, Ena, 1 January 1992)
Sentence (19)a was taken from the text of an interview with a junior minister in
the Greek Parliament. At the time of the interview, the minister was an active
member of the Conservative Party, and her father, Kostandínos Mitsotákis, was
both the Prime Minister of Greece and a senior minister in the Conservative
Party. When asked by the interviewer what the new generation of younger
politicians hoped to accomplish in Greece, the minister being interviewed
prefaced her answer with the statement illustrated in sentence (19)a, and then
went on to explain that the young politicians parakoluθún:ACT/0 ta práγmata
‘follow things,’ since they aren’t in the same position as the older politicians to
be able to implement any meaningful changes in the political system.
Sentence (19)a illustrates a highly infrequent usage of middle voice to
depict an event in which the agent is identified but is linguistically encoded as
an oblique noun phrase. In the particular context in which the sentence
occurred, however, the person speaking was compelled to specify the sources
of inertia in the Greek political system in order to clarify the reasons for her
own powerlessness as a minister in the ruling party. The use of the middle
passive allowed her to specify the agent’s identity without emphasizing the
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 189

agent’s responsibility for the state of affairs depicted. The function of the
middle passive in (19)a is more easily discerned when it is juxtaposed with its
active counterpart, the latter of which appears in (19)b below.
(19) b. vlépome oti i paleóteri politikí
see:1PL:ACT/M COMP the-older-politicians:NOM
sinexízun na eléŋŋxun
continue:3PL:ACT/M SUBJ control:3PL:ACT/M
ta kómata
the-parties:ACC
‘We can see that the older politicians continue to control the
parties.’
The active structure has the effect of emphasizing the monopoly of power and
control exercised by the older politicians, since it foregrounds the agent
participant i paleóteri politikí ‘the-older-politicians:NOM’ as clausal subject.
The middle passive, by comparison, is felt to depict the situation more
tactfully. Given that the person speaking is a young minister and that her father
was both the Prime Minister and a senior member of the ruling party at the
time she issued her statement, her rationale for using such a highly uncommon
linguistic construction is fairly obvious: the middle inflected passive structure
deemphasizes the agency and responsibility of an initial cause, the latter of
which has created serious problems which implicate the speaker. The middle
passive illustrated in (19)a above is semantically related to both middle
prototypes via LOW VOLITION of the subject participant, and to the
emotional response prototype via LOW INDIVIDUATION of the source/
cause. The schema which depicts the middle passive structure in sentence
(19)a as a member of the middle category is illustrated in Figure 5.8 below.
190 Chapter 5

PATIENT SUBJECT
HIGH AFFECT undergoes
experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION

not highly specified as

distinctive oblique
within setting

Figure 5.8. Middle passive 1: agent encoded

5.4.2 Middle passive: agent not encoded but pragmatically implicit

In another use of the middle passive the intervention of an unspecified human

agent is implied in the larger discourse context, but the middle structure, in
focusing on what happened to a patient-like subject, functions to shift atten-
tion away from the responsible entity and toward the resulting state of affairs.
Such middle passives are rather obviously motivated by pragmatic factors,
and while they are somewhat semantically strained as compared to their active
counterparts, they are readily understood by consultants queried as a linguistic
ploy to avoid the explicit mention of an agent. Middle passives of this type
often occur in political writing in which the implicit agent is the government
or some other officially recognized authority. They also appear in other types
of written discourse when the identity of the agent is obvious from the context,
but for one reason or another, the speaker chooses to focus on what happened,
rather than on who was responsible.
The first of these two usages is illustrated in Text 1 below. The passage in
Text 1 is taken from a Greek newspaper article which discusses numerous
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 191

problems in the Greek state university system. The authors of the article are
the two Greek university professors who were appointed by the Greek Social-
ist Party (PASOK) to design an educational reform law, the goals of which
were to raise standards and to streamline management in the Greek university
system. Although many positive changes were subsequently implemented
because of the law, several unforeseen political problems also arose as a direct
result of the new law. Furthermore, according to several consultants, many of
these problems were handled very poorly by the PASOK party. Significantly,
the article which dealt with these problems appeared at a crucial moment for
the PASOK party, since the Socialist Prime Minister at the time, the late
Andréas Papandréou, as well as several high ranking Socialist ministers, had
recently been charged with political misconduct during their tenure in office.
The language of the 3 1/2 page newspaper article is particularly striking,
since it contains nearly 100 instances of the middle inflected passive structure,
many of which are reported by native speaker consultants to be semantically
strained; Text 1 below illustrates a representative passage from the article.
Middle passive structures in Text 1 function to defocus the role of key agent
participants who are ultimately responsible for problems alluded to in the
passage, and the high incidence of the middle passive structure is related to the
writers’ / speakers’ communicative goal of saving face while attempting to
address a range of highly controversial political issues which directly impli-
cate both the authors and their party. Consider Text 1 below.
Text 1
(Excerpt from an article in To Víma, 17 September 1989)
(a) θa borúse ómos na yíni
FUT be able:3SG:ACT/0 however SUBJ do:3SG:ACT/M
(b) káti álo na aníksi me protovulía
something else SUBJ open:3SG:ACT/M with initiative:ACC
(c) tis kivérnisis i δiaδikasía δialóγu apó tin δiaδikasía aftí
the-gov’t.:GEN the-process:NOM dialogue:GEN from the-process-this:ACC
(d) θa epiδiokótan i méyisti δinatí sinénesi
FUT attempted:3SG:MID/A the-greatest -possible-agreement:NOM
(e) tin epoxí ekíni líγus mínes metá tin laikí etimiγoría
the-epoch-that:ACC a few-months:ACC after the-popular-support:ACC
(f) tu 1981 to PASOK δen íxe
the:GEN 1981 the-PASOK party:NOM NEG had:3SG:ACT/0
192 Chapter 5

(g) na foviθí típote y aftó ke

SUBJ be afraid:PART:MID/A nothing for this and
(h) ipostirízume símera óti mésa apó mia tétya
support:1PL:ACT/M today COMP in from a-such:ACC
(i) δiaδikasía borúsan na íxan apofefxθí
process:ACC could SUBJ had:3PL:ACT/M avoid:MID/A:PART
(j) orisména láθi ke ísos θa íxan
certain-mistakes:NOM and perhaps FUT had:3PL:ACT
(k) δiasfalistí usiastikés proipoθésis
secured:MID/A:PART substantive-preconditions:NOM
Something else, though could have been done: to start, with the initiative of the
government, the process of a dialogue. From this process, the greatest possible
mutual agreement would have been pursued. At that time, a few months after the
public support of 1981, PASOK didn’t have anything to be afraid of. And because
of that we are maintaining today that within such a process, certain mistakes could
have been avoided and perhaps certain substantial preconditions could have been
secured.

In Text 1, the authors describe a possible scenario which might have

come about if the Socialist party had acted more moderately in designing and
implementing the law to reform the state university system. According to
native speaker consultants, the ‘certain mistakes’ which ‘could have been
avoided’ most likely refer to the problems which arose when the PASOK
party drastically and abruptly restructured rather than gradually changed the
Greek university system after the Greek educational reform law was passed in
Parliament. Likewise, ‘substantial preconditions’ which ‘could have been
secured’ probably alludes to a coalition among all the progressive members of
the university community which the PASOK party failed to achieve, mainly
because PASOK leaders neglected to consult with faculty members from
other liberal political parties while they, the Socialists, were designing and
implementing the reform law. I suggest that the uses of the middle passive in
Text 1 are motivated by the authors’ unstated political concerns as prominent
members of the party which sponsored the controversial educational reform
law. According to all speakers queried, an active rather than a middle structure
in the relevant examples above would strongly suggest that the PASOK
government had the major responsibility for the series of problems alluded to
in Text 1. Consider sentences (20) - (22) below, which illustrate active
counterparts to middle structures illustrated in lines (d), (i), and (k) above,
respectively.
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 193

(20) i kivérnisi θa epiδíoke

the-government:NOM FUT secure:3SG:ACT/M
tin méyisti δinatí sinénesi
the-greatest-possible-mutual consent:ACC
‘The government could have secured the greatest possible mutual
consent.’
(but it didn’t)
(21) borúsan na íxan apofíyi
can:3PL:ACT/0 SUBJ have:3PL:ACT/0 avoid:PART:ACT/M
orisména láθi
certain-mistakes:ACC
‘They (i.e., the government) could have avoided certain mistakes.’
(but they didn’t)
(22) θa íxan δiasfalísi
FUT have:3PL:ACT/0 secure:PART:ACT/M
usiastikés proipoθésis
substantial-preconditions:ACC
‘They (i.e., the government) would have secured certain substantial
preconditions.’
(but they didn’t)
Unlike the middle passives which occurred in the text, the active structures
illustrated in (20) - (22) above require explicit reference to a responsible agent,
and by encoding the agent participant as clausal subject they further fore-
ground the key agent role in the events depicted. The use of the middle
structure, on the other hand, allows the speakers to discuss problems without
specifying those who are responsible and thus serves their communicative
goal of saving face, since both are high ranking members of the PASOK party
who share responsibility for the problems mentioned. Hence, like the middle
passive structure illustrated in example (19)a, those which appear in Text 1
function to defocus agency, and are related semantically to the middle proto-
types via the meaning components LOW VOLITION of a nonagent subject
and LOW INDIVIDUATION of an implicit agent-like entity. The schema
which illustrates the relationship between the middle passive structures in
Text 1 and the middle prototypes is depicted in Figure 5.9 below.
194 Chapter 5

ABSOLUTE SUBJECT

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION

nondistinct
from setting not specified

Figure 5.9. Middle passive 2a: agent not encoded but implied pragmatically

In Text 2 below, drawn from contemporary fiction rather than political

discourse, the middle passive again functions to deemphasize the role of an
agent in a particular pragmatic context. Text 2 describes an exchange between
Ralloú, a thirteen-year-old girl, and her preadolescent brothers. The passage
cited describes Ralloú’s suggestion to her brothers that they should take all
their pocket money, sneak out of the house at night, and eat dinner in a posh
restaurant, even though they are strictly forbidden to leave the house unat-
tended at night. In the passage cited, active structures are used to relate
Ralloú’s subversive ideas before they are enacted by the children, whereas
middle structures are used to describe the same illicit actions after they have
been performed by the children.

Text 2
(excerpt from Ksanthoúlis, Yiánnis, 1988, “To Pethaméno Likér / The Dead
Liqueur,” p. 63-64)
(a) i ralú mas pétakse mya ípuli
the-Rallou:NOM 1PL:ACC throw:3SG:ACT/M a-underhanded:ACC
(b) alá katapliktikí iδéa próton na δolofonísume
but fantastic-idea:ACC first SUBJ assassinate:1PL:ACT/M
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 195

(c) tus kumbaráδes mas δéfteron na fáme

the-piggy banks:ACC 1PL:GEN second SUBJ eat:1PL:ACT/M
(d) s ena aliθinó estiatório . . . . .
PREP an-authentic-restaurant:ACC . . . . .
(e) komatyástikan i kumbaráδes mas
break into pieces:3PL:MID/A the-piggy banks:NOM 1PL:GEN
(f) aneléita kríftikan ta komátya γríγora mésa
ruthlessly hide:3PL:MID/A the-pieces:NOM quickly inside
(g) s ta sirtárya mas ke
PREP the-drawers:ACC 1PL:GEN and
(h) ta leftá ksodéftikan s to estiatório
the-money:NOM spend:3PL:MID/A PREP-the restaurant:ACC
(i) spléndit
splendid
Rallou tossed out to us an underhanded but fantastic idea. First, we would break into
our piggy banks, second, we would eat at an authentic restaurant. . . .
Our piggy banks were broken open / broke themselves open ruthlessly. The
pieces quickly got hidden / hid themselves inside our drawers and the money got
spent / spent itself at the restaurant ‘Splendid.’

The middle structures in Text 2 function to foreground what happened to a

patient subject and thus relieve the speaker from explicitly mentioning the
responsible agent, which is recoverable from the larger discourse context
anyway. According to some, the middle structures in Text 2 are ambiguous
between a passive and an agentless reflexive meaning. (The use of middle
inflected verbs to encode a reflexive-like meaning is discussed in Chapter 6).
On the reflexive reading, the inanimate entities encoded as subjects instantiate
both a source and a patient participant role, giving rise to the subtle implication
that objects such as ‘piggy banks,’ ‘broken pieces,’ and ‘money’ could some-
how be responsible for the events in which they were involved. In the context
of Text 2, however, this somewhat strained semantic meaning functions
pragmatically to convey the speaker’s ironic stance toward the events depicted,
since the context makes it clear that a group of specific human agents are indeed
responsible for bringing about the designated changes of state. The middle
passive structure, in limiting the focus of attention to a patient-like entity and
the change of state which it undergoes, serves to deemphasize the children’s
responsibility in bringing about the changes of state, and therefore represents
their intentional illicit behavior from a slant more favorable to their interests.
196 Chapter 5

Active counterparts to the middle structures illustrated in lines (e), (f),

and (h) above are provided below as examples (23), (24), and (25), respec-
tively. While the active structures are grammatically well-formed and would
also be appropriate pragmatically in the context of Text 2, they convey none of
the expressive meaning invoked by the middle structures; rather, the active
structures in (23) - (25) are understood only in their literal sense.
(23) komatyásame tus kumbaráδes mas
break:1PL:ACT/M the-piggybanks:ACC 1PL:GEN
‘We broke open our piggybanks.’
(24) krípsame ta komátya
hide:1PL:ACT/M the-broken pieces:ACC
‘We hid the broken pieces.’
(25) ksoδépsame ta leftá
spend:1PL:ACT/M the-money:ACC
‘We spent the money.’
The schema which depicts the middle structures in Text 2 above as members
of the more encompassing middle category is given below in Figure 5.10.

PATIENT SUBJECT
HIGH AFFECT undergoes change of
experience state

variable control
over its fate
REDUCED
VOLITION
variable responsibility
over its fate

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION

nondistinct
from setting not specified

Figure 5.10. Middle passive 2b: agent not encoded but implied pragmatically
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 197

5.4.3 Middle passive: agent neither encoded nor pragmatically relevant

In another common usage of the middle passive, the event depicted by the
middle structure is less clearly attributed to the intervention of a responsible
being, since the identity of the agent in the larger discourse context is either
unknown or generic. In such instances the use of the middle passive is more
closely aligned with the spontaneous change and stative uses of the middle
category, as the notion of agency is irrelevant. The differences between
passive and spontaneous change of state event types as encoded by the middle
category are graded rather than absolute, since middle passives can depict
varying degrees of agent-induced change, from defocused agency, as illus-
trated above, to agentless change of state or state, as illustrated below.
Example (26)a illustrates the use of the middle passive to encode a
situation in which the agent is not known. The passage was taken from the text
of an interview with a former minister of the Greek Conservative Party, New
Democracy, as he recommended that the European Community support
former leader of the former Soviet Union Gorbachev during his attempts at
reform. An important question raised by the minister is repeated in sentence
(26)a.
(26) a. praγmatiká an eksondoθí
in reality if exterminate:3SG:MID/A
o gorbatsov pií θa ton
the-Gorbachev:NOM who:NOM FUT 3SG:ACC
δiaδexθún
follow:3PL:MID/0
‘If Gorbachev is neutralized, who will succeed him?’
(Interview with Míkis Theodorákis, Ena 15 August 1990)
(notion of agency is conceptually remote)
The segment of the scene encoded in sentence (26)a depicts what hap-
pens to a patient subject rather than who or what brings about the change; the
initial cause is not known or implied in the larger discourse context. Of the
various types of middle passive structures illustrated in this section, the type
exemplified in sentence (26)a is among the more semantically neutral: unlike
previous examples, the notion of a specific volitional agent is not strongly
invoked by the larger context in which sentence (26)a occurs. Hence, there is a
closer match between the central middle schema which depicts agentless
198 Chapter 5

change of state and the pragmatic context of sentence (26)a which implies
absence of agency.
An active counterpart to the middle structure shown in sentence (26)a is
given in example (26)b below.
(26) b. an eskondósun ton gorbatsóv, . . .
if exterminate:3PL:ACT/M the-Gorbatsev:ACC
‘If they neutralize Gorbachev, . . .
(brings forward the general notion of agency, without identify-
ing a specific agent)
The active clause in (26)b functions to defocus agency, since it encodes a third
person plural indefinite as the agent subject which induces change by acting on
a specific and definite patient entity. As compared to the middle counterpart in
(26)a, however, the active structure in (26)b defocuses agency to a lesser degree,
since it explicitly encodes the agent role as clausal subject. The middle passive
in (26)a, on the other hand, depicts the same change of state but with one less
level of causation since it explicitly mentions only the patient’s change of state.
Sentence (26)a therefore approximates the spontaneous change of state middle

PATIENT SUBJECT
HIGH AFFECT undergoes change of
experience state

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION

nondistinct
not specified conceptually
from setting
remote

Figure 5.11. Middle passive 3a: agent not encoded nor pragmatically relevant
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 199

prototype more closely than other middle passives illustrated in this section to
the extent that the agentless passive and the spontaneous change both impose
an absolute construal as the most natural view of a patient’s change of state. The
schema which depicts the middle structure in sentence (26)a as a member of the
more encompassing middle category is illustrated in Figure 5.11 above.
Unlike other middle passives surveyed thus far, the middle passive illus-
trated in (27)a below shares semantic affinities with the large class of stative
middles, illustrated in section 5.3 above, in which the notion of agency is
absent and / or anomalous. Sentence (27)a describes a set of norms rather than
particular events, and the notion of agency, to the extent that it is invoked at
all, is generic and diffuse, rather than specific and focused. The passage cited
was taken from a Greek language magazine article describing the Moslem
holiday, Ramadan, which is celebrated each year in Athens among the Muslim
community. The part of the discussion from which the passage is taken
provides a detailed description of the various traditions and practices associ-
ated with the holiday season.
(27) a. i δiaforés prépi na paramerízonde . . .
the-differences:NOM should SUBJ put aside:3PL:MID/A
ta spítya na aníγonde
the-houses:NOM SUBJ open:3PL:MID/A
s tus ftoxús
PREP the-poor:ACC
‘Differences should be put aside, houses should be opened up
to the poor.’
(sinévi stin athína ‘It happened in Athens’ Ena 9 May 1990)
Because the part of the article from which the passage is taken focuses on the
yearly rituals enacted by the community at large rather than on the actions of
any particular person or group of people, the middle structure offers the most
natural and economical means to describe events without attributing agency to
any one entity or group of entities. Although the active counterpart would be
less preferred in such a context, native speakers consulted report that the
active structure illustrated in (27)b below is both grammatically well-formed
and contextually appropriate.
(27) b. o kósmos prépi na paramerízi
the-people:NOM should SUBJ put aside:3SG:ACT/M
200 Chapter 5

tis δiaforés na aníγi

the-differences:ACC SUBJ open:3SG:ACT/M
ta spítya tu s tus ftoxús
the-houses:ACC 3SG:GEN PREP the-poor:ACC
‘People should put aside differences and open up their houses
to the poor.’
(sinévi stin athína ‘It happened in Athens’ Ena 9 May 1990)
Like the active structure illustrated in (26)b above, the active member of a
middle-active pair in (27)b also functions to defocus agency, since the entity
which appears in subject position is encoded as a third person generic. The
differences between middle - active structures in (26)a - (26)b and those in
(27)a - (27)b are analogous: the middle structure in (27)a, by omitting alto-
gether the mention of an agent participant, depicts a scene with one less layer
of causation, and offers the speaker / narrator a more expedient means to
encode the situation depicted in which events, rather than initiating agents, are
focal.
The schema which depicts the middle passive structure in sentence (27)a
as a member of the middle category is provided in Figure 5.12 below.

ABSOLUTE SUBJECT
not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

SOURCE / CAUSE

LOW INDIVIDUATION

nondistinct
from setting not specified generic

PROCESS
LOW INDIVIDUATION
nondistinct
generic
from setting

Figure 5.12. Middle passive 3b: agent not encoded nor pragmatically relevant
Spontaneous change of state, stative, and passive structures 201

Notes

1. Perlmutter (1978), using the framework of relational grammar, analyzes similar phenom-
ena as instances of the unaccusative construction. According to Perlmutter’s treatment, a
subset of structures which an depict agentless change of state have a single patient object
nominal in the first strata of clause structure, and therefore obligatorily undergo 2-to-1-
advancement (i.e., object-to-subject promotion). In the resulting clause, the single argu-
ment remains a patient semantically but behaves like a subject syntactically.
2. The present use of terminology differs slightly from that found in Langacker (1991a), the
latter which uses the term theme in the same way that I have used the term absolute.
3. The term anticausative is often used to identify those constructions which depict
agentless / spontaneous change of state; for example, see Geniusiene (1987), Andersen
(1989, 1994) and Haspelmath (1990).
4. English translations of Greek middle verbs which depict spontaneous change are some-
what misleading, since the Greek inflectional middle and the English periphrastic passive
sometimes used to translate inflectional middle structures differ considerably, both
functionally and formally. Therefore, it should not be assumed that when an English
periphrastic passive is used to translate a Greek inflectional middle the former exhibits
the same range of usages as the latter, or vice versa. English translations which appear in
Chapter 5 and throughout the present study are approximations, rather than precise
renditions, of the scenes encoded by the corresponding Greek middle structures.
5. See Lascarátou (1984) for an in-depth study of the various morphosyntactic structures
which can encode a passive meaning in Modern Greek, one of which is the middle
inflected passive.
6. Middle structures may encode or imply the involvement of an inanimate instrument in
bringing about the state of affairs designated by the middle inflected verb. Such a middle
structure, often analyzed as a passive by specialists in Modern Greek, is illustrated in
(A1) below.
(A1) i yi θerménete apó ton ílio
the-earth:NOM heat:3SG:MID/A PREP the-sun:ACC
‘The earth is heated by the sun.’
(Lascarátou and Philippáki-Warburton 1981:57)
In the present study, such a middle structure is not treated as an instance of the middle
passive, but would be alternatively analyzed as an extended value of the spontaneous
change of state event type.
7. Givón (1990) documents the crosslinguistic use of passive constructions to suppress the
identity of an agent, and points out that such a usage is clearly motivated by pragmatic
factors.
Chapter 6

Reflexive Structures

6.0 Introduction

The present chapter considers a subset of those middle structures which depict
a reflexive event of the type Individual I acts on Individual I. While
variations of the reflexive event type may be encoded by middle verbs such as
kratíθike ‘she controlled herself,’ and kitáxθike ‘he looked at himself,’ the
facts are somewhat complicated, since there are at least five different morpho-
syntactic constructions in Modern Greek which can encode a reflexive mean-
ing of the type characterized above; these five constructions represent two
diachronically distinct reflexive strategies, one which is inflectional, the other
which is lexical.1 In the discussion below, I consider three of the most
common reflexive constructions in Modern Greek, one which is inflectional,
two of which are lexical.
The inflectional strategy, which utilizes a middle inflected verb to depict
the reflexive event type Individual I acts on Individual I, is illustrated in
sentence (1)a below.
(1) a. i ifiyénya θisiástike
the-Iphigéneia:NOM sacrifice:3SG:MID/A
‘Iphigéneia was sacrificed / sacrificed herself.’
Like many middle inflectional reflexives, the middle structure in sentence (1)a
is ambiguous between a passive and a reflexive meaning. On the passive
reading, the subject is sacrificed by someone else who remains unspecified.
On the reflexive reading, while the subject, does, in fact, sacrifice herself, the
construction could also imply that the subject is not a totally willing partici-
pant, and / or that the agency or responsibility for the act is shared with a
second unnamed participant.
204 Chapter 6

As compared to the middle inflectional reflexive, which often obscures

the role of the responsible agent as illustrated in (1)a above, the family of
lexical reflexive constructions typically emphasize that a volitional agent
subject acts on itself. Of the two lexical reflexives to be treated here, the first
utilizes an accusative form of the noun phrase o eaftós tu ‘his self,’ which
occurs as the nominal direct object of an active or a middle inflected verb; two
such constructions are illustrated in (1)b and (1)c, respectively.
(1) b. i ifiyénya θisíase ton eaftó
the-Iphigéneia:NOM sacrifice:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC
tis
3SG:GEN
‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’
c. i ifiyénya iperaspístike ton eaftó
the-Iphigéneia:NOM defend:3SG:MID/A the-self:ACC
tis prin na peθáni
3SG:GEN before SUBJ die:3SG:ACT/0
‘Iphigéneia zealously defended herself before she died.
The second lexical reflexive construction attaches the prefix afto- ‘self-’ to a
middle inflected verb; such a reflexive is illustrated in sentence (1)d below.
(1) d. i ifiyénya afto- θisiástike
the-Iphigéneia:NOM self- sacrifice:3SG:MID/A
‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’
(she was clearly willing)
Of the three reflexive construction types illustrated above, that with the verbal
prefix afto- ‘self’ illustrated in (1)d is clearly the most emphatic, emphasizing
that the subject willingly sacrificed herself. To some speakers, sentence (1)d
as compared to (1)b also implies a more encompassing sacrifice in which
everything connected to the subject, as well as her mere physical being, was
sacrificed.
In the present chapter, I claim that each of the three reflexive construction
types illustrated above, the middle inflectional (1)a, the noun phrase (1)b -
(1)c, and the verbal prefix (1)d, is associated with its own characteristic event
type, and that the meaning of a particular reflexive construction reflects the
inherent semantic structure and the morphological shape of its component
parts. In the case of the full noun phrase reflexive, the accusative variant ton
Reflexive Structures 205

eaftó tu ‘himself’ singles out and emphasizes the role of the affected self, and
the construction often depicts the agent and patient components of a single
individual as separate and autonomous, giving rise to a “split self” reading (cf.
Haiman 1995); in the case of the verbal prefix reflexive, the prefix afto- ‘self-’
emphasizes the agency of the affected self, and the construction of which it is
part depicts the agent and patient entities as totally overlapping.2 The middle
inflectional reflexive, on the other hand, conveys both low agency of the
subject entity and low individuation of the affected self as an entity distinct
from the subject; the middle reflexive is semantically motivated by the proto-
typical function of middle voice across semantic class to encode absence or
attenuation of agency.
In the present discussion, I examine both semantic and functional differ-
ences between two distinct reflexive strategies in Modern Greek, one which is
lexical, the other which is inflectional. In labeling and characterizing the three
reflexive constructions treated, I adapt the typology of reflexives developed in
Faltz’s (1985) crosslinguistic study. The proposed analysis draws on Givón’s
(1984) discourse-pragmatic notion of topicality, defined as a cluster of related
properties which includes such notions as agency, subjecthood, animacy, and
definiteness. In particular, I propose that the two different reflexive strategies
in Modern Greek are differentiated according to the degree of topicality
displayed by the affected self, where a high degree of topicality is correlated
with a high degree of agency and autonomy. Lexical strategies are shown to
depict greater agency and / or autonomy as compared to the middle inflec-
tional strategy, the latter of which consistently designates both reduced agency
and reduced autonomy of the acted upon self. After showing how the middle
inflectional reflexive designates reduced agency as compared to the two
lexical reflexive constructions, I establish the motivating relationship between
the middle inflectional reflexive and the more encompassing middle voice
network. As was the case with the middle inflected passive and stative
structures illustrated in Chapter 5, the middle inflectional reflexives discussed
below are analyzed as extended values of the spontaneous change of state
middle event type, and are related to the larger middle system via the meaning
components HIGH AFFECT and LOW VOLITION of a patient-like sub-
ject.
The data base for the analysis presented in Chapter 6 contains 85 ex-
amples of the three reflexive construction types illustrated above, most of
which appeared in naturally occurring texts drawn from contemporary Greek
206 Chapter 6

newspapers, magazines, novels, and television programs. For all examples in

the data base, I obtained multiple native speaker judgements on the differ-
ences in meaning between an attested reflexive construction and the various
alternatives for encoding the same situation. For all of the examples cited in
this chapter, I consulted with at least four native speakers of Modern Greek.
The discussion in Chapter 6 is organized as follows. In section 6.1, I
review selected sections of Faltz (1985) and Givón (1984) and establish their
relevance to the present study. Next, in section 6.2, I illustrate and account for
particular instances of the three main reflexive constructions in Modern
Greek, and I clarify the relationship between the inflectional middle reflexive
structure and the larger inflectional middle category of which it is a part.

6.1 Reflexivity and topicality as crosslinguistic phenomena

6.1.1 Reflexive relationships

Previous typological studies of reflexive constructions have treated reflexivity

as a semantic relationship that expresses coreference between two semantic
roles (Faltz 1985; Geniusiene 1987; Kemmer 1993). It has been further
suggested that the archetypical reflexive construction is realized as a simple
clause with two nominal arguments, a human agent or experiencer and a
patient, whereby the agent and the patient have the same referent (Faltz 1985:
3). In other words, the key function of a reflexive construction crosslinguisti-
cally is to encode coreference (Faltz 1985: 34). From among a range of
typologically diverse languages, it has furthermore been observed that any
special marking for reflexivization typically occurs on the object or patient
NP, rather than on the subject or agent NP (Faltz 1985: 28).
Faltz demonstrates that reflexive markers across language are almost
always realized as one of two main morphological types, although he notes
that the distinction “should be viewed as a continuum, rather than a discrete
partition (1985: 15).” In the first main type of reflexive construction, a special
pronominal form encoding a reflexive relationship is realized as a direct
object; this type, termed the noun phrase reflexive, is illustrated with the
Russian pronominal form sebja. Within the general class of noun phrase
reflexives, however, finer distinctions can be made. One subtype of noun
phrase reflexive common to the languages in Faltz’s survey consists of a head
Reflexive Structures 207

noun comprising the reflexive element, and a possessive pronominal element;

this subtype of NP reflexive is called a compound reflexive, and is illustrated
by the primary reflexive form in English, him/herself. In the second morpho-
logical class of reflexive constructions, a single isolatable morpheme attaches
to a verb to signal a reflexive relationship; this second type of reflexive,
termed the verbal reflexive, is exemplified by the Russian verbal marker -sja,
a bound form which is diachronically related to the pronominal element sebja.
Faltz’s typology is used in the present discussion of Modern Greek
reflexive constructions with the following adjustments. The lexical reflexive
construction ton eaftó tis ‘her self’ illustrated in (1)b - (1)c above is termed a
noun phrase reflexive, even though it utilizes a possessive element and
therefore represents what Faltz terms a compound reflexive; I prefer the former
label, since it conveys more clearly that this particular reflexive construction is
lexically autonomous. The lexical reflexive construction afto- ‘self-’ illus-
trated in (1)d above is termed a verbal prefix reflexive to clarify that an
isolatable reflexive morpheme rather than a portmanteau voice inflection
signals the reflexive relationship. To indicate the reflexive sense of middle
voice as illustrated in sentence (1)a above, I use the term middle inflectional
reflexive, even though the middle structure in (1)a is not exclusively reflexive
in meaning. Faltz has noted (1985:60) that middle inflection does not typically
function as a primary reflexive strategy; for this reason he explicitly excludes
middle inflection from the class of verbal reflexive markers.
I have argued throughout the present study that the typical function of
Modern Greek inflectional middle voice is to encode the absence or reduction
of agency; my analysis supports Faltz’s claim that middle inflection is not
typically used to express coreference between an agent and a patient nominal.
While acknowledging that middle inflection is not used in the two main types
of reflexive constructions found crosslinguistically, I recognize a third type of
reflexive construction which uses the middle inflectional system as one means
to express the conceptual archetype Individual I acts on Individual I; this
scene is then adjusted or enriched semantically according to the schematic
meaning inherent to a particular encoding morphosyntactic device.3
Now that I have identified the three main types of reflexive constructions
to be included in the present analysis, I would like to briefly consider an
extended sense of reflexivity instantiated by a particular semantic class of
middle inflected verbs that designate self-directed grooming actions, for ex-
ample ksirízome ‘I shave’ and dínome ‘I get dressed’. Although verbs such as
208 Chapter 6

these have been termed reflexive in contemporary linguistic research on

Modern Greek, both descriptive (Joseph and Philippáki-Warburton 1987) and
theoretical (Campos 1987; Tsimplí 1989), they are not included in the present
analysis of reflexive constructions in Modern Greek. Middle inflected verbs
which depict self-directed grooming actions are related to the reflexive con-
ceptual archetype Individual I acts on Individual I in that they typically
encode events in which the subject entity is acted upon or affected in some
way by means of itself. Like many middle inflected reflexive constructions
included in the present investigation, middle inflected verbs of grooming have
active inflected counterparts which occur in morphosyntactically transitive
clauses that encode other-oriented actions, that is to say, events in which the
subject entity acts upon an entity different from and separate from itself, i.e.
ksirízome ‘I shave’ / ksirízo ‘I shave someone else’. However, unlike the
middle inflectional reflexive constructions discussed below, the events de-
picted by middle inflected grooming verbs cannot be alternatively encoded
with a lexical reflexive construction. Examples (2)a and (2)b below illustrate
the impossibility of encoding self-directed grooming events with noun phrase
and verbal prefix reflexive constructions, respectively.
(2) a. ?*ksirízi ton eaftó tu
shave:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He’s shaving himself / He’s shaving.’
(highly marginal)
b. * afto- ksirízete
self- shave:3SG:MID/A
‘He’s shaving himself / He’s shaving.’
(unattested)
Sentence (2)a is reported is to be highly marginal, and for the minority of
speakers who accept it at all, the noun phrase reflexive would be used
felicitously only in a contrastive environment. Sentence (2)b is flatly rejected
by all speakers queried, for all environments checked. Self-oriented grooming
actions encoded with middle inflected verbs, while clearly germane to a study
of inflectional middle voice in general, do not figure prominently in the
present disussion of reflexive constructions in Modern Greek: a central aim of
this chapter is to investigate the diversity of morphosyntactic devices which
can encode the reflexive archetype Individual acts on Individual I, and to
determine the rationale for each device by examining the subtle semantic
Reflexive Structures 209

differences among various reflexive constructions with overlapping distribu-

tion.
Apart from the particular goals of the present chapter to account for
morphosyntactic diversity, middle inflected verbs of grooming such as those
illustrated above are not treated in this study for empirical and methodological
reasons as well. It can be empirically observed that the middle inflected verbs
of grooming, like most Greek verbs inflected for middle voice, are highly
polysemous, and that the diversity of meanings they instantiate are related to
more general patterns of meanings associated with inflectional middle voice in
general, one such meaning which is reduced agency (cf. Manney 1992, 1993,
1994, 1995, 1998). Consider sentences (3) and (4)a - (4)b below.
(3) ksirístike
shave:3SG:MID/A
(a) ‘He shaved.’ (i.e. subject performed the action)
(b) ‘He got shaved.’ (i.e. someone else besides the subject per-
formed the action)
(4) a. dínete
dress:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he’s getting dressed.’ (i.e. eventive)
b. dínete kalá
dress:3SG:MID/A well
‘S/he always wears really nice clothes.’ (i.e. generic)
In sentence (3), the notion of personal agency is ambiguous such that it is
unclear whether the subject is responsible or not for the event designated by
the verb. In sentences (4)a - (4)b, the notion of general agency is ambiguous,
so that the middle verb is ambiguous between an eventive and a generic
reading. Middle inflected verbs such as those illustrated in (3) and (4)a - (4)b
above which depict self-oriented grooming events typically display a great
deal of internal semantic complexity that is obscured by the general cover term
of reflexive. Therefore, I believe it would be more illuminating to first specify
the wide array of meanings, both reflexive-like and nonreflexive-like, which
are instantiated by members of this particular semantic class, and then to relate
these meanings to the more encompassing and even more highly polysemous
category of inflectional middle voice in general. Indeed, one major goal of the
present study is to explain the recurrent meanings invoked by middle verbs
210 Chapter 6

from a number of different semantic classes as extended or elaborated values

of more basic meaning components which structure the middle category.
Classifying these verbs which depict self-oriented grooming events as
reflexive constructions, in the absence of a clear working definition of the
term, is also problematic methodologically. As clearly demonstrated in cross-
linguistic research on reflexive constructions, natural languages utilize a wide
range of morphosyntactically diverse structures to encode a variety of reflex-
ive-like meanings (cf. Faltz 1985); indeed, no one structure or strategy can be
exclusively or unambiguously defined as a reflexive construction. Further-
more, as reported by Faltz and as confirmed by the present study, inflectional
middle voice is not typically used to depict the archetypical reflexive relation-
ship of coreference between two nominal arguments. Therefore, in the present
work I avoid designating one or another semantic class of middle inflected
verbs as reflexive constructions, since the conceptual notion of reflexivity, the
diverse group of morphosyntactic structures which can encode the reflexive
archetype and particular values of the inflectional middle category, while
overlapping to some degree, are clearly distinct phenomena, each of which
must be investigated independently and on its own terms.

6.1.2 Topicality

The present account of reflexive constructions in Modern Greek assumes two

central tenets of contemporary cognitive / functional theory. First of all, the
constructs proposed to motivate particular patterns of morphosyntax are
claimed to be gradient rather than discrete (Givón 1983, 1984, 1990; Lakoff
1987; Langacker 1987a, 1991a; Ariel 1988, 1990; Taylor 1989). Second, the
meaning of a linguistic unit, whether lexical, constructional or morphosyntac-
tic, is represented as a form-function pairing which often displays a prototypi-
cal value and a coherent system of overlapping extended meanings (Givón
1984, 1990; Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987a; Geeraerts 1989; Taylor 1989). In
the present discussion, the overlapping semantic scales of prominence and
separation are used to define and differentiate three main reflexive construc-
tions in Modern Greek. These scalar constructs, which have been established
as explanatory devices in previous cognitive / functional research (see Ariel
1990 and the references cited there), are subsumed by the more encompassing
construct of topicality, developed and discussed in Givón (1976, 1978, 1979,
1983, 1984, 1990).
Reflexive Structures 211

Topicality, as Givón uses the term, is a discourse-pragmatic principle

which refers to the continuing importance of a nominal participant in an
extended text, quantitatively measurable according to frequency of occur-
rence (Givón:1984: 160).4 It has been invoked by cognitive / functional
scholars to explain various types of morphosyntactic patterning, including
verbal agreement and noun incorporation; in the present work, I utilize the
notion to explain the distribution and meaning of three reflexive constructions
in Modern Greek. Topicality comprises a constellation of at least four interre-
lated components, each of which can be represented as an implicational
hierarchy. In one such hierarchy, that of semantic case role, the agent role is
the most highly topical; in a second hierarchy, that of pragmatic case role, the
subject is the most topical.5 With respect to the animacy scale, human as
opposed to inanimate is the most highly topical position, and finally, on the
scale of definiteness, definite, as opposed to indefinite, is most highly topical.
These four implicational hierarchies are illustrated in Figure 6.1 below.

Semantic Case Role:

Agent > Dative > Benefactive > Patient > Others

Pragmatic Case Role:

Subject > Direct Object > Others

Humanity / Animacy:
Human / Animate > Nonhuman / Inanaimate

Definiteness:
Definite > Indefinite

Figure 6.1. Topicality as a constellation of four scalar components

(Drawn from Givón 1984: 364)

In the present work, various topicality factors are claimed to influence the
distribution of reflexive forms in Modern Greek. One of the two scalar
constructs proposed represents the degree of prominence of the individual’s
self as depicted in the archetypical relationship Individual I acts on Indi-
vidual I. Prominence of the self, often interpreted as “emphasis” by native
speakers consulted for this study, is determined primarily according to the
semantic role of the form which depicts the self, such that agent is most
212 Chapter 6

prominent and hence most emphatic, and secondarily according to its gram-
matical relation, such that subject is most prominent and hence most emphatic.
The highest degree of prominence of self is encoded by a form which is both
semantically an agent and morphosyntactically a subject6; the second highest
degree of self prominence is encoded by a form which is semantically an
agent, i.e., the verbal prefix reflexive; the third highest degree of self promi-
nence is encoded by a form which is semantically a patient and morphosyntac-
tically a direct object, i.e. the (accusative) noun phrase reflexive; the lowest
degree of prominence of the self is encoded by a form in which the self is not
explicitly encoded at all, i.e. a middle inflected verb. In (5)a - (5)c below,
schematic templates of the three most common reflexive constructions in
Modern Greek are intended to illustrate, among other things, the gradient
nature of prominence as a cognitive construct (cf. Givón 1984; Ariel 1988,
1990; Langacker 1987a, 1991a; van Hoek 1995); the notion of self is most
prominent in (5a) and least prominent in (5c).7
(5) a. afto- middle inflected verb
self-
(“Self” is an agent encoded as a verbal prefix)
b. subject + active or middle verb + ton eaftó tu
the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
(“Self” is a patient encoded as a direct object)
c. verb stem: middle inflection
(“Self” is not lexically encoded;
patienthood of subject encoded by middle inflection)
The second gradient notion utilized in the present discussion is the degee
of separation implied between the active and the passive aspects of a single
individual, where the degree of semantic separation between two conceived
entities correlates with the degree to which the two entities are lexically
autonomous (cf. Givón 1983; Haiman 1985; Langacker 1987a; Ariel 1988,
1990; Kemmer 1993). The topicality factor involved in the scalar notion of
separation is that of definiteness, which is understood in the present work to
encompass the related notion of individuation (cf. Langacker 1991a: 308).
This notion of individuation or its analog has been invoked in a number of
cognitive / functional studies (Hopper and Thompson 1980; Hopper 1985;
Langacker 1991a; Kemmer 1993) and is used here and elsewhere (Manney
Reflexive Structures 213

1995) to specify the degree to which a participant in a linguistically encoded

event is distinguished either from another participant in the same event or
from the setting in which the event occurs.
In terms of the reflexive constructions examined here, the highest degree
of separation between two aspects of the same individual is encoded by
reflexive constructions which encode the individual’s self as an autonomous
nominal element, i.e., the noun phrase reflexive, the second highest degree of
separation is encoded by constructions in which the individual’s self is en-
coded as a bound morpheme, i.e., the verbal prefix reflexive, and the lowest
degree of separation is implied when the individual’s self is not lexically
encoded, i.e., the middle inflectional reflexive. The schematic templates
which depict degree of separation are illustrated in (6)a - (6)c below, where
(6)a represents the highest degree of separation, and (6)c the lowest degree of
separation.
(6) a. subject + active/middle verb + ton eaftó tu
the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
(“Self” is encoded as an autonomous noun phrase)
b. afto- middle inflected verb
self-
(“Self” is encoded as an isolatable verbal prefix)
c. verb:middle inflection
(“Self” is not lexically encoded; affectedness of subject’s im-
plicit self encoded by middle inflection)
As can be observed in the templates shown above, two different morpho-
syntactic strategies are utilized to encode reflexive relationships in Modern
Greek. On the one hand, reflexive relationships can be encoded lexically, by a
variant of the noun phrase o eaftós tu ‘his self’ or by the verbal prefix afto-
‘self-’; on the other hand, reflexive relationships can also be encoded by
middle voice inflection alone, whereby the notion of self is implicit and the
agency of the subject is ambiguous. An important question which emerges
from the Greek data is what the nature of the relationship is between the
reflexive conceptual archetype Individual I acts on Individual I and each of
the two distinct morphosyntactic strategies which can encode reflexive rela-
tionships in Modern Greek. While a full-fledged, empirically validated expla-
nation is beyond the scope of the present discussion, I offer the following
214 Chapter 6

tentative semantic rationale for the occurrence of two distinct reflexive strate-
gies, pending an in-depth investigation of the diachrony, distribution and
meanings of the relevant morphosyntactic forms.
The reflexive conceptual archetype Individual I acts on Individual I
invokes a scene in which an individual acts on itself, intentionally or other-
wise. In the family of lexical reflexive constructions, all explicitly encode the
notion of self; hence, the individual’s self is a clearly individuated participant
in the designated relationship. Furthermore, it is often the case that lexical
reflexives are emphatic as compared to the inflectional middle reflexive
construction; the precise nature of such emphasis will be specified for a range
of textual examples discussed below. I would like to suggest that in the case of
lexical reflexives (i.e., the accusative noun phrase ton eaftó tu ‘himself’ and
the verbal prefix afto- ‘self-’), the meanings of individuation and emphasis are
also related in part to the nonreflexive functions of the form aftós , the latter of
which functions in both Modern Greek and Ancient Greek as a proximal
demonstrative and as a stressed pronoun (see Joseph and Philippáki-
Warburton 1987 for a discussion of the functions of aftós in Modern Greek;
see Smyth 1974 for a similar discussion for Ancient Greek). The relationship
tentatively suggested here between the coreferential and emphatic readings of
lexical reflexives is consistent with documentation presented in typological
research which shows that demonstratives are commonly used as anaphoric
expressions (Ariel 1990: 51-52), and that, depending on their diachronic
source and evolution, nominal reflexive constructions can function to encode
both coreference and emphasis (Faltz 1985: 240-248).
The motivating relationship between the conceptual archetype of reflex-
ivity and inflectional middle voice, on the other hand, is established via the
notion of a patient entity which is common to both. A key component of the
archetypical reflexive construction, as characterized morphosyntactically by
Faltz (1985) and semantically in the present study, is the presence of an
animate patient; the typical function of inflectional middle voice in the Greek
language, as characterized in a number of studies by scholars of the Greek
language, is to encode an agentless event with an affected patient-like entity
as subject (for Ancient Greek, see Gonda 1960a, 1960b; Chantraine 1963;
Andersen 1989, 1991, 1994; for Modern Greek, see Lascarátou 1984;
Vassiláki 1986, 1988; Manney 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1998).
The two reflexive strategies, one lexical and the other inflectional, give
rise to a range of semantically and functionally distinct reflexive construc-
Reflexive Structures 215

tions, three of which are treated in the present discussion. These three con-
struction types, first illustrated in examples (1)a, (1)b, and (1)d above, are
repeated below as examples (7)a - (7)c, respectively; each one is represented
as a schematic event type in order to differentiate it from the other two
reflexive construction types. Sentence (7)a illustrates the middle inflectional
reflexive, one of a multitude of usages attested for middle inflected verbs in
Modern Greek.
(7) a. i ifiyénya θisiástike
the-Iphigéneia:NOM sacrifice:3SG:MID/A
(a) ‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’
(b) ‘Iphigéneia was sacrificed.’
The schema I propose to characterize the reflexive reading of the middle
structure in (7)a above is depicted in Figure 6.2 below.

PATIENT SUBJECT (middle inflection)

increased
response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes self- self-
experience contained initiated
action action

variable control
REDUCED over its fate
VOLITION
variable responsibility
for its own experience

Figure 6.2. Schematic representation of the middle inflectional reflexive construction:

i ifiyénya θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself’ / was sacrificed.’

The passive reading of the same middle structure is depicted in Figure 6.3.
216 Chapter 6

PATIENT SUBJECT (middle inflection)

increased
response
HIGH AFFECT
undergoes
experience

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 6.3 Schematic representation of the middle inflectional reflexive construction:

i ifiyénya θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia was sacrificed / sacrificed herself.’

Sentence (7)b below illustrates the (accusative) noun phrase reflexive, which
consists of an active or middle inflected verb and a reflexive noun phrase in
object position.
(7) b. i ifiyénya θisíase ton eaftó
the-Iphigéneia:NOM sacrifice:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC
tis
3SG:GEN
‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’
This construction type is depicted schematically in Figure 6.4 below.
Reflexive Structures 217

AGENT SUBJECT
control over
its fate
HIGH VOLITION
responsible for
its experience

PATIENT OBJECT (Reflexive Noun Phrase)

undergoes experience
HIGH AFFECT

not in control
LOW VOLITION
not responsible

Figure 6.4. Schematic representation of the noun phrase reflexive construction:

i ifiyénya θisíase ton eaftó tis ‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’

Finally, sentence (7)c below illustrates the verbal prefix reflexive, which
attaches the prefix afto- ‘self’ to a middle inflected verb.
(7) c. i ifiyénya afto- θisiástike
the-Iphigéneia:NOM self- sacrifice:3SG:MID/A
‘Iphigéneia sacrificed herself.’
(she was clearly willing)
The schema for the verbal prefix reflexive is depicted in Figure 6.5 below.
218 Chapter 6

AGENT part of SUBJECT ENTITY (verbal prefix reflexive)

full control over

its actions
HIGH VOLITION
full responsibility
for its fate

PATIENT part of SUBJECT ENTITY (middle inflection)

undergoes experience
HIGH AFFECT

Figure 6.5 Schematic representation of the verbal prefix reflexive construction:

i ifiyénya afto-θisiástike ‘Iphigéneia willingly sacrificed herself’

6.2 Modern Greek reflexive constructions in contemporary texts

I now turn to a representative set of reflexive constructions which I have

drawn from colloquial Modern Greek texts to demonstrate the uses of and
differences among the three types of reflexives illustrated above. I first charac-
terize the differences between the noun phrase and the middle inflectional
reflexive constructions, and I continue with a discussion of the meaning and
patterning of the verbal prefix reflexive construction as opposed to the noun
phrase and the middle inflectional reflexives. On the basis of recurrent pat-
terns of meaning associated with a given reflexive construction, I make the
following claims. First, I propose that the three types of reflexive construc-
tions represent two distinct morphosyntactic strategies; one strategy encom-
passes the lexical reflexive constructions, i.e., the noun phrase reflexive ton
eaftó tu, and the verbal prefix reflexive afto-; the second strategy encompasses
the inflectional middle voice system. Secondly, I argue that these two strate-
gies differ according to the positions they occupy on two related semantic
gradients, these gradients which are (i) degree of conceived separation
between active and passive aspects of a single individual, subsumed by
the topicality factor of definiteness, and (ii) degree of prominence of the
Reflexive Structures 219

individual’s self, defined according to the topicality factors of agency and

subjecthood. These two gradients, while overlapping to some degree, are
motivated by different grammatical phenomena. A high degree of conceived
separation between two aspects of a single entity is correlated with a high
degree of lexical autonomy of the element designating the self of the entity (cf.
Haiman 1985). The highest degree of separation is encoded by a construction
which utilizes an inflected form of the reflexive noun phrase o eaftós tu, ‘his
self’, a lower degree of separation is correlated with the verbal prefix afto-
‘self-’, and the lowest degree of separation correlates with the absence of
explicit lexical encoding of the self, characteristic of the middle inflectional
reflexive.
A high degree of self prominence, on the other hand, is closely related to
the topicality factors of agency and subjecthood.8 In the case of the lexical
reflexive constructions, prominence is related to both the semantic role and the
grammatical relation of the element which encodes the self, such that a
structure which encodes the self as both a semantic agent and a grammatical
subject is the most highly prominent. On the other hand, all of the lexical
reflexives imply greater prominence of the affected individual’s self than does
a middle inflectional reflexive. This is due to three related factors, the most
obvious of which is the explicit encoding of the self in the case of the lexical
reflexives. A second factor which influences perceived self prominence is the
presence or absence of an agent-like participant in a reflexive construction: all
lexical reflexives typically depict a situation which involves a clearly defined
agent as opposed to the middle inflectional reflexive, where the notion of
agency is prototypically ambiguous or undefined. The third factor is related to
the nonreflexive meanings associated with each of the two reflexive strategies.
As noted above, the form aftós to which the lexical reflexives may be related
can function as a proximal demonstrative and as a stressed pronoun, and
therefore serves to single out and/or clearly delineate a particular participant
within a stable setting or background. In terms of topicality, these particular
functions of the form aftós are motivated by the scalar construct of definite-
ness, of which individuation is a special case. Inflectional middle voice,
however, has the opposite function: it typically depicts an event in which an
agent participant is absent or backgrounded to varying degrees. Therefore, the
middle inflectional reflexive occupies the lowest point on the semantic scale
of self prominence.
220 Chapter 6

6.2.1 Noun phrase and middle inflectional reflexives

In this section, I look at four minimal pairs in which a noun phrase and a
middle inflectional reflexive are contrasted. In all of the pairs to be illustrated,
the two types of reflexives are differentiated according to degree of agency of
the subject and degree of individuation of the self, such that the lexical
reflexive has a more agent-like subject and a more individuated self as
compared to the inflectional reflexive.
Texts 1 and 2 below illustrate reflexive constructions which depict the
event of saving oneself. Text 1 below was taken from a TV movie about the
crucifixion of Jesus Christ.
Text 1
prépi na sósi ton eaftó tu
must SUBJ save:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC GEN:3SG
“He has to save himself!”
(Greek subtitles from the TV version of Jesus of Nazareth, directed by Franco
Zeffirelli)

In the noun phrase reflexive illustrated in Text 1 above, the subject is unam-
biguously understood as a dynamic agent, and the act of saving oneself is
understood primarily as an act of saving one’s own life. In the middle
inflectional counterpart shown in sentence (8), on the other hand, the respon-
sible agent is less precisely defined, and the strong sense of physically saving
oneself implicit in the noun phrase reflexive is not invoked.
(8) prépi na soθí
must SUBJ save:3SG:MID/A
‘He has to save himself / he has to be saved’
(subject may be involved in saving himself, but other unspecified
entities also involved; emphasis on the process itself, rather than
the one who is responsible)
While the middle inflectional reflexive clearly suggests that the subject inten-
tionally saves himself, it can also imply that other unspecified entities are
involved in saving him as well. To some speakers, the middle inflectional
reflexive also emphasizes the process of saving, rather than the one who is
responsible for saving. In this pair of reflexive constructions, then, the key
differences between the noun phrase and the middle inflectional reflexive are
related to the presence or absence of a clearly defined agentive presence, and a
Reflexive Structures 221

clearly defined sense of the physical self.

In Text 2 below, the same verb stem is illustrated, but here it is the middle
inflectional rather than the noun phrase reflexive which occurs in the text.
Text 2
íne meγáli i elefθería yatí me aftó
be:3SG:MID/0 big:NOM the-freedom:NOM because with DEM
borís na soθís i na katastrafís
can:2SG:ACT/0 SUBJ save:SG:MID/A or SUBJ destroy:2SG:MID/A
“Freedom is vast because with it you can (either) save yourself or
destroy yourself.”
(Interview with Aléko Fasianós, Ena, 13 October 1993)

While most speakers report that the subject of the middle inflectional reflexive
is an agent, the middle inflectional and the noun phrase reflexives differ
according to the degree of agency implied in each, as well as the degree to
which the self is individuated. Consider the noun phrase reflexive illustrated
below.
(9) borís na sósis ton eaftó
can:2SG:ACT SUBJ save:2SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC
su
2SG:GEN
‘You can save yourself.’
(subject is an agent; notion of self more limited, implies the physi-
cal; emphasis on the subject as an agent)
In the middle inflectional as compared to the noun phrase reflexive, the notion
of self is felt to be more encompassing and less precisely defined, since it
implies numerous aspects of one’s being such as the artistic, the social, the
financial, the intellectual, as well as the physical elements. In the middle
inflectional reflexive, the self is not clearly defined, but is depicted instead as
a complex of intangible and tangible components, whereas the self in the noun
phrase reflexive is more clearly delineated as a physical entity. Furthermore,
in the middle inflectional reflexive, the emphasis is on the process of saving,
and while it allows for the possibility of an agent subject, it also implies that
other undefined forces related to freedom are instrumental in bringing about
the event designated by the verb. In the noun phrase reflexive, on the other
hand, the emphasis is clearly on the subject as the agent of the process.
Texts 3 and 4 below illustrate a second verb stem used in both noun
222 Chapter 6

phrase and middle inflectional reflexives. Both were drawn from a single
interview with a well known stage actress; Text 3 illustrates a question asked
of the interviewee; Text 4 comprises the interviewee’s answer.
Text 3
an aftí ti stiγmí áfines ton eaftó
SUBJ this-the-moment leave:2SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC
su xalaró pu θa vriskósun
2SG:GEN loose REL FUT find:2SG:MID/A
“If at this moment you were to let yourself go, where would you be?”
(Interview with Lídia Koniórdou, Ena 2 February 1994)

According to several native speakers consulted, the noun phrase reflexive in

Text 3 clearly suggests that the subject is responsible for letting herself go
such that she makes a conscious decision to relax and to lower her defenses. In
contrast, the middle inflectional reflexive shown in (10) below would suggest
in this context that the subject relinquishes any control she may have over
herself to unspecified forces.
(10) an afinósun
SUBJ leave:2SG:MID/A
‘if you were to be completely swept away’
(subject relinquishes control over herself; subject is acted upon;
To some people, the middle inflectional as compared to the noun phrase
reflexive also has psychological or emotional overtones, implying a situation
in which the subject gives in to her emotional urges or fantasies.
In Text 4 below, the interviewee’s response is illustrated, and it is the
middle inflectional, rather than the noun phrase reflexive, which occurs.
Text 4
puθená aplós θa vutúsa mésa mu ke
nowhere simply FUT dive:1SG:ACT/M inside GEN:1SG and
θa afinómun se ena kenó
FUT leave:1SG:MID/A in a-void:ACC
“Nowhere. I would simply dive inside myself and I would let myself be swept away
inside a void.”
(Interview with Lídia Koniórdou, Ena 2 February 1994)

Here, as in the previous set of examples, the middle inflectional reflexive

implies that the subject relinquishes control over herself, and to some speakers
also implies that the subject undergoes an emotional experience. As argued in
Reflexive Structures 223

Manney (1993, 1994, 1995), one central meaning encoded by inflectional

middle voice in Modern Greek is that of the heightened emotional involve-
ment and diminished volitional control of the entity encoded as subject. The
semantic nuance conveyed by the middle inflectional reflexive in Text 4 is
clearly motivated by the internal semantic structure of the inflectional middle
system in general. In contrast, the noun phrase reflexive, illustrated in (11)
below, implies a strong sense of control which the individual exercises over
the various aspects of her self.
(11) θa áfina ton eaftó mu se
FUT leave:1SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 1SG:GEN in
ena kenó
a-void:ACC
‘I would allow myself to be inside a void.’
(subject is responsible and in control; subject exercises control over
the self)
The noun phrase and middle inflectional reflexives illustrated in Texts 3 and 4
above are thus differentiated according to degree of agency conveyed: in the
former but not the latter, the situations depicted imply a strongly agentive
presence which exercises control over other aspects of the same individual.
The middle inflectional reflexives, on the other hand, depict a situation in
which the emotional aspects of the individual’s character exert a strong
influence over her ability to act decisively.

6.2.2 Verbal prefix reflexives

I have just considered two commonplace reflexive constructions in Modern

Greek, the noun phrase and the middle inflectional, where the former as
compared to the latter occupies a higher position on each of the two notional
scales representing degree of agency and degree of clarity and/or individua-
tion of the affected entity’s self, respectively. As was observed above, these
reflexive constructions represent two morphosyntactically distinct reflexive
strategies operative in Modern Greek, the lexical and the inflectional.
The reflexive construction to be treated in this section is the verbal prefix
reflexive, in which the grammatical form that encodes the notion of self
designates an agent, and the reflexive situation depicted is often (but not
always) understood as “emphatic,” in ways to be specified below. I argue that
224 Chapter 6

the perception of emphasis by native speakers is motivated by the gradient

notion of prominence, which, in the present research, is defined primarily
according to the topicality factors of agency and subjecthood. The most
emphatic reflexive construction is one in which the form for self is both an
agent and a subject; the second most emphatic reflexive is one in which the
form for self is an agent but not a subject, i.e., the verbal prefix reflexive. I also
show that the emphatic sense of the verbal prefix reflexive can function
pragmatically to convey irony and / or sarcasm. The view of irony adopted
here is based on Muecke (1982), who argues that irony is not simply saying
one thing and meaning the opposite, but rather involves saying something in
such a way that the text allows for not one but a series of subversive interpre-
tations (1982: 31). Muecke claims that an ironic text is successful to the extent
to which it reflects one or more of a small set of aesthetic principles, two of
which are relevant to the present discussion. According to the first of these, the
principle of economy, the most successful ironic text is that one which uses the
least extravagant devices, literary or linguistic, to achieve the most startling or
pronounced effect. The principle of high contrast, on the other hand, has to do
with the mismatch between the reader’s / hearer’ s expectations, on the one
hand, and what is actually depicted in the text, on the other hand. More
specifically, it is claimed that the greater the disparity between expectation
and actuality, the more successful the irony will be. Sarcasm is claimed to
differ from irony in that the former is clearly aggressive and intentional,
whereas the latter is more subtle and could also be inadvertent (Muecke 1982;
Haiman 1990). In the present study, however, I view sarcasm as a special case
of irony, since texts which are clearly aggressive, as well as those which are
more subtle and ambiguous, both reflect the principles of economy and high
contrast which are used to evaluate the success of an ironic text.
I now turn to a discussion of the verbal prefix reflexive, which, as
compared to both the noun phrase and the middle inflectional, is highly
emphatic, and can also construe an image of the various aspects of an affected
individual as integrated and holistic. As noted above, the emphatic reading of
the verbal prefix reflexive is motivated in large part by the semantic role of
agent which the prefix afto- instantiates in this particular construction. The
reading of a unified and holistic individual, on the other hand, is closely
related to the lexical attenuation exhibited by the reflexive prefix afto- which
attaches to a middle inflected verb. This type of reflexive construction is
contrasted with both (i) the noun phrase reflexive, where the reflexive element
Reflexive Structures 225

occurs as an autonomous noun phrase and where the individual and the self
are conceived of as two separate entities, and (ii) the middle inflectional,
where the self is not explicitly encoded and is therefore not highly individu-
ated semantically, and where the notion of reduced or diffuse agency is
inherent to the meaning of middle inflection per se.
Consider sentence pair (12)a - (12)b below, which illustrates a typical
contrast between the afto- verbal prefix and the noun phrase reflexive.
(12) a. afto-apokalíte vasilévs
self- call:3SG:MID/A king:NOM
“He calls himself a king.”
(Greek subtitles from the TV version of Jesus of Nazareth, by
Franco Zeffirelli)
(highly emphatic; strongly negative toward the subject)
b. apokalí ton eaftó tu vasiléa
call:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN king:ACC
‘He calls himself a king.’
(not emphatic; no negative connotations)
Sentence (12)a was drawn from the Greek subtitles of the TV version of Jesus
of Nazareth, which deals with the crucifixion of Christ. According to all native
speakers queried, the differences in meaning between these two reflexive
constructions are subtle but clear. Sentence (12)a but not (12)b is highly
emphatic and extremely sarcastic toward the subject. More specifically, in
sentence (12)a as opposed to sentence (12)b, the subject is depicted as an
extremely forceful individual who may also exercise a great deal of control.
Some speakers also report that in (12)a, the subject is depicted as a unique
agent; for these speakers, this reading can imply either (i) the subject is the
only person who calls himself a king, i.e., he is a braggart, or (ii) he needs no
one else’s authority to call himself king, i.e, he is all-powerful. Sentence
(12)b, on the other hand, is neutral with respect to emphasis, and also allows
for the possibility that others may call him king. In terms of the topicality
factors which comprise the notion of prominence, the verbal prefix reflexive
in sentence (12)a clearly serves to emphasize the agency of the subject. In the
larger discourse context from which sentence (12)a was drawn, the emphasis
on the agency of the subject functions pragmatically to convey irony: the
statement in (12)a was made in the movie by the character of Pontius Pilate,
who most likely did not view Jesus as an all-powerful king. The middle
226 Chapter 6

inflectional counterpart, illustrated in (12)c, does not have a reflexive mean-

ing; it simply depicts a situation in which the notion of agency is irrelevant or
unimportant.
(12) c. apokalíte vasilévs
call:3SG:MID/A king:NOM
‘He is called a king.’
(i.e. others call him a king)
The verbal prefix reflexive which appears in Text 5 below is analogous to that
shown in sentence (12)a above; in both cases, the verbal prefix as opposed to
the noun phrase reflexive emphasizes the agency of the entity encoded as
subject, and the semantic level meaning of increased agency has the ironic
effect of belittling the subject.
Text 5
(a) o stéfanos afto- δiorístike fílakas
the-Stefanos:NOM self- appoint:3SG:MID/A caretaker:NOM
(b) ikonómise éna stróma ke mya lába pretreléu
get hold of:3SG:ACT/M a-mattress:ACC and a-lamp:ACC petroleum:GEN
(c) krémase s éna karfí to padalóni tu ki
hang:3SG:ACT/M on a-nail:ACC the-trousers:ACC 3SG:GEN and
(d) engatastáθike
settle:3SG:MID/A
“Stephanos appointed himself caretaker, got hold of a mattress and a petroleum lamp,
hung his pants up on a nail and got settled in.”
(Highly emphatic, and to some, highly sarcastic)
(Tsírkas, Stratís. 1977: 34)

According to most speakers queried, the noun phrase reflexive, illustrated in

sentence (13) below, would also be acceptable in the same context, although it
would clearly differ in meaning from the reflexive construction which ap-
peared in the text.
(13) o stéfanos δiórise ton eaftó
the-stefanos:NOM appoint:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC
tu fílaka
3SG:GEN caretaker:ACC
‘Stephanos appointed himself caretaker.’
Reflexive Structures 227

The differences in meaning are motivated by differences in degree of self

prominence conveyed by each construction. The verbal prefix reflexive in
Text 5, which encodes the notion of self as an agent, conveys great emphasis
to all speakers consulted. More specifically, it stresses the authority and
assertiveness of the entity designated as subject. To some speakers, the verbal
prefix, unlike the noun phrase reflexive, also implies that the subject is a
unique agent. In the context of Text 5 this suggests that the subject is all-
powerful and doesn’t need any one else’s endorsement; he simply names
himself caretaker. The noun phrase reflexive illustrated in example (13), on
the other hand, is neither emphatic, nor does it depict the subject as a unique
agent.
As was the case in example (12)a above, the verbal prefix reflexive as it is
used in Text 5 conveys the narrator’s ironic stance toward the subject, since
the subject is clearly not powerful, even though he may feel that he is, nor is
his position as caretaker viewed as a serious responsibility. The irony implicit
in Text 5 is unmistakable when the passage is viewed in its larger discourse
context. This context, which focuses on Stefanos’s low socio-economic status
as an artist, is illustrated in part by Text 6 below, a short passage which
immediately precedes Text 5.
Text 6
(a) o stéfanos ítan pámftoxos ma íxe
the-Stefanos:NOM be:3SG:MID/0 all- poor but have:3SG:ACT/0
(b) páθos me tin mnimiakí zoγrafikí íxe
passion with the-monumental painting:ACC have:3SG:ACT/0
(c) anakalípsi ena eripoméno monórofo . . . .
discover:PART:ACT/M a-dilapidated one-storey building:ACC . . .
(d) δíxos tzámya míte neró ke fós
without window panes not even water and electricity
(e) o stéfanos afto- δiorístike fílakas . . . .
the-stefanos:NOM self- appoint:3SG:MID/A caretaker:NOM
“Stefanos was dirt poor but he had a passion for large scale painting. He had
discovered a crumbling one-storey building . . .without window panes and even
without water and electricity. Stefanos appointed himself caretaker. . .”
(Tsírkas, Stratís: 1977, 33-34)

Thus, the verbal prefix reflexive shown in Text 5 above, while encoding the
semantic level meaning of increased agency, functions pragmatically to con-
228 Chapter 6

vey irony and humor by intentionally overstating the subject’s authority.

While the verbal prefix reflexive in Text 7 below does not function to
mock the subject, it, too, is understood as highly emphatic, especially as
compared to the noun phrase reflexive counterpart, illustrated in sentence
(14).
Text 7
(a) éyire monomiás ki ékleye mes s tis
bend down:3SG:ACT/0 suddenly and cry:3SG:ACT/M in in-the:ACC
(b) palámes tis píγa kondá tis me to eléfθero
palms:ACC 3SG:GEN go:1SG:ACT/0 near 3SG:GEN with the-free:ACC
(c) xéri tis xaíδepsa ta malyá síkose apótoma
hand:ACC GEN caress:1SG:ACT/0 the-hair:ACC raise:3SG:ACT/M suddenly
(d) to kefáli apó ta meγála matotsínora kremótan staγónes
the-head:ACC from the-long eyelashes:ACC hang:3PL:MID/A teardrops:NOM
(e) me kítakse loksá dropyasméni
1SG:ACC look:3SG:ACT/M sideways shame:PART:MID/A
(f) tis kséfiye káti san kaŋxasmós
3SG:GEN escape:3SG:ACT/0 something like guffaw:NOM
(g) éna vraxnó yélyo les ki afto- koroiδevótan
a-hoarse laugh:ACC say:2SG:ACT/M and self- mock:3SG:MID/A
‘She bent down suddenly and was sobbing in the palms of her hands. I went close to
her . . . I caressed her hair with my free hand . . . Abruptly she raised her head:
teardrops were hanging from her long eyelashes . . . Ashamed, she looked at me out of
the side of her eye, she made a sound something like a guffaw or a hoarse laugh, like
she was mocking herself.’
(Tsírkas, Stratís. 1977: 182)

(14) les ke koróiδeve ton eaftó

say:2SG:ACT/M and fool:3SG:ACT/M the self:ACC
tis
3SG: GEN
‘. . . like she was deceiving herself/ she was mocking herself.’
Unlike the first two verbal prefix reflexives discussed in this section, that
which appears in Text 7 is a fairly uncommon form. That is to say, in most
contexts the noun phrase reflexive illustrated in sentence (14) would be
preferred; in this particular context, however, speakers agree that the verbal
prefix reflexive is natural and appropriate and that it conveys great emphasis,
Reflexive Structures 229

especially as compared to the noun phrase reflexive in Sentence (14). Speak-

ers differ, however, in their characterizations of exactly how the reflexive
construction in Text 7 is emphatic. The most common explanation offered is
that the subject of the verbal prefix reflexive clearly acts intentionally,
whereas with the noun phrase reflexive, the subject may not be acting inten-
tionally. One other person said that the verbal prefix as compared to the noun
phrase reflexive emphasizes that the subject is the only one who is mocking
herself, i.e., she is a unique agent. Still another speaker said that the verbal
prefix as opposed to the noun phrase reflexive presents the subject in a
positive light: it suggests that she has great strength of character, and that
despite her sadness and despondency, she can still find the moral strength to
make fun of herself. To this speaker, the noun phrase reflexive conveys a less
positive impression of the subject, depicting her more as a victim of her
emotions. The semantic factor common to all these individual characteriza-
tions of the verbal reflexive, however, is that of increased agency. Once again
it is shown that the notion of self as depicted in the verbal reflexive is more
clearly agentive and thus more highly topical than the self as represented in the
noun phrase or the middle inflectional reflexive.
So far I have maintained that the three most common reflexive construc-
tions in Modern Greek, the noun phrase, the middle inflectional, and the
verbal prefix, are understood differently because of different semantic values
and functional purposes associated with their respective morphosyntactic
forms. The noun phrase reflexive most typically depicts an interaction be-
tween two separately encoded components of a single individual, an agentive
subject and a patient self. The middle inflectional reflexive depicts an interac-
tion in which the agent of or impetus for the interaction is typically undefined,
and where a single lexically specified participant is understood to comprise a
complex of components, including the acted upon self, the volitional aspect of
one’s being, etc. The verbal reflexive depicts an interaction between two
participants, an agentive self and a patient subject, where the two aspects of a
single individual are construed as nondistinct and overlapping, and where the
interaction is often understood as more forceful or more strongly volitional
than that encoded by the other types of reflexives treated thus far.
Assuming that these schematic representations aptly depict the semantic
nuance associated with each type of reflexive construction, it is clear why the
afto- prefix combines primarily with middle inflected verbs that depict dimin-
ished agency. The afto- prefix, by lexically foregrounding the notion of self,
230 Chapter 6

essentially adds another participant to whatever event is designated by a verb,

but because the afto- element is bound to the verb rather than free-standing,
the resulting construction has the effect of construing the event as one with
two overlapping participants, rather than two separate participants. As argued
by a number of cognitive/functional scholars, the typical active event type
involves two separate and distinct participants (cf. Lakoff 1977; Hopper and
Thompson 1980; Givón 1984; Croft 1991; Langacker 1991a). According to
the present analysis, afto- prefixation does not productively occur with active
inflected verbs to form a reflexive construction, since the active event type in
general construes a two-participant event with two separate participants, as
opposed to the afto- reflexive construction which depicts an event with two
totally overlapping participants.9 The afto- reflexive is more likely to occur
with a middle inflected verb since the typical middle event type in Modern
Greek designates an event with one participant, a patient-like entity, where an
agent-like entity remains unspecified (cf. Manney 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995). In
the case of the verbal prefix reflexive, the prefix afto- fills in the role of the
second unspecified participant. Since the agentless middle construction de-
picts a one-participant event with an affected patient-like entity as subject, the
combination of the afto- prefix with an agentless middle construction invokes
a coherent reflexive scene in which the agent and the patient are construed as
totally overlapping.
Another type of evidence in favor of the schematic representations pro-
posed here is the tendency for particular reflexive construction types to
correlate with particular semantic classes. For example, the verbs illustrated in
sentences (15) - (17) below all depict high affect action directed against one’s
self, and in all neutral contexts checked, the noun phrase reflexive is reported
to be strange or unacceptable, whereas the middle inflectional and the verbal
prefix reflexives are judged to be more felicitous.
(15) a. travmatístike
injure:3SG:MID/A
‘He injured himself / was injured.’
b. afto-travmatístike
self- injure:3SG:MID/A
‘He injured himself (intentionally).’
Reflexive Structures 231

c. ? travmátise ton eaftó tu

injure:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC GEN:3SG
‘He injured himself.’
(strange or unacceptable)
(16) a. kremástike
hang:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he hung herself / She was hanged’
b. afto-kremástike
self- hang:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he hung herself (intentionally)’
c. ? krémase ton eaftó tis
hang:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC GEN:3SG
‘She hung herself.’
(strange or unacceptable)
(17) a. pirovolíθike
shoot:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he shot herself / S/he was shot.’
b. afto-pirovolíθike
self- shoot:3SG:MID/A
‘S/he shot herself (intentionally).’
c. ? pirovólise ton eaftó tis
shoot:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC GEN:3SG
‘She shot herself.’
(strange or unacceptable)
I suggest that the noun phrase reflexive, which construes the agentive subject
and the acted upon self as two separate entities, is semantically strained with
verbs that depict intentionally killing or injuring oneself, since it implies the
unlikely situation in which the agentive being and the affected self are two
different entities, or where the agent acts on itself at a distance. The middle
inflectional and the verbal prefix reflexives, in depicting the agent participant
either as unspecified or as nondistinct from the affected entity, respectively,
are more compatible with the lexical semantics of this verb class and therefore
yield more acceptable reflexive constructions.
232 Chapter 6

The only contexts in which the noun phrase reflexive was accepted with
the verbs illustrated in sentences (15) - (17) are those which involve a contrast;
one such contrastive construction is illustrated in (18)a - (18)b below.
(18) andí na pirovolísi aftón
instead SUBJ shoot:3SG:ACT/M 3SG:ACC
pu tin apátise i maría
REL 3SG:ACC deceive:3SG:ACT/M the-María:NOM
(a) pirovólise ton eaftó tis
shoot:3SG:ACT/M the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
(b) afto-pirovolíθike
self- shoot:3SG:MID/A
‘Instead of shooting the man who cheated on her, María shot
herself.’
While most of the same speakers queried on sentences (15)a - (17)c above
reported that sentence (18)a is acceptable, half found it slightly strange and
preferred sentence (18)b instead. They added that the verbal prefix reflexive,
which focuses on the subject as agent, is more appropriate in sentence (18),
since the contrastive context calls for an emphatic construction. Except for
one person, everyone else consulted on examples (18)a - (18)b reported that
sentence (18)b was both grammatically correct and pragmatically natural.
With respect to the present analysis, the most important point to be made is
that most speakers reject the noun phrase reflexive with verbs in this semantic
class except in those cases which involve a contrastive environment, such as
that illustrated in sentences (18)a - (18)b, and that even then, many speakers
prefer the verbal prefix reflexive.

6.3 Conclusion

In the preceding discussion, I have drawn on Faltz’s (1985) typological study

of reflexive constructions in order to characterize descriptively two distinct
reflexive strategies in Modern Greek, and I have also proposed a cognitive /
functional rationale for the meaning and distribution of these strategies in
terms of the scalar notions of prominence and separation, both of which are
subsumed by the discourse-pragmatic principle of topicality. Prominence is
defined primarily according to the semantics of agency and subjecthood,
Reflexive Structures 233

whereas separation is defined according to the degree to which the notion of

self is individuated, iconically represented by degree of lexical autonomy of
the encoding form. While the same objectively viewed self-contained event
can often be encoded by either of the two strategies, it has been shown that the
lexical strategy is typically more strongly agent-oriented whereas the inflec-
tional strategy is clearly more patient-oriented. Thus, the analysis presented
here clarifies the motivating relationship between the reflexive archetype,
specified in Faltz’s (1985) crosslinguistic study as a means to encode corefer-
ence between an agent-like and a patient-like nominal, and each of two
morphosyntactically unrelated devices, one lexical and agent-oriented, the
other inflectional and patient-oriented, which serve to encode reflexive rela-
tionships in Modern Greek.

Notes

1. See Joseph and Philippáki-Warburton’s (1987) comprehensive descriptive grammar for a

detailed survey of the various reflexive construction types in Modern Greek; see Manney
(1998) for more discussion of the inflectional and lexical reflexive strategies in Modern
Greek.
2. The semantic characterization of the verbal prefix afto- ‘self’ presented here is based on
a close observation of numerous prefix reflexive constructions as they occur in particular
discourse contexts, and concurs with the statement made by Joseph and Philippáki-
Warburton (1987) that “the addition of the prefix afto- . . . indicates not where the action
ends (as is the case, for example, with the English reflexive pronouns) but rather where
the action begins, i.e., afto- marks the agent as being identical with the recipient (patient),
the latter being expressed through the personal ending of the mediopassive verb (1987:
77).”
3. A number of cognitive theorists have argued that linguistic meaning is partly determined
according to speaker perspective. While it is often the case that several alternative
linguistic means are available for encoding a given notion or situation, the speaker
chooses one over another according to the view she wishes to impose on an objectively
viewed scene. See Fillmore (1977a), Talmy (1985a) and Langacker (1987a) for more
discussion of this point.
4. Having examined a number of languages, including both topic marking languages of the
Phillipines and ergative-absolutive languages, Givón suggests that the notion of topical-
ity is most clearly relevant in nominative-accusative languages.
5. Givón specifically argues that grammatical relations such as subject and direct object are
separate from semantic case roles such as agent and patient, and that grammatical
relations clearly have semantic / conceptual meaning. Langacker (1991a) presents a
number of arguments in support of this same claim.
234 Chapter 6

6. In Modern Greek, the nominative noun phrase reflexive is the most strongly emphatic of
the attested reflexive constructions, and functions pragmatically to convey great irony or
sarcasm toward the self-affecting subject. Such a reflexive construction is illustrated in
sentence (A1) below.
(A1) o eaftós tu ton ponái
the-self:NOM 3SG:GEN 3SG:ACC hurt:3SG:ACT/0
“His self hurts him.”
tu léi pós éxis katandísi
3SG:GEN say:3SG:ACT/M how have:2SG:ACT/0 fall low:PART:ACT/0
étsi δen to andéxi aftó to práγma
thus NEG 3SG:ACC endure:3SG:ACT/M that-the-thing:ACC
“It says to him, ‘How is it that you have sunk so low?’
It (i.e., the self) can’t stand such a thing.”
- Inner self is understood as dynamic in nature;
- Statement is highly ironic.
(Interview with Dionísios Savvópoulos, Eleftherotypía, 7 August 1995)
The accusative noun phrase reflexive, illustrated in sentence (A2) below, is less emphatic
by comparison, and clearly does not function pragmatically to convey sarcasm or irony.
(A2) ponái ton eaftó tu
hurt:3SG:ACT/0 the-self:ACC 3SG:GEN
‘He hurts himself.’
For a more detailed description of the nominative noun phrase reflexive as illustrated in
(A1) above, see Joseph and Philippáki-Warburton’s (1987) descriptive grammar of
Modern Greek; for a generative syntactic treatment of the nominative noun phrase
reflexive, see Efthymíou (1986) and Philippáki-Warburton (1987); for a cognitive /
functional rationale of the semantics and pragmatics of the nominative noun phrase
reflexive in Modern Greek, see Manney (1998).
7. The following notational devices are used in the schematic templates of reflexive
constructions: the symbol + indicates a word boundary, the symbol - depicts a boundary
between an isolatable morpheme and the root to which it is attached, and the symbol :
depicts a nonisolatable morpheme.
8. In Manney (1993), agency and prominence are related to the extent that agents, by virtue
of being human, dynamic and mobile prototypically, are more easily distinguished within
their settings than are nonagents.
9. There are some instances in which the prefix afto- is attached to both active and middle
inflected verbs such that the resulting constructions do not have a reflexive meaning, but
rather represent extended or conventionalized senses of the lexical reflexive form. For
example, neither of the afto- prefixed members of the pairs below have a reflexive
meaning.
(A3a) afto- sxeδiázo
self- sketch:1SG:ACT/M
‘I improvise’
Reflexive Structures 235

(A3b) sxeδiázo
sketch:1SG:ACT/M
‘I draw, I design’
(A4a) afto- sigendrónome
self- gather:1SG:MID/A
‘I concentrate very intensely, I meditate’
(A4b) sigendrónome
gather:1SG:MID/A
‘I concentrate, I pay attention’
There is, however, at least one instance of a reflexive construction formed with the afto-
prefix that is inflected for active voice, as illustrated in (A5) below.
(A5) afto- ktonó
self- kill:1SG:ACT/0
‘I commit suicide’
Unlike verbal reflexives treated in the present study, however, the reflexive construction
in (A5) above is not derived from a free standing verb; that is to say, the form -ktonó,
while closely related to the Ancient Greek verb kteíno (to kill), is not attested in Modern
Greek. In fact, I know of no construction in Modern Greek which attaches the prefix afto-
to a free standing active inflected verb and which designates an archetypically reflexive
situation of the type Individual I acts on Individual I.
Appendix A

94 Middle Verbs: Psycho-Emotive Response

Semantic subclasses of emotional response middle verbs

1. to be jolted / startled / surprised / upset

(15 verbs)

aŋxónome to be upset
aŋxóno to upset someone else

trelénome to become crazy; to become distraught; to become wild

with joy
treléno to cause someone to become distraught

ekplísome to be surprised
ekplíso to startle or surprise someone else

zematízome to get an emotional or psychological shock

zematízo to scald something; to be very hot in temperature

siŋklonízome to be very deeply disturbed or upset

siŋklonízo to disturb or upset someone else very deeply

klonízome to be shaken or upset; to falter or vacillate

klonízo to shake or upset someone

tarázome to be shaken; to be disturbed

tarázo to shake or disturb someone/something

sindarázome to be shaken or disturbed

sindarázo to shake or trouble someone else

trandázome to be jolted or shaken

trandázo to jolt or shake someone else
238 Appendix A

paraksenévome to be very surprised; to seem strange

paraksenévo to become very eccentric

anastatónome to be disconcerted
anastatóno to disconcert someone else

tinázome to be shaken up or upset; to jump up (physically)

tinázo to physically shake

sinofriónome to be very upset

siŋxízome to be upset, bewildered

siŋxízo to upset or bewilder someone

fortízome to get very tense

fortízo to cause someone to get very tense; to recharge batteries

2. to be furious / angry / annoyed

(9 verbs)

kufénome to get very angry

kuféno to deafen someone

oryízome to be angry
oryízo to make someone else angry

tsatízome to get annoyed

tsatízo to annoy someone

ménome to be in a rage

arpázome to become irritated with someone; to physically grab

(apo / me + ACC)
arpázo to physically grab

pareksiγúme to be annoyed with someone

pareksiγó to misunderstand someone

xolónome to get angry

(me + ACC)
xolóno to make someone else angry

furkízome to be furious
furkízo to infuriate someone else

oríome to be really furious and screaming

94 Middle Verbs 239

3. to be oblivious / to lose reason / to be lost in thought

(8 verbs)

paraloyízome to lose all reason; to lose all one’s senses

(apó + ACC)

apoksexnyéme to become oblivious; to get lost in thought

zalízome to become overwhelmed and dizzy

zalízo to make someone feel overwhelmed and dizzy

apoprosanatolízome to lose one’s bearings; to become disoriented

apoprosanatolízo to disorient someone

aferúme to have one’s thoughts elsewhere

aferó to subtract something; to remove something

ksexnyéme to get lost in one’s thoughts

ksexnáo to forget

viθízome to be lost in thought

viθízo to dive into something

lismonyéme to be lost in one’s thoughts; to be forgotten

lismonó to forget something

4. to feel encouraged / inspired

(6 verbs)

enθarínome to be encouraged
enθaríno to encourage someone else

empsixónome to be cheered up; to be encouraged

empsixóno to cheer up someone else; to encourage someone

eksipsónome to be spiritually elevated

eksipsóno to elevate someone else spiritually

ebnéome to be inspired
ebnéo to inspire someone else

oθúme to be morally influenced

oθó to push, urge, shove someone else
240 Appendix A

ormóme to be motivated
ormó to rush or storm (as in the military)

5. to be depressed / discouraged
(5 verbs)

apoγoitévome to be disappointed
apoγoitévo to disappoint someone else

apoθarínome to be discouraged
apoθaríno to discourage someone else

kataθlívome to feel depressed

kataθlívo to cause someone to feel depressed

apelpízome to lose hope, to be despairing

apelpízo to deprive someone else of hope

marénome to wilt; to feel depressed

maréno to cause something to wilt
(active form is highly infrequent)

6. to be scared
(5 verbs)

fováme to be scared

tromokratyéme to get really scared

tromokrató to cause people to get really scared

ptoúme to get scared

ptoó to frighten someone

panikoválome to be seized with panic

panikoválo to cause someone to go into a panic

aγriévome to become frightened by an undetermined cause

aγriévo to scare someone; to make someone angry; to become angry
94 Middle Verbs 241

7. to be impressed by / engrossed by / interested in

(4 verbs)

endiposiázome to be impressed
endiposiázo to impress someone

enδiaférome to be interested in something

(ya + ACC)
enδiaféro to cause someone to be interested in something

δiakatéxome to be obsessed
(apo + ACC)
δiakatéxo to possess something
(active form highly infrequent)

prosilónome to be engrossed in something

(se + ACC)
prosilóno to focus something on something else
(mental/psychological sense is predominant)

8. to be happy / in good spirits

(4 verbs)

efxaristyéme to be happy, delighted

(pu / apo + ACC)
efxaristó to thank someone

xérome to be happy; also used as a greeting -

‘I’m happy to have met you.’
xéro used as a greeting - ‘I’m happy to meet you.’

meraklónome to become merry

meraklóno to become merry

enθusiázome to be enthusiastic
enθusiázo to cause someone to be enthusiastic

9. to be worried / concerned
(4 verbs)

skotízome to be worried
skotízo to worry someone
242 Appendix A

stenaxoryéme to be worried
(me / apo + ACC)
stenaxoró to worry someone, to cause someone to worry

niázome to be concerned about something

niázo to be a cause for someone’s concern

θorivúme to be worried or alarmed

θorivó to make a noise; to worry someone

10. to be ashamed / humiliated / offended

(4 verbs)

drépome to be ashamed

ekseftelízome to be humiliated
ekseftelízo to humiliate someone

θíγome to be offended; to be jeopardized

θíγo to offend someone

esxínome to feel shame

11. to experience hardship

(4 verbs)

taleporúme to suffer hardships

taleporó to cause someone else to suffer hardships

travyéme to have difficulties with

travó to pull or drag X

δiskolévome to have / experience hardships

δiskolévo to make difficulties for someone else

peδévome to experience difficulties with something

peδévo to cause someone to experience difficulties

12. to feel suspicious

(4 verbs)

ipopsiázome to become suspicious of something

(ya + ACC)
94 Middle Verbs 243

ipoptévome to feel suspicious about something

(ACC)

osfrénome to suspect
(ACC)

psilyázome to be suspicious of
psilyázo to make someone suspicious

13. to be deeply moved emotionally

(4 verbs)

δonúme to shake or vibrate; to be emotionally moved

δonó to shake or vibrate something

siginúme to be emotionally moved

(apó / me + ACC)
siginó to move someone else emotionally

eksáptome to get aroused, stirred up

eksápto to arouse, stir up someone

paθiázome to be overexcited; to have a passion for

(me + ACC)

14. to despise / to feel disgust

(3 verbs)

sixénome to loathe something; to feel disgusted

apexθánome to despise

ekseyírome to feel disgusted; to rise up in rebellion

(se + ACC)
ekseyíro to incite someone; to rouse someone to action

15. to feel pity / sorrow / sympathy

(3 verbs)

lipáme to feel sorry; to feel regret

splaxnízome to feel pity for someone

( + ACC)
244 Appendix A

simerízome to feel sympathetic toward

16. to feel relief

(3 verbs)

anakufízome to feel relieved or alleviated

anakufízo to relieve someone else

pariγoryéme to feel consoled; to feel comforted

pariγoró to comfort or console someone else

ektonónome to be relieved of pent up frustrations

ektonóno to relieve someone or something

17. to be tempted
(2 verbs)

parasírome to get swept away; to be tempted

parasíro to sweep away by force; to tempt

planévome to be seduced by someone

planévo to seduce someone

18. to feel pleasure

(2 verbs)

iδonízome to take pleasure in (has sexual connotations)

iδonízo to excite (has sexual connotations)

aréskome to like; to take pleasure in

(se + ACC)
aréso to cause someone to like; to give pleasure

19. to fall in love

(1 verb)

erotévome to fall in love

94 Middle Verbs 245

20. to be bored
(1 verb)

varyéme to be bored; to be exasperated

21. others
(3 verbs)

oxirónome to respond defensively

(apo + ACC)
oxiróno to fortify X

mungénome to fall silent; to be flabbergasted

(apo + ACC)

θimáme to remember
Appendix B

146 Middle Verbs: Spontaneous Change /

Change of State / State

A. Middle-active pairs (111 verbs)

1. Middle Verb - spontaneous change / change of state

Active Verb - agent invoked change
(45 verbs)

soryázome to fall in a heap

soryázo to pile up something

siriknónome to shrink, to be diminished, to dwindle in size

siriknóno to diminish something

miónome to decrease
mióno to decrease something

elatónome to decrease
elatóno to decrease something

afksánome to increase
afksáno to increase something

gremízome to fall down, to collapse

gremízo to tear something down

paramorfónome to become disfigured

paramorfóno to distort or disfigure something

veltiónome to improve, to get better

veltióno to improve something

iγrénome to get wet

iγréno to get something wet
248 Appendix B

eksatmízome to evaporate
eksatmízo to cause something to evaporate

kserénome to dry out, to wither

kseréno to cause something to dry out

δiakóptome to be discontinued, to be broken off

δiakópto to discontinue or break off something

zesténome to be / to become warm

zesténo to warm up something

prízome to swell up
prízo to cause someone to feel exasperated

lerónome to become dirty

leróno to get something dirty

kalíptome to be / become covered up

kalípto to cover up something

sindrívome to get smashed to bits

sindrívo to smash something to bits

katastréfome to be / become destroyed

katastréfo to destroy something

metaválome to become altered; to get changed into something else

metaválo to alter something; to turn an entity into something else

metasximatízome to be transformed
metasximatízo to transform something

termatízome to come to an end

termatízo to bring something to an end

sinexízome to continue, to remain in progress

sinexízo to continue something

fanerónome to show up
faneróno to reveal something

emfanízome to appear, to make an appearance

emfanízo to develop film, to make something appear
146 Middle Verbs 249

paremválome to intervene
paremválo to insert or interpose something

afanízome to disappear
afanízo to make something disappear

δiaδíδome to be circulated; to be disseminated

δiaδíδo to circulate something; to disseminate something

δiaskorpízome to get completely scattered

δiaskorpízo to completely scatter something

skorpízome to get scattered

skorpízo to scatter something

δialíome to dissolve; to fall apart

δialío to dismantle something; to disperse something

amvlínome to be / become dull

amvlíno to make something dull; to take the sharpness away
from something

prosyiónome to land; to come down to earth

prosyióno to land something; to bring something down to earth

anáγome to go higher; to advance

anáγo to take something to a higher degree

eksandlúme to be / to get used up

eksandló to use up or exhaust something or someone

afomiónome to become assimilated

afomióno to cause someone or something to become assimilated

andistréfome to reverse; to be reversed

andistréfo to reverse something; to turn something back

anaδíxnome to gain a reputation; to be / become distinguished

anaδíxno to make something known; to elect or appoint someone

δiorízome to be / to get appointed to work

δiorízo to appoint someone to work

aksiónome to manage; to succeed in

aksióno to demand
250 Appendix B

pníγome to drown
pníγo to drown someone

yenyéme to be born
yenó to give birth to someone

blékome to get involved in a mess

bléko to confuse one entity with something else;
to get someone involved in something

simfiliónome to become reconciled with one other

simfilióno to reconcile two people

eksondónome to get killed

eksondóno to kill someone

enerγúme to have a bowel movement

enerγó to act volitionally

2. Middle Verb - passive / stative

Active Verb - agent invoked change
(19 verbs)

apomonónome to be isolated; to be shut off

apomonóno to seclude or isolate something or someone

δiamorfónome to become something else

δiamorfóno to shape something

ipovaθmízome to be downgraded
ipovaθmízo to downgrade something

katarγúme to be abolished
katarγó to abolish something

δiapsévδome to be proven false; to turn out to be false

δiapsévδo to prove something to be false

paramerízome to be moved out of the way

paramerízo to set something aside

elefθerónome to be liberated; to be rid of something; to give birth

elefθeróno to free someone or something
146 Middle Verbs 251

sónome to be / become used up

sóno to use up something

mateónome to be cancelled
mateóno to cancel something

andamívome to be rewarded
andamívo to reward someone

anaŋélome to be announced
anaŋélo to announce something

anakirísome to be named; to be declared

anakiríso to name or declare something or someone

proyimnázome to be tutored
proyimnázo to tutor someone

apilúme to be threatened
apiló to threaten someone

ektelúme to be executed or completed

ekteló to execute or complete something

prooθúme to be promoted
prooθó to propel something forward; to promote someone or
something

andikrúome to be refuted
andikrúo to refute something

δiasxízome to be crossed
δiasxízo to cross something

perikiklónome to be surrounded
perikiklóno to surround something

3. Middle Verb - state

Active Verb - agentive / causative
(36 verbs)

xronoloγúme to be dated from (a certain epoch or era)

xonoloγó to date something; to determine the date of something
252 Appendix B

sinδiázome for two things to go together well; for two things to

harmonize
sinδiázo to put two things together; to combine two things

paráγome to be derived from; to originate from

paráγo to produce something; to generate something

apoδíxnome to turn out to be the case

apoδíxno to prove something to be true

δiakivévome to be at risk; to be at stake

δiakivévo to risk something

(ep)ektínome to extend
(ep)ektíno to extend something

δiasózome to survive
δiasózo to salvage something; to save or protect something

δiatirúme to stay intact; to remain constant; to take good care of

δiatiró to keep, maintain, or preserve something

δiastavrónome to cross or intersect with

δiastavróno to cross reference something

apikonízome to be represented or depicted

apikonízo to represent or depict something

nosilévome to be under medical treatment

nosilévo to nurse or take care of someone

apokaθístame to be reestablished
apokaθistó to reestablish something

enerγopyúme to be activated
enerγopyó to activate something; to call someone into action

δialefkénome to be elucidated; to be solved

δialefkéno to elucidate something

peristréfome to turn; to revolve

peristréfo to turn or spin something

kóvome to be cut off or discontinued

kóvo to cut something
146 Middle Verbs 253

stirízome to be based on or to depend on something or someone

stirízo to support something or someone

vrískome to be located
vrísko to find something

apoklínome to be removed; to not be possible

apoklíno to remove something

andimetopízome to be confronted with

andimetopízo to confront something or someone

xínome to be spilled
xíno to spill something

δierúme to be divided
δieró to divide something

enónome to be united
enóno to unite something or someone

δiaspázome to be broken (in a scientific sense)

δiaspázo to break something (in a scientific sense)

eksartúme to be dependent on something

eksartó to cause something to be dependent on something else

skízome to be torn
skízo to tear something

prostíθeme to be added
prosθéto to add something

θanatónome to be executed; to suffer death

θanatóno to put someone to death

sterúme to be lacking; to lack something

steró to deprive someone of something

vyázome to be in a hurry
vyázo to rush someone; to rape someone

apasxolúme to be occupied; to be employed

apasxoló to occupy something; to employ someone or something
254 Appendix B

apalásome to be freed or relieved of something or someone

apaláso to exempt someone; to free or relieve someone or
something

apozimyúme to be compensated for damages incurred

apozimyóno to compensate someone for damages

apoδíδome to be attributed to someone

apoδíδo to attribute something to someone; to interpret something

taftízome to be the same as something else

taftízo to make a mental comparison between two things

epikendrónome to be focused / concentrated

epikendróno to focus on something

4. Middle Verb - spontaneous change / stative; all are intransitive

Active Verb - spontaneous change / stative; most are transitive
(11 verbs)

perilamvánome to be included
perilamváno to include something

periválome to be surrounded
periválo to surround something or someone

sinístame to consist of something

sinistó to comprise something

sigrotúme to be formed; to be established

sigrotó to form something

apotelúme to consist of something

apoteló to comprise something

ofílome to be due to something

ofílo to owe something to another entity

δiatíθeme to be available; to be inclined to do something

δiaθéto to have something at one’s disposal

arkúme to be enough
arkí to find something sufficient
146 Middle Verbs 255

rimázome to be / become totally destroyed (psychological sense is

stronger)
rimázo to be / become totally destroyed (physical sense is stronger)

xánome to be done for; to disappear; to faint; to lose consciousness

xáno to lose something; to miss out on something

aγnoúme to be missing (whereabouts of someone is unknown)

aγnoó to not know; to be unaware of

B. Middle-only, or middle-active, where active form is

extremely rare (35 verbs)

1. Spontaneous change / change of state

(13 verbs)

ekfilízome to decompose

aposindíθeme to be / become disintegrated

δiastélome to expand with heat

marénome to wilt

δiogónome to increase in size

fternízome to sneeze

epérxome to come on suddenly; to occur

δiaδramatízete to happen; to take place

aporofóme to absorb

apotravyéme to recede; to back away from

δiafénome to be revealed; to emerge; to come into sight

ksexínome to overflow, to charge forward spontaneously

enilikyónome to grow older

256 Appendix B

2. Stative
(22 verbs)

isúme to be equivalent to

prókite to concern

sinepáγome to involve something; to necessitate something else

ekporévome to originate; to come from

proérxome to originate; to come from

proiγúme to precede

efáptome to be in contact with; to be adjacent to

iγúme to be the leader of

épome to follow; to come next

δiaδéxome to come after; to succeed

eorúme to hang; to be suspended

talandévome to hang; to fluctuate

epíkime to be imminent

δiákime to be disposed toward

xriázome to be needed; to need something

politévome to be / get involved in politics

epíγome to be in a hurry

δíname to be able

δikeúme to be entitled to ; to have a right to

andapokrínome to measure up to; to reciprocate

asxolúme to be busy; to be occupied

fimízome to be famous; to be well known

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Author Index

A F
Abraham, W. 16, 32, 33, 35-37, 68 Fagan, S. 16, 32, 33, 35-37
Andersen, P. 16, 18, 20, 22-25, 63, 68, Faltz, L. 205-207, 210, 214, 232, 233
201, 214 Fellbaum, G. 33, 37, 68
Ariel, M. 76, 163, 210, 212, 214 Fillmore, C. 6, 56, 57, 69, 75, 76, 233
Armstrong, S. 69 Fleischman, S. 77, 87
Floyd, R. 56, 59
B
Bakker, E. 68 G
Barber, E. 19 Geeraerts, D. 16, 58, 69, 74, 77, 78,
Brugman, C. 56, 59 119, 210
Burrow, T. 17 Geniušiene, E. 16, 17, 28, 30, 201, 206
Burzio, L. 26 Givón, T. 5, 12, 56, 76, 77, 81, 87, 188,
201, 205, 206, 210-212, 230, 233
C Goldberg, A. 6, 8, 56, 57, 59, 75, 77,
Cámpos, H. 5, 27, 208 119, 169
Casad, E. 56 Gonda, J. 22, 23, 25, 214
Chantraine, P. 22, 214 Grimshaw, J. 16, 26, 27
Chomsky, N. 35 Gruber, J. 69
Cinque, G. 27, 33, 37 Guerssel, M. 16
Comrie, B. 76
Condorávi, C. 5, 32-35 H
Cook, K. 56, 105 Haiman, J. 69, 163, 205, 212, 219, 224
Croft, W. 56, 74, 76, 80, 230 Hale, K. 32, 33, 35, 37
Halliday, M. 68, 77, 87
D Hasan, R. 77, 87, 94, 95
DeLancey, S. 56 Haspelmath, M. 2, 201
Dirven, R. 59 Hirschbühler, P. 33
Dowty, D. 69 Hoekstra, T. 32, 33, 37
Holton, D. 13, 38
E Hopper, P. 31, 56, 61, 188, 212, 230
Efthymíou, E. 234
268 Author Index

J Nikiforídou, V. 56, 59, 74, 79, 80,

Jaeggli, O. 68 160-162
Janda, L. 56, 59, 74, 77, 79, 80
Johnson, M. 6, 57, 77 O
Joseph, B. 2, 4, 13, 38, 163, 208, 214, O’Connor, M. 75
233, 234
P
K Palmer, L. 15
Kakouriótis, A. 33, 52 Papastáthi, M. 5
Kay, P. 56, 75 Perlmutter, D. 201
Kemmer, S. 16-18, 20-22, 24, 25, 68, Philippáki-Warburton, I. 13, 51, 68,
163, 206, 212 165, 187, 201, 208, 214, 233, 234
Keyser, S. 32, 33, 35, 37
Klaiman, 16-21, 24, 25, 68 R
Kövecses, Z. 69 Rips, L. 69
Kriaras, E. 7 Rivero, M. 2
Roberts, I. 16, 32, 33, 35, 37
L Roeper, T. 32, 33, 37
Lakoff, G. 5, 6, 8, 16, 22, 56, 57, 59, Rosch, E. 58, 59
69, 74-77, 210, 230
Langacker, R. 1, 5, 6, 8, 16, 54-63, S
74-77, 81, 107, 116, 121, 132, 163, Schwyzer, E. 19
169, 170, 174, 179, 184, 201, 210, Shibatani, M. 69
212, 230, 233 Silverstein, M. 76
Lascarátou, C. 4, 51, 68, 69, 165, 187, Smirniotópoulos, J. 2, 4, 38
188, 201, 214 Smith, M. 56, 79
Lesky, A. 15 Smyth, H. 19, 38, 214
Lindner, S. 59, 79, 161, 162 Speijer, J. 19
Lyons, J. 20, 23 Sperber, D. 24
Stroik, T. 32, 33, 37
M
Mackridge, P. 3, 4, 13 T
Maldonado, R. 30-32, 56 Talmy, L. 5, 56, 57, 62, 75, 233
Mandler, J. 69 Taylor, J. 16, 56, 59, 68, 69, 74, 210
Manney, L. 13, 16, 22, 56, 68, 69, 77, Tsimplí, I. 5, 208
79, 87, 119, 162, 165, 187, 209, 212, Tuggy, D. 56
214, 223, 230, 233, 234 Tzártzanos, A. 12
Manzini, M. 26, 68
Massam, D. 68 V
Muecke, C. 224 van Hoek, K. 76, 212
Munro, P. 61 van Oosten, J. 36, 56
Myhill, J. 69 Vassiláki, S. 5, 22, 214
Velázquez-Castillo, M. 56
N Vendler, Z. 36
Nalimov, V. 28
Author Index 269

W Z
Warburton, I. 4, 13, 51, 68, 165, 187, Zribi-Hertz, A. 33, 37, 68
188, 201, 208, 214, 233, 234 Zubizarreta, M. 33, 37, 68
Wéhrli, E. 27
Winter, M. 74, 77
Subject Index
A Agentless event; Agentless passive;
Absence of agency, See Agency,
Absence of
Absolute 62, 171, 180, 201
construal 199
subject 177, 180, 181, 184
Action chain 62, 63, 66, 179, 180. See
also Billiard ball model; Event
structure; Role archetypes
Active 3, 4, 24
event type 108
event prototype 56, 107
prototype 11, 116, 118
Active-middle 10, 13, 38, 39, 41, 44, 45,
49, 51, 53, 68, 72, 110, 117, 122, 123,
124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131, 132,
133, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 146,
149, 150, 182. See also Middle-active
Active-only 20, 38, 73, 123, 165, 166
Active voice 18, 33
inflectional system 16
schema 107
Affected self, See Self, Affected
Affective involvement 13. See also
Emotional involvement; Psycho-
emotive involvement
Agency 12, 51, 121, 174, 184, 187, 197,
203, 205, 219, 220, 221, 223, 224,
225, 226, 227, 229, 232, 234
, Absence of 19, 22, 23, 25, 80, 184,
198, 205, 207. See also Absolute;
Absolute construal; Absolute
subject; Agentless change;
Agentless change of state;
Agentless reflexive; Agentless state;
Anticausative; Change of state,
Spontaneous; Emotional response,
Noninitiative; Unaccusative
, Defocused 69, 197
, Reduced 13, 53, 205, 209, 225
Agent 11, 22, 32, 35, 37, 61, 62, 76, 83,
84, 98, 107, 110, 123, 124, 126, 127,
132, 148, 150, 151, 152, 166, 170,
171, 173, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184,
186, 187, 188, 190, 193, 195, 197,
198, 201, 204, 205, 206, 212, 219,
220, 221, 224, 225, 227, 229, 230,
233. See also Role archetypes
, Defocused 69
defocusing 69. See also Agency,
Reduced
induced change 170, 197
induced event 44, 98, 121, 178, 180
initiated action 110
initiated events 9, 10, 41, 49
subject 11
Agentless
change 173, 178
change of state 25, 48, 68, 165, 187,
197, 201. See also Agency,
Absence of; Absolute construal
event 12, 18, 22, 23, 53, 80, 171, 214
passive 95, 96, 99, 107, 108, 109,
110, 115, 116, 119, 199
reflexive 5, 195
state 72
272
Ancient Greek 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25,
63, 68. See also Classical Greek
Animacy 76, 205
hierarchy 76
Animate 61, 76, 77, 81, 102, 125, 132,
175
Anticausative 23, 24, 201
Autonomy 205
B construal
Benefactor subject 139
Billiard ball model 62, 65, 66. See also
Action chain; Event structure; Role
archetypes
C Definiteness 205
Category 79, 80, 118, 119, 124. See also
Complex category
prototype 58, 59, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80,
118, 160, 170, 171
, Schematic, See Network, Schematic
Categorization 58, 59, 74, 77
Causative 49, 125, 126
Cause 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 90, 91, 92,
132, 138, 150, 187, 189, 197
Change
of state 10, 32, 48, 66, 167, 168, 170,
171, 177, 186, 195, 198, 199
, Agentless, See Agentless change
of state
, Spontaneous 1, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12,
41, 48, 49, 63, 64, 67, 165, 166,
167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173,
174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 186,
187, 197, 198, 201, 205
, Spontaneous 10, 12, 64, 66, 67, 69,
121, 128, 152, 165, 166, 167, 168,
169, 171, 172, 174, 179, 180, 187,
197, 199, 201
Classical Greek 21, 23. See also Ancient
Greek
Cognitive / functional 56, 73, 76, 77,
210, 211, 212, 232, 234
Cognitive linguistics 5, 6, 16, 30, 53, 54,
55, 56, 59, 63, 74, 75, 77, 79
Subject Index
Complex category 1, 55, 58, 59, 60, 64,
75, 77, 136, 138, 154, 160, 162, 170
, Contradictory values of 157, 162
, Opposing values 154
, Opposite values 156, 160, 161, 162
Conceptual
domains 75
starting point 63, 81, 93, 170, 184
Construal 6, 7, 57. See also Absolute
Construction grammar 75
Conventional imagery 140, 141
Cumulative exponence 2
D
Deponent 3, 38, 68
Diathesis 3
Dutch 32
E
Elaboration 59, 60, 64, 65, 118, 171
Emotional
experience 44, 69, 77, 81, 87, 90, 91,
222
involvement 7, 8, 79, 121, 147, 159,
223
response 1, 3, 6, 9, 11, 65, 73, 74, 78,
79, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 90, 91,
92, 93, 94, 97, 142, 143, 144, 145,
155, 156, 157, 169
, Noninitiative 1, 8, 11, 61, 62, 63,
64, 65, 67, 69, 72, 74, 77, 79, 80,
82, 93, 96, 97, 107, 118, 121,
143, 145, 186. See also Psycho-
emotive response
Energetic force 169
Energy
chain 169. See also Action chain;
Billiard ball model; Event structure
recipient 170, 181
sink 57, 65, 66
source 57, 62, 63, 64, 169, 181
transfer 121, 181
Ergative construction 25. See also
Subject Index
Agentless change of state;
Anticausative; Change of state,
Spontaneous; Unaccusative
Event structure 62, 63, 121, 132, 169,
184. See also Action chain; Billiard
ball model, Role archetypes
Experiencer 44, 62, 71, 76, 77, 80, 83,
85, 86, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 114, 116,
206. See also Role archetypes;
Emotional response
subject 11, 44, 65, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73,
81, 85, 86, 87, 92, 93, 96, 97, 100,
101, 105, 107, 108, 110, 112, 113,
114, 116, 128, 142, 144
Extension 11, 59, 60, 64, 80, 81, 117,
118, 136, 143, 147, 155, 171. See also
Semantic extension
F passive; Middle inflectional system;
Force dynamics 62, 94, 107
Frames 75
French 27, 35, 68
Frisian 32
G 209, 214, 218, 219, 223
Generative syntax 32, 35. See also
Government-binding theory
Generic 3, 5, 32, 68, 115, 116, 117
middle 17, 50, 116
middle construction 5, 17, 25, 28, 41,
52. See also Middle construction;
Middle formation; Middle / generic
German 21, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37
Goal 107, 113, 149, 150, 151, 152
Government-binding theory 26, 27, 28,
35. See also Generative syntax
H reflexive, See Reflexive, Lexical
HIGH AFFECT 11, 12, 65, 67, 80, 81,
85, 87, 88, 90, 93, 96, 97, 100, 102,
106, 110, 112, 117, 118, 121, 124,
125, 134, 135, 139, 140, 142, 143,
144, 145, 147, 149, 151, 156, 157,
162, 169, 205
Homeric 20
273
Humanly relevant scenes 75, 77, 169
I
Idealized cognitive models 75
Image schema 161
Inanimate 3, 76, 172, 175, 195, 201
Individuation 61, 212, 214, 219, 220,
223
, Low 61, 62
Indo-European 19, 23
Inflectional category
, Verbal 15, 17
Inflectional middle 12, 18, 51, 81, 136,
201
category 73, 82, 90, 96, 119, 136,
154, 162, 170
system 12, 15, 18, 19, 22, 24, 53, 68,
74, 186, 223. See also Medio-
Nonactive morphological voice;
Passive/nonactive
voice 1, 2, 4, 5, 11, 13, 15, 16, 22, 23,
24, 25, 33, 53, 67, 68, 69, 73, 74,
79, 123, 138, 171, 187, 207, 208,
Inflectional voice 24, 73
system 13, 19, 22, 38, 40
Instrument 62. See also Role archetypes
Intransitive 17, 27, 32, 33, 39, 40, 45,
50, 71, 85, 102, 107, 121, 130, 178,
181, 182
Italian 26, 27, 33, 68
L
Latvian 28
Lexical
functional grammar 26
Linguistic prototype 73, 76, 169. See
also Prototype
Lithuanian 28
Low individuation 61, 62. See also
Individuation, Low
LOW INDIVIDUATION 11, 12, 65, 81,
162, 169, 189, 193
274
LOW VOLITION 11, 12, 65, 67, 80, 85,
121, 147, 149, 151, 155, 156, 157,
158, 162, 169, 179, 189, 193, 205
M 42, 52, 55, 79, 169, 188. See also
Mediopassive 13, 67. See also Inflec-
tional middle system; Nonactive;
Passive; Passive/nonactive
Mental
attitude 9, 11, 74, 81, 93, 94, 96, 98,
99, 100, 101, 106, 118, 127, 135
event 108
experience 9, 11, 41, 42, 44, 65, 71,
73, 74, 93, 104, 106, 107, 118, 134
experiencer 71, 104, 106
Middle 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 24, 25, 35, 68
category 1, 22, 88, 125, 149, 182, 196
construction 15, 16, 17, 27, 32, 33,
34, 35, 36, 37, 68
event type 64, 65, 69, 74, 79, 80, 82,
171, 187 / event prototype 11, 62,
63, 64, 74. See also Agency,
Absence of; Agency, Reduced;
Agentless event; Change of state,
Spontaneous; Emotional response,
Noninitiative
formation 28, 35, 36, 37 See also.
Generic middle; Generic middle
construction
generic 116
inflected passive 1, 4, 10, 12, 69, 152,
165, 168, 171, 186, 187, 191, 201,
205. See also Middle passive;
Agency, Defocused; Agent
defocusing
inflectional reflexive, See Reflexive,
Middle inflectional
inflectional system 207. See also
Inflectional middle system
passive 12, 51, 83, 85, 99, 101, 107,
116, 165, 169, 171, 186, 187, 188,
189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195,
197, 198, 199, 200, 201. See also
Middle inflected passive
Subject Index
reflexive 12, 16, 17, 18, 25, 26, 27,
28, 31, 32, 68, 205
structure 38, 41, 42, 53, 60, 62
voice 15, 18, 20, 23, 24, 33, 37, 38,
Inflectional middle system;
Mediopassive; Nonactive/passive
Middle-active 7, 8, 11, 20, 38, 44, 85,
86, 91, 92, 93, 121, 123, 124, 132,
135, 138, 139, 148, 154, 158, 163,
167, 168, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182,
185, 186, 200. See also Active-Middle
Middle-only 10, 20, 38, 43, 44, 49, 72,
73, 84, 93, 94, 98, 103, 119, 123, 127,
132, 133, 135, 166, 167, 168
Minimal pairs 1, 41, 138, 163, 220
Motivation 8, 57, 69, 161, 168
, Multiple 123, 138, 145, 149
Mover 62, 126, 161, 171. See also Role
archetypes
Mycenaean Greek 15
N
Natural path 63
Network 60, 79, 82, 138, 160, 168, 169,
171, 205
model 1, 59, 170
, Schematic 53
Nonactive 2, 3, 4, 12, 13. See also
Inflectional middle system
morphological voice 12, 13
Nonactive/passive 3. See also Inflec-
tional middle system; Mediopassive;
Nonactive morphological voice;
Passive; Passive/nonactive
Nonagent 62, 63, 66, 152, 165, 171,
180, 182, 187
subject 23, 63, 80, 179
Nondistinct 100, 101, 133, 136, 138,
229, 231
argument 61
Nonvolitional subject 23
Noun phrase reflexive, See Reflexive,
Noun phrase
Subject Index
P responsibility 155, 158
Participant structure 11
Passive 3, 4, 5, 11, 24, 25, 27, 35, 36,
37, 50, 51, 61, 69, 72, 74, 83, 95, 117,
171, 174, 175, 176, 187, 188, 195,
197, 201, 203. See also Agency,
Absence of; Agent defocusing;
Agentless passive; Mediopassive;
Middle inflected passive; Middle
passive; Nonactive/passive; Patient
subject
voice 12, 13, 67
Passive/nonactive 2. See also Inflec-
tional middle system; Mediopassive;
Nonactive/passive
Path 56, 57, 65, 118, 150, 161
schema 57
Patient 62, 66, 107, 110, 148, 171, 173,
174, 201, 205, 206, 214, 230, 233. See
also Role archetypes
subject 67, 116, 168, 187, 195, 197,
229. See also Passive; Agentless
change of state
Polysemy 1, 13, 24, 59
Polysemous 60, 123, 128, 163, 209
Portmanteau 2, 38
Prominence 210, 211, 212, 218, 219,
224, 225, 232, 234. See also Self
prominence
Prototype 6, 58, 59, 60, 80, 118, 119,
179. See also Linguistic prototype
Psycho-emotive
experience 42, 50, 76, 80, 84, 93, 107,
127, 128
involvement 1, 106, 110, 112, 134,
138, 158
response 43, 65, 80, 107, 124, 128,
173. See also Emotional response;
Emotional response, Noninitiative
R 152, 153, 162, 173, 176, 178, 180,
Reciprocal 27, 28, 50, 107, 108, 109,
112, 113, 115, 116, 117
Reduced
agency 13, 53, 205, 209, 225
275
volition 152
Reflexive 5, 10, 12, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28,
35, 37, 50, 51, 61, 68, 69, 195, 203,
204, 205, 208, 210, 213, 214, 218,
220, 223, 233
, Agentless, See Agentless reflexive
event 203
, Lexical 12, 162, 204, 205, 207, 208,
214, 218, 219, 220, 234
middle 37
, Middle inflectional 163, 203, 204,
205, 207, 208, 213, 215, 219, 220,
221, 222, 223, 229
morpheme 17, 25, 26, 27, 33, 68, 207
noun phrase 12, 51, 219
, Noun phrase 41, 204, 206, 207, 208,
212, 213, 216, 217, 218, 220, 221,
222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228,
229, 230, 231, 232, 234
strategies 16, 162, 203, 205, 207, 214,
223, 232, 233
, Verbal prefix 205, 207, 208, 212,
213, 217, 218, 224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 229, 230, 231, 232
Responsibility
, Reduced 155, 158
Role archetypes 62, 63. See also Action
chain; Billiard ball model; Event
structure; Absolute; Agent;
Experiencer; Goal; Instrument;
Mover; Patient; Source; Theme; Zero
Romance 17, 22, 33, 68
Russian 21, 28
S
Sanskrit 18, 19, 23
Schema 1, 6, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 64, 65,
81, 97, 99, 102, 114, 126, 133, 135,
138, 140, 143, 144, 145, 147, 150,
182, 193, 196, 198, 199, 200
, Path 57
Schematic category, See Network,
Schematic
276
Schematic network, See Network,
Schematic
Self 162, 163, 211, 212, 213, 214, 217,
219, 220, 221, 223, 224, 225, 227,
229, 231, 233, 234
, Affected 12, 205, 231. See also
Reflexive, Lexical; Reflexive,
Middle inflectional; Reflexive,
Noun phrase; Reflexive, Verbal
prefix
prominence 212, 219, 227
Self-
beneficial 141, 142
contained 41, 44, 124, 126, 127, 128,
233
directed 124, 140, 146
grooming actions 124, 207, 208
initiated 125, 126, 128, 130
interest 139, 141
oriented 127, 141
Semantic
extension 65, 66, 79, 124, 143, 160,
161, 162, 168, 169, 170, 171
role 76
Separation 210, 212, 213, 218, 219, 232,
233
Setting subject 171, 177
Source 57, 63, 71, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 89,
90, 92, 113, 139, 149, 150, 151, 152,
173, 189. See also Role archetypes
Spanish 17, 27, 30, 32
Speaker-based 6, 9, 87
Speaker perspective 57
Spontaneous change, See Change,
Spontaneous.
See also Change of state, Spontaneous
State 9, 10, 11, 43, 49, 165, 166, 168,
170, 171, 180, 186, 197
Subject Index
, Change of, See Change of state
Stative 49, 163, 168, 171, 178, 180, 181,
182, 186, 197, 205
Subject affectedness 23, 24
Subjecthood 205, 224, 232
T
Thematic relationship 63, 170
Theme 63, 170, 201. See also Role
archetypes
Topicality 12, 205, 210, 211, 212, 218,
219, 224, 225, 232, 233
Transfer 116, 149, 150, 151, 152, 181
Transitive 17, 32, 33, 39, 40, 44, 45, 49,
61, 71, 72, 76, 89, 100, 102, 107, 110,
124, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 151,
157, 178, 179, 181, 184, 186, 208
Transitivity 11, 15, 56
alternation 16, 39, 121, 124, 139, 144
U
Unaccusative 25, 201
Usage-based
approach 54
model 54, 55, 77
V
Valency reducing operation 25
Verbal
prefix reflexive, See Reflexive, Verbal
prefix
Voice 11, 15, 56
inflection 9
Volition
, Reduced 152
Z
Zero 62, 172. See also Role archetypes
In the STUDIES IN LANGUAGE COMPANION SERIES (SLCS) the following volumes
have been published thus far or are scheduled for publication:
1. ABRAHAM, Werner (ed.): Valence, Semantic Case, and Grammatical Relations. Work-
shop studies prepared for the 12th Conference of Linguistics, Vienna, August 29th to
September 3rd, 1977. Amsterdam, 1978.
2. ANWAR, Mohamed Sami: BE and Equational Sentences in Egyptian Colloquial Arabic.
Amsterdam, 1979.
3. MALKIEL, Yakov: From Particular to General Linguistics. Selected Essays 1965-1978.
With an introd. by the author + indices. Amsterdam, 1983.
4. LLOYD, Albert L.: Anatomy of the Verb: The Gothic Verb as a Model for a Unified Theory
of Aspect, Actional Types, and Verbal Velocity. Amsterdam, 1979.
5. HAIMAN, John: Hua: A Papuan Language of the Eastern Highlands of New Guinea.
Amsterdam, 1980.
6. VAGO, Robert (ed.): Issues in Vowel Harmony. Proceedings of the CUNY Linguistics
Conference on Vowel Harmony (May 14, 1977). Amsterdam, 1980.
7. PARRET, H., J. VERSCHUEREN, M. SBISÀ (eds): Possibilities and Limitations of
Pragmatics. Proceedings of the Conference on Pragmatics, Urbino, July 8-14, 1979. Am-
sterdam, 1981.
8. BARTH, E.M. & J.L. MARTENS (eds): Argumentation: Approaches to Theory Formation.
Containing the Contributions to the Groningen Conference on the Theory of Argumenta-
tion, Groningen, October 1978. Amsterdam, 1982.
9. LANG, Ewald: The Semantics of Coordination. Amsterdam, 1984.(English transl. by John
Pheby from the German orig. edition “Semantik der koordinativen Verknüpfung”, Berlin,
1977.)
10. DRESSLER, Wolfgang U., Willi MAYERTHALER, Oswald PANAGL & Wolfgang U.
WURZEL: Leitmotifs in Natural Morphology. Amsterdam, 1987.
11. PANHUIS, Dirk G.J.: The Communicative Perspective in the Sentence: A Study of Latin
Word Order. Amsterdam, 1982.
12. PINKSTER, Harm (ed.): Latin Linguistics and Linguistic Theory. Proceedings of the 1st
Intern. Coll. on Latin Linguistics, Amsterdam, April 1981. Amsterdam, 1983.
13. REESINK, G.: Structures and their Functions in Usan. Amsterdam, 1987.
14. BENSON, Morton, Evelyn BENSON & Robert ILSON: Lexicographic Description of
English. Amsterdam, 1986.
15. JUSTICE, David: The Semantics of Form in Arabic, in the mirror of European languages.
Amsterdam, 1987.
16. CONTE, M.E., J.S. PETÖFI, and E. SÖZER (eds): Text and Discourse Connectedness.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1989.
17. CALBOLI, Gualtiero (ed.): Subordination and other Topics in Latin. Proceedings of the
Third Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, Bologna, 1-5 April 1985. Amsterdam/Philadelphia,
1989.
18. WIERZBICKA, Anna: The Semantics of Grammar. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1988.
19. BLUST, Robert A.: Austronesian Root Theory. An Essay on the Limits of Morphology.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1988.
20. VERHAAR, John W.M. (ed.): Melanesian Pidgin and Tok Pisin. Proceedings of the First
International Conference on Pidgins and Creoles on Melanesia. Amsterdam/Philadelphia,
1990.
21. COLEMAN, Robert (ed.): New Studies in Latin Linguistics. Proceedings of the 4th
International Colloquium on Latin Linguistics, Cambridge, April 1987. Amsterdam/
Philadelphia, 1991.
22. McGREGOR, William: A Functional Grammar of Gooniyandi. Amsterdam/Philadelphia,
1990.
23. COMRIE, Bernard and Maria POLINSKY (eds): Causatives and Transitivity. Amster-
dam/Philadelphia, 1993.
24. BHAT, D.N.S. The Adjectival Category. Criteria for differentiation and identification.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1994.
25. GODDARD, Cliff and Anna WIERZBICKA (eds): Semantics and Lexical Universals.
Theory and empirical findings. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1994.
26. LIMA, Susan D., Roberta L. CORRIGAN and Gregory K. IVERSON (eds): The Reality of
Linguistic Rules. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1994.
27. ABRAHAM, Werner, T. GIVÓN and Sandra A. THOMPSON (eds): Discourse Grammar
and Typology. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1995.
28. HERMAN, József: Linguistic Studies on Latin: Selected papers from the 6th international
colloquium on Latin linguistics, Budapest, 2-27 March, 1991. Amsterdam/Philadelphia,
1994.
29. ENGBERG-PEDERSEN, Elisabeth et al. (eds): Content, Expression and Structure. Studies
in Danish functional grammar. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1996.
30. HUFFMAN, Alan: The Categories of Grammar. French lui and le. Amsterdam/Philadel-
phia, 1997.
31. WANNER, Leo (ed.): Lexical Functions in Lexicography and Natural Language Processing.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1996.
32. FRAJZYNGIER, Zygmunt: Grammaticalization of the Complex Sentence. A case study in
Chadic. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1996.
33. VELAZQUEZ-CASTILLO, Maura: The Grammar of Possession. Inalienability, incorpora-
tion and possessor ascension in Guaraní. Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1996.
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