ENGR.

SAAD UR REHMAN

 Iqbal’s Concept of Khudi

 Iqbal’s view on Nationalism-Millat
 Iqbal & Western Democracy
 Iqbal’s view on Ijtihad

ALLAMA IQBAL
Muhammad Iqbal was born at Sialkot on 9th November 1877 of a middle-class
and deeply religious family. He grew up at a time when Western civilization was
imposing a comprehensive dominance over the Muslim world and the Muslim
world was suffering a long time of decline in all aspects – political, cultural,
economic, and social life. The decline of the Muslim ummah, according to Iqbal,
was primarily due to the stagnation of religious thought. Therefore, he proposed
the need for the reconstruction of religious thought both in sphere of theology as
well as in law and jurisprudence.

KHUDI/SELF
For Iqbal, ethically, the word “khudi” means “self-reliance, self-respect, self-
confidence, self-preservation, even self-assertion when such a thing is necessary,
in the interests of life and the power to stick to the cause of truth, justice, duty.
Iqbal thought it necessary also to warn the readers “that ‘khudi’ is not used to
mean pride as in the common usage of the word in Urdu.”
The overview of the Western society according to Iqbal is its fasād-i-qalb-o-
naẓar29 – i.e. double standard or hypocrisy. To face this unethical, hypocrite
and immoral West, Iqbal comes up with a proposal to strengthen ego.

The importance of self

For Iqbal, the Self is the fundamental reality of the world and the measure of all
things. According to Iqbal, the ego “has the quality of growth … as well as the
quality of corruption.”12 It can expand to absorb the elements of the universe and
the attributes of God. On the other hand, it can also degenerate to the level of
matter. In his writings, particularly in Asrar-i Khudi, Iqbal tells us about the
factors which strengthen or weaken the ego. For the perfection of the Self a
hundred worlds may be created and destroyed.
According to Iqbal, the ego “has the quality of growth … as well as the quality of
corruption.”12 It can expand to absorb the elements of the universe and the
attributes of God. On the other hand, it can also degenerate to the level of matter.
In his writings, particularly in Asrar-i Khudi, Iqbal tells us about the factors
which strengthen or weaken the ego

The Factors Which Strengthen the Self

Iqbal looks upon personality as a state of tension which can “continue only if that
state is maintained. If the state of tension is not maintained, relaxation will
ensue. … That which tends to maintain the state of tension tends to make us
immortal.”13 For Iqbal it is of the utmost importance that this state of tension be
maintained for it is only by the preservation and completion of the personality
that we can achieve “that awareness of reality which Iqbal believed to be man's
ultimate goal on earth. The chief factors which strengthen the personality are:

1. Desire
Keep desire alive in thy heart
Lest thy little dust become a tomb.
Throughout Iqbal’s writings, great stress is placed on Desire as the spring from
which the Self draws sustenance. A Self that is lacking in Desire, is, in fact, dead.
Life can be viewed as dynamic only when it is imbued with restless burning. All
that humanity has achieved is a product of Desire. Iqbal calls Desire by several
names such as “suz”, “hasrat”, “justuju”, “arzu”, “ishtiyaq” and “tamanna”. Desire
is a creative power even when it remains unfulfilled. The fulfilment of Desire is
“at the same time, extreme happiness and the end of happiness. The separation is
overcome. But without separation there is no love and no life. What makes a
human being what he is, is the capacity for endless yearning. In Iqbal’s eyes, it is
this capacity which lifts human being to a station where he would not change his
position even with God. Life means a passionate burning, an urge to make.
A hundred joys are to be found in our unrewarding quest
2. Love

By love it (the self) is made more lasting,

More living, more burning, more glowing.

Love is the active sense of positive Desire.29 Iqbal “lays great emphasis on
the value of love … for strengthening the Self.” He uses the word in a very
wide sense, and means by it “the desire to assimilate, to absorb. Its highest
form is the creation of values and ideals and the endeavour to realize
them.”
From Love, the Self acquires vitality and radiance. Love is creative of all
that is good in life, and the supreme guide of human destiny. For Iqbal, as
for Tillich, “Life is being in actuality and love is the moving prayer of life …
In man’s experience of love the nature of life becomes manifest. … The
power of love is not something which is added to an otherwise finished
process, but life has love in itself as one of its constitutive elements. Love is
the fundamental urge of Being, its elan vital and its raison d'etre.
For Iqbal, as for Rumi, only Love is an intrinsic value. All other values are
extrinsic and instrumental and are to be judged according to their capacity
for the realization of this primary value. Love is the only categorical
imperative and strikes no bargain with God or humankind.42 He who
denies Love is an infidel.
The strength and potency of our faith depend on the degree and depth of
Love. If one is steadfast in Love, one can win all things, and even “capture
God” The strength and potency of our faith depend on the degree and
depth of Love. If one is steadfast in Love, one can win all things, and even
“capture God”
Like Tillich, Iqbal thinks that “the power of a being is its possibility to
affirm itself against the non-being within it and against it. The power of a
being is the greater the more non-being is taken into its self-
affirmation.”62 Love is that which assimilates, which consolidates and
fortifies, therefore, “Love is the foundation, not the negation, of power.”63
That which negates power is not Love

3. FAQIR
The words “Faqir” (or its synonym Qalandar”) and “Faqr” (or “Istighna”)
appear very frequently in Iqbal's verse. There is more than one sense in
which “Faqr” is interpreted. Iqbal uses “Faqr” to denote an inner attitude of
detachment and superiority to material possessions. “It is a kind of
intellectual and emotional asceticism which does not turn away from the
 world as a source of evil and corruption but uses it for the pursuit of good
and worthy ends.”9 Sometimes he identifies Islam with “Faqr
Iqbal points out repeatedly that a “Faqir” is not a monk or an ascetic who
has renounced the material world and who lives a life of abstinence and
self-denial, cut off from the rest of humankind. The “Faqir” undergoes all
the trials and tribulations arising from a daily encounter with the
temptations that flesh is heir to. His life is not calm like the green of the
meadows, but is always stormy like the rough waves in mid ocean
What knowledge does for the intellect, “Faqr” does for the soul. It clarifies
the vision and gives power and strength. A “Qalandar” is the faithful who
“has nothing and possesses everything.”75 His power is greater than the
power of kings:. Unless one is able to transcend the physical world, and
rise, as it were, above the rewards it has to offer, one cannot attain real
kingship. It is this attribute of God-loving persons which enables them to
conquer time and space.
A “Faqir” not only does not accept charity, it is against the dignity of his
state to complain about the hardness of his lot. He bears his cross willingly
and patiently, else his “Faqr” is yet imperfect:
A nation which combines in its character the attributes of Love and “Faqr”
can never know defeat:

4. SAYYADI
Literally, “Sayyadi” means hunting, and “Sayyad” is a hunter. In Iqbal’s
thought where so many words find a new connotation, “Sayyadi” comes to
denote a kind of heroic idealism based on daring, pride and honour. It is
most often symbolized by the lion and the falcon (“Shahin”), the emblems
of royalty. A “Shahin” builds no nest because for it there is no rest or
repose. It lives not in comfort and security but in the wideness of the skies
or on the exposed wind-blown mountain-tops. It is the king of the birds
precisely because it disdains any form of safety or ease.
He possesses unlimited daring and courage. The “Sayyad” has a code of
honour which he must follow. He is truthful and bold and unfamiliar with
the ways of deceit and cunning:

5. SUFFERING
Since “all the results of individuality, of separate selfhood, necessarily
involve pain or suffering,” 108 Iqbal was right in observing that “No
religious system can ignore the moral value of suffering.” For Iqbal, too,
“Suffering is a gift from the gods in order to make man see the whole of
life.” Iqbal was well aware of the importance of suffering for the maturing
 of the personality. In Iqbal’s verse we also find the idea taken from popular
piety, namely, that God sends afflictions to those whom He prefers

6. FORBEARANCE
“The principle of the ego-sustaining deed is respect for the ego in myself as
well as in others,” 122 said Iqbal. He was a great believer in forbearance
and tolerance. The tolerance in which Iqbal believes is born of strength
rather than weakness. It is “begotten of intellectual breadth and spiritual
expansion. It is the toleration of the spiritually powerful man who, while
jealous of the frontiers of his own faith, can tolerate and even appreciate all
forms of faith other than his own … only a true lover of God can appreciate
the value of devotion even though it is directed to gods in which he himself
cannot believe. However, when fanaticism involves an attitude of
irreverence towards other modes of thinking, it is not condoned by Iqbal.
As E M. Forster points out about Iqbal, “Whatever his opinions he was no
fanatic, and he refers to Hindus and Christians with courtesy and respect.”

7. Courtesy

While stressing that one must always be hard with oneself, Iqbal does not
forget to say, not once but repeatedly, that a leader must be kind and
courteous in speech and manner. The full-grown ego must possess “husn-i
akhlaq” (beauty of disposition). This makes Iqbal’s Perfect Person as
worthy of affection as he is of obedience, his heartwinning ways
supplementing his world-winning ways. He is no ruthless Superman
asserting his authority mercilessly. He is soft in speech and needs to be
both a warrior and a chivalrous person in order to be a leader:

8. Obstructions
are essential for the development of “Khudi.” Each hurdle that a person
passes over in his long journey brings him 128. Asrar-i Khudi, p. 21. 129.
Translation by Nicholson, op. cit., p. 33. 130. Javid Iqbal, Ed., op. cit., p.
23. 131. Ibid. 132. Forster, “Muhammad Iqbal,” op. cit., p. 296. 133. Bal-i
Jibril, p. 74. 25 nearer his goal. It strengthens his resolve by putting his
mettle to the test. One cannot struggle if there is nothing to struggle
against. Iqbal looks upon obstructions - whatever be their form - as being
necessary to human progress
 9. Obstructions
Like Rumi, Iqbal considers evil to be extremely important in the
development of human personality. “Evil is the inevitable condition of
good: out of darkness was created light. From this standpoint it possesses a
positive value: it serves the purpose of God, it is relatively good.” 136 The
spirit of obstruction symbolized by Satan directs a person’s energies to
newer channels. It offers a challenge to his spirit and is one of the forces
behind his evolution, leading him from conquest to conquest.

MILLAT/NATIONALISM

The cardinal point of Allama Iqbal’s political philosophy is millat – fraternity of

believers. The bonds of this fraternity are above race, colour, region, proximity
and matter. Its core is Islam, Ka‘bah and the person of Prophet Muhammad
(PBUH). The bonds of millat do not segregate the believers to a corner of
mosque, aloof from all the decencies created by Allah. Rather they value a
complete social order encompassing both spiritual and temporal life1. In fact
individual’s individuality shines in the multiplicity of millat. In the larger sense, it
gives birth to a collective ego founded on the revealed word of Allah.
The sphere of millat in temporal affairs is well defined. It is not based on a utopia
of Plato, or that of Marx – utopian communism and utopian socialism2, but on
the person of Prophet (PBUH) who lived amongst the believers, and the practice
that he left will continue until the doomsday3. According to Iqbal, it was a great
divine favour retaining the symbolic honour and image of the Prophet (PBUH)
for all times and all epoches7. The millat thus raised on these parameters will
attain immortality.
He says that our allegiance with China, India, Rome, Syria, Afghanistan and
Turkey is insignificant and it must be noted that all Muslims are like birds in a
garden9. It is with this yardstick that Allah has drawn a divider amongst
the ummat of the lovers of the Prophet of Islam and those who are in the other
camp
Dr Allama Muhammad Iqbal, the Poet of the East and a great Muslim ideologue,
having delved deep into the shambolic predicament of the Muslims, took to
diagnosing the causes responsible for the Muslim eclipse, and suggesting
panaceas to cure them. He was very much distressed to see the Muslims jumping
on the bandwagon of the West, and blindly aping the Western civilization which,
by its very nature, was infused with the brute materialism. Iqbal took up most of
the ideologies stemming from the West that were in vogue those days.
Nationalism was among such concepts gaining a widespread currency amongst
the Muslims. After careful study, Allama made a passionate plea against the
Western notion of nationalism exhorting the Muslims to stay away from it.
Iqbal devoted a considerable part of his philosophical thought to the idea of ‘who
constituted a nation, and on what grounds?’ It is interesting to note that before
his flight to Europe, he subscribed to the Western Territorial Nationalism.
However, during his 3-year sojourn there (1905-1908), Iqbal blossomed from an
Indian nationalist to a Pan-Islamist, cherishing a nation, Ummah or Millat
cemented by the bounds of Tauheed (Oneness of Allah), and this remarkable shift
was largely due to his extensive investigation into the Western philosophy, and
partly because of the prevailing political realities in India.
From the following two couplets, the shift from one line of thought to the other is
quite eye-catching:
‫ہمارا ہندوستاں اچھا سے جہاں سارے‬
‫کی اس ہیں بلبلیں ہم‬، ‫ہمارا گلستاں یہ‬
‫رکھنا بیر میں آپس سکھاتا نہیں مذہب‬
‫ہم ہیں ہندی‬، ‫ہمارا ہندوستاں ہے وطن‬
The best land in the world is our India;
We are its nightingales; this is our garden.
Religion does not teach us to be enemies with each other:
We are Indians, our homeland is our India.
Then, in the recast version, Iqbal raises the cry:
‫ہمارا عرب و چین‬، ‫ہمارا ہندوستاں‬
‫ہم ہیں مسلم‬، ‫ہمارا جہاں سارا ہے وطن‬
China and Arabia are ours; India is ours.
We are Muslims, the whole world is ours.

(ALL THE TEXT IN THE ITALIAN FORMAT TELLS WHAT COMPELLED

IQBAL TO DISDAIN WESTERN TERRITORIAL NATIONALISM)
Allama Iqbal believed that Islam constituted a Millat which transcended all
artificial barriers of caste, creed, race and territory. As regards the Indian
Muslims, they, he held, cannot be assimilated into a Hindu-dominated Indian
political nationalism. While advocating the repudiation of the political
nationalism, and espousing the ‘Cultural Nationalism’ based on religion, Iqbal
was well-cognizant of the fact that nationalism, as it was understood in the
West, demanded an affiliation to a particular territory without having anything
to do with the cultural values of the people.
Furthermore, West’s aggressive nationalism fostered antagonism, and bad blood
among the nations. Even during his lifetime, Iqbal was appalled at the
unprecedented mass destruction wreaked during WWI only on the grounds of
nationalism.
In contrast, the cultural nationalism describes people as a nation held together by
their inwardly-felt sharing of religious and cultural values. Iqbal’s cultural
nationalism in terms of India was mainly a desire to facilitate his vision of the
reform of the existing Muslim social and economic order. This was done by
mobilizing masses, at least, in the areas wherein the Muslims constituted a
numerical majority.

Iqbal, while clarifying the nature of conflict between nationalism and Islam, wrote
to Jawaharlal Nehru:
“Nationalism in the sense of love of one’s country and even readiness to die for its
honour is a part of the Muslim’s faith; it comes into conflict with Islam only when
it begins to play the role of a political concept and claims to be a principle of
human solidarity demanding that Islam should recede to the background of a
mere private opinion and cease to be a living factor in the national life.”

It may be noted here that Iqbal’s proposition was that the nationalism was a
problem for the Muslims only in those countries where they were in a numerical
minority – such as India. However, Islam accommodates nationalism in the
countries where they were numerically large enough to assert their right to order
their individual and collective lives in accordance with the decrees of Shariah
Iqbal in his poem titled “Hussain Ahmad” on the concept of Islam and nationalism
launched into a strong condemnation of the thesis of Maulana Hussain Ahmed
Madani who insisted on territorial nationalism. Iqbal wrote:
‫است وطن از ملت کہ منبر سرِ بر سرود‬
‫است عربیﷺ محمدِ زمقام خبر بے چہ‬
“He [Husain Ahmad of Deoband] preached from the pulpit that the
Muslim nation can exist by devotion to one’s country!
How ignorant he is about the teaching of Muhammad Arabi (PBUH)!”
Allama Iqbal also discerned in the very DNA of nationalism a well-calculated
imperialistic design of Europe to enslave the nations, and shatter the religious
unity of the Muslims.
Moreover, Iqbal was particularly antipathetic towards West for its cutthroat
materialism, so natural it was for him to seek spiritualism in any concept. He
said:
“I am opposed to nationalism as it is understood in Europe. Because, I see in it
the germs of atheistic materialism which I look upon as the greatest danger to the
modern humanity.”

In the opinion of his son, Dr Javaid Iqbal, “Allama envisaged an international

Islam when he stated that Islam was neither nationalism, nor imperialism, but a
‘commonwealth of nations’ which welcomed racial diversity, and ever-changing
geographical demarcation for reference only, and not for constraining the social
horizon of its members.”

Hence, in the opinion of Iqbal, the Muslims should turn themselves as "strong
and powerful to form a living family of republics" and that is interwoven in a
"League of Nations (of Islam)" which "recognizes artificial boundaries and racial
distinctions for facility of reference only and not for restricting the social horizon
of its members. This is what constitutes millat for Iqbal. The overview of the
Western society according to Iqbal is its fasād-i-qalb-o-naẓar– i.e. double
standard or hypocrisy. To face this unethical, hypocrite and immoral West, Iqbal
comes up with a proposal to strengthen ego.

IQBAL’S CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACRY

Iqbal’s outlook on all walks of individual and collective life was based on Quranic
and Sunnah injunctions. But it does not mean that his view was prejudiced and
he, therefore, swayed other ideologies because he embraced those aspects of
western democracy which were in line with the tenets of Islam and canons of
rationality. As a matter of fact, his was the thesis that the Western representative
institutions were misleading, and he had the strongest arguments to support his
assertion.
1. Absence of Ethical Element
Democracy as understood in the West is devoid of a spiritual and ethical basis.
Grounded in materialistic base, it paves the way for the unscrupulous and
dishonest politicians to cling on to the ladder of power. The absence of moral and
spiritual values renders democracy repulsive. In Zabur-i-Ajam, Iqbal has heaped
scorn upon democracy in the strongest terms noting that by inventing
democracy, the West has let loose a monstrous demon.
2. Unbridled Democracy: A Bane
Once exposed to the unrestrained democracy, the uncouth masses due to their
sheer ignorance of the complexities of life; and politics bring disaster after
disaster to them, and to the country at large. ‘Masses wanting wisdom’ is the
recurring theme of Iqbal’s thesis of democracy. Therefore, he opposes the
indiscriminate importation of liberal ideas to the Muslims. Democracy has left
the most vital affairs of life to the vagaries of every untamed Tom, Dick and
Harry, ignorant of their own good, let alone the collective good of the society.
You should avoid democracy and become within the bond of the perfect man (the
Holy Prophet (PBUH)) as two hundred donkeys cannot combine the brain of a
man.”
There is always a possibility that a man of insight may be left behind on account
of myriad of reasons to make it to a top-notch position, and get superseded by a
majority of illiterate and coarse people. This is what happens in a democracy.

3. Play round of Conflicting Ambitions

A society morphs into a battleground for the covetous scoundrels to manoeuvre
against each other for getting into the corridors of power dividing the entire
nation into parties and factions. To Iqbal, such a system causes deep schisms in
the Ummah on false and fragile lines. In his letter to Sir Francis Younghusband,
published in The Civil and Military Gazette on 30th July 1931, he notes in the
following lines: “Democracy lets loose all sorts of aspirations and grievances
which were suppressed or unrealised under autocracy; it arouses hopes and
ambitions often quite unpractical …”

4. Instrument of Secularism
With nationalism, Iqbal discerned in the Western democracy the germs of
secularism and atheism. Secularism entails a divorce between state and religion –
something Iqbal could never digest. A system, wherein religion is reduced to an
immaterial state of ‘private life, brings societal fabric on the verge of moral and
social decadence; besides, bringing disgrace to the nation. Secularism, and as its
consequence, democracy, are anathemas to Iqbal.

5. Old Wine in New Bottle

Iqbal believes that the cult of democracy has, in fact, old wanton Caesars and
despots under its guise. At its best, it serves old wine in new bottles. It doesn’t
cure; instead, it afflicts both body and soul. In place of offering a panacea to the
sufferings of masses, it has plunged them into the appalling deprivation even
further.
Allama Iqal writes:
“The monster of tyranny has masqueraded in the garb of democracy, but people
are led to think that it is the goddess of freedom. The so-called law-making
assemblies, rights and duties are only narcotics. Debates in parliaments and
assemblies are nothing else but demands of capitalists for greater exploitation.”

Falling in with the views of Laski that the problem with democracy is moral
rather than technical in nature, Iqbal believes that its ideal is different from the
realities of realpolitik. In fact, popular revolution is possible only through
observance to the divine code embodied in Quran. Islamic democracy, which to
Iqbal is “Spiritual democracy,” is more suited, as it stresses the need for loftier
ethical values, instead of a cutthroat competition.

Spiritual Democracy
Allah says in the Quran: “…and consult with them upon the conduct of affairs.
And when you have taken a decision, repose your trust in Allah.” (Aal-e-Imran:
159)
Allama Iqbal advocates for a spiritual democracy nurtured under the divine
guidance. His is the democracy unhampered by the intrigues of the tumultuous
party politics, and oriented towards nothing else but securing people’s good in
this world and in the hereafter. Justice for everyone at the doorstep is its cardinal
principle. Rule of law reigns supreme in it. Iqbal makes a case for a democracy
the essence of which has been envisioned in the Quran. However, its form and
structure may be tailored on the basis of Ijtihad in view of the requirements of the
contemporary political realities.
From Armughan-e-Hijaz, it is discernable to eye that Iqbal has a fascination for
Khilafah (caliphate) as an ideal form of government. Drawing inspiration from
the epoch of Khilafat-e-Rashida, he holds, democracy was literally put in place in
letter and spirit then. He firmly believes ‘democracy to be the most important
aspect of Islam where there is no aristocracy and monarchy’.
Moreover, the essence of Tauhid (Oneness of Allah Almighty) as lively ideal is
freedom, equality and solidarity, and liberation from all sorts of fetters –
something the modern democracy claims to secure. It brings the ruler and the
ruled unconditionally on an equal footing. Allah alone is the repository of
absolute sovereignty. Dismissing the parliaments as talking-shops which yield
only follies, he proposes the constitution of an assembly of enlightened men
versed in both modern scholarship and Islamic jurisprudence. The same should
be fully equipped with the authority of exercising ‘Ijtihad’ to find a way out to the
quandaries besetting the contemporary world. It can safely be construed from the
discussion that Iqbal is for a limited franchise, favouring a government by the
men of professional expertise and veritable integrity.

Distinction between Iqbal’s Parliament and that of Western

Democracy
On the other aspect, Iqbal has made a distinction between shura and democracy
in which he condemned Western democracy which is devoid of religious
guidance. Iqbal mentioned some basic principles of an Islamic state which are
different from Western democracy. For instance, all decisions of an Islamic state
are made due to the principles of shura by the means of ijtihad and ijma’.
Muslims are entitled to make laws which are of public interest, keeping in view
that such laws do not conflict with basic laws of shariah. Therefore, both Quran
and sunnah always play the decisive role and are to be the main sources of ijtihad
and ijma’ (Parveen Shaukat Ali 1970). Moreover, elections in Western democracy
are held on the basis of adult irrespective of pre-requisites. This makes it possible
for incompetent people to run the affairs of the state. Islam, on the contrary, has
imposed certain restrictions on the suitability of candidates for different offices of
the state. Islam also prevents any individual from nominating himself for state
office or asking to be nominated to any official position. Furthermore, the
representative member of majlis al-shura has a more difficult task than the
representative member in Western democracy. He always speaks and acts on
behalf of entire Muslims to present and to look after their interests in accordance
to shariah. Therefore, he performs dual responsibilities to his electorates as well
as to the Islamic Divine law (H.H Bilgrimi 1966). In the Western democracy,
however, a member of an Assembly or Congress or Parliament has a single
responsibility which is to the electorate only.

IQBAL ON IJTIHAD
Ijtihad was exercised from the earliest days of Islam. Some learned companions
of the Prophet (p.b.u.h) after his (p.b.u.h) demise, exercised ijtihad in matters
which had no specific solutions in the Quran and the Sunnah. Starting from this
early practice, ijtihad then was used extensively by the four great scholars of
Muslim jurisprudence in the second century of hijrah. The sphere of ijtihad at
that time was very wide. It covered all the aspects of religious, political, and civil
life, including the whole field of family laws, the laws of inheritance, and all legal
questions that arose in social life. However, in the third century of hijrah, the four
schools of jurisprudence were regarded as fully developed. This resulted in the
closing of the doors of ijtihad. Thus, after the third century of hijrah, ijtihad
completely disappeared as a practical intellectual force in Islam.
The closing of the doors of ijtihad is considered as one of greatest intellectual
disasters in the development of Islamic thought. It prevents the advancement of
the Muslims in social, political, and legal avenues of Islam. Therefore, Iqbal tried
to revive ijtihad and to bring back this dynamic element of Islamic civilization.
Iqbal observed that no law or institution can be truly Islamic unless it imbibes the
spirit of the dynamic outlook of the Quran. Iqbal emphasized that we have to
reevaluate our intellectual inheritance which involves exercising the right of
ijtihad. He discussed the subject in a comprehensive manner in the sixth lecture
of his Reconstruction entitled “The Principle Movement in the Structure of
Islam” in which some authors translated it as ijtihad.
Causes for Decay of Ijtihad
Iqbal mentioned three causes for the decay of ijtihad among the Muslims;
First, the adherence of the Muslim community to extreme positions. During the
age of the Abbasids, the rise of rationalist movements, such as, mu’tazilah was
considered as a danger to the Muslim society. The conservative ulama’ regarded
the rationalist movement as a destructive force. Therefore, in order to preserve
the social integrity of Islam, they made the structure of their legal system as
rigorous as possible. They did not regard ijtihad to be a source of advancement of
thought or knowledge.
Second, the rise and growth of ascetic Sufism which gradually developed under
the influence of a non-Islamic character turned the great Muslim intellectuals
into sufis who confined themselves to the preservation of faith and beliefs. When
such extremes penetrated into the Muslim society, the independent thinking and
the spirit of ijtihad, according to Iqbal, gradually deteriorated and decayed.
Third, Iqbal pointed out that the destruction of Baghdad, which was the centre of
Muslim intellectual life was responsible for the decay of ijtihad up to the second
half of the thirteenth century. It caused the Muslim community to think
pessimistically about the future of Islam.
Basis of Iqbal’s Support for Ijma
According to Iqbal, only religious obligations are permanent and cannot be
changed, such as, the times of prayer and the period of fasting during Ramadan.
On the other hand, worldly affairs (muamalat) are subject to the law of change. It
includes all laws pertaining to civil and criminal matters, which can be changed
and reinterpreted in accordance with changing condition and needs as well as the
requirements of the Muslim community As the principle of movement in Islam,
ijtihad is the means whereby changes can be affected in the laws of Islam,
provided they are not inconsistent with the basis on which the system rests.
In fact, he regarded ijtihad as one of the dynamic elements and creative spirit of
Islam. Iqbal defined ijtihad as to exert with a view to form an independent
judgment but not to be independent of the Quran and Sunnah. He opposed
freedom of thought which makes man deviate from Divine guidance but endorsed
the freedom of ijtihad to oppose rigidity and stagnation.
Qualifications for Exercising Ijtihad
When he talked about the freedom of ijtihad or independent judgment, Iqbal did
not regard any independent judgment to be ijtihad, rather he believed that it
must be exercised by those who have knowledge and whose character can be fully
relied upon. In his emphasis on the qualifications of exercising ijtihad, Iqbal
explained in his Reconstruction, Iqbal suggested certain qualifications as follows;
1. Knowledge of Islam, deep understanding of the ultimate aims of its ideology,
institutions and politics.
2. Understanding of the modern problems that beset the Muslim world.
3. Closeness to the Prophet’s way and understanding of his methods and
approach.
4. Reliable moral character so that decisions may be looked upon with respect.

Ijtihad by Legislative Assembly

Since there is an acute shortage of such specialists who are qualified to exercise
ijtihad, Iqbal observed that a committee of people should be formed which
includes Islamic scholars as well as those who have a good knowledge of
contemporary problems and possess true Islamic character. Through their
combined efforts, they will be able to make some contributions to the
reconstruction of the Islamic law as well as fulfilling on an important need of
society. Therefore, Iqbal suggested that the ulama’ should be nominated to
constitute a vital part of legislative assembly, helping and guiding discussions on
questions relating to law, along with contribution from laymen who may happen
to possess a keen insight into affairs. A body of ulama’ is needed as the assembly
may face difficulties in understanding intricate points of fiqh. In this way, they
will reduce the possibility of erroneous interpretation
Iqbal clearly proposed the idea of transforming the right of ijtihad from
individuals to a legislative assembly, which then should be the sole law-making
body on the ground of expediency.

Iqbal about Sources of Ijtihad

Iqbal mentioned four sources of ijtihad; Quran, hadith, ijma’, and qiyas, in order
to prove the possibility of evolution within Islamic law when meeting new
situations. All those sources contain within them the potentialities of evolution
when meeting new situations. Therefore, it is important to highlight Iqbal’s views
on these sources of ijtihad for the purpose of illustrating the flexibility of Islamic
law or shariah.

1. Qur’an
As the first source of ijtihad, according to Iqbal, contains not merely
substantive legal provisions, but also indicates the means by which it is to be
interpreted and supplemented. For example, the Quran insists that the
Muslims should abide by the decisions of the Prophet (p.b.u.h) whenever
 some differences arise among them. Moreover, Iqbal regarded Quran as an
embodiment of both the lofty moral principles and positive legal rules. The
uniqueness of this two-fold nature of the Quran ensured the satisfaction of the
needs of people. Apart from setting the codes of law for guidance of the
people, the Quran endows man with a revolutionary outlook and awakens him
with a unique insight into life, so that he may reform and refashion his entire
life in accordance with the spirit of Islam.
2. Hadith
Iqbal was critical to tradition or hadith as the second source of ijtihad, He
observed that hadith is not fully valid in changing times and places. On this
ground, Iqbal highlighted that Abu Hanifah, the founder of Hanafi school of
law did not practically make use of the hadith but preferred to use istihsan.
However, Iqbal did not mean to reject the validity of hadith altogether; rather
suggested that the study of hadith must be taken more seriously and critically.
3. Ijma
The third source of ijtihad is ijma’, and Iqbal considered it as the most
important legal notion in Islam. It is a process through which new values are
established and preserved in Islam. In ijma’, the mujtahidun agreed on a point
of law and such a consensus becomes a permanent source of law. Iqbal
supported exercise of ijma’ through legislative assemblies and gave its power
to both the ulama’ and the modern lawyers. He was conscious of the
misleading and narrow interpretation of the non ulama’, therefore, insisted on
the vital participation of the ulama’ in the Muslim legislative assembly
4. Qiyas
The last source of ijtihad elucidated by Iqbal is qiyas or analogical reasoning
which is the process of applying Islamic principles to local problems or to
changing conditions. Iqbal mentioned some of the early jurists who practiced
qiyas particularly Abu Hanifah. He said Abu Hanifah made a great use of
analogical reasoning in view of changing socioeconomic conditions, which
arose by the extension of Muslim states.

Iqbal’s Framerwork of Shura in Relation to Ijtihad

Ijtihad and shura are connected to each other and this connection existed during
the period of pious companions and caliphates, but it ceased to exist in later
times. That is the reason why Iqbal emphasized these two concepts in an attempt
to evolve a political system based on Islamic ideals and values, rather than
adopting Western constitutional principles.
Iqbal wanted to bring back the concept of shura as practiced in the early period of
Islam. He emphasized that the authority to interpret shariah is the right of the
entire ummah. Iqbal defined shura as the opinion of the whole ummah with
regard to affairs of common interest which are conducive to the healthy
development of the state.
According to him, the ummah should elect their representatives by means of a
fair and impartial election and these representatives should carry out the duty of
the interpretation of shariah. Therefore, Iqbal allocated the authority to interpret
shariah to elected representatives in Parliament or majlis-al-shura. He gives two
reasons why the authority for interpretation of shariah should only be made by
elected representatives in Parliament. First, followers of different schools of fiqh
are unable to perform ijtihad because they represent different point of views and
may interpret shariah according to their own school of fiqh meanwhile shariah is
for the entire Muslim community. Second, God has not delegated the right to
interpret shariah to any person or any sect but He has bestowed it to the entire
ummah.
Pertaining to the members of majlis al-shura, Iqbal emphasized that they should
possess certain characteristics, thus, the task of shura should not be given to
incompetent people who are unable to run the affairs of the state. In conformity
with Islamic principles, Iqbal laid down the conditions for the members of majlis-
al-shura;
1. He should possess a firm and profound belief in the tenets of Islam.
2. He should possess integrity of character.
3. He should have reasonable knowledge and necessary understanding of the
job and responsibility which is being entrusted to him.
4. He should have not only a good intellectual personality, but also an
impressive physical personality.
5. Moreover, Iqbal added that the candidate must have the ability to
understand the teachings of the Quran and the Sunnah, knowledge of
modern science and disciplines, and knowledge of international and
national problems.
Task of Majlis e shura
Iqbal divided the tasks of majlis al-shura into three fields;
1. To amend existing laws so that they conform to Islamic injunctions.
2. To implement Islamic laws that are not being enforced,
 3. To establish new laws that are not repugnant to the injunctions of Islam
In his framework of shura, Iqbal wanted to change the system used in the
monarchial period in which the ummah was deprived of the right to collective
legislation. Only a handful of jurists and kings used to perform ijtihad among
them. For Iqbal, this is not possible in the present democratic era and he claimed
the right of the entire nation to take part in this process. The process, according
to Iqbal, will include participation by the entire nation for the discussions and
debates will take place publicly over any issue. Therefore, the collective thinking
of the entire nation eventually takes the shape of a law.
He said, “the transfer of the power of ijtihad from individual representatives of
schools to a Muslim assembly is the only possible form ijma’ can take in modern
times”
Iqbal reminded that majlis-al-shura is significant for the Muslims as he saw it the
only possible legal form that ijma’ (consensus of opinion) can take in modern
times. The religious scholars of all various sects could sit together in the
legislative assemblies and thrash out their differences through ijma
Iqbal is, however, doubtful whether such an exercise could be possible in the non-
Muslim assemblies. Nevertheless, the question of non-Muslim

Conclusion
Iqbal was highly critical of the contemporary Islamic thought which had become
narrow, rigid, and static. He considered ijtihad to be the key to updating the legal,
political, and social institutions of Islam. For him, ijtihad is the intellectual
method to create an intellectual creativity among Muslims. Iqbal’s ideas are part
of the continuing tradition of Muslim intellectuals’ concern about the problem of
stagnation of religious thought among Muslims. He also rejected the classical
concept of shura as being the exclusive privilege of the ulama’. He wanted to give
it a new meaning by assuming shura as a consensus which should be derived
from a parliamentary system of an Islamic state government. Iqbal’s attempt at
enlargement of the scope of shura was to show the compatibility of Islam with the
socio-political institutions of modern age