THE FIFTH DYNASTY ROYAL DECREE OF IA-IB

AT DAYR AL-BARSHA*
[PLANCHES XII-XV]

PAR

MARLEEN DE MEYER
Research Foundation – Flanders. Katholieke Universiteit Leuven – Oude Nabije Oosten
Blijde-Inkomststraat 21 – bus 3318 BE-3000 LEUVEN

The occurrence of royal decrees on private tombs is not a common phenomenon during
the Old Kingdom. A few examples are known, but they mostly take the form of letters
from a king to an individual rather than being a copy of the text of an actual decree.1
Examples of this occur in the tomb of Senedjemib Inti2 at al-Jiza, the tomb of Reshepses3
at Saqqara, and the tomb of Harkhuf4 at Qubbat al-Hawa’. Apart from these few letters
from the king to an individual, royal decrees are mainly attested on stelae as copies of an
official administrative document that was written on papyrus.5 The oldest instance dates to
the end of the Fourth Dynasty (Shepseskaf), but in the Fifth Dynasty they are rarely attested.
During the Sixth Dynasty an increase in the amount of royal decrees is evident in the reign
of Pepi II, when no fewer than eight examples are known.6 The large corpus of royal
decrees from Koptos dates to the Eighth Dynasty.
At Dayr al-Barsha a weathered royal decree appears on the façade of an Old Kingdom
tomb (16L34/1) located on the north hill (Zone 4) (pl. XII, figs. 1-2).7 The owner of this
tomb is identified in the decree as Ia-ib . It is likely no accident that the decree was

*
I thank Harco Willems for valuable comments on the draft version of this article, and Troy Sagrillo for correcting the
English.
1
H. Goedicke, “Diplomatical Studies in the Old Kingdom”, JARCE 3 (1964), p. 31-32.
2
Three letters from Djedkare Isesi to Senedjemib Inti: E. Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex, I, The Mastabas of
Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378) (Giza Mastabas 7.1), 2001, p. 92-101;
E. Eichler, “Untersuchungen zu den Königsbriefen des Alten Reiches”, SAK 18 (1991), p. 142-149.
3
Two letters from Djedkare Isesi to the vizier Reshepses: K.H. Sethe, Urkunden des aegyptischen Altertums, I,
Urkunden des Alten Reichs, 1933, p. 179-180; E. Eichler, SAK 18 (1991), p. 149-152.
4
A letter from Pepi II to Harkhuf: K.H. Sethe, Urk. I, 128-131; E. Eichler, op. cit., p. 152-155.
5
Original decrees on papyrus, mostly fragmentary, were found at Abu Sir; see P. Posener-Kriéger – J.-L. de Cenival.
The Abu Sir Papyri (HPBM 5), 1968.
6
H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente aus dem alten Reich (ÄA 14), 1967, p. 3.
7
For the division of the site in zones and the numbering system of the tombs, see H. Willems – M. De Meyer
et al., “Preliminary Report of the 2002 Campaign of the Belgian Mission to Deir al-Barsha”, MDAIK 60 (2004),
p. 248-250.

Revue d’égyptologie 62, 57-71. doi∞∞: 10.2143/RE.62.0.2136929

Tous droits réservés © Revue d’égyptologie, 2011.
58 M. DE MEYER

placed on the façade and immediately north of the entrance door to the tomb. Royal decrees
were preferably placed in a prominent, visible position, and are thus often found near door-
ways and along circulation axes.8

THE TEXT

The Dayr al-Barsha decree is unique in that it follows the standard format of official
royal decrees that were written on papyrus or copies on stelae, and not that of letters
of the king, even though it is preserved on the façade of a private tomb.9 The Horus
name of the king is written vertically in a serekh, while the name and titles of the
addressee are written on top in a horizontal line with the actual text of the decree under-
neath it in vertical columns (pl. XIII, figs. 3-5).10 The presence of the Horus name is
remarkable as this is never the case for the letters preserved in private tombs mentioned
above.11
The first one to publish a drawing of this decree was Rudolf Anthes in 1928
(pl. XIII, 3).12 Anthes’ copy is not a facsimile drawing but a hand-copy of the text.
Nevertheless his drawing makes it clear that the text is badly damaged, and that only the
serekh and the top line of hieroglyphs are completely legible. The decree, which is
executed in sunk relief, has suffered heavily from aeolian erosion since it is located on
the façade of a tomb. In 1992 Edward Brovarski published a photo of the decree,13 but
no improvements on the reading of Anthes were made.
A new epigraphic drawing of the decree was made by the author and collated by
Harco Willems (pl. XIII, 4). This copy shows substantial changes from Anthes’ version.
The readings of the horizontal line of text on top and the serekh remain unaltered,
but the decree itself has become considerably more legible. The main problem with
the copy of Anthes is that the decree seems to consist solely of titles, with no sen-
tence structure evident. Based on the new copy, the following translation can be pro-
posed:

8
L. Pantalacci, “Un décret de Pépi II en faveur des gouverneurs de l’oasis de Dakhla”, BIFAO 85 (1985), p. 245,
n. 3.
9
H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, p. 8-9, 231; id., JARCE 3 (1964), p. 33.
10
Compare to W. Helck, Altägyptische Aktenkunde des 3. und 2. Jahrtausends v.Chr. (MÄS 31), 1974, p. 10-13.
11
See notes 2-4 and H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, p. 9.
12
R. Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub (UGAÄ 9), 1928, pl. 2, Inschrift XV. F.Ll. Griffith –
P.E. Newberry, El-Bersheh, II (ASE 4), 1895, p. 57 already gave a short description of the text, mentioning the
name Nfr-̨.w.
13
E. Brovarski – R.E. Freed et al., Bersheh Reports, 1, 1992, p. 67.

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[1] Ìr nfr-̨.w [2] w∂ nsw.t14 Ì.ty-¨ Ìrp ns.ty í¨-íb [3] í<w>=k m ír.y-p¨.t Ì.ty-¨ […] [4] Ìtm.ty
-bí.ty […]15 Ìr.y-tp [5] Ìrp ns.ty16 Ìr.y-Ìb [6] Ìrp s∂.ty nsw.t […].
[1] The Horus Neferkhau;17 [2] Royal decree to the Mayor, the Controller of the Two Thrones,
Ia-ib: [3] You are (now) the Prince, the Count, […][4] the Seal Bearer of the King of Lower
Egypt […] the Chief […], [5] the Controller of the Two Thrones, the Lector Priest, [6] the
Controller of the King’s Foster Child (?),18 […].19

The new copy of the text clearly shows that the decree itself starts with , followed by a
sign that has a curve on the bottom. This group should be interpreted as í<w>=k, a

14
The word nsw.t is oriented in the right direction, while the word w∂ is reversed. The reverse writing of w∂ is standard
in the w∂-nsw.t formula during the Old Kingdom (H.G. Fischer, The Orientation of Hieroglyphs, Part 1: Reversals
[Egyptian Studies 2], 1977, p. 57-61). However, during the Fifth to early Sixth Dynasty (Isesi–Pepi I), the sw-plant is nor-
mally reversed as well (ibid., p. 58 and n. 149). The non-reversed orientation of the sw-plant was hitherto thought only to
occur in the Sixth Dynasty between the reigns of Pepi I and II (H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, p. 10; id., JARCE 3
[1964], p. 34; W. Helck, Altägyptische Aktenkunde, p. 14; H.G. Fischer, op. cit., p. 58, n. 149). The latter mentions the
drawing of the Dayr al-Barsha decree by Anthes, but since Anthes’ copy is merely a hand-copy, Fischer assumes that the
top of the sw-plant might be damaged, and thus in fact may be reversed as well. However, the new collation of the Dayr
al-Barsha decree shows that the sw-plant is clearly oriented correctly and is not reversed, making this the earliest occur-
rence of this feature.
15
Possibly the lacuna was filled with (Ìr.y-tp nÌb, “Chief Nekhbite”) or (Ìr.y-Ìb Ìr.y-tp, “Chief Lector Priest”).
There is disagreement on how the former title should be read, as some scholars prefer nÌb.y Ìr.y-tp. For an overview of the
readings, see D. Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom (BAR-IS 866), 2000,
nr. 2374.
16
It seems unlikely that ns.ty was ever fully written as like Anthes has drawn it since the space below the ns-sign

is too limited for two signs. The word was more likely written as .
17
This is the Horus name of King Neferefre of the Fifth Dynasty (J. von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen
Königsnamen [MÄS 49], 1999, p. 59, 5H).
18
This title is rather bizarre and occurs nowhere else. However, the title s∂.ty-nsw.t “Foster Child of the King” is well
known and points to an education in the royal palace to prepare for a career in the civil administration of the country
(J.C. Moreno García, Études sur l’administration, le pouvoir et l’idéologie en Égypte, de l’Ancien au Moyen Empire
[AegLeod 4], 1997, p. 115-117; D. Jones, An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, nr. 3645). S∂.ty-nsw.t also occurs in a few
of the Koptos Decrees (Koptos L & R [H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, figs. 17 and 28]). However, the Ìrp sign is
quite clear, and no other translation for this title seems to do the hieroglyphs justice. H. Willems (personal communication)
has suggested a split column as a possible solution, and to read Ìrp nsw.tyw s∂.ty nsw.t “Leader of those-who-belong-to-
the-King, Foster Child of the King.” Although the second title is known, the title Ìrp nsw.tyw is not. However, ím.y-r nsw.
tyw “Overseer of those-who-belong-to-the-King” does occur and in meaning they could be similar. For an overview of
persons bearing this title: J.C. Moreno García, “Administration territoriale et organisation de l’espace en Égypte au
troisième millénaire avant J.-C. (II): swnw”, ZÄS 124 (1997), p. 125. Im.y-r and Ìrp do not mean the same thing, but des-
ignate offices at hierarchically different levels. A Ìrp is subordinated to an ím.y-r. The fact that the latter title occurs is
in itself a possible argument in favour of assuming that a Ìrp nsw.tyw did exist. The nsw.tyw were a group of people in
the service of the king, and the ím.y-r nsw.tyw, which is a typical Fifth Dynasty title, seems to have been in charge of
mobilising and organising this royal work force in the provinces (ibid., p. 124-126).
A totally different suggestion for this final column has been proposed by E. Brovarski (personal communication). The
presence of nsw.t and ∂s suggests the sentence nsw.t ∂s(=f) r-gs Ìtm “sealed in the presence of the king
himself”. This line occurs frequently at the end of royal decrees (cf. for example H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, figs.
1-3, 6-9, 12, 15, 17, 19, 20, 27) and would fit here as well. However, this reading fails to explain the presence of the Ìrp-
sign and the two seated figures behind ∂s. The reading of this final column thus remains problematic.
19
In the remaining space likely follows the name of Ia-ib, but no clear traces of any sign are preserved.

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writing that is also found on one of the Koptos decrees (Koptos O)20 where it is followed
by an m, as is also the case on the decree of Ia-ib. This construction is typical for an
Ernennungsurkunde,21 a kind of decree in which the king elevates the addressee to a higher
rank. The title string of Ia-ib in the horizontal line on top of the inscription reflects his
status before the decree was issued. Here Ia-ib is only a Ì.ty-¨ and a Ìrp ns.ty. Both these
titles are also mentioned in the decree itself, but in addition Ia-ib receives the titles ír.y-p¨.t,
Ìtm.ty bí.ty, Ìr.y-Ìb, and the mysterious title Ìrp s∂.ty nsw.t. In the lacuna in line 4 another
title ending in Ìr.y-tp must have been present. While it is clear that Ia-ib was given a set of
high rank titles by the king, no information is dispensed as to why this act occurred, or
even whether it took place during Ia-ib’s lifetime or after his death.22

DATING THE TOMB OF IA-IB

Since the decree of Ia-ib is one of the few documents at Dayr al-Barsha that is dated to
a specific king’s reign, and the only one from the Old Kingdom, it has been much debated.
Anthes23 places Ia-ib before, or at least makes him a contemporary of, the earliest provin-
cial governors buried at nearby al-Shaykh Sa¨id, namely Serfka24 and Werirni.25 At the
time when Anthes wrote his arguments, the dating of Baer was not yet available, which
places the tombs of Serfka and Werirni between the reigns of Djedkare and Unas,26 thus
slightly younger than the time of Neferefre. He suggests that Ia-ib may have been appointed
by the king to govern the Hare Nome before this position became hereditary under the
governors buried at al-Shaykh Sa¨id. Furthermore, Anthes states that the titles of Ia-ib are
closely similar to those of the future Middle Kingdom nomarchs buried at Dayr al-Barsha,
especially the occurrence of the title Ìrp ns.ty “Controller of the Two Thrones.”27 In the

20
H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, p. 180 (3), fig. 19.
21
H. Goedicke, ibid., p. 2 and 232.
22
That it was possible to receive such a royal promotion after one’s death is shown in a passage in the tomb of Djau at
Dayr al-Jabrawi, which reads íw rdí.n Ìm=f írí.t w∂ n rdí.t=f m Ì.ty-¨ m Ìtp dí nsw.t “His Majesty caused that an order be
given appointing him to Mayor as an offering-which-the-king-gives” (N. De Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of Deir el
Gebrâwi, II, Tomb of Zau and Tombs of the Northern Group [ASE 12], 1902, pl. 13 [21]; Urk. I, p. 147). See also
H.G. Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C. down to the Theban Domination of Upper Egypt, 1968, p. 71. From
the context in which this phrase occurs it is clear that the deceased’s son procured this Ìtp dí nsw.t for his father after his
death. The concept of fulfilling positions after one’s death that one never held while still living is also reflected in the term
í.wt Ìr.t-n†r “offices of the necropolis” (H.G. Fischer, ibid., p. 145, i).
23
R. Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, p. 105.
24
N. De Garis Davies, The Rock Tombs of Sheikh Saïd (ASE 10), 1901, p. 10-14, pl. 3-6 (Tomb no 24).
25
Ibid., p. 14-24, pl. 7-16 (Tomb no 25).
26
K. Baer, Rank and Title, p. 293, nr. 457 (Serfka); p. 289, nr. 114 (Werirni).
27
R. Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, p. 106-107; R. Anthes, “Die zeitliche Ansetzung des Fürsten Nhrj I.
vom Hasengau”, ZÄS 59 (1924), p. 106.

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case of the Middle Kingdom nomarchs, Ìrp ns.ty designates the high priest of Thoth at al-
Ashmunayn, but originally it was purely an administrative function.28
Roeder29 claims that the decree of Ia-ib forms proof that king Neferefre already used the
quarries at Hatnub and that he had alabaster transported to Memphis for his funerary tem-
ple. He also makes Ia-ib out to be a high priest in the temple of Thoth during this time.
Although this scenario may sound plausible, the decree itself does not speak about alabas-
ter quarrying or any other activity carried out in the Hare Nome. Therefore the text cannot
be taken as proof that Neferefre exploited the Hatnub quarries.
While both Anthes and Roeder do not doubt that the decree dates to the the reign of
the Fifth Dynasty pharaoh Neferefre, Vandersleyen argues against this date. He suggests
that Ia-ib should not be placed in the Old Kingdom, but rather in the period from the
Tenth to the mid-Twelfth Dynasties.30 He bases this claim on two observations: firstly
that the name Ia-ib is frequently attested during the Middle Kingdom, but rarely during
the Old Kingdom31; and secondly that Ia-ib carries the titles Ì.ty-¨ and Ìrp ns.ty, both
titles that form part of the standard title string of nomarchs of the Hare Nome during
the First Intermediate Period and the Middle Kingdom.32 This leads him to believe that
Ia-ib should be a close contemporary of these later nomarchs. Based on these two
arguments, Vandersleyen concludes that the royal name nfr-̨.w should be attributed
to another king than the Fifth Dynasty Neferefre, and he mentions that the element
nfr-̨.w occurs several times in the names of Middle Kingdom rulers: Senefer-ib-Re
Senwosret IV, whose Golden Horus name is nfr-̨.w;33 Awibre-Hor whose nb.ty name is

28
R. Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub, p. 107, n. 2. It has furthermore been shown by Vandersleyen that dur-
ing the Old Kingdom no religious significance can be attributed to the title Ìrp ns.ty (Cl. Vandersleyen, “Un titre du vice-
roi Mérimose à Silsila”, CdE XLIII/86 [1968], p. 238-240). H. Spiess, Der Aufstieg eines Gottes. Untersuchungen zum
Gott Thot bis zum Beginn des Neuen Reiches (Doctoral dissertation, Univ. Hamburg), 1991, p. 210-211, attributes no reli-
gious meaning to the title whatsoever, and claims that during the Old Kingdom, from the Fifth Dynasty onwards, the title
was given to high officials and viziers. For the involvement of the Middle Kingdom Dayr al-Barsha nomarchs in the cult
of Thoth: H. Willems et al., Dayr al-Barsha, I, The Rock Tombs of Djehutinakht (No. 17K74/1), Khnumnakht (No.
17K74/2), and Iha (No. 17K74/3), With an Essay on the History and Nature of Nomarchal Rule in the Early Middle
Kingdom (OLA 155), 2007, p. 95-100. The use of the title Ìrp ns.ty during the Late Period has been discussed by G.P.F.
Broekman, “The ‘High Priests of Thot’ in Hermopolis in the Fourth and Early Third Centuries B.C.E.”, ZÄS 133 (2006),
p. 97-103.
29
G. Roeder, Hermopolis 1929-1939. Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Hermopolis-Expedition in Hermopolis, Ober-
Ägypten, in Verbindung mit zahlreichen Mitarbeitern (Pelizaeus-Museum zu Hildesheim, wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung 4),
1959, p. 76, §4.
30
Cl. Vandersleyen, CdE XLIII/86 (1968), p. 241, n. 1. The arguments of Vandersleyen were repeated in F. Gomaà,
Ägypten während der Ersten Zwischenzeit (TAVO Beihefte 27), 1980, p. 110-111.
31
Cl. Vandersleyen, op. cit., p. 241, n. 1.
32
Ibid., p. 240-241.
33
J. von Beckerath, Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen, p. 103 (XIIIa). This king has been redated to the
Sixteenth Dynasty by K.S.B. Ryholt, The Political Situation in Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period c. 1800-1550
B.C. (CNI Publications 20), 1997, p. 157-158 (16e), 306.

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nfr-̨.w;34 and a scantily known Nefer-Khau-Ra of the Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty,

who has the addition of the element Ra to nfr-̨.w.35
While it is true that the other kings to whom Vandersleyen refers contain the element
nfr-̨.w in their name, in none of the cases is the name used as a Horus name, which is
clearly the case for the decree treated here. To assume that the decree of Ia-ib is the only
attestation of an unknown Middle Kingdom pharaoh with nfr-̨.w as a Horus name, is
certainly too farfetched. The argument of Vandersleyen therefore does not carry much
weight, and subsequent authors have either not followed his suggestion, such as
Blumenthal,36 or have remained undecided, such as Kessler.37
Gomaà has suggested another possible date for the decree of Ia-ib by explaining the
-sign in the Horus name as a scribal error for , so that it might be the Horus name of
Pepi II, n†ry-̨.w.38 However, the nfr-sign is quite clearly cut, and as far as can be ascer-
tained there are no other scribal errors in the decree that would indicate general negligence.
In fact there seems to be no good reason to assume that the decree on the tomb of
Ia-ib should be dated outside the reign of the Fifth Dynasty king Neferefre. It is true that
at the time Vandersleyen made his argument, king Neferefre was only rarely attested
and merely a shadowy figure in Fifth Dynasty history. However, the excavations by the
Czech mission of the unfinished pyramid and mortuary complex of Neferefre at Abusir
in the 1980-90s have amply remedied this situation.39 A number of inscribed documents
have shown that there is no longer any doubt that the name nfr-̨.w is the Horus
name of Neferefre.40 Moreover, in the mortuary complex of Neferefre a number of
royal decrees written on papyrus were found dated to King Djedkare Isesi of the Fifth
Dynasty and addressed to the cult personnel of the mortuary temple of Neferefre.41 This

34
J. von Beckerath, op. cit., p. 93 (XIII 14); K.S.B. Ryholt, op. cit., p. 73 (13/15). However, S.H. Aufrère, “Le roi
Aouibrê Hor. Essai d’interprétation du matériel découvert par Jacques de Morgan à Dahchour (1894)”, BIFAO 101 (2001),
p. 1-41, dates this king to the Twelfth Dynasty, between the reigns of Senwosret III and Amenemhat III.
35
Cl. Vandersleyen, op. cit., p. 241, n. 1.
36
E. Blumenthal, “Die Textgattung Expeditionsbericht in Ägypten,” in J. Assmann – E. Feucht – R. Grieshammer
(ed.), Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur. Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, 1977, p. 99, n. 63.
37
D. Kessler, Historische Topographie der Region zwischen Mallawi und Samalut (TAVO Beihefte 30), 1981,
p. 100-101.
38
F. Gomaà, Ägypten während der Ersten Zwischenzeit, p. 110, n. 7-8. For the names of Pepi II, see J. von Beckerath,
op. cit., p. 65, 5H.
39
For the excavation reports of the Czech mission in the pyramid and mortuary complex of Neferefre, see M. Verner,
ZÄS 109 (1982), p. 157-166, ZÄS 111 (1984), p. 70-78, ZÄS 113 (1986), p. 154-160, ZÄS 115 (1988), p. 77-84, ZÄS 124
(1997), p. 71-85, ZÄS 126 (1999), p. 70-76.
40
See for instance P. Kaplony, Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reiches, 2, Katalog der Rollsiegel. A. Text (MonAeg 3A), 1981,
p. 281-287; P. Kaplony, Die Rollsiegel des Alten Reiches, 2, Katalog der Rollsiegel. B. Tafeln (MonAeg 3B), 1981,
pl. 80-81 for evidence of the name of Neferefre on seals.
41
P. Posener-Kriéger, “Décrets envoyés au temple funéraire de Rêneferef,” in P. Posener-Kriéger (ed.), Mélanges
Gamal Eddin Mokhtar (BdE 97/2), 1985, p. 195-210.

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archive, together with the decree on a stela from the time of Neferirkare,42 clearly
demonstrates that the practice of issuing royal decrees was well-established in the early
Fifth Dynasty.
It should furthermore be kept in mind that all theories that have been formed in the past
regarding the decree on the tomb of Ia-ib were based on the older publication of Anthes.
It has been shown that Anthes’ copy was far from exact, and he published the decree in a
vacuum, without any comment on the architecture of the tomb it was carved on.
The original walls of the Old Kingdom tomb have unfortunately mostly disappeared,
since it was exploited as a quarry during the New Kingdom. However, the ceilings of
the rooms had been blackened by soot, so that after the walls were quarried away,
black negative traces on the ceiling still indicate the outline of the original tomb
(pl. XIV, fig. 6). This shows that it was a large complex, consisting of two broad con-
secutive chambers and one small third chamber or a niche on the central axis (pl. XIV,
fig. 7). At least two side chambers existed: one to the south of the second chamber,
and one probably to the north of the third chamber. The latter preserves a large unin-
scribed three-jamb false door with an offering table in front of it (pl. XV, fig. 8). Such a
layout is typical for the tombs of high officials during the Fifth and Sixth Dynasty at
nearby al-Shaykh Sa¨id.43
The false door inside the tomb of Ia-ib is also of interest in relation to its date (pl. XV,
fig. 8). It has a cavetto cornice and torus moulding, an architrave, three pairs of jambs
and a central niche. The area where the panel and the apertures would have been is
hacked out, and the false door is uninscribed. Strudwick has shown that at Saqqara the
presence of a cornice and torus occurs the earliest during the reign of Sahure, and for the
remainder of the early Fifth Dynasty it only occurs in tombs of highly ranked noble-
men.44 Only from the reign of Menkauhor onwards do men with lower titles exhibit a
similar false door. If this is the situation in the capital, then the presence of such a false
door in an early Fifth Dynasty provincial tomb may form an indication of the high social
level to which Ia-ib belonged.
Lastly, archaeology might provide a clue to the date of the tomb. Two sectors (20 and
21) were excavated in the tomb during the 2004 mission, and although no Old Kingdom
remains were found in situ, fragments of two Old Kingdom offering tables were recovered
(pl. XV, fig. 9). The offering tables are uninscribed and roughly worked, consisting of a

42
H. Goedicke, Königliche Dokumente, p. 22-36.
43
P. Elsner, Die Typologie der Felsgräber. Strukturanalytische Untersuchung altägyptischer Grabarchitektur,
2004, p. 62-132; H. Brunner, Die Anlagen der ägyptischen Felsgräber bis zum Mittleren Reich (ÄgForsch 3), 1936,
p. 32-33.
44
N. Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom: The Highest Titles and Their Holders (Studies in
Egyptology 2), 1985, p. 15.

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Ìtp-sign in raised relief flanked by two libation basins on either side. This type of offering
table is frequently attested during the Old Kingdom.45
In conclusion, there can no longer be any doubt that the decree of Ia-ib dates to the Fifth
Dynasty reign of Neferefre. It has been shown that the issuing of royal decrees was an
established practice in the early Fifth Dynasty, and both the architecture of the tomb as
well as the archaeological remains in it date the structure to the Old Kingdom. Not only is
this decree the oldest text with a fixed date at Dayr al-Barsha, it also forms a unique docu-
ment in the region of Middle Egypt. While the body of the text supplies limited informa-
tion, its mere presence demonstrates that Ia-ib must have been a man of exceptional merit
to be awarded the privilege of carving this decree on his tomb.

Résumé /Abstract

Publication du décret royal datant de la Ve dynastie sur la façade de la tombe d’Ia-ib à Dayr al-
Barsha. La date de ce décret a été mise en doute dans le passé, et les arguments des chercheurs
précédents sont évalués en tenant compte de nouvelles informations concernant l’architecture et
l’inventaire funéraire de la tombe.

Publication of the Fifth Dynasty royal decree on the façade of the tomb of Ia-ib at Dayr al-Bar-
sha. The date of this decree has been doubted in the past, and the arguments of previous scholars
are reviewed with new information in mind regarding the architecture and the funerary remains in
the tomb.

45
Hölzl Type B+C (R. Hölzl, Ägyptische Opfertafeln und Kultbecken. Eine Form- und Funktionsanalyse für das Alte,
Mittlere und Neue Reich [HÄB 45], 2002, p. 16, 23 [CG 1335]). The Ìtp-sign occurs on offering tables from the mid-Fifth
Dynasty onwards. For comparative offering tables, see for instance L. Borchardt, Denkmäler des Alten Reiches (außer den
Statuen) im Museum von Kairo (Nr. 1295-1808), 1., Text und Tafeln zu Nr. 1295-1541 (CGC 90), 1937, nrs. 1335, 1344,
1355, 1358, 1362, 1363, 1368, 1372; D. Abou-Ghazi, Denkmäler des Alten Reiches, 3.2., Altars and Offering Tables
(57024-57049) (CGC 92/2), 1980, nrs. 57024, 57030; M.M.F. Mostafa, Untersuchungen zu Opfertafeln im Alten Reich
(HÄB 17), 1982, p. 129-130, pl. 33-34 (Sixth Dynasty).

RdE 62 (2011)
REVUE D’ÉGYPTOLOGIE t. 62 (2011) Pl. XII

Fig. 1. The façade of the tomb of Ia-ib (photography M. De Meyer).

Fig. 2. Drawing of the façade of the tomb of Ia-ib with location of the royal decree (drawing P. Dils).

M. De Meyer, The Fifth Dynasty Royal Decree of Ia-ib at Dayr al-Barsha

REVUE D’ÉGYPTOLOGIE t. 62 (2011) Pl. XIII

Fig. 3. Copy of the decree of Ia-ib made by Anthes (after R. Anthes, Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub
[UGAÄ 9], 1928, pl. 2).

Fig. 4. New facsimile drawing of the decree of Ia-ib (drawing M. De Meyer).

Fig. 5. Photo of the decree of Ia-ib (photography M. De Meyer).

M. De Meyer, The Fifth Dynasty Royal Decree of Ia-ib at Dayr al-Barsha

REVUE D’ÉGYPTOLOGIE t. 62 (2011) Pl. XIV

Fig. 6. The negative trace of the second room in tomb 16L34/1 as indicated by black soot
(photography M. De Meyer).

Fig. 7. Ground plan of the tomb of Ia-ib.

The light grey areas indicate the ceiling parts that are blackened by soot (plan M. De Meyer).

M. De Meyer, The Fifth Dynasty Royal Decree of Ia-ib at Dayr al-Barsha

REVUE D’ÉGYPTOLOGIE t. 62 (2011) Pl. XV

Fig. 8. The false-door in a side chamber of the tomb of Ia-ib (photography M. De Meyer).

Fig. 9. The two Old Kingdom offering tables from the tomb of Ia-ib (photos M. De Meyer).

M. De Meyer, The Fifth Dynasty Royal Decree of Ia-ib at Dayr al-Barsha