Historiography of Colonial Spanish

America
The historiography of Spanish America has a long history.[1][2][3] It
dates back to the early sixteenth century with multiple competing
accounts of the conquest, Spaniards’ eighteenth-century attempts
to discover how to reverse the decline of its empire,[4] and Latin
American-born Spaniards' (creoles') search for an identity other
than Spanish, and the creation of creole patriotism.[5] Following
independence in some parts of Spanish America, some politically-
engaged citizens of the new sovereign nations sought to shape
national identity.[6] In the nineteenth and early twentieth
A 17th-century Dutch map of the
centuries, non-Spanish American historians began writing
Americas
chronicles important events, such as the conquests of Mexico and
Peru,[7] dispassionate histories of the Spanish imperial project after
its almost complete demise in the hemisphere,[8] and histories of the southwest borderlands, areas of the
United States that had previously been part of the Spanish Empire, led by Herbert Eugene Bolton.[9] At the
turn of the twentieth century, scholarly research on Spanish America saw the creation of college courses
dealing with the region, the systematic training of professional historians in the field, and the founding of the
first specialized journal, Hispanic American Historical Review.[10][11] For most of the twentieth century,
historians of colonial Spanish America read and were familiar with a large canon of work. With the expansion
of the field in the late twentieth century, there has been the establishment of new subfields, the founding of
new journals, and the proliferation of monographs, anthologies, and articles for increasingly specialized
practitioners and readerships. The Conference on Latin American History, the organization of Latin American
historians affiliated with the American Historical Association, awards a number of prizes for publications, with
works on early Latin American history well represented.[12]

Contents
General works
Early historiography
European Age of Exploration and the early Caribbean
Historiography of the conquest
Demography
Institutional history
Social history
Conquest era
Elites
 Indigenous peoples
Race
Gender, sexuality, and family
Religion and culture
History of science
Economic history
Early labor systems
Silver
Other commodity production
Trade and transportation
Environmental impacts
End of the colonial era
Further reading
Primary sources
See also
References

General works
Although the term "colonial" is contested by some scholars as being
historically inaccurate, pejorative, or both,[13][14][15] it remains a
standard term for the titles of books, articles, and scholarly
journals and the like to denote the period 1492 – ca. 1825.

The first two volumes of the ten-volume Cambridge History of

Latin America focus on the colonial era, with the following eight
volumes concerned with the independence era to circa 1980.[16]
The purpose of the project was "to produce a high-level synthesis of
existing knowledge which will provide historians of Latin America "Carte d'Amérique" by French
with a solid basis for future research, which students of Latin cartographer Guillaume Delisle
America will find useful and which will be of interest to historians 1774
of other areas of the world" (vol. 1, p. xiv). Volume One deals with
the prehispanic era, conquest and settlement, and the
establishment of government and commerce. Volume Two focuses on economic and social history, with
chapters on Blacks, Indians, and women, groups that were generally excluded from scholarly attention until
the late twentieth century.[17] Some colonial historians reviewing the first two volumes criticized the overall
structure of the series and the colonial-focused volumes themselves. These concern the “presentist,” structure
of the project, seeing the colonial era as a prelude to the modern era rather than giving full weight to the three
hundred years of rule by the Spanish Empire and Portuguese Empire; cursory treatment of the linkages
between Europe and the Americas; the lack of linkages between the articles; and lack of comparison between
Spanish America and Brazil.[18] The emphasis on social and economic history and the general lack of
discussion of the institutions of the Catholic Church and the State may be a reflection of academic interests of
the contributors and the era of the 1960s and 1970s when many
contributors were trained.[19] The almost complete absence of
contributions by Latin American or Spanish scholars comes in for
criticism, with one reviewer considering that issue “the
fundamental flaw of this entire production to date.”[20]

A number of general works used as textbooks have focused on the

colonial era for both Spanish America and Brazil, providing an
overview of the field. A major synthesis comparing Spanish
America and Brazil, by two contributors to the Cambridge History
of Latin America, is James Lockhart's and Stuart B. Schwartz's
1983 Early Latin America.[21] They argue that Spanish America
Spanish America
and Brazil were structurally similar and "that political and cultural
differences between Spanish and Portuguese America were less
significant than the economic and social differences between central and peripheral regions." This idea was
proposed in Stanley J. Stein and Barbara H. Stein's The Colonial Heritage of Latin America (1970),[22] but
which Lockhart and Schwartz work out in more detail, examining both internal as well as external linkages.
Early Latin America is written as a textbook and although it has not undergone multiple editions for a mass
market, it remains an important and affordable work synthesizing considerable material found in the first two
volumes of the Cambridge History of Latin America.[23] A standard work on colonial Latin America that has
gone through multiple editions is Mark Burkholder and Lyman L. Johnson's Colonial Latin America.[24]
Matthew Restall and Kris Lane have published Latin America in Colonial Times for the textbook market.[25]
Collections of primary source documents have been published over the years, which are especially valuable for
classroom use.[26][27][28][29]

There are relatively few general works on in English on a single country, but Mexico has been the subject of a
number of histories.[30][31][32] Two general works concentrating on the colonial period are by Ida Altman and
coauthors.[33] and Alan Knight.[34]

Multi-volume reference works have appeared over the years. The Handbook of Latin American Studies, based
in the Hispanic Division of the Library of Congress, annually publishes annotated bibliographies of new works
in the field, with contributing editors providing an overview essay. The five-volume Encyclopedia of Latin
American History and Culture appeared in 1996, with short articles by multiple authors.[35] A general three-
volume work published in 2006 is Iberia and the Americas.[36] Various other more specialized encyclopedias
have appeared, such as the two-volume Encyclopedia of Mexico: History, Society, and Culture.[37]
Anthropology and ethnohistory have multi-volume works devoted to Spanish America, including the six-
volume Handbook of South American Indians (1946–1959)[38] The National Science Foundation provided
funding to create the Handbook of Middle American Indians (1964–1976).[39] A three-volume work, Oxford
Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures has articles on the sweep of Mesoamerican culture from pre-Contact
to the late twentieth century.[40] Another specialized work appearing in tandem with the 500th anniversary of
Columbus's voyage is The Christopher Columbus Encyclopedia. 2 vols.[41] Useful bibliographic tools for
colonial Mexico are the three volumes by historical geographer Peter Gerhard dealing with civil administrative
and ecclesiastical jurisdictions in central Mexico,[42] the north,[43] and the southeastern frontier.[44]
Useful historiographical essays on colonial Spanish America include those in The Oxford Handbook of Latin
American History.[45] The historigraphical essays deal with New Spain,[46] colonial Spanish South
America,[47] sexuality,[48] and the independence era.[49] Many important essays by major figures in the field
have appeared journals over the years.[50][51][52]

Original scholarly research, bibliographic review essays, and reviews of individual works appear in an
increasing number of scholarly journals, including Hispanic American Historical Review (1918–), The
Americas, (1944–) Journal of Latin American Studies (1969–), Bulletin of Latin American Research (1981–),
Colonial Latin American Review (1992–), Journal of Colonial Latin American Studies (2016–), and others.
The digitization of journals and their availability online make it far easier for access. In recent years, the U.S.
National Endowment for the Humanities has overseen the development of electronic listservs on a variety of
topics. H-LATAM and others publish book reviews online, accessible to the public.

Early historiography
From the early sixteenth century onward, Spaniards wrote accounts of Spain's overseas explorations,
conquests, religious evangelization, the overseas empire. The authors range from conquerors, crown officials,
and religious personnel.[53][54] The early development of the idea of Spanish American local patriotism,
separate from Spanish identity, has been examined through the writings of a number of key figures, such as
Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Bartolomé de las Casas, Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Fray Juan
de Torquemada, Francisco Javier Clavijero, and others.[55] Spaniards grappled with how to write their own
imperial history and Spanish Americas created a "patriotic epistemology."[56]

Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas,

early Spanish historian of Spain's
overseas empire

European rivals of Spain wrote a number of polemics,

Cover of Bartolomé de las Casas, A
Short Account of the Destruction of
the Indies (1552), which provided
grist for the Black Legend
characterizing the Spanish as cruel, bigoted, and exploitative. The
so-called Black Legend drew on Bartolomé de Las Casas's
contemporary critique, A Short Account of the Destruction of the
Indies (1552) and became an entrenched view of the Spanish
colonial era.[57][58] Defenders of the Spanish attempts to defend the Indians from exploitation created what
was called the White Legend of Spanish tolerance and protection of the Indians.[59] The question was debated
in the mid to late twentieth century and continues to have some salience in the twenty-first.[60][61][62]

Scottish scholar William Robertson (1721–1793), who established his scholarly reputation by writing a
biography of Spain's Charles V, wrote the first major history in English of Spanish America, The History of
America (1777). The work paraphrases much of Spanish historian Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas's Décadas,
it also contained new sources. It reached a wide readership when Britain was rising as a global empire.
Robertson drew on Las Casas's A Short Account, of Spanish cruelty, he noted Las Casas likely exaggerated.[63]
Spanish historians debated whether to translate Robertson's history to Spanish, which proponents supported
because of Robertson's generally even-handed approach to Spanish history, but the project ultimately shelved
when powerful politician José de Gálvez disapproved.[64]

Scholars in France, particularly Comte de Buffon (1707–1788), Guillaume Thomas François Raynal (1713–
1796) and Cornelius de Pauw (1739–1799), whose works generally disparaged the Americas and its populations
the region, which Iberian-born Spaniards ("peninsulars") and Latin American-born Spaniards ("criollos")
sought to counter.[65][66]

A major figure in Spanish American history and historiography is

Prussian scientist and explorer Alexander von Humboldt.[67] His
five-year scientific sojourn in Spanish America with the approval of
the Spanish crown, contributed new knowledge about the wealth
and diversity of the Spanish empire. Humboldt's self-funded
expedition from 1799–1840 was the foundation of his subsequent
publications that made him the dominant intellectual figure of the
nineteenth century. His Political Essay on the Kingdom of New
Spain was first published in French in 1810 and was immediately
translated to English.[68] Humboldt's full access to crown officials
and their documentary sources allowed him to create a detailed
description of Spain's most valuable colony at the turn of the
nineteenth century. "In all but his strictly scientific works,
Humboldt acted as the spokesman of the Bourbon Enlightenment,
the approved medium, so to say, through which the collective
inquiries of an entire generation of royal officials and creole Portrait of Alexander von Humboldt
savants were transmitted to the European public,t heir reception painted shortly after his return from
assured by the prestige of the author."[69] Spanish America by Friedrich Georg
Weitsch, 1806
In the early post-independence era, history writing in the nations of
Spanish America was accomplished by those from a particular
country or region. Often these writings are part of the creation of a national identity from a particular political
viewpoint. Politically conservative historians looked to the colonial era with nostalgia, while politically liberal
historians considered the colonial era with disdain. An important example is Mexico's conservative politician
and intellectual Lucas Alamán. His five-volume Historia de Mejico is the country's first history, covering the
colonial era up to and including the struggle for independence. Alamán viewed crown rule during the colonial
era as ideal, and political independence that after the brief monarchy of
Agustín de Iturbide, the Mexican republic was characterized by liberal
demagoguery and factionalism.[70] Writing in the mid-nineteenth
century, Mexican liberal Vicente Riva Palacio, grandson of insurgent hero
Vicente Guerrero, wrote a five-volume history of the colonial era from a
liberal viewpoint,[71][72] During the era of Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911),
writing a new history of Mexico became a priority and Justo Sierra,
minister of education, wrote an important work, The Political Evolution
of the Mexican People (1900–02), whose first two major sections deal
with "aboriginal civilizations and the conquest" and the colonial era and
independence .[73]
Lucas Alamán, conservative
In the United States, the work of William Hickling Prescott (1796–1859)
politician and the author of a 5
on the conquests of Mexico and Peru became best sellers in the mid-
volume history of Mexico
nineteenth century, but were firmly based on printed texts and archival
sources.[74] Prescott's work on the conquest of Mexico was almost
immediately translated to Spanish for a Mexican readership, even though it had an underlying anti-Catholic
bias. For conservative Mexicans, Prescott's description of the Aztecs as "barbarians" and "savages" fit their
notion of the indigenous and the need for the Spanish conquest.[75]

The United States victory in the Mexican–American War (1846–48), when it gained significant territory in
western North America, incorporated territory previously held by Spain and then independent Mexico and in
the United States the history of these now-called Spanish borderlands became a subject for historians.[76] In
the United States, Hubert Howe Bancroft was a leader in the development of the history of Spanish American
history and the borderlands.[77] His multivolume histories of various regions of northern Spanish America
were foundational works in the field, although sometimes dismissed by later historians, "at their peril."[78] He
accumulated a vast research library, which he donated to University of California, Berkeley. The Bancroft
Library was a key component to the emergence of the Berkeley campus as a center for the study Latin
American history. A major practitioner of the field was Berkeley professor Herbert E. Bolton, who became
director of the Bancroft Library. As President of the American Historical Association laid out his vision of an
integrated history of the Americas in "The Epic of Greater America".[79]
Starting around the turn of the twentieth century, university-level courses on Latin American history were
created and the number of historians trained in the use of "scientific history," using primary sources and even-
handed approach to the writing of history increased. Early leaders in the field founded the Hispanic American
Historical Review in 1918, and then as the number of practitioners drew, they founded the professional
organization of Latin American historians, the Conference on Latin American History in 1926. The
development of Latin American history was first examined in a two-volume collection of essays and primary
sources, prepared for the Conference on Latin American History,[80] and in a monograph by Helen Delpar,
Looking South: The Evolution of Latin Americanist Scholarship in the United States, 1850–1975.[81] For more
recent history of the field in Great Britain, see Victor Bulmer-Thomas, ed. Thirty Years of Latin American
Studies in the United Kingdom 1965–1995.[82]

European Age of Exploration and the early

Caribbean
The European age of expansion or the age of
exploration focuses on the period from the
European point of view: crown sponsorship
of voyages of exploration, early contacts with
indigenous peoples, and the establishment of
European settlements.[83] There were a spate
of publications that appeared in order to
coincide with the 500th anniversary of
Columbus's 1492 voyage. A number of
important contributions published earlier
include the two-volume First Images of
America: The Impact of the New World on
the Old.[84] Hugh Honour's beautifully
illustrated The New Golden Land: European Amerigo Vespucci awakens "America" in a Stradanus's
engraving (circa 1638)
Images of America from Discoveries to the
Present Time includes many allegorical
images of "America" as a befeathered, half-naked denizen of the "New World", which began appearing in
Europe in the mid-sixteenth century.[85]

Early European settlements in the Caribbean and the role of the family of Genoese mariner Christopher
Columbus have been the subject of a number of studies.[86][87] Historical geographer Carl O. Sauer's The Early
Spain Main remains a classic publication.[88] The 500th anniversary of Columbus's first voyage was marked
with a large number of publications, a number of which emphasize the indigenous as historical actors, helping
to create a fuller and more nuanced picture of historical dynamics in the Caribbean.[89] Ida Altman's study of
the rebellion of the indigenous leader Enriquillo includes a very useful discussion of the historiography of the
early period.[90]

Historiography of the conquest

 The history of the
Spanish conquest of
Mexico and of Peru has
long fascinated scholars
and the general public.
With the quincentenary
of the first Columbus
voyage in 1492, there
has been a renewed
Codex Azcatitlan showing Cortés,
interest in the very early
Malinche, and a black slave
encounter between
Europeans and New
World indigenous peoples.[91] Sources for the histories of the
conquest of Mexico are particularly rich, and the historiographical
debates about events and interpretations from multiple viewpoints
inform the discussions.[92]

Spanish conqueror Hernán Cortés wrote to Charles V during the

Francisco López de Gómara's events of the conquest, attempting to his explain his actions and
account of the conquest of Mexico demonstrate the importance of the conquest. Bernal Díaz del
(1555). Conqueror Bernal Díaz del
Castillo wrote important accounts of the conquest, and other, less
Castillo sought to set the record
prominent Spanish conquerors petitioned the crown to garner
straight with his True History of the
Conquest of Mexico rewards from the crown. In addition to these accounts by the
European winners, are those by their indigenous allies, particularly
the Tlaxcalans and Texcocans, but also the defeated rulers of
Mexico-Tenochtitlan. A "vision of the vanquished" was recorded by sixteenth-century Franciscan, Bernardino
de Sahagún as the last volume of his General History of the Things of New Spain, often known as the
Florentine Codex.

Revisionist history of the conquest was being written as early as the sixteenth century. Accounts by Spanish
participants and later authors have long been available, starting with the publication of Hernán Cortés's letters
to the king, Francisco López de Gómara's biography of Cortés commissioned by Cortés's son and heir Don
Martín. That laudatory biography prompted an irate Bernal Díaz del Castillo to write his "true history" of the
conquest of Mexico, finished in 1568, but first published in 1632. Multiple editions of Cortés's letters and
Bernal Díaz del Castillo's "true history" have appeared over the years. Accounts from the various Nahua
perspectives have appeared, including Franciscan Bernardino de Sahagún's two accounts of the conquest from
the Tlatelolco viewpoint, book XII of the Florentine Codex,[93][94][95] Anthologies of accounts of the conquest
from additional Nahua perspectives have appeared.[96][97][98] Spanish accounts of the conquest of Yucatán
have been available in print, but now accounts by Maya conquerors have been published in English
translation.[99] The so-called "new conquest history" aims to encompass any encounter between Europeans
and indigenous peoples in contexts beyond complex indigenous civilizations and European conquerors.[100]
A scholarly debate in the twentieth century concerned the so-called Black Legend, which characterized the
Spanish conquest and its colonial empire as being uniquely cruel and Spaniards as fanatical and bigoted. It
engaged historians in Spain, Argentina, and in the English-speaking scholarly world. In the United States,
Lewis Hanke's studies of Dominican Bartolomé de Las Casas opened the debate, arguing that Spain struggled
for justice in its treatment of the indigenous.[101] Benjamin Keen took the position that the assessment of
Spanish mistreatment was largely true.[102] Charles Gibson edited a volume of writings on the Black
Legend.[103] Sverker Arnoldson (1960) and William B. Maltby (1971) showed that anti-Spanish attitudes in
Europe antedated Las Casas's writings and had multiple origins.[104][105] Generally the Black Legend is no
longer a source of scholarly debate; however, anti-Spanish attitudes and stereotypes continue to affect modern
debates about immigration in the United States and other issues, although the explicit label Black Legend is
generally not invoked.[106]

Demography
The catastrophic fall in the indigenous populations of Spanish
America was evident from the first contacts in the Caribbean,
something that alarmed Bartolomé de las Casas. The impacts of the
demographic collapse has continued to garner attention following
the early studies by Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, who
examined censuses and other materials to make empirical
assessments.[107] The question of sources and numbers continues
to be an issue in the field, with David P. Henige's Numbers from
Nowhere, a useful contribution.[108] Noble David Cook's Born to
Nahua depiction of smallpox, in
Die[109] as well as Alfred Crosby's The Columbian Exchange are
Book 12 of the Florentine Codex
valuable and readable accounts of epidemic disease in the early
colonial period. Regional studies of population decline have
appeared for a number of areas including Mexico, Peru, Honduras, and Ecuador. The moral and religious
implications of the collapse for Spanish Catholics is explored in an anthology with case studies from various
parts of colonial Spanish America, The Secret Judgments of God.[110] Religious and moral interpretations of
disease gave way in the eighteenth century to scientific public health responses to epidemics.[111][112][113]

Institutional history
The institutional history of Spain's and Portugal's overseas empires was an early focus of historiography.
Laying out the structures of crown rule (civil and ecclesiastical) created the framework to understand how the
two overseas empires functioned. An early study in English of Spanish America was Edward Gaylord Bourne's
four-volume Spain in America (1904), a historian who "viewe[ed] the Spanish colonial process dispassionately
and thereby escape[d] the conventional Anglo-Protestant attitudes of outraged or tolerant disparagement."[114]
In 1918 Harvard professor of history Clarence Haring published a monograph examining the legal structure of
trade in the Habsburg era, followed by his major work on the Spanish empire (1947).[115][116] A relatively early,
specialized study of the Caracas Company (1728–1784) is in this vein of institutional history.[117] One of the
few women publishing scholarly works in the early twentieth century was Lillian Estelle Fisher, whose studies
of the viceregal administration and the intendant system were important contributions to institutional.[118][119]
Other important works dealing with institutions are Arthur Aiton's
biography of the first viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who set
many patterns for future administrators in Spanish America.[120]
and J.H. Parry on the high court of New Galicia and the sale of
public office in the Spanish empire.[121][122] Further research has
been published more recently.[123] An important institutional study
by Mark A. Burkholder and Douglas S. Chandler examines
collectively the high courts.[124] Scholars have examined how
flexible the Spanish bureaucracy was in practice, with John Leddy
Phelan publishing a sutdy of the bureaucracy of seventeenth-
century Quito, and an important general article.[125][126] A study of
the bureaucracy of Mexico City from the late colonial era to the
early Mexican republic is worth noting.[127] Kenneth J. Andrien has
examined the viceroyalty of Peru in the seventeenth century.[128]
Jonathan I. Israel's work on seventeenth-century Mexico is
especially important, showing how creole elites shaped state power
Don Antonio de Mendoza, first
by mobilizing the urban plebe to resist actions counter to their
viceroy of New Spain, who set many
interests.[129]
lasting policies during his term
The early Caribbean has been the focus of a few important works,
but compared to the central areas, is much less studied. Worth
noting are a study of sixteenth-century crown efforts at defense[130]
and works on colonial Florida.[131][132]

The limits of royal power have also been examined.[133] Woodrow

Borah's Justice By Insurance (1983) shows how the Spanish
crown's establishment of tax-funded legal assistance to Indians in
Mexico provided the means for indigenous communities to litigate
in the Spanish courts.[134] A useful general examination in the
twenty-first century is Susan Elizabeth Ramírez, "Institutions of
the Spanish American Empire in the Habsburg Era".[135] A recent
development in the history of institutions focuses on cultural
aspects of state power.[136]

Church-state relations and religion in Spanish America have also

been a focus of research, but in the early twentieth century, it did
not receive as much attention as the subject merits. What has been
called the "spiritual conquest," the early period of evangelization in José de Gálvez (1720–1787),
Visitador generál in New Spain and
Mexico, has received considerable treatment by scholars.[137]
later member of the Council of the
Another classic publication on the period is John Leddy Phelan's
Indies, who implemented the
work on the early Franciscans in Mexico.[138] The economic Bourbon reforms
foundations of the Catholic Church have been examined for the
early colonial era.[139] The Holy Office of the Inquisition in Spanish
America has been a subject of inquiry since Henry Charles Lea's works at the turn of the twentieth century.[140]
In the twentieth century, Richard E. Greenleaf examined the Inquisition as an institution in sixteenth-century
Mexico.[141] Later work on the Inquisition has used it voluminous records for writing social history in Mexico
and Peru.

The Bourbon Reforms of the late eighteenth century have been more broadly studied, examining the changes
in administrative arrangements with the Spanish crown that resulted in the intendancy system.[142][143][144]

An important shift in church-state relations during the Bourbon Reforms, was the crown's attempt to rein in
the privileges of the clergy as it strengthened the prerogatives of the crown in a position known as
regalism.[145] Pamela Voekel has studied cultural aspects of the Bourbon reforms on religion and popular
piety.[146]

Trade and commerce in the Bourbon era have been examined, particularly the institution of comercio libre,
the loosening of trade strictures within the Spanish Empire.[147][148] The administrative reorganization opened
up new ways for administrators and merchants to exploit the indigenous in Mexico via forced sale of goods in
exchange for red dye production, cochineal, which was an extremely valuable commodity.[149][150]

In the late eighteenth century Spain was forcibly made aware in the Seven Years' War by the capture of Havana
and Manila by the British, that it needed to establish a military to defend its empire. The crown established a
standing military and filled its ranks with locals.[151][152][153][154][155]

Social history
Scholars of Latin America have focused on characteristics of the region's populations, with particular interest
in social differentiation and stratification, race and ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and family history, and the
dynamics of colonial rule and accommodation or resistance to it. Social history as a field expanded its scope
and depth beginning in the 1960s, although it was already developed as a field previous to that. An important
1972 essay by James Lockhart lays out a useful definition, "Social history deals with the informal, the
unarticulated, the daily and ordinary manifestations of human existence, as a vital plasma in which all more
formal and visible expressions are generated."[156] Archival research utilizing untapped sources or those only
partially utilized previously, such as notarial records, indigenous language materials, have allowed new
insights into the functioning of colonial societies, particularly the role of non-elites. As one historian put it in
1986, "for the social historian, the long colonial siesta has long given way to sleepless frenzy."[157]

Conquest era
The social history of the conquest era shift in the way the period is treated, focusing less on events of the
conquest and more on its participants. James Lockhart's path-breaking Spanish Peru (1968) concerns the
immediate post-conquest era of Peru, deliberately ignoring the political events of the internecine conflicts
between Spanish factions. Instead it shows how even during that era, Spanish patterns took hold and a
multiracial colonial society took shape.[158] His companion volume, The Men of Cajamarca examines the life
patterns of the Spanish conquerors who captured the Inca emperor Atahualpa at Cajamarca who paid a huge
ransom in gold for his freedom, and then murdered. The prosopographical study of these conquerors records
as much extant information on each man in existing sources,
with a general essay laying out the patterns that emerge from
the data.[159] A comparable work for the early history of
Mexico is Robert Himmerich y Valencia's work on
encomenderos.[160] New research on encomenderos in
Spanish South America has appeared in recent
years.[161][162][163]

Gender as a factor in the conquest era has also shifted the

focus in the field. New work on Doña Marina/Malinche,
Hernán Cortés's consort and cultural translator sought to
Hernán Cortés and La Malinche meet
contextualize her as a historical figure with a narrow range of
Moctezuma II in Tenochtitlan, November
choices. The work has aided the rehabilitation of her 8, 1519, shown in the pictorial history of
reputation from being a traitor to "her" people.[164][165] The the conquest, Lienzo de
role of women more generally in the conquest has been Tlaxcala(Facsimile c. 1890).
explored for the Andean region.[166]

The role of blacks in the conquest is now being explored,[167] as well as Indians outside the main conquests of
central Mexico and Peru.[168]

Elites

Pedro Romero de Terreros, the first

count of Regla, a mining magnate of Doña María de la Luz Padilla y
Mexico Gómez de Cervantes, ca. 1760. Oil
on canvas by Miguel Cabrera,
Brooklyn Museum
Among elites are crown officials, high churchmen, mining entrepreneurs, and transatlantic merchants,
enmeshed in various relationships wielding or benefiting from power as well as the women of this strata, who
married well or took the veil. Many are immortalized in contemporary portraits and the subject later,
individual biographies or collective biographies.

The history of elites and the role of economic stratification remain important in the field, although there is now
a concerted effort to expand research to non-elites.[169][170][171] Elites lived in cities, the headquarters and
nexus of civil and religious hierarchies and their large bureaucracies, the hubs of economic activity, and the
residence of merchant elites and the nobility. A large number of studies of elites focus on particular cities:
vicregal capital and secondary cities, which had a high court (audiencia) and the seat of a bishopric, or were
ports from overseas trade. The intersection of silver entrepreneurs and elites in Mexico has been examined in
D.A. Brading's classic Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico, 1763-1810, focusing on Guanajuato and in
Peter Bakewell's study of Zacatecas.[172][173] Merchants in Mexico City have been studied as a segment of elites
for Mexico City in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.[174][175][176] as well as merchants in late colonial
Veracruz.[177] Merchants in other areas have been studies as well.[178][179] Some extraordinarily successful
economic elites, such as miners and merchants, were ennobled by the Spanish crown in the eighteenth
century.[180] Individual biographies of successful entrepreneurs have been published.[181][182]

Churchmen who made an important imprint on their respective eras include Juan de Zumárraga,[183] Pedro
Moya de Contreras,[184] Juan de Palafox y Mendoza,[185] Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora,[186] and Manuel Abad
y Queipo.[187] A few nuns and uncloistered religious women (beatas) wrote spiritual biographies. Advocates for
the formal church recognition of holy persons, such as Rosa of Lima, St. Mariana de Jesús de Paredes ("the
Lily of Quito"), and St. Felipe de Jesús, wrote hagiographies, mustering evidence for their cases for
beatification and canonization. Modern scholars have returned to colonial-era texts to place these women in a
larger context.[188][189]

Studies of ecclesiastics as a social grouping include one on the Franciscans in sixteenth-century Mexico.[190]
For eighteenth-century Mexico William B. Taylor's Magistrates of the Sacred on the secular clergy is a major
contribution.[191] An important study on the secular clergy in eighteenth-century Lima has yet to be published
as a monograph.[192] In recent years, studies of elite women who became nuns and the role of convents in
colonial society have appeared. Elite indigenous women in Mexico had the possibility of becoming nuns,
although not without controversy about their ability to follow a religious vocation.[193][194][195]

Indigenous peoples
The publication of The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas gave recognition to the field
of indigenous history or ethnohistory that had been developing during the twentieth century. Two volumes,
each with two parts, cover the prehispanic and post-Contact history of indigenous peoples of Mesoamerica[196]
and South America [197] In the twentieth century, historians and anthropologists of studying colonial Mexico
worked to create a compendium of sources of Mesoamerican ethnohistory, resulting in four volumes of the
Handbook of Middle American Indians being devoted to Mesoamerican ethnohistorical sources.[198]
Two major monographs by historian Charles Gibson,
the first on the post-conquest history of Tlaxcala, the
indigenous polity that allied with Cortés against the
Mexica, and the second, his monumental history of
the Aztecs of central Mexico during the colonial era,
were published by high-profile academic presses and
remain classics in Spanish American historiography.
Gibson was elected president of the American
Historical Association in 1977, indicating how
mainstream Mesoamerican ethnohistory had
become.[199][200] Litigation by Mexican Indians in
Spanish courts in Mexico generated a huge archive of
information in Spanish about how the indigenous
adapted to colonial rule, which Gibson and other
historians have drawn on.[201][202] Scholars utilizing
texts in indigenous languages have expanded the
understanding the social, political, and religious
history of indigenous peoples, particularly in
Mexico.[203][204]

Indigenous history of the Andean area has expanded

significantly in recent years.[205][206] Andean peoples
also petitioned and litigated in the Spanish courts to Guaman Poma de Ayala and his son on the way
to Lima, illustration from his Nueva Coronica (NC,
forward their own interests.[207][208]
p. 1105)
The topic of indigenous rebellion against Spanish rule
has been explored in central and southern Mexico
and the Andes. One of the first major rebellions in Mexico is the 1541 Mixtón War, in which indigenous in
central Mexico's west rose up and a full-scale military force led by New Spain's first viceroy.[209] Work on
rebellion in central Mexican villages showed that they were local and generally short-lived.[210] and in the
southern Maya area there were more long-standing patterns of unrest with religious factors playing a role,
such as the Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712.[211][212] Seventeenth-century rebellions in northern Mexico have also
garnered attention.[213]
Andean resistance and rebellion have increasingly been studied as a phenomenon. The indigenous writer
Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1535-ca. 1626) who authored El primer nueva corónica y buen gobierno has
garnered significant attention. The nearly 1,200-page, richly illustrated manuscript by an elite Andean is a
critique of Spanish rule in the Andes that can be considered a lengthy petition to the Spanish monarch to
ameliorate abuses of colonial rule.[214] General accounts of resistance and rebellion have been
published.[215][216] The great eighteenth-century rebellion of Tupac Amaru that challenged colonial rule has
been the focus of much scholarship.[217][218][219][220]

Race
The study of race dates to the earliest days of the Spanish Empire, with debates about the status of the
indigenous – whether they had souls, whether they could be enslaved, whether they could be Catholic priests,
whether they were subject to the Inquisition. The decisions steered crown and ecclesiastical policy and
practices. With the importation of Africans as slaves during the early days of European settlement in the
Caribbean and the emergence of race mixture, social hierarchies and racial categories became complex. The
legal division between the República de indios, that put the indigenous population in a separate legal category
from the República de españoles that included Europeans, Africans, and mixed-race castas was the crown's
policy to rule its vassals with racial status as one criterion.

Much scholarly work has been published in recent years on social

structure and race, with an emphasis on how Africans were situated
in the legal structure, their socioeconomic status, place within the
Catholic Church, and cultural expressions. Modern studies of race
in Spanish America date to the 1940s with the publication of
Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán's monograph on Africans in Mexico.[221]
In the United States, the 1947 publication of Frank Tannenbaum's
Slave and Citizen: The Negro in the Americas cast Latin American
slavery as more benevolent compared to that in the United States.
An elite woman with her black slave,
In Tannenbaum's work, he argued that although slaves in Latin
Quito
America were in forced servitude, they incorporated into society as
Catholics, could sue for better treatment in Spanish courts, had
legal routes to freedom, and in most places abolition was without armed conflict, such as the Civil War in the
United States.[222] The work is still a center of contention, with a number of scholars dismissing it as being
wrong or outdated, while others consider the basic comparison still holding and simply no longer label it as the
"Tannenbaum thesis."[223]

The 1960s marked the beginning of an upsurge in studies of race and race mixture. Swedish historian Magnus
Mörner's 1967 Race Mixture in the History of Latin America, published by a trade press and suitable for
college courses, remained important for defining the issues surrounding race.[224] The historiography on
Africans and slavery in Latin America was examined in Frederick Bowser's 1972 article in Latin American
Research Review, summarizing research to date and prospects for further investigation. His major
monograph, The African Slave in Colonial Peru, African Slave in Colonial Peru, 1524-1650, marked a
significant advance in the field, utilizing rich archival sources and broadening the research area to
Peru.[225][226]

The debates about race, class, and "caste" took off in the 1970s
with works by a number of scholars.[227][228][229][230][231][232]
Scholars have been also interested in how racial hierarchy has
been depicted visually in the eighteenth-century flowering of
the secular genre of casta painting. These paintings from the
elite viewpoint show racial stereotypes with father of one race,
mother of another, and their offspring labeled in yet another
category.[233][234][235]

Elites' concern about racial purity or "limpieza de sangre"

(purity of blood), which in Spain largely revolved around
whether one was of pure Christian heritage, in Spanish
America encompassed the "taint" of non-white admixture. A
key work is María Elena Martínez's Genealogical Fictions,
showing the extent to which elite families sought erase
blemishes from genealogies.[236] Another essential work to
understand the workings of race in Spanish America is Ann
Twinam's work on petitions to the crown by mulattos and
pardos for dispensation from their non-white status, to pursue
education or a profession, and later as a blanket request not
tied to professional rules prohibiting non-whites to practice. Depiction of the casta system in 18th c.
In the decades following Tannenbaum's work, there were few Mexico
of these documents, known cédulas de gracias al sacar, with
just four cases identified, but the possibility of upward social
mobility played an important role in framing scholarly analysis of dynamics of race in Spanish America.[237]
Considerable work on social mobility preceded that work, with R. Douglas Cope's The Limits of Racial
Domination remaining important.[238]

The incorporation of blacks and indigenous into Spanish American Catholicism meant that they were part of
the spiritual community. Recent work indicates that blacks in Castile were classified as "Old Christians" and
obtained licenses to migrate to the Spanish Indies, where many became artisans and a few became wealthy and
prominent.[239] The Church did not condemn slavery as such. The Church generally remained exclusionary in
the priesthood and kept separate parish registers for different racial categories. Black and indigenous
confraternities (cofradías) provided a religious structure for reinforcement of ties among their
members.[240][241][242]
Work on blacks and Indians, and mixed categories, has expanded to include complexities of interaction not
previously examined. Works by Matthew Restall and others explore race in Mexico.[243][244][245] There is also
new work on the colonial Andes as well.[246][247][248][249]

Gender, sexuality, and family

Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, 17th c.

St Mariana de Jesús, the "Lily of
Mexican intellectual known in her
Quito," known for her spirituality
lifetime as the "Tenth Muse."
Painting by Miguel Cabrera
Women's history and gender history developed as a field of Spanish
American history in tandem with its emergence in the United
States and Europe, with Asunción Lavrin being a
pioneer.[250][251][252] Works continue to increase, gain scholarly
attention, and historiographic assessment.[253] Studies of elites
generally has led to the understanding of the role of elite women in
colonial Spanish America as holders of property, titles, and
repositories of family honor.[254][255][256] Crown concerns over
inappropriate choice of marriage partners, such as mixed-race
unions or partners of unequal socioeconomic status, prompted
edicts empowering parents to control marital decisions.[257]

Early works on Mexican nun Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz,a singular

seventeenth-century poet, famous in her own time,[258][259]
widened to study elite women who were eligible to become nuns,
and further expanded to examine the lives of ordinary, often
Catalina de Erauso, the "lieutenant mixed-race, urban women.[260] Nuns and convents have been well
nun" studied.[261][262] Spanish American holy women such as Saint Rose
of Lima and the Lily of Quito, beatas, as well as the popular saint of Puebla, Mexico, Catarina de San Juan,
have been the subject of recent scholarly work.[188][263]

Gender has been the central issue of recent works on urban and indigenous women.[264][265] The role of
indigenous women in colonial societies has been explored in a series of recent works.[266][267][268][269]

The history of sexuality has expanded in recent years from studies of marriage and sexuality[270] to
homosexuality,[271][272] and other expressions of sexuality,[273][274] including bestiality.[275] Of particular note
is Ann Twinam's work on honor and illegitimacy in the colonial era;[276] there is a similar work for Peru.[277]
The memoir of the nun-turned-cross-dressing soldier, Catalina de Erauso, is a picaresque tale and one of the
few autobiographies form the colonial era.[278] The problem of priests soliciting sexual favors in the
confessional box and church responses to the abuse draws on Inquisition cases.[279]

Records of the Holy Office of the Inquisition have been a fruitful archival source on women in Mexico and
Peru, which include women of color. Inquisition records by definition record information about those who
have run afoul of the religious authorities, but they are valuable for preserving information on mixed-race and
non-elite men and women and the transgressions, many of which were sexual, that brought them before the
tribunal.[280][281]

A useful contribution to gender and the history of medicine is Nora E. Jaffary's Reproduction and Its
Discontents: Childbirth and Contraception from 1750-1905, which examines the understandings of virginity,
conception, and pregnancy; contraception, abortion and infanticide; and "monstrous births" in Mexican
colonial and nineteenth-century history.[282]

Women have been studied in the context of family history, such as the work of Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru and
others.[283][284] The history of children in Spanish America has become a recent focus.[285][286][287]

Religion and culture

The conversion and incorporation of the indigenous into Christendom was a key aim of Spanish colonialism.
The classic work of Robert Ricard examines the sixteenth-century "spiritual conquest" prior to the arrival of
the Jesuits. Although much scholarly work has been done it was originally published in 1933 in French, it
remains an important work.[288] Translating Christian texts to indigenous languages and creating dictionaries
was a crucial element in the project. A great deal has been written about Central Mexico and Nahuatl texts,
with Louise Burkhart's The Slippery Earth being particularly important.,[289] but clerics in the Andean region
grappled with the issues as well.[290][291]

There is a long tradition of writings by Spanish religious personnel, but more recently there has been an
expansion of research on indigenous Catholicism and deeper research on cultural aspects the spiritual
conquest,[292] such as religious theater and dance.[293][294] In Mexico, indigenous language sources have given
new perspectives on religious belief and practice.[295][296][297][298][299] For the Maya area, there have been a
number of important studies.[300][301][302] An important work on Maya religion is Victoria Reifler Bricker's
The Indian Christ, The Indian King.[303] Religion has been an important focus of new work in Andean history,
particularly persistence of indigenous beliefs and resistance to Catholic conversion.[304][305][306]
Art and architecture playing an important role in creating visible
embodiments of religious culture. Images of saints and religious
allegories, and churches that ranged from magnificent cathedrals to
modest parish churches and mission chapels. Reshaping
indigenous worship also entailed the introduction of Christian
saints. In Mexico, the story of the Virgin of Guadalupe, said to have
appeared in 1531 to a Nahua man, Juan Diego, became the major
religious cult of colonial Mexico and into the modern era, an
essential part of Mexican identity as well as "Queen of the
Americas."[307][308][309][310]

Colonial architecture in Mexico has been the subject of a number of

important studies, with church architecture as a significant
component. Replacing sacred worship spaces of the ancient
religion with visible manifestations of Christianity was a high
priority for the "spiritual conquest" of the early evangelical
period.[311][312][313][314] Studies of architecture in Spanish South Archangel Uriel, anonymous, 18th
America and particularly the Andean region is century, Cuzco School, typical
harquebus angel, likely by an
increasing.[315][316][317][318][319][320] Until the mid eighteenth
indigenous artist
century, the subject of most paintings was religious in some form
or other, so that the historiography of colonial visual culture is
weighted toward religion. Publication on colonial art has a long
tradition, especially in Mexico.[321] In recent years there has been a
boom in publications on colonial art, with some useful overviews
published.[322][323][324][325][326][327] Major exhibitions on colonial
art have resulted in fine catalogues as a permanent record, with
many examples of colonial religious art.[328][329][330][331][332]

Rituals and festivals reinforced religious culture in Spanish

America. The enthusiasm for expressions of public piety during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were seen as part of "baroque
culture."[333] Specific religious celebrations, such as Corpus Christi
have been studied in both Mexico and Peru.[334][335]

The autos de fe of the Inquisition were public rituals enforcing

religious orthodoxy with the participation of the highest civil and
religious authorities and throngs of the faithful observing.[336]
There were a variety of transgressions that brought men and
women before the Inquisition, including practicing Judaism while Creoles appealing to the Virgin of
Guadalupe during an eighteenth-
passing as Catholic (judizantes),[337] bigamy,[338] sexual
century epidemic afflicting the
transgressions, blasphemy, and priests soliciting in the
indigenous in Mexico City, 1743
confessional. Mocking religious sacraments could bring one before religious authorities, such as the case of the
"marriage" of two dogs in late colonial Mexico.[339]

In the eighteenth century, the crown sought to curtail public manifestations of piety ("baroque display") by
bringing in new regulations. Pamela Voekel's Alone Before God: Religious Origins of Modernity in Mexico
shows how the crown targeted elaborate funerary rites and mourning as an expression of excessive public
piety. Mandating that burials be outside the consecrated ground of churches and church yards but rather in
suburban cemeteries, elites pushed back. They had used such public displays as a way of demonstrating their
wealth and position among the living and guaranteeing their eternal rest in the best situated places in
churches.[340] Another crown target was Carnaval celebrations in Mexico City, which plebeians joined with
enthusiasm since Carnaval generally overturned or mocked traditional order, including religious authorities.
Also to better ensure public order of plebeians, the crown sought to regulate taverns as well as public drinking,
particularly during festivals. Since elites consumed alcohol in their private residences, the regulations were
aimed at controlling commoners.[341]

History of science
At the same time that the crown was attempting to suppress
baroque religious culture, it was promoting scientific work, to
which eighteenth-century clerics contributed.[342][343] These
include José Antonio de Alzate y Ramírez,[344][345] and José
Celestino Mutis. Seventeenth-century Mexican polymath secular
priest Don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora made astronomical
observations as did his Jesuit contemporary Eusebio Kino. In the
earlier period, Franciscan Bernardino de Sahagún's collection of
information on Aztec classification "earthly" things in Book XI,
such as the flora, fauna, soil types, land forms, and the like in the
Florentine Codex was not clearly related to the project's religious
aims.[346]

The Spanish American Enlightenment produced a huge body of

information on Spain's overseas empire via scientific expeditions.
The most famous scientific traveler in Spanish America was Cleric José Celestino Mutis, head of
the Royal Botanical Expedition to
Alexander von Humboldt, whose travel writings and scientific
New Granada (1783-1816), whose
observations remain important sources for the history of Spanish
work deeply impressed Alexander
America, most especially his Political Essay on the Kingdom of von Humboldt.
New Spain (1811),;[347] but other works as well. Humboldt's
expedition was authorized by the crown, but was self-funded from
his personal fortune. Prior to Humboldt's famous expedition, the crown funded a number of important
scientific expeditions to Peru and Chile (1777–78), New Granada (1783-1816),[348] New Spain (1787-
1803),[349][350] which scholars are examining afresh.[351][352][353]
Beyond examining particular expeditions, history of science in Spain and the Spanish Empire has blossomed
generally, with primary sources being published in scholarly editions or reissued, as well the publication of a
considerable number of important scholarly studies.[354][355][356][357][358][359]

Economic history
Trade and commerce, commodity production, and labor systems have
been extensively studied in colonial Spanish America. An important
collection of articles is found in The Cambridge Economic History of
Latin America: Volume 1: The Colonial Era and the Short Nineteenth
Century,[360] as well as in the first two volumes of The Cambridge
History of Latin America.[361] As with other aspects of colonial
history, economic history does not fit neatly into a single category,
since it is bound up with crown policy, the existence of exploitable
resources, such as silver, credit, capital and entrepreneurs. In the
development of the agricultural sector, the availability of fertile soil
and adequate water, expanses of land for grazing of cattle and sheep,
as well as the availability of labor, either coerced or free were factors.
The export economy relying on silver production and to a lesser extent
dye for European textile production stimulated the growth of regional
Spanish galleon, the mainstay of
development. Profitable production of foodstuffs and other
transatlantic and transpacific
commodities, such as wool, for local consumption marked the
shipping, engraving by Albert
development of a colonial economy. General works on economic Durer
history continue to contribute to the understanding colonial Spanish
America.[362]

Early labor systems

Following on precedents in Spain following the Catholic reconquest of Muslim Spain, conquerors expected
material rewards for their participation, which in that period was the encomienda. In Spanish America, the
encomienda was a grant of indigenous labor and tribute from a particular community to private individuals,
assumed to be in perpetuity for their heirs. Where the encomienda initially functioned best was in regions
where indigenous populations were hierarchically organized and were already used to rendering tribute and
labor. Central Mexico and the Andes presented that pattern. The encomienda has an institution has been well
studied concerning its impacts on indigenous communities and how Spanish encomenderos profited from the
system.[363] James Lockhart examined the shift from encomienda labor awarded to just a few Spaniards, to the
attempt by the crown to expand access to labor via the repartimiento to later arriving Spaniards who had been
excluded from the original awards. This also had the effect of undermining the growing power of the
encomendero group and the shift to free labor and the rise of the landed estate.[364] In Central America, forced
labor continued as a system well into the nineteenth century.[365] Regional variations on the encomienda have
been studied in Paraguay, an area peripheral to Spanish economic interests. The encomienda there was less
labor coercion than mobilizing networks of indigenous kin that Spaniards joined.[366][367]
Slave labor was utilized in various parts of Spanish America. African slave labor was introduced in the early
Caribbean during the demographic collapse of the indigenous populations. The slave trade was in the hands of
the Portuguese, who had an early monopoly on the coastal routes in Africa. Africans learned skilled trades and
functioned as artisans in cities and labor bosses over indigenous in the countryside. Studies of the African slave
trade and the economic role of blacks in Spanish America have increased, particularly with the development of
Atlantic history. Asian slaves in Spanish America have been less well studied, but monograph on Mexico
indicates the promise of this topic.[368] One of the few women to achieve fame in colonial Mexico was Catarina
de San Juan, a slave in seventeenth-century Puebla.

The mobilization of indigenous labor in the Andes via the mita for the extraction of silver has been
studied.[369][370][371] Encomienda or repartimiento labor was not an option in Mexico's north; the workforce
was of free laborers, who initially migrated from elsewhere to the mining zone.

Silver
The major motor of the Spanish colonial economy was silver
mining, which produced in upper Peru (now Bolivia) at the single
site of production, Potosí. There were multiple sites in Mexico,
mainly in the north outside the zone of dense indigenous
population, which initially necessitated pacification of the
indigenous populations to secure the mining sites and the north-
south transportation routes.[372]

Silver and silver mining have occupied an important place in the

Potosi, the "cerro rico" that
history of Spanish America and the Spanish Empire, since the two
produced massive amounts of silver
major sources of silver were found in the viceroyalties of New Spain
from a single site. The first image
(Mexico) and Peru, where there were significant numbers of published in Europe. Pedro Cieza
indigenous and Spanish colonists. With changes in eighteenth- de León, 1553.
century crown policies, silver production was revived after a slump
in the seventeenth century.[373][374] The impact of silver on the
world economy was profound in both Europe and Asia.[375][376] An early twentieth-century study dealing with
the impact of colonial silver on Spain is Earl Hamilton”s. American Treasure and the Price Revolution in
Spain.[377] Extensive work on the royal treasury by Herbert S. Klein and John Tepaske on colonial Spanish
American and Spain is The Royal Treasuries of the Spanish Empire in America (3 vols.)[378] Other important
publications on economic history include the comparison of New Spain and Peru,[379] and on price
history.[380] Mercury was a key component to the process of extracting silver from ore. Mercury for Mexican
mining production was shipped from the Almadén mine in Spain, while mercury production in Peru was from
the mine at Huancavelica.[381][382]

Other commodity production

For a number of years scholars deeply researched landed estates, haciendas,
and debated whether haciendas were feudal or capitalist and how they
contributed to the economic development.[383][384] More recently, scholars
have focused on commodity chains and their contribution to globalization,
rather than focusing solely on production sites.[385]

Sugar as a commodity was cultivated from the earliest colonization in the

Caribbean[386] and brought to Mexico by Hernán Cortés, which supplied
domestic demand.[387] There is a vast literature about sugar plantations in
various regions of Spanish America and Brazil.[388][389] Another tropical
export product was cacao, which was grown in Mesoamerica. Once
Europeans developed a taste for chocolate, with the addition of sugar, cacao
production expanded.[390][391]
Mexican Indian Collecting
The production of mind-altering commodities was an important source of Cochineal with a Deer Tail
profit for entrepreneurs and the Spanish administration. Tobacco as a by José Antonio de Alzate y
commodity was especially important in the late eighteenth century when Ramírez (1777)
the crown created a monopoly on its production and
processing.[392][393][394] Demand by the urban poor for local production of
pulque, the fermented alcohol from agave cacti, made it profitable, so that large-scale cultivation, including by
Jesuit landed estates, met demand; the crown regulated taverns where it was consumed.[395] Coca, the Andean
plant now processed into cocaine, was grown and the unprocessed leaves consumed by indigenous particularly
in mining areas. Production and distribution of coca became big business, with non-indigenous owners of
production sites, speculators, and merchants, but consumers consisting of indigenous male miners and local
indigenous women sellers. The church benefited from coca production since it was by far the most valuable
agricultural product and contributor to the tithe.[396]

Most high quality textiles were imported from Europe via the transatlantic trade controlled by Iberian
merchants, but Mexico briefly produced silk.[397] As demand for cheap textiles grew, production for a growing
local mass market took place in small-scale textile workshops (obrajes), which had low capital inputs, since the
expansion of sheep ranching provided a local supply of wool, and low labor costs, with obrajes functioning in
some cases as jails.[398] Spanish America is most noted for producing dyes for European textile production, in
particular the red dye cochineal, made from the crushed bodies of insects that grew on nopal cactuses, and
indigo. Cochineal was for Mexico its second most important export after silver, and the mechanisms to engage
indigenous in Oaxaca involved crown officials and urban merchants.[399][400] The blue dye indigo was another
important export, particularly from Central America.[401][402]

Trade and transportation

Crown policy attempted to control overseas trade, setting up the Casa de Contratación in 1503 to register
cargoes including immigration to the overseas empire. From Spain, sailings to the major ports in Spanish
America left from Seville. It was a distance up from the mouth of the Guadalquivir river, and its channel did
not allow the largest transoceanic ships to dock there when fully loaded.
The Carrera de Indias was the main route of Spain's Atlantic
trade, originating in Seville and sailing to a few Spanish American
ports in the Caribbean, particularly Santo Domingo, Veracruz, on
the Atlantic coast of Panama, Nombre de Dios later Porto Bello.
Since trade and commerce were so integral to the rise of Spain's
power, historians undertook studies of the policies and
patterns.[403][404][405][406] J.H. Parry's classic The Spanish 16th c. Seville, Spanish port for the
Seaborne Empire remains important for its clear explication of transatlantic trade
transatlantic trade, including ports, ships and ship building,[407]
and there is new work on Spanish politics and trade with
information on the fleets.[408]

Transatlantic trading companies based in Spain and with partners,

usually other family members, established businesses to ship a
variety of goods, sourced in Spain and elsewhere in Europe and
shipped to the major ports of the overseas empire. The most
important export from the New World was silver, which became
essential for financing the Spanish crown and as other European
powers became emboldened, the ships were targeted for their
cargo. The system of convoys or fleets (Spanish: flota) was
Acapulco in 1628, Mexican terminus
established early on, with ships from Veracruz and from South of the Manila galleon
America meeting in the Caribbean for a combined sailing to Spain.
Transpacific trade with the Spanish archipelago of the Philippines
was established, with Asian goods shipped from Manila to the port
of Acapulco. The Manila galleon brought silks, porcelains, and
slaves to Mexico while Spanish silver was sent to Asia. The
transpacific trade has been long neglected in comparison to the
transatlantic trade and the rise of Atlantic history.[409][410] New
works indicate that interest is increasing.[411][412][368] Although the
crown attempted to maintain a closed trading system within the
Spanish Empire, the British traded with Spanish Americans,
accelerating in the eighteenth century.[413] Arrieros in Mexico. Mules were the
main way cargo was moved
Overland transportation of goods in Spanish America was generally overland, engraving by Carl Nebel
by pack animals, especially mules, and in the Andean area llamas
as well. But the Spanish did not build many roads allowing cart or
carriage transport.[414] Transit over oceans or coastal sailing was relatively efficient compared to land
transportation, and in most places in Spanish America there were few navigable rivers and no possibility of
canal construction. Transportation costs and inefficiency were drags on economic development; the problem
was not overcome until railroads were constructed in the late nineteenth century. For bulky, low value
foodstuffs, local supply was a necessity, which stimulated regional development of landed estates, particularly
near mines.[415] Despite the inefficiencies overland trade, hubs of trade had main routes develop between
them, with smaller communities linked by secondary or tertiary roads. The ability to move silver from remote
mining regions to ports was a priority, and the supplies to mines of mercury was essential.[416]

Environmental impacts
The environmental impact of economic activity has coalesced as a field in the late twentieth century, in
particular Alfred Crosby's work on the Columbian Exchange and "ecological imperialism."[417][418] A general
history of the environment is by Shawn William Miller.[419] An important general ecological history of central
Mexico for the eighteenth century is by Arij Ouweneel.[420] Also important for environmental history is Elinor
G.K. Melville's work on sheep grazing and ecological change in Mexico.[421] For the Andean region, the
ecological and human costs of mercury mining, essential to silver production, have recently been studied.[422]

End of the colonial era

Independence in Spanish America occupies an ambiguous place in
historiography, since it marks both the end of crown rule and the
emergence of sovereign nations. The historiography of Spanish
American independence has not had a unifying narrative, and has
been generally linked to nation-centric accounts.[423] The
publication 2017 of Brian Hamnett's The End of Iberian Rule and
the American Continent, 1770-1830[424] aims to show how
independence came about in both Spanish America and Brazil,
focusing on the contingency of that outcome. He is one of many
historians who have argued that political independence was by no
means inevitable. "There was little interest in outright
independence."[425] Since independence did come about,
explanations of why that occurred have been sought in the colonial
era. The French capture of the Bourbon monarch Charles IV and
his forced abdication in 1808 opened an era of political instability
in Spain and Spanish America. Timothy Anna and Michael Costeloe
have argued that the Bourbon monarchy collapsed, bringing into
Simón Bolívar
being new, sovereign nations, when American-born elites mainly
sought autonomy within the existing system.[426][427] Political
scientist Jorge I. Domínguez writes in the same vein about the "breakdown of the Spanish American empire,"
arguing that independence was caused by international rivalries and not a splintering of colonial elites, whose
conflicts he says could be managed within the existing framework.[428] Hamnett's fifty-year frame of reference
allows him to show the Spanish crown's attempts reform, but with the Napoleonic invasion of Spain, the
Liberal constitution of 1812, and the repudiation of reform with Ferdinand VII's restoration in 1814 pushed
Spanish American elites to outright declarations of independence. The inflexibility of both the Spanish liberals
and the absolutist Ferdinand VII lost Spain its continental Spanish American empire. Spain itself entered a
new era at the same time that Spanish American sovereign states were working out their new political reality.
There are a number of standard works on independence, some of which have been revised in subsequent
editions. Richard Graham's Independence in Latin America remains a succinct examination. A classic work on
the era is John Lynch's The Spanish American Revolutions, 1808-1826, followed by many others on leaders
("liberators") as well as the era generally.[429] A number of histories of colonial Spanish America take the 1808
Napoleonic invasion of Iberia and ouster of the Bourbon monarchy as their end date. General histories of
colonial Latin America end with one or more chapters on independence.[430][431] The Cambridge History of
Latin America has its first two volumes devoted to the colonial period generally, while volume 3 is devoted to
the transition from independence to individual sovereign nations and the subsequent political chaos, and
economic instability in Spanish America. Brazil largely escaped these problems with the decamping of the
Portuguese monarchy to Brazil during the Napoleonic wars and the establishment of an independent Brazilian
monarchy by a member of the Braganza dynasty in 1822.[432]

Further reading
◾ Adams, Richard E.W. and Murdo J. MacLeod, eds. The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the
Americas, Vol. II, Mesoamerica. New York: Cambridge University Press 2000. ISBN 978-0521652056
◾ Adelman, Jeremy. "Independence in Latin America" in The Oxford Handbook of Latin American History,
José C. Moya, ed. New York: Oxford University Press 2011, pp. 153–180. ISBN 978-0195166217
◾ Bethell, Leslie, ed. The Cambridge History of Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press 1985.
Vol. 1 ISBN 978-0521232234, Vol. 2 ISBN 978-0521245166
◾ Brading, D.A. The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492-
1867. New York: Cambridge University Press 1991. ISBN 978-0521447966
◾ Bulmer-Thomas, Victor, John H. Coatsworth, and Roberto Cortés Conde, eds. The Cambridge Economic
History of Latin America, vol. 1 The Colonial Era and the Short Nineteenth Century. New York: Cambridge
University Press 2006. ISBN 978-0521812894
◾ Burkholder, Mark and Lyman L. Johnson. Colonial Latin America 9th edition. New York: Oxford University
Press 2014.
◾ Burkholder, Mark A. (2016) "Spain's America: from kingdoms to colonies, Colonial Latin American Review,
25:2, 125-153, DOI: 10.1080/10609164.2016.1205241
◾ Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and
Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World. Stanford: Stanford University Press 2001. ISBN 978-
0804746939
◾ Carmagnani, Marcello, "The Inertia of Clio: The Social History of Colonial Mexico." Latin American
Research Review vol. 20, No. 1 1985, 149-166.
◾ Cline, Howard F., ed. Latin American History: Essays on Its Study and Teaching, 1898-1965. 2 vols.
Austin: University of Texas Press 1967.
◾ Delpar, Helen. Looking South: The Evolution of Latin Americanist Scholarship in the United States.
University of Alabama Press 2007. ISBN 978-0817354640
◾ Gibson, Charles, "Writings on Colonial Mexico," Hispanic American Historical Review 55:2(1975).
◾ Hamnett, Brian R. The End of Iberian Rule on the American Continent, 1770-1830. Princeton University
Press 2017. ISBN 978-1316626634
◾ Hispanic American Historical Review, Special issue: Mexico's New Cultural History: Una Lucha Libre. Vol.
79, No. 2, May, 1999
◾ Johnson, Lyman L. and Susan M. Socolow, "Colonial Spanish America," The Oxford Handbook of Latin
American History, José C. Moya, ed. New York: Oxford University Press 2011, pp. 65–97. ISBN 978-
0195166217
◾ Lockhart, James, "The Social History of Colonial Spanish America: Evolution and Potential". Latin
American Research Review vol. 7, No. 1 (Spring 1972) 6-45.
◾ Lockhart, James and Stuart B. Schwartz, Early Latin American History. New York: Cambridge University
Press 1983. ISBN 978-0521299299
◾ Restall, Matthew, "A History of the New Philology and the New Philology in History", Latin American
Research Review - Volume 38, Number 1, 2003, pp. 113–134
◾ Salomon, Frank and Stuart B. Schwartz, eds. The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the
Americas. New York: Cambridge University Press 1999. ISBN 978-0521333931
◾ Sauer, Carl O. The Early Spanish Main. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Universyty of California Press 1966,
1992.
◾ Schroeder, Susan and Stafford Poole, eds. Religion in New Spain. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press 2007.
◾ Stern, Steve J. "Paradigms of Conquest: History, Historiography, and Politics," Journal of Latin American
Studies 24, Quincentenary Supplement (1992):1-34.
◾ Terraciano, Kevin and Lisa Sousa, "Historiography of New Spain," in José C. Moya, The Oxford Handbook
of Latin American History, José C. Moya, ed. New York: Oxford University Press 2011, pp. 25–64.
ISBN 978-0195166217
◾ Thurner, Mark. History's Peru: The Poetics of Colonial and Postcolonial Historiography University Press of
Florida 2010. full text online (https://muse.jhu.edu/book/17492)
◾ Van Young, Eric, "Mexican Rural History Since Chevalier: The Historiography of the Colonial Hacienda,"
Latin American Research Review, 18 (3) 1983; 5-61.

Primary sources
◾ Richard Boyer and Geoffrey Spurling, eds. Colonial Lives: Documents on Latin American History, 1550-
1850 (2000) online (https://www.questia.com/library/117207879/colonial-lives-documents-on-latin-america
n-history)

See also
◾ Spanish Empire
◾ Spanish American Enlightenment
◾ Bourbon Reforms
◾ New Spain
◾ History of Mexico
◾ Economic history of Mexico
◾ Creole nationalism
◾ History of Roman Catholicism in Mexico
◾ New Philology
◾ Latin American studies

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