Parallel Polis, or An Independent Society in Central and Eastern Europe: An Inquiry

Author(s): VÁCLAV BENDA, MILAN ŠIMEČKA, IVAN M. JIROUS, JIŘÍ DIENSTBIER, VÁCLAV
HAVEL, LADISLAV HEJDÁNEK, JAN ŠIMSA and Paul Wilson
Source: Social Research, Vol. 55, No. 1/2, Central and East European Social Research—Part 2
(SPRING/SUMMER 1988), pp. 211-246
Published by: The New School
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40970497 .
Accessed: 25/06/2014 02:25

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

The New School is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Research.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
ParallelPolis,or
An Independent
Societyin
/ BY VACLAV BENDA,
Centraland / MILAN SlMEÕKA,
ivanm.jirous,
'/
EasternEurope: / vaclav jirí dienstbier,
havel,
An Inquiry / ladislav hejdánek,
andjanSimsa

byH. GordonShilling
Introduction

Independentactivities ofmanykindswhichoccurin Centraland

EasternEurope,commonly butinappropriatelytermed"dissent,"
challenge the effortsof the communist regimesto establishand
maintaintotalcontrolof theirsocietiesand to eliminateanyfree
or autonomoustendencies.They keep alivethe possibility of a
freerlifeeven withinthe framework of whatis almostalways
called, in this region, totalitarianism,offera model of an
eventualopen society,and laythe groundforit. Some scholars
in theWestregardthisas evidenceof a rebirthof "civilsociety,"
as privateand socialautonomyreassertthemselves in thefaceof
the compellingdemandsof the state.In Centraland Eastern
Europea similaridea is expressedin conceptssuchas "thesocial
self-organization of society"in Poland, a "parallel"or "inde-
pendentsociety"in Czechoslovakia,or a "second society"in
Hungary.The terms"dissent"or "dissidence"are considered
too negative,suggestingthatactionis limitedto protestsby a
smallband of almostprofessionaldissidentsor human rights
An alternative
activists. viewis offeredwhichstressesthepositive
strivingson a widefrontfora freerand moreindependentlife.
On the one hand, there are ubiquitousacts of protestor
self-expression by individualsin the economic,cultural,and
sociallifeof societywhichcannotbe entirely suppressedevenin
themostextremetotalist suchas Romania,Bulgaria,or
societies,
the SovietUnion duringthe earlyeighties.On the otherhand

SOCIAL RESEARCH, Vol. 55, Nos. 1-2 (Spring/Summer

1988)

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
212 SOCIAL RESEARCH

thereare the rarerand more structured formsof opposition,

such as human-rights, ecological,and peace movementsand
samizdatpublishing,in Poland and Czechoslovakia,and to a
lesserdegree in Hungary,the GermanDemocraticRepublic,
Yugoslavia,and in the USSR in the seventiesand again under
Gorbachev.The lattertypeseemedto open up the prospectof
an independentsociety, evenifin embryonic and limitedform,
and in Poland at least the perspectiveof a more developed
societyof thiskind.
In Czechoslovakia,independentactivitieshave managed to
constituteonlya miniatureindependentsociety,but therehas
been muchdiscussionin thepastdecade of themeaningof this
concept.IvanJirous,a theorist of the"underground," used the
term"secondculture"to designatenotonlythe sphereof rock
musicand the musicalunderground,but the whole realm of
creativeculture,"a culturenotdependenton official channelsof
communications, or on thehierarchy of valuesof theestablish-
ment."VaclavBenda,a Catholicphilosopher, coinedthephrase
"parallelpolis," whichwent beyond the notion of a second
cultureto embracean uncensoredinformation system, popular
music,unofficialeducationand scholarship,and the so-called
second or black-market economy.His essay on thisthemein
1978 touched off vigorous discussion among his fellow
signatoriesof Charter77 and wonwidespreadapproval.Vaclav
Havel,playwright and leadingChartist, endorsedthe notionin
his eloquentessayPowerofthePowerless, in whichhe wroteof
citizenswho wished to "live withinthe truth,"and thus
contribute to "whatmightbe called the independentspiritual,
social,and politicallifeof society."The organized"dissident"
movement-Charter77 and the Committeeforthe Defenseof
the UnjustlyPersecuted(VONS)- werebut tipsof an iceberg,
"themostvisibleand articulatedmanifestation of the indepen-
dentlifeof society,of whichtheyformedan integralpartand
fromwhichtheyderivedtheirvitalstrength."
In preparinga fullerstudyon thistheme-entitledSamizdat
and an IndependentSocietyin Centraland EasternEurope, to be
publishedin 1988-1 distributed a questionnaire amongsomeof
thosepersonsin Czechoslovakia whowereseeking,in theirown
fashion,to liveas freelyas possiblein a strictly
controlled
society.
The anketa, or inquiry,posed thefollowing fourquestions:
1. Do you thinkthe term"independentsociety"is relevant
and meaningful underpresentconditions in yourcountry?
2. If so, what would you include as being the essential
featuresof an "independentsociety"?

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 213

3. What are the immediatepurposes of the independent

activities
and organizations thusconceived?
4. What are the long-termimplications and possibleconse-
quencesof suchan "independentsociety"?
Some twentyresponses came from a wide spectrumof
differingpolitical,ideological,and religiousviewpointsand
presentedfascinating contrasts.Many controversial questions,
old and new, were raised. Was the so-called "independent
society"no morethana ghetto,shutofffromthemainstream of
society and seeking only personal satisfaction? Could the
participantsbe really independent or was theirs but a
pseudo-independence? Did the "second" or "parallel"society
alone produce thingsof good and positivevalue, or did
independenttendencieswithinthe"official structures" also have
merit?Was therein facta sharpdividingline betweenthe two
societies,or weretheyintertwined and overlapping?Were the
independentactivities purelypersonal,seekingto "defendthe
innerI" and itsrightofauthentic expression, or weretheymore
general and societal in to
purpose,striving break down the
of
deadeningmonopoly officialcultureand information? Did
this activityconstitutea revivalof democratictraditionsand
valuesand stimulate thebirthof a livingand pluralistic society?
What was in factachievedby theseefforts-merelya limited
sphereof freedom, likelyto be eliminatedat anymoment, or the
nucleus of an independentsocietywhich mighteventually
replacetheofficialsocietyand whicheven offereda modelfor
the future?Could such civic-mindedactivitiesreach out in
solidarityacrossfrontiers, bothwithinthe Easternbloc and to
the West,and prepare the ground for a genuine European
community?
In thepagesthatfolloware someof theresponses.Theywere
translatedby Paul Wilson of Toronto. The divergentback-
groundsand thecommonexperiencesof theauthorsproducea
variegatedmixtureof interpretations. VaclavBenda, Prague,is
a mathematician and philosopherof Catholicorientation,a
formerCharter77 spokesman.Milan Simecka,Bratislava,is a
politicaltheoristand one-timecommunist. IvanJirousis an art
historian,withoutpartyaffiliation, and closelyassociatedwith
the youngpeople of the musicalunderground. JiffDienstbier,
Prague,is a formercommunist journalist,an earlyspokesmanof
Charter77. VaclavHavel,Prague,nonparty, is a playwright and
essayist,and one of the firstCharter spokesmen.Ladislav
Hejdánek,Prague,also a Charterspokesman, is a philosopher of
Protestant orientation. Jan Simsa,Brno,is a formerProtestant
clergyman, whosepermission to serveas pastorwas revokedby

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
214 SOCIAL RESEARCH

theregime.AUofthemwereimprisoned, threeofthem(Benda,
Havel,and Dienstbier)in thesamejail at thesame time.

VaclavBenda

1 shallbeginwitha personalreminiscence. None of myessays

has been so frequentlyquoted, both approvinglyand
polemically, and none has been thesourceof so manyinspired
slogans,as the one entitled"The ParallelPolis."At the same
time,none of my essays was more improvised.When the
"secondcrisis"of Charter77 tookplace (thefirst,in thespring
of 1977,was relatedto Jan Patoika'sdeathand otherevents,
and the rest,fromthe thirdto the nth,happen withiron
regularityalmosteveryyearwithoutarousingmuchattention),
I was given the honor of takingpart in a meetingof the
Charter 77 "brain trust," which met to study further
opportunities and outlooksforthemovement. Withthezeal of
a newcomer,I compliedwiththe generalinstructions (I was
the only one who did, as it turned out) and prepared a
discussionpaper,whichwas essentially thetextnow knownas
"The ParallelPolis."At thesametime,theneed to faceup to a
real crisis and real doubts led me to an unambiguously
optimisticoutlook.And becauseat thetimemycontribution to
Charter 77 was largely technical and only incidentally
intellectual,my paper was by and large a reporton very
down-to-earth possibilities.
In the courseof thosenine yearseven mymostaudacious
expectationshave been considerablysurpassed.Thank God
forthat,althoughit is also truethatforthe mostpartwe are
onlylimpingfarbehindthefarmoreimpressive developments
in Poland. Today, it is perhapsno longernecessaryto show
thatthe parallelpolisis possible:timehas shownthateven in
the spheresof "parallelforeignpolicy"(whichmost of my
criticsconsideredan arbitrary introducedmorefor
hypothesis

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 215

the sake of logicalcompleteness)and of "paralleleconomics"

(whicheven I conceivedof in a largelynegativesense,in terms
of theblackmarket,theft, bribery, and otherphenomenathat
go along witha centrally directedeconomy),manythingsare
realizablethat neitherwe nor the Poles even dared dream
abouttenyearsago.
But I do notintendto turnthisessentially positiveanswerto
it
the question"Is possible?" into a celebration of my own
foresightand our mutualmerits:therehave been successes
and failures;therewasprogressand regression. We wastedour
energies almost everywhere, naivelyallowing ourselvesto be
outflankedby repressionsor to be mired down in internal
controversies;almosteverywhere we remainedfarbehindwhat
waspossible,eventakingintoconsideration all theunfavorable
conditionsthatprevailed.In one area we failedcatastrophi-
cally:independenteducation.There wereand stillare various
attemptsto do somethingabout it,but all of themhave been
marredby an excessiveexclusivity (not only regardingthe
circleof participants,butchiefly in theformand contentofthe
courses of study),considerablevulnerability to repressions,
and a lackof clear-sighted, responsiblegenerosity.
Perhaps this failure was inevitable: given the tough
totalitariangrip,particularlyon youngpeople,whoare caught
in a network of predetermined possibilities,
obligationsto work
froma tenderage and compulsorymilitary service(formen);
giventhe totaldestruction of the family,thereis not reallya
greatdeal of space formaneuvering here.Let us takea closer
look at our school system-and at the educationalsystemin
general,wheresystematic regressionis takingplace far more
rapidly than in any othersphereof sociallife,and whereeven
the basic totalitarian principleof dispensingadvantagesand
discrimination is becominglargelyimaginary becausethereare
hardlyanyrealadvantagesleftto dispense,and wherediscrim-
inationis beginningto functionas a defenseagainstinfection
by stupidity.This failure may prove to be a fatefulone

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
216 SOCIAL RESEARCH

bothforcitizensor oppositionalmovements and forour whole

nationalcommunity.
Even today, bitter problems related to the changing
generationsare arisingin the Charter,in the church,and in
independentculture.Unfortunately, these problemsdiffer
from the ancient generationalconflictsin that the rising
generationis not markedby a healthy,or even an unhealthy
a desireto rebeland takeitsproperplace,but
self-confidence,
ratherbya tendencyto declareitselfinadequateand place all
theblameforthatinadequacyon theprecedinggeneration(a
conclusionthatin a practicalrespectisjust,butin itsrejection
of the human conditionand shared responsibility, deeply
godless).
Then of course the futurepresentsus withthe threatof
absolutedestruction in a nuclearcatastrophe,in economicor
ecologicalcollapse,in the perfectand ultimatetriumphof
I personallythinkthat a no less effective,
totalitarianism.
exceptionallypainful,and, in the short term, practically
irreparableway of eliminating the humanrace or individual
nationswouldbe a declineintobarbarism, theabandonment of
reasonand learning,the loss of traditions and memory.The
ruling regime-partly intentionally,partly thanks to its
essentiallynihilisticnature-has done everythingit can to
achievethatgoal.The aimofindependentcitizens'movements
thattryto createa parallelpolismustbe preciselytheopposite:
we mustnotbe discouragedbypreviousfailures,and we must
considerthe area of schoolingand educationas one of our
mainpriorities.
And now someterminological clarifications
and, concretely,
an explanationofwhyI used theterm"parallelpolis"and why
I considerthistermeven todayas much more appropriate
than"theunderground," "thesecondculture,""independent
culture,""alternative culture,"or whateverothertermshave
been suggested.My argumentsare directlyrelatedto both
elementsof the phrase. The programI once sketchedout
consistedneitherin some sectarianor elitistexclusivity of a

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 217

group or ghettoof people who "live in truth,"nor in a

one-sided attempt to preserve some preferentialvalues,
whethertheybe literary, musical,philosophical, or religious.If
thisprogramgave unequivocalpriority to something, thenit
was thepreservation or therenewalof thenationalcommunity
in thewidestsenseof theword- along withthedefenseof all
the values,institutions, and materialconditionsto whichthe
existenceof such a community is bound. This, then,is where
theword"polis"comesin,or perhaps"structures"; thatis also
where doubts come in about whethertermslike "under-
ground"or "culture"representan excessivenarrowingof the
intellectual,social,or thematicperspective.
As faras theappropriateadjectiveis concerned,itis obvious
thata community createdwithsuch universalclaimscannot
completelyignore the officialsocial structuresand systemati-
callyremainseparatefromthem(thisis reflectedin the more
extremeaspectsoftheideologyoftheunderground)norcan it
merelyrejectthemand be theirnegativeimage(as the words
"opposition,""second,"and to a certainextenteven "alter-
native"and "independent"suggest).The adjective"parallel"
seemed,and stillseems,more appropriatethan other,more
extreme solutions. It stresses variety,but not absolute
independence,for a parallelcourse can be maintainedonly
witha certainmutualrespectand consideration. Furthermore,
it does not rule out the possibility thatparallelcoursesmay
sometimesconvergeor crosseach other(in geometryonlyat
infinity,in practicallife, however,much more frequently).
Finally,it is a global characteristic, not merelylocal. For
example, there is obviously no relevant officialcounterweight
to parallelphilosophyor theology, just as in the foreseeable
futurethere is not likelyto be a parallel counterweight to
militarypower. The global nature of "parallelness,"in my
opinion,bridgesoverthesedisproportions and opens thedoor
to a mergingof both communities, and even more, to the
peaceful dominance of the community anchoredin truthover
thecommunity based on merepowerand manipulation.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
218 SOCIAL RESEARCH

As I have already said, all concrete, tactical tasks, all

"small-scalework"involvedin creatingthe "parallel polis," are,
for me, connected withthe renewal of the national community
in the widest sense of the word. For the main principle of
totalitariancontrolis the utterdestruction,the atomizationof
this and every other community-replacing them with a
paramilitarypseudo-partyor, more probably,witha perfectly
subordinated, perfectlysterile,life-threateningparty appara-
tus. The Iron Curtain does notjust existbetween the East and
the West: it also separates individual nations in the East,
individual regions, individual towns and villages, individual
factories,individual families,and even the individuals within
those entitiesfromeach other. Psychologistsmighteven study
the extent to which such an Iron Curtain has artificially
divided various spheres of consciousness withineach individ-
ual. In any case, it is clear thatwe have farmore precise and up
to date informationavailable about Australiathan we do about
events in a neighboringpart of the city.
To tear down or corrode these miniatureiron curtains,to
break through the communicationsand social blockades, to
returnto truthand justice, to a meaningfulorder of values, to
value once more the inalienabilityof human dignityand the
necessityfor a sense of human communityin mutual love and
responsibility-these, in my opinion, are the present goals of
the parallel polis. In concreteterms,thismeans takingover for
the use of the parallel polis every space that state power has
temporarilyabandoned or which it has never occurred to it to
occupy in the first place; to win over for the support of
common activities(taking great care, however,to ensure that
the usual proscriptionsof statepower are not only not brought
down on it prematurely,but that theyare held off for as long
as possible) everythingalive in societyand its culture in the
broadest sense of the word, anything that has managed
somehow to survivethe disfavorof the times(e.g., the church)
or that was able, despite the unfavorable times,to come into

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 219

being (e.g., various youth movements,of which the most

articulateis the"underground").
The point is that the totalitarianregime is subject to a
strangedialectic:on theone hand,itsclaimis total- thatis, it
absolutelydeniesfreedomand triessystematically to eliminate
everyspherewherefreedomexists;on the otherhand,it has
provedincapable,in practicalterms(thosewho believein the
divinecreation,or whoat leastgiveprecedenceto therichness
of life as against the povertyof ideology,consider this
incapacityto be essentialand irremediable), of realizingthis
claim- that is, of permanentlypreventingthe constant
creationof newcentersof freedom.
But thereis a fundamental differencebetweenthe natural
resistance of life to totalitarianism, and the deliberate
expansion of the space in whichtheparallelpoliscan exist:the
formeris a clusterof flowersthat has grown in a place
accidentally shelteredfromthekillingwindsof totalitarianism
and easilydestroyedwhen thosewindschangedirection;the
latteris a trenchwhose eliminationdepends strictlyon a
calculatedmovebythestatepowertodestroyit.Giventhetime
and themeansavailable,onlya certainnumberof trenchescan
be eliminated.If,at the same time,theparallelpolisis able to
producemoresuchtrenchesthanitloses,a situationarisesthat
is mortally dangerousforthe regime:it is a blowat the very
heart of its power, that is, the possibilityof intervening
anywhere, withoutlimitations.The missionof theparallelpolis
is constantly to conquernew territory,to makeitsparallelness
constantly moresubstantial and more present.Politically,this
meansto stakeoutclearlimitsfortotalitarian power, to make it
moredifficult forit to maneuver.
Even in the apparent nonhistoricity of the Czechoslovak
muchhas changedin thepasttenyears:statepower
situation,
has notlostanyof itswillto totality,and therepressionshave
certainlynotbecomemilder,buttheirpsychological effecthas
essentiallychanged. In the mid-1970s, the persecutionof a
handful of people was enough to frightenand warn off

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
220 SOCIAL RESEARCH

thousandsof others.Today, on the contrary, everypolitical

trialis a moralchallengefordozensof othercitizenswho feel
responsiblefortakingthe place of thosewho are temporarily
silenced.As soon as itreachesa certainlevel,theparallelpolis
can obviouslybe eliminatedonlyby totallydestroying it,or at
leastbya thoroughdecimationof theentirenation:a perfect
exampleof thisis theevolutionof thePolishsituationafterthe
declarationof thestateof war.
At the same time,however,we come to the firstparadox
here,connectedwiththe basic and, so far,littleunderstood
mysteriesof totality:from the other side, it is probably
impossiblefor the parallel polis to destroy,replace, or
peacefullytransform(humanize, democratize,reform,or
whatevertheothertermsforit are) totalitarian power.I have
no intention here of analyzingtheobvioustheologicalaspects
of theproblem.And I wouldemphasizemoststrongly thatthis
has nothingto do withthefactthatwe are unanimousin giving
precedenceto nonviolent formsof struggle.Everyantitotalita-
riantendencyworthy of thename (thatis,offering morethan
just anotherversionof totalitarianism) is, in essence,oriented
above all toward the good of the polis, toward genuine
community, towardjusticeand freedom.
Totalitarianismdevotes all its strength,all its technical
know-how, towarda singlegoal: the undisturbedexerciseof
absolute power. It is capable of the most bizarre tactical
somersaultsimaginable,but it can never,under any circum-
stances,ever admitthatthereis any more important, more
sacrosanctvalue than "the leading role of the party."In
August1968,aftertheenemyinvasion,therewas a greatdeal
of radicalisminsidethe CommunistPartyof Czechoslovakia,
and a lot of heresy,but on one questionan almostpathetic
agreementprevailed: no matterwhat happened, and no
matterif all the previousvaluesweresuddenlyturnedinside
out,the partymustunderno circumstances go underground,
becomean opposition,giveup itspositionof power.Looking
merelyat the completelydifferentset of values each side

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 221

prefers,antitotalitarianism and totalitarianism are not equal

for
adversariesin thestruggle power.
Totalitarianism,concentrating all itsefforts on thisstruggle
forpower,mustalwayswin.The moreheadwaythethreatsto
it make,themoredrasticmeansitchoosesfromitsrepertoire,
whichknowsno limitations, to suppressthatthreat.There is
no systematic doctrinecapableof liquidatingtotalitarian power
fromwithinor of replacingit. That power,however,works
consciouslyat the outerlimitsof itsown possibilities: a single
loose pebblecan cause an avalanche;an accidentaloutburstof
discontent in a factory,at a footballmatch,in a villagepub, is
capableof shakingthefoundations of thestate.The important
thing is the chance factor: totalitarian power is capable of
successfully blockingany apparentadversary,but it is almost
helplessagainstitsown subjectswho foolishly and infectiously
startworkingto bringabout in practicethe notionthatthey
need notgo on beingmeresubjects.
Even more important, however,is the social situation(the
level to whichthe parallelpolis has builtitselfup), in which
these accidental(chance) events take place: it was not the
Committeefor Social Self-Defense(KOR) nor the Catholic
ChurchthatbroughtthePolishSolidarnoscintobeing,butto a
significantdegree they shared in the formationof that
movement.Also in Charter77, I doubt that anyone thinks
we'recapableof starting a revolution, but I suspecteveryoneis
aware thatshould a revolutionary (or shall we merelysay a
dramatic) situationarise, our voice- "Wheredo we go from
here and how?"- willcarrynot insignificant weightand that
we willhaveto dischargeour responsibility (whichwe,afterall,
voluntarily declared)in something morethanmereidlechatter
and uncertaindeclarations.
Which bringsme to what I consider the long-rangeor
strategic missionof the parallelpolis,the one genuinewayof
evaluatingand justifying thistypeof "small-scalework."My
conclusionis based on several looselyrelated assumptions.
Totalitarianpower has extended the sphere of politicsto

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
222 SOCIAL RESEARCH

includeeverything, includingthe faith,the thinking,and the

conscience of the individual: the firstresponsibilityof a
Christianand a humanbeingis thereforeto oppose such an
inappropriatedemand of the politicalsphere,ergo to resist
totalitarianpower. If we turnto local conditions,it mustbe
stated that the greatestamount of ingenuity,courage, or
willingnessto make sacrificeshas so far been insufficient to
bring about emancipation from the sphere of totalitarian
power (Afghanistanmight become a turning point, yet
preciselybecauseof thisinfectious exampleitis highlyunlikely
that the occupationarmies will soon withdrawfrom that
country).I am aware,and we are all of us here(in Centraland
EasternEurope) moreor less aware thatthe possibilities of a
parallelpolis and of any otherkind of are
opposition strictly
limited,and thatthe successfulovercomingof theselimitsis
conditionalupon the worldsituation.Totalitarianpoweris a
partof our fate(and perhapsGod's punishment forour sins),
and notjust a mereparasitethatrequiresonly decisionand
a
purposefulactionon our partto eliminate.

Milan Simetka

1. I haveno objectionsto theterm"independentsociety"ifit

is used withthesame limitations thatapplyto thereal stateof
things.In Czechoslovakia, the publicspace in whichindepen-
dentactivity can occur is veryrestrictedand forthisreason I
havealwayspreferred to speakof "independentthinking" and
"independent culture." This modesty is a product our
of
experience,and I am wellawarethatin Poland,forinstance,
or Hungary,the term"independentsociety"has a farwider
applicationthanin our case. In Czechoslovakia, the notionof
independencehas notyetpenetratedthemostimportant social
structures; it has itsown specificterritory,and unlike Poland
and even the GDR, the church here has been unable to

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 223

disengageitselffromdependenceon the state,and thereis

perhapsas muchconformity in thechurchhierarchy as there
is in the partyhierarchy.
I thinkthatin Czechoslovakia we are fullyawarethatwe can
independently manage only verytinysectorof publiclife,
a
althoughitis an important sectorand one thatmaybe decisive
in the future. Independent activityin Czechoslovakiais
concentratedin the traditionalneuralgicpoints of society,
those pointsfromwhich,consideredin Archimedeanterms,
history has always,so far,been priedoutofa stateofrest.That
is, thedomain ofindependenceis mainlythewaysin whichthe
nationthinksof itself,culturein thewidestsenseof theword,
and moralself-questioning. There is a widespreadbeliefhere
thatitis in theseareas thatwe can standcomparisonto others.
Formersourcesof nationalpride based on our skillsin the
mechanicalarts and economicenterprisehave all turnedto
dust.The unfortunate thingis thata terrainof independence
so definedis accessibleonlyto a minority thathavetheliterary
qualifications.There are alreadycomplaintscomingfromthe
ranksof the youngergenerationthat,withoutliterarytalent,
thereare not manyindependentactivities theycan take part
in, and to a certainextentthatis true.NoticethatCharter77
presentsitselfto theworldmainlythroughitsdocuments.
These limitationsto the terrainof independencedo not
simplyderivefromthe nationaltradition,however;theyare
also determinedby the harshnessof the regime,whichin the
past twentyyearshas been the mostrepressiveand ideologi-
callyconservative in all of EasternEurope. In Czechoslovakia,
it has been a hard struggleto win the terrainof cultural
independencethatdoes exist,and it has certainlysucceeded
onlybecauseall thesewearyingstruggleshave been publicized
in theWest.Evenso, however,we cannotcomparewithPoland
in the breadth and varietyof independentculture. As I
imagineit,a genuineindependentsocietywould,bya process
of metastasis,penetrateall the importantsocial structures.
This is notour case. We haveno influenceon economiclife,on

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
224 SOCIAL RESEARCH

politicaldecision-making, on the mass media,and so on. We

are fullypresentonlyin those rare momentsin human life
when conscience,morality, reason,education,and standards
demandto be heard.We believethattheseaspectsof national
lifewilldemandto be heard moreand moreoften.
2. The mainreasonwhyan "independentsociety"came into
beingwas the"shakenness"(otfesenost) thatJanPatoëkaspeaks
of. It was notjust theshockof theinvasion,butmainlyinsight
intothenormalizedconditions in the 1970s,intothewayorder
was restored,which took place on a fully-litstage. The
questionnaturallyarises as to whythis shakennessand the
independenceitbringsdid notappear rightafter1948,when
conscience was sorely tried by the theater of horrors
represented,for example,by the purge trialsof the early
1950s. But at the time, shakennesswas underminedby
ideologicalblindnessand everyattemptat independenceled
straightto prison. Paradoxically,an "independentsociety"
existedonlyin thelaborcamps,as witnesses fromthetimecan
attest.Genuine insightinto conditionsappeared in all of
EasternEurope in the 1960s,but Czechoslovakiaexperienced
themostabruptand panic-stricken returnto neo-Stalinism.
From this it followsthat an essential characteristic of
independent activities
is that they were forced upon us; but
theydid notbeginas partof a program.Theywerea reaction
to the moribundity of society,to the generalapathyand the
arbitrary natureof the repressiveorgans.In Czechoslovakia,
Charter 77 came into being this way, as did VONS,
independentliterary production,samizdatjournals,living-room
theater, and so on. At the time,former politicalfunctionaries
meton independentgroundwithformerpoliticalprisoners;
manyof the samizdatauthorswere once recognizedwriters;
othershad been scientists and university professors.In thelast
fewyearsthe situationhas changed,and a new generationis
enteringthe terrainof independentcultureand bypassing
officialstructuresaltogether.Not all attemptsat indepen-
dence, however,have been strictly separatedfromthe state;

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 225

theJazzSection,forexample,managedto skateon thethinice

of legalityforfifteen yearsbeforeit was brokenup.
3. In the final analysis,all independentactivity, without
necessarily publiclymanifesting it or evenbeingawareof it,is
attempting to createa kind of substitute Becausethey
plurality.
exist, pluralisticelements,mainly in thinking,enter into
society.Even the awareness of the power elite has been
affected.We mayneverfullyappreciatewhatthefirstpioneers
of independentthinkinglike Sakharov,forexample,contrib-
utedto thegeneralawareness.The mainideas of thesepeople
have enteredthroughthe back door into the philosophyof
and theirmorallegacyhas comewithit. By itsvery
perestroika,
existence,Charter77 has raised the general awarenessof
human rightsin Czechoslovakiato a new level,and VONS,
withits marvelousactivityin the realm of information, has
ensuredthatpeople no longersufferrepressions anonymously
and withno hope of help fromoutside,as used to be thecase.
Not all the impulsesof the independentsociety,however,
are clearly articulated,and many impulses are entirely
spontaneous. From the beginning,independent cultural
activityhad the spontaneousaim of savingCzech and Slovak
culturefromdegeneration,to save language frommindless
phrasesand memoryfromforgetting. Fromthesespontaneous
efforts,however,the awarenessof a widertaskemerged;for
example,whatis emphasizedtodayis theEuropeancontextof
our existenceleading to the overcomingof the divisionof
Europe. It follows,however,fromthe veryessence of these
attemptsto forman "independentsociety"thatat theircore
will alwaysbe the creationof islands of pluralitythat may
becomea préfiguration of a pluralisticsociety.
4. In the future, independent activitieswill probably
continueto encouragethe elementsof pluralism,as well as
everything thatwe havelearned- thatis,tolerance,a revulsion
towardideologicalthinkingand towardall formsof violence,
whetherovertor hidden,etc.,in orderthatthesequalitiesmay
becomefirmly rooted.But the futurewillhave to bringsome

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
226 SOCIAL RESEARCH

kindof solution,becauseitis impossibleto extendindefinitely

an independencecreatedwithsuchenormouseffort. Indepen-
dent activitieswere initiatedin the hope that the practices
evolvedwouldbecomethepracticeofthewholesociety.I don't
mean to say by thisthatthesepracticeshave any ambitionto
become official and established. They would, however,
welcomea normalization of theEuropeanspirit.In Czechoslo-
vakia,thismightmean simplythatindependentbooks might
be publishedon printingpressesinsteadof in bound carbon
copies,or thatindependentplays mightbe performedin a
theaterinsteadof in livingrooms.On theotherhand,thereis
a certainfear of a sell-outof independenceas well, and
youngerand more outspokengroups in the "independent
society"are diggingin fora longhaul,are notpreparedto give
up their independent space, and are horrifiedat the
temptations offeredbyanyformof establishment.
Of course, there is no danger yet of that happening
anywherein EasternEurope. The "independentsociety"is so
farkeptat a safedistancefromthe"masses."If, however,the
crisisof the systemin EasternEurope continues,if economic
stagnationdeepens and politicaldemoralizationincreases,
these "independentsocieties"willremainthe onlysource of
hope fora new beginning,and the onlysocialformation that
willbe able to demonstratemoralintegrity and an abilityto
come to termswiththepresent.

Ivan M. Jirous

1. Not only does what you call an "independentsociety"

make sense in mycountry,I would say thatit the onlything
thatdoesmake sense (assuming,of course,thatwe're talking
about the publicsphere,about mattersof the polis,and not
aboutthesphereof an individual'sintimatelife,wherea great
manyotherthingsmakesenseas well).It has provenitsworth,

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 227

and itis theonlymeaningful structurethatpeoplecan createif

theydo not wishto remainmere appendicesof the political
and socialstructures createdby the rulingpower.If it proves
impossiblelegallyto compel the rulingpower to change the
waysit governsus, and if forvariousreasonsthosewho reject
thispowercannotor do notwishto overthrow itbyforce,then
the creationof an independentor alternativeor parallel
community is theonlydignifiedsolution,becausepowerstrips
those who do not participatein it of human dignity.The
parallelpolis establishes,or ratherrenews,relationships that,
in return,give its membersthe dignityof participating in
decisionsthatconcernthe community, and in creatingthat
community's structures. The parallel polis and its external
manifestations- for example the "second culture" or the
Charter 77 movement-are embodimentsof what Vaclav
Havel called "thepowerof the powerless."
2. The essentialcharacteristicsof the "independentsociety"
are kindness,tolerance,respectfortheopinionsof others,the
acceptanceof different humanbeingswithlove. Anyvertical
organization-hierarchization- of the "independentsociety"
wouldat thesametimebringaboutitsdemise.Fromthisitalso
followsthatthe "independentsociety"does not competefor
power.Its aim is notto replacethepowersthatbe withpower
of anotherkind,butratherunderthispower- or besideit- to
createa structurethatrespectsotherlaws and in whichthe
voiceof therulingpoweris heardonlyas an insignificant echo
froma worldthatis organizedin an entirely differentway.
3. In the firstplace, I mustrejectthe term"organization,"
notjust out of caution-here we cannotaffordto go about
settingup organizations, even thoughwe mightwantto; the
road fromtherewould lead far more directlyto prisonthan
theroads thathave takenus thereso far- but mainlybecause
we genuinelydo not create organizations.An organization
requiresbotha hierarchy and a program;we are fed up with
both.I preferthe term"movement" because at itsrootis the
idea of motion.We do notsetup goals,a priori,thatwe tryto

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
228 SOCIAL RESEARCH

reach,or programsthatwe tryto carryout,or thesesthatwe

attemptto adhere to. The patriarchof the Czech under-
ground,Egon Bondy,wroteprophetically as earlyas late 1974:
"When the activityof those who oppose the establishment
becomesarticulated itwillbe in forms,methodsand
politically,
ideas thatare totallyunknown,incomprehensible and unac-
ceptable to members of the establishment- and that is how it
shouldbe."
Independentactivity began in spontaneousacts of mutual
self-defense in differentpartsof society.Those who takepart
are activepeople who can no longerstandto look passivelyat
the general decay, marasmus,rigidity,bureaucracy,and
suffocation of everylivingidea or sign of movementin the
officialsphere. And because these people sooner or later
recognizedthateffortsto bringabout the slightestimprove-
mentsin theofficial spherewereexercisesin futility,itwasonly
a matterof timebeforetheysaid: Whynotinvestour talents,
abilities,goodwill,and enthusiasm intosomethingthatno one
willbe able to corrupt,thatwe willbe able to decide about
ourselvesin the end. That was how the underground,the
secondculture,came about,and thatis howCharter77 works
as well. Some people are confused about Charter 77's
continuingeffortsat dialogue (an incomplete dialogue,
because the side addressedeitherkeeps silentor rages) with
the establishment. But a far more importantfunctionof
Charter77 is thefactthatithas createdand continuestocreate
a model fora genuinelydemocraticsociety,wheredisparate
points of view and trendscan coexist withoutcentrifugal
tendenciesdeveloping.
It is difficultto talk about the immediate goals of
independentactivity,and this difficulty is related to the
absence of a programthat I've already mentioned. I would
preferto say thattheseindependentactivitiesare theirown
goals.In them,theintrinsic tendency of peopletocreatethings
of value is realized.By givingmeaningto theirlivesand the
livesof thoseclose to them,people are able to resistthesense

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 229

offutilitythatthreatens to swallowthemup iftheymovein the

of
sphere "dependentactivity"- as we mightcall activity
thatis
directedand monitoredbytheestablishment.
4. Independentsocieties-I use thepluralbecausethereare
manyof them,eventhoughtheyoftenoverlap- haverevealed
the enormous territory of inner freedomthat exists. For
example, talented young poets today no longer bombard
officialpublisherswiththeirpoetry.They make theirstart
directlyin samizdateditions.They have stoppedpleadingwith
the powers-that-be to acknowledgetheir work, they have
stoppedtrying negotiateover everyline and everyword.
to
Thus, paradoxically, in theleastfreecountry,at leastas faras
culture is concerned,young poets now have a sphere of
completecreativefreedomopen to them.This meansthatthe
parallelstructures have begun to commandrespectin and of
themselves, and are notmerelybeingused as solutionsforced
us
upon by circumstances.And thusthewordsofVaclavHavel
fromhis essay on "The Power of the Powerless"have been
fulfilled:
"The real questionis whetherthe brighterfuture'is always
so distant.Whatif it has been here fora long timealready-
and onlyour own blindnessand weaknesshave preventedus
fromseeing it around us and withinus, and kept us from
developingit."

Jin Dienstbier

1. The term"independentsociety"can be meaningful, but

I
personally prefer the term"civilsociety." In theunderstand-
ing of variousauthorsthe significance of bothconcepts(and
othersas well,suchas the"parallelpolis")is similar,sometimes
almostidentical.
"Independentsociety"(or "parallelpolis")impliesindepen-
dence fromthe state.It comesout of the situationof several

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
230 SOCIAL RESEARCH

countriesin whichthe formsof statepowerseem,giventhe

international situation,to be immutable.To be specific:given
thearrangement of theworldintoblocs,theSovietUnionhas
so fardemanded,in itssphere,theruleof thenomenklatura of
the so-calledcommunistparties.This is why independent
people are lookingfor ways,in conditionsof the Brezhnev
doctrineand theadministration of powerbythenomenklatura,
to realize those social interestsand needs that state power
ignores,represses,or failsto respect.
The state is too importanta social institutionto be
understoodmerelyas a parasiticalorganthatcan be gradually
pushedout of the lifeof society.Some Marxistand anarchist
theoriesderivefromthe notionof the withering awayof the
state,and "lessgovernment" would certainlynothurt. I think,
though,thatthestate,notas manipulator, butas a functionof
society,as an instrument of a democratic balancing of
long-term and short-term interests,bothof societyas a whole
and of individuals,and as the guarantorof thoseinterests, will
alwaysbe necessaryin someform,eventhoughwe mightcallit
something else.
The conceptof a "civilsociety"embracesthisneed. A civil
societycan be, and oughtto be, a stateas well.Or rathersuch
a stateis the aim. That is whyI especiallylikethe expression
"the self-organization of civilsociety."If the statedoes not
performitsfunction, self-organization becomesnecessary. The
realizationof socialinterests the
through strengths inherent in
societyweakensthe totalizingdemandsof power,whichis no
longerthe onlymotiveforceand mustbegin respondingto
social needs all the more, the more advanced the self-
organizationhas become. This produces tensionwhichthe
state power attemptsto neutralize sometimesby force,
sometimes bypretending thetensiondoes notexist.But when
thishappens,societyentersintothedialogue,eventhoughfor
the timebeingin a negativemanner.But thisdoes not make
thetensiongo away,and thusit remainsa potentialsourceof
positivedialogue.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 231

2. The basic aim of the self-organization of civilsociety,of

independent and parallel activities,is the preservationand
renewalof normality, as we understandit in the European
tradition.This means the renewal of civic awarenessand
interestin theaffairsof thecommunity; it meansan appeal to
the qualityof workand decency in human relationships;it
meanstheattemptto maintainand expand awarenessof one's
legal rights,self-education and assistingin the educationof
others,writing books,publishingperiodicals,puttingon plays,
holdingseminars,exhibitions, concerts,etc.And it also means
forming judgments, without emotion and withan effortto get
as much information fromas wide a varietyof sources as
possible,on various aspectsof the domesticand international
situations.
3. The meaning of independentactivitieslies in their
authenticity and, in the conditionsin whichwe live, in the
continualrenewalof themeaningofauthenticity. People know
thatresigningthemselvesto theirown privateinterestsand
sittingin frontof the televisionis not the only alternative.
More and morepeople are tryingto liveauthenticlives,even
thoughmanydo notdo so in the open. There is notas much
apathyin Czechoslovakiaas thereoftenseemsto be.
The questionobviouslyleads somewhereelse: what is the
meaningof independentactivitiesthatopenlydeclare them-
selvesas such?Whena citizenproclaimsthathe willnotallow
hiscitizenship to be takenfromhim,he renewstheverynotion
of citizenshipitself.The writerwho writes a book and
publishesit in samizdator witha foreignpublishinghouse
proves that he is still a writer,that his missionis not to
surrenderto censorshipand the apparatus,but to writeand
publishbooks.Likewise,thetypistwhotypesthebook and the
personwhobindsitare renewingtheircitizenship as well.Most
visible and, given the repressions,most visible to the
international publicas well,are the activitiesthatexpose the
repressivepracticesofthestateorgansand comeoutin defense
of people who are persecuted for behaving normally,as

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
232 SOCIAL RESEARCH

citizensshould,or other,broaderactionsaimed at defending

human rights,monitoringthe state'sobservationof its own
laws,or open criticism of contemporary practiceson the part
of thosein power.It mayoftenseem thatCharter77 or the
Committeeto Defend the UnjustlyPersecuted,forexample,
are smallislandsin a sea of apathy.But theyare onlyvisible
tips of the iceberg.Nevertheless, theydo have two specific
roles.Regardlessof the motivations of theactivists,theyare a
publicexpression, in the politicalspectrum, of socialinterests,
and theyare bearersof thespiritof dialogue.The responseto
theiractivitiesand theirimpactin the international context
thenhelpsto preservetheawarenessof commonculturaland
civilizationalstandards.
4. The constructive possibilitiesof the Stalinistmodel are
exhausted.How quicklythisexhaustionwilllead to essential
changes will depend on the internationalsituation.The
presentsharpeningof international tensionsis a shot in the
arm for military-security complexesand the conservationof
long-outdated structures. This decreasingly effectiveformof
rule cannotbe withoutpermanentconsequences.In recent
timeswe havewitnessed variousattempts at reform, theaimof
whichis to preservethe power structuresby modernizing
them.I am convincedthattodayit is no longerpossibleto
makeeconomicprogresswithoutdemocratization, noteven in
theSovietUnion.This processmaylasta longtime,and there
maybe manyreversalsthatwill,of course,merelydeepen the
stagnationand the crisis.Under these circumstances, self-
organizationis one of the main conditionsthatwill have to
prevailif the crisisis to become, not a catastrophe,but a
dialogue.In thewordsof Adam Michnik,"For a lynching, all
you need is an angrymob; fordialogue,you need an organized
society."I would say that to a certain extent the power
apparatusesare aware of this.For the timebeing theyhave
becomecultivated, at leastto the pointwheretheysometimes
understandindependentactivity at leastas a safetyvalve.It is
no longerfrontalrepression,as it was in the 1950s,whenthe

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 233

veryidea of a safetyvalvewouldhave been heresy.Whatkind

of safetyvalvecould possiblybe necessaryforthe best of all
possibleworlds?Today everyoneknowsthat"realsocialism"is
a synonym forstagnation.The onlydynamism lies in an open
space forall individualcreativeforces.Today thereis no one
any longerwho is willingto sacrificehimselffor ideological
dreams.The dynamismtoday is withthe independentand
as instruments
parallel activities, of the self-organization of
civilsociety.As long as thatcontinuesto be repressed,power
itselfwillbe powerless.

VaclavHavel

I thinkthattheconceptof an "independentsociety"should
be used withgreatcautionor rather,beforeitis used,itshould
be clearlydefined.It maybe accurateto say,forexample,that
an independentcultureor an independentliterature existsin
Czechoslovakiatoday,thatthereare people and communities
here tryingto expressthemselvesfreelyand independently,
and that we may even observe (if we understandit as a
metaphorratherthana precisesociologicalcategory)thegerm
of whatBenda has calledthe"parallelpolis."It is byno means
as easy to say, withoutfurtherqualification, that an "inde-
pendentsociety"existshere,or is comingintobeing.I shalltry
to explainwhyI thinkthis.
Firstand foremost:in the modernworld- and especially
undera totalitariansystem, of course- no one is, norcan they
be, completelyor absolutelyindependentof the state.Even
Czechoslovakor Polishcitizenswho expressthemselvesmost
freelyare (mostly)employedin stateinstitutions wherethey
are paid a salaryby the state,withwhichtheybuy food or
consumergoods (mostly)in state-owned shops; theymakeuse
(mostly) of the state health service; they live (mostly)in
state-ownedflatsand they observe the countlesslaws and

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
234 SOCIAL RESEARCH

regulations issuedbythestate.In otherwords,theyare byno

means completelyindependent.Yet it is also true that a
measure of independence is available even to the most
dependentcitizens;thus everyonecan, if he chooses, take
advantageofthisand increaseit(so far,forexample,thereare
no regulations prescribingwhatkindof shirtwe mustwearon
a givenday,or whetherwe haveto watchTV afterworkor go
to themoviesinstead).Moreover,each citizen,ifhe wishes,can
contributesomethingpersonal,somethinguniquelyhis own,
something unprescribedand therefore tobrighten
independent,
thatbroadsphereoflifein whichhe is dependenton thestate.
Even the dullest bureaucratslavishlyservinghis superior
modifiesthe workhe does, be it only as a consequenceof
characteror of habit.In otherwords,thereare not, strictly
speaking,twodistinctsocietiesor twotypesof individual,one
dependentand theotherindependent.Everyoneis dependent
and at the same time everyone,in certainareas, expresses
himselfmore or less independently. The difference-and of
course it is an extremelyimportantdifference-lies in the
"quality"or thedegreeof theone and theother,or ratherin
the proportionsof thosetwo "quantities"in relationto each
other. There are enormousdifferencesbetweena leading
dissident,an ordinary,inconspicuouscitizen,and a party
functionary, but these differenceslie in the degree of
dependenceand independence,and notin thefactthatone is
entirely independentand theotherentirely dependent.Polish
societyunder Solidarity-and even today-is probablyon the
whole far more independentof the statethan Czechoslovak
society. Once again, however, it is only a quantitative
difference: thePoles are notcompletely independent,nor are
the Czechs and Slovaks completelydependent(as it might
seemto a superficial observer).This verygeneralclarification
should, in my opinion, precede any considerationof the
questionof "independentsociety."
It is temptingto thinkthatan "independentsociety,"or at
leastthegermof sucha society, can, in thelandsof theSoviet

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 235

bloc,be seen mostclearlyin thosestructures, communities, or

movementsthat have most clearlyemancipatedthemselves
from the state and do not hesitate to pay for their
emancipationeven to the extent of becoming victimsof
persecution.I have in mind, for instance,the activistsof
Solidarityin Poland or the signatoriesof Charter 77 in
Czechoslovakia.Yes, thesepeople, who made the decisionto
"live in truth,"are genuinelymore independentthan their
fellowcitizenswho have notmade a similardecision.
In thisconnection,thatis, when we apply the categoryof
independentsociety"to concretesocial phenomenaand then
tryto determinetheirgenuinesocial significance, it seemsto
me important to bear at leasttwothingsin mind:
(1) More important thananygeneralor absolutemeasureof
theindependenceofthesecommunities and theiractivities
(for
example,how theycompareto each other)is once again their
relativesignificance, thatis, the degreeof independencethey
have againstthe backgroundof the particularsocialsituation
in the countryand time theyare operatingin. What may
appear, fromanothercountry,as a verymodest,limited,and
cautiouskindof independencemaynot necessarily seem that
wayon thespot.An example:ifa Romanianpubliclycriticizes
conditionsin his country,the measureof his independence
mayappear ratherlowand insignificant fromthepointofview
of the Hungarian situationand its possibilities, whereasin
Romaniait maybe endowedwithan almostexplosiveenergy.
Thus an expressionor activity thatin one countryor at a given
momentin time could easily go unnoticedamong many
analogous and more thoroughgoingexpressionsor actions,
may in anothercountryand at anothermomentpractically
shakesocietyto itsroots.In otherwords,independentactivity
thatis abstractedfroma particularsituationcan tell us very
littleabout its real social significancein the contextwhereit
takesplace.
(2) Similarly,it mustalwaysbe keptin mindthatthe social
impact of so-called independent activitiesin totalitarian

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
236 SOCIAL RESEARCH

conditionsis neverentirelydetermined, nor entirelymeasur-

able, in terms of the numbers of people directlyparticipating
in theseactivities. If,forinstance,thereare thousandsof such
people in Poland today,and onlydozens in Czechoslovakia,
thenit does indicatethatPolandis stillsomewhatbetteroffin
thatregardthanCzechoslovakia, but,at thesame time,it does
not mean that the significanceof independentactivityin
Czechoslovakia is proportionately lessthanin Poland.Again,it
is notas simpleas that.The pointis thataroundtheseactivities
therealwaysexistsa fieldof hidden influence,the potential
significance of whichcannotalwaysnecessarily flowfromthe
size of the phenomenonthatproducedit. It is truethatthere
are notmanyChartists, buta largepartof societyknowsabout
theirwork(or at leasta largepartof thatpartof societythat
continuesto be interestedin public affairsand whichmay
thereforebe said to "make history"),at the veryleast they
knowaboutitfromforeignradiobroadcasts.Evenif,at leastin
thegivensituation, thislargerpartof societydoes notbecome
directlyengaged the Charternor publiclysympathize
in with
it,thisdoes notmeanthattheCharterdoes notexistand have
an influencein theirawarenessor theirsubconsciousness, and
thatit does not somehowindirectly influencetheirbehavior,
thatit does nothelp them,occasionally and in somethings,to
enlargeinconspicuously thebordersof theirindependence.It
might be said that the Charteris a small focus of relative
independence, but a focus that is constantlyradiating
independencefar beyondits borders.It is hard to say what
effectthatradiationis having,and willhave,in theirradiated
area, what ripeningor fermentit will induce (if only as a
catalyst)and whatcontribution thisradiationwillhave on any
futuresocialmovement, shouldany takeplace. RecentPolish
historyprovidesa classicexampleof this:fora long time,it
mighthave seemedthatKOR and itsactivists could notin any
clearwayshiftthe general socialsituationor influence it,and
then suddenly,when anotherexplosionof publicdiscontent
tookplace,theworkof KOR was vindicatedalmostovernight

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 237

in an entirelyunexpectedway. It is hard to imaginehow,

withoutthe preliminary analyticaland conceptualwork of
KOR, the 10-million-strongSolidaritymovementcould have
come intobeing.
To conclude:it is probablynot true to say thatthereis a
smallenclaveof "completely independent"people here in an
ocean of "completely dependentpeople" withno interaction
betweenthem.There is an enclaveof "relatively independent"
ones who persistently,gradually, and enrich
inconspicuously
their"relatively
dependent"surroundings throughthespiritu-
allyliberating morallychallengingmeaningof theirown
and
independence,thusstrengthening in thosesurroundingsthat
smallsphereof independencethatremainsor thatit has been
able to preserve.Ultimately,
therefore, evensuchan enclaveof
"relativeindependence,"despite the fact that it is only an
enclave, and despite the relativity of its independence,is
important for the whole of societyand contributesto the
spreadof independencethroughout society.

Ladislav Hejdánek

1. The terms"independentactivity," "independentcommu-

nity,"and "independentsociety" are in commonuse in both
the West and the East, but of course the meanings are
different.In societiesunder so-called"real socialism,"where
everything citizensdo in the politicalsphere (in the widest
sense) centrallyorganized,directed,and monitored,the
is
term"independent"suggestsan enterprisethatis undertaken
withno inducementfrom"above,"thathas notbeen officially
approvedand forwhichno officialor functionary bears any
"responsibility"to the stateor the party. This is also whythe
representatives of such"independent"communities or groups
are dealtwithexclusively by the police.
At firstsightit is obviousthat the word comes fromthe

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
238 SOCIAL RESEARCH

sphereof politicaljargon, but also thatno one understands

"independence"literally.And rightlyso: no individualor
groupor community is,or can be, literally
"independent," that
is, in the absolutesense of the word.It is alwaysnecessaryto
definethat"independence"moreclosely,thatis,to determine
fromwhomor fromwhata givenindividualor group feels
itself,or desiresitself,to be independent.
Withthis,it becomesclearerjust how regrettably negative
theactualcontentof theword"independent" is. "Free"is a far
moreappropriateword,becauseitfacesbothways:we mayask
whatsomeoneis freeof or from,butwe mayalso ask whatwe
are freefor.This is a matterof fundamental importance.We
mayfreeourselvesfromsome of the thingsthatbind us, but
our "liberation from"mustbe justifiedbyour aims,thethings
forwhichwe triedto and in factwere compelledto liberate
ourselves.
that,especiallyin the countriesof Central
It is significant
and EasternEurope,thereis a broadconsensusaboutwhatwe
don'twantand whatwe wishto freeourselvesfrom,whatwe
wish to be finallyindependent of. Very few, however,
remembernot only that freedomand independencecost
something, but especiallythateveryinstanceof independence
and freedommustbe justifiedbyacceptinghigherobligations.
2. When we speak not merelyof independentactivitiesor
communities but of an independentsociety,thishas another
contextand anotherbackground.Perhapsveryfewpeople are
stillawareof this- particularly in our country-butpartof the
democratictraditionis the belief-a rathertheoreticaland
abstractbelief-thatthe statehas been createdby societyfor
organizingand structuring itsvariousinterestsand activities.
In thisview,thestateis thecreationof societyand notsociety's
master.Historically, however,as we well know,greaterand
greateramountsof socialpowerhave becomeconcentrated in
thestate,bothin itsmilitary and policingcomponents, and in
its bureaucraticstructures as well. The state separatesitself

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 239

fromsocietyand ultimately, by attempting to controlit in its

ownway,it ends up opposingsociety.
A programforan "independentsociety"meansan efforton
the partof societyto winback all its rightsand freedoms,so
thatsociety,once again,willdecide whatits statewillbe like,
and nottheotherwayaround,withthestateregulating society
and its life. In practicalterms,societycan achieve this by
imposingcertainlimitson thestateand itsbureaucrats, beyond
whichanyintervention by thestatein societywould not merely
be consideredoutsideits competencebut actuallyillegal.Of
course,ifthelaw is to be respectedbythestateand itsorgans,
societyhas to be able to establishtheselimitsdirectly, without
the intervention and influenceof the stateorgansthemselves
(in freeelections), butitmustalso be able to monitorthestate's
regard for those laws and prosecuteanycontravention ofthem
(in freecourtsof law). It is traditional, in thissense,to talk
about the separationof powers.Althoughthe wholeproblem
has not to this day been solved, either theoreticallyor
practically, democraticsocietiesalreadyfunctionmoreor less
in thissense,even thoughat timesthisfunctioning (or rather
dysfunctioning) has called forth more than one wave of
protest.But protestsbythecitizensand theirorganizations are
precisely one of the means wherebysocietyprotects or renews
its independencefromthe illegitimate demandsof the state
and itsorgans.
The callforindependencein societiesin theSovietsphereof
influence, in contrastto democraticsocieties,wouldseemto be
entirelyunreal, even Utopian.Nevertheless,these societies
beganwiththeconceptionof a limitation, even a suppression,
of the role of the state that derived fromthe democratic
conviction thatthestateexistsforsocietyand nottheotherway
around.The partywas supposedto ensurethattheaspirations
of the stateto powerdid not overwhelmitspositivefunction,
and it was to have been a guardian of the freedom(and
thereforeof the independence)of society.In practice,of
course,notonlywas thestatebureaucracynotlimited,it grew

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
240 SOCIAL RESEARCH

largerand blendedwiththenewlycreatedpartybureaucracy,
so thatthe notionof any social controlof the statebecame
quite illusory.In Czechoslovakia,thereis a furtheranomaly
thatrepresents an extremesituationeven in theconditionsof
real socialism:afterthe intervention of 1968, the new party
leadership became so dependent on the Kremlinthatit lost
touch not only withthe mass of its own members(a large
proportionof whomit purged,altogetherto thedetriment of
the party) but even with a majorityof middle- and
upper-echelon bureaucratsand withthepartyapparatus.
It wouldseem,therefore, thatthe call foran "independent
in
society" the countries of Central and EasternEurope means
a demandthatsocietybe givenbackitsrights,and at thesame
timethatthe demandsof the partyand the statebe limited.
Practically,thismeans a gradual democratization of society,
accompaniedby a morevigilant formulation of the laws,one
thatdoes not allowan arbitrary interpretation of themthatis
usuallyhiddenbehindthemaskofa "party- mindedness" in the
way theyare applied. Above all, this guaranteesa constant
expansion of the room available for free initiativesand
activities,the importanceof which in the developmentof
societydecreaseswithincreasingstateand partyregulation.A
societythatwould be independentof the stateand the party
mustbe able to livein itsownway,and thatmeansa pluralism
of culture,opinion,and intellectual and spirituallife.
3. Under existingconditions,independentactivity(and in
time,perhapsevenorganizations) can be directedtowardonly
verylimitedand therefore transitional,temporary goals. This
is whyCharter77 did notformulate anylong-term socialgoals,
and in particular, why it did not declare itselfto be a political
opposition.It made use of the exceptionalfact that our
government, becauseit dependson itsalliancewiththeSoviet
Union (like the other countriesin our bloc), accepted the
obligations of the HelsinkiAccord,whichgave suchinitiatives
a vitallyimportantlegaljustification. Our stateundertookto
protect human and
rights freedoms,and, byratifying them,it

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 241

also enshrinedin itsown lawsthe twointernational covenants

on human rights.Charter77, throughits firstspokesmen,
welcomedthisand at the same timepointedout that(1) pacta
suntservanda,thatis, everystate,or more particularly every
government, is bound to obey itsown laws, as
just every citizen
is (it oftenhappened,of course,thatmanycivilservantsnot
onlydid not keep to theselaws,but frequently brokethem,
sometimeswithoutbeing aware of it, because theydid not
knowthemand wereguidedinsteadbywhattheycalled their
"class instincts");and (2) all the existinglaws must be
interpretedfromhere on in a mannerthat will not be in
conflictwiththe new Law No. 120/76,and shouldthisprove
impossiblein some cases,thenthe old wordingof a law must
be changedand broughtup to date,something theCzechoslo-
vakstatealso undertookto do whenitratifiedthetwopacts.It
mustbe admittedthatCharter77 has notregistered anymajor
concretevictoriesin thisregard,for so far no law has been
revisedbecause it has not conformedwithLaw No. 120, nor
has any court case been won by basing argumentson this
statute.
Moreover,sincethe ratification of the pacts,new lawshave
been passed thatcontradict thembothin thespiritand in the
letter(for example,the law pertainingto universities). Still,
one thingis obviousto anyonewitheyes to see: the situation
has slowlybut obviouslychanged,and some thingsthatwere
unthinkablebefore 1977 have, thanks to the activitiesof
Charter77, VONS, and severalothergroups,been realized
and sustained,and it can even be said thatto a certainextent
the officialshave become used to this. Of course, the
movementtowarda genuine(and notjust declared)normal-
izationis extremelyslow and many are dissatisfiedby this
slowness.It can onlybe hoped thattoday,at a timewhenthe
party and state leadership is going througha period of
uncertainty, developments in therightdirectionwillaccelerate
somewhat.
The most immediateaim of independentactivityin this

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
242 SOCIAL RESEARCH

country is,in additiontothosementionedabove,thecontinual,

gradual growthand developmentof the widestvarietyof
initiativesand activitieson thepartof individualsand groups,
for which the ratificationof the pacts on human rights
providesboththe moralbasis and the legaljustification. The
moreindividualsand smallgroupstakethisresponsibility and
riskupon themselves, the morepeople here willbe prepared
formoresubstantial and far-reaching responsibilities,includ-
ing politicalresponsibility.
4. Those withthe greatestinterestin applyingthe pactson
human rightstodaybelong to the humanisticintelligentsia:
artists,scholarsin the humanities, journalists,lawyers,philos-
ophers, translators, editors,those who work in publishing
houses, etc. They representa small percentage of the
population,althoughtheirimportanceis notinsignificant. To
this must be added membersof the churchand religious
groups,whichare, unfortunately, moresignificant in quantity
thanin quality.These twogroups,or ratherpartsof society,
are ofunequalsizeand,alas,are notveryclosetoeach other.It
mayevenbe said thattheyoftenmistrust each other.
This is because the intelligentsia, to a considerableextent,
has abandoneditsgeneralsocialmissionand becomea victim
of its own specialization. The wide massesof the population
haveonce againlostrespectforintellectuals becausetheyhave
been frequently letdownbythem,and theyturnto themonly
in technicalmatters.I thinkit mightfairlybe said thathad it
notbeen forthe"crisisof theintelligentsia" or thetrahison des
clercs,the culturalcatastrophethathas markedour national
historyfor at least several decades might never have
happened.
I wouldsay,therefore, thatall independentactivity should,
as a long-rangegoal, look for ways to contribute to the
regeneration of our culturaland intellectuallife.Because such
a regeneration is possibleonly in the form of freeinitiatives
undertaken byindividualsand smallgroupswhoare willingto
sacrificesomethingin the interestof higheraims and values,

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 243

especiallyin the name of truth,it may be said that the

short-term and long-term goalsand aimsof free,independent
and ultimately
activities, of an independentsociety,need not
standin contradiction or be in conflict,
butrathercan support
each otherand giveone anothergreaterstrength.
Ultimately, independencemakessenseonlyas independence
fromlies and violence,injusticeand lawlessness-and thisin
the name of truth,law, and justice. Independencein and of
itselfquicklybecomes vacuous and meaningless.Indepen-
dence and attemptsto establishit musttherefore be sustained
an a a
by idea, positiveidea, program. Freedom makessense
only if we release it fromthe enslavementof meaningless
matters, so thatwe can devoteourselvesentirely to something
supreme,important, and decisive.The main problemfacing
independent activities
and an independentsocietyis defining
the aims of such freedomand independence.The beginning
of all independenceis takingour livesseriously, decidingfor
somethingthat is worth taking responsibility for, being
prepared to devote our energy, our work,and our lives to
something ofvalue,or,moreappropriately, to someonerather
thansomething.Independence(and freedomas well)is nota
conditionor a beginningbut a consequenceand an end for
someonewhodedicateshisentirelifeto theserviceofothersor
the serviceof somethinghumanlysignificant. Thereforeit
seems to me thatthe main long-rangegoal of independent
initiativesand activitiesshould be a renewalof the general
awarenessthat there are far more importantthingsthan
personalor groupadvantage.Aboveall,truth, justice,and law
mustbe respected-and thenfreedomand independencewill
followas a directconsequence.

Jan Simsa

1. I tryto understandthe terms"independentsociety,"

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
244 SOCIAL RESEARCH

"second culture,"and "parallel polis" because some of my

friendsuse them.I think,however,thattheyare somewhat
spellboundby the rulingpower'smistakeneffortsto createa
"unifiedsociety"withoutthinkingmore deeply about the
naturaldifferences thatalreadyexistin society.In myopinion,
a livingsocietyrenewsitselfbecausewithinitcommunities are
alwayscoming into being (apart from new families and the
reproduction of national groups) and associateon thebasisof
a desire to live authentically, creatively,freely,morally,
religiously,and movements mayeven appear thatreformthe
whole society.The above terms might,in time, become
dangerous,and therefore I do notuse them.
Let me tryto base what I say on an historicalexample.
During the initialstagnationof the Hussite movement,a
handfulof the faithfultried to create a livingcommunity
guided by the Gospel: the Unity of Czech Brethren.A
mightsee themas one of theReformation
sociologist (or even
pre-Reformation) sects,thatis,as an historical
cul-de-sac.But a
theologicallytrained historian likeAmedeo Moinar in Czecho-
slovakiainterprets thisexperimentas an effortto reformthe
entirenationalsociety.To thisend, however,it was necessary
to makepreparations in isolation,to createand tryout certain
rules,to establisha systemof education,to createa culture,
compose songs.A minority of the Unityof Czech Brethren
to
attempted pull this grouponto the pathof sectarianism: it
turned its back on politicsand limited its cultural and
educationalactivities.Its ideas were eventuallydefeatedand
the Unityof Czech Brethrenreturnedto publicactivity and
tookpartnotonlyin theculturallifeof thenation,butbecame
involvedin thestruggleto createan entirenationalsociety.
J. L. Hromádkacriticizedthe factthatthe Unityof Czech
Brethrenremainedtoo long in isolation,that theydid not
assumeresponsibility forthelifeof societyas a whole,and this
in turn led to the defeat of the uprisingof the estatesin
1618-20,whenforthe firsttimethe Brethrentookan active
partin thenationalleadership.

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
 PARALLEL POLIS 245

I thinkit is dangerous to overload conceptslike "inde-

pendent society."We have to keep in mind all of society,
culture,science,all of life in its indivisibility. In a sectarian
understanding of independence,I see the dangerof depoliti-
cizationand thedangerof remainingtoo long in seclusion.
2. Includedin the basic featuresof an independentsociety
are all attempts at educatingoneselfand otherswhileignoring
thedeclinein the stateschoolsystem;all lectures,discussions,
publicationofjournals,concertsand theatricalperformances
thatignorethefactthatsuchactivities are banned.All ofthatis
no more than a reflexreactionof the nationalsocietyin its
entirety trying to defenditselfagainstthedeadeningof society
throughwrong-headedattemptsto createsocialunity.In my
opinion,"self-administration" is a more appropriateexpres-
sion than"independence."Individualelementsin societyand
in smallcommunities mustbe made aware of the wholeness
and the indivisibility of the livingorganismof society,which,
likethem,oughtto be self-governing and autonomoustoo.
3. As I see it,theimmediategoalsofindependentactivity are
therenewalof society,thepublicationof booksand magazines
in typescript or in smallprintruns,holdingartexhibitions and
other specific activitiessuch as theatricalpresentations,
lectures,seminars,reading groups, theoreticaldiscussions,
social formsof entertainment, etc. All of this is a normal
expression of a livingsociety in which publiclifeand activities
originating from"below"are possible.I believethatitis proper
to have immediategoals.
4. As faras the long-rangeeffectsof independentactivities
are concerned, I think we have to leave any sectarian,
atomizingconceptsbehindus. Whatwe are aimingat,afterall,
is a living, pluralistic society which, thanks to self-
administration, becomes a living organism. One of the
long-term effects of thiswould be a renewalof notionslike
socialism,communism,Christianuniversalism, all of which
originally contained withinthem a longing for brotherhood,
forrealizingcommonhumaninterests, internationalcoopera-

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
246 SOCIAL RESEARCH

thatwasonce meantbytheclassicalexpression
tion,everything
oikumene.
It is myhope thatthiswillbe the finalimpact,too, of the
strugglesand attemptsto createlivingcommunities thatwill
the
fightagainst deadening and atomization of society,which
tendsto be theoutcomeofwrong-headed notionsof unityin a
centrallyadministered society.I also appreciate,
(totalitarian)
however, that even sects and self-enclosedmovementscan
contribute to the revitalization
of society,as has been proved
by the historyof independents,dissenters,dissidentsand
reformgroups,of nationalrevival,etc.
Translated by Paul Wilson

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.214 on Wed, 25 Jun 2014 02:25:53 AM

All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions