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“MAX WEBER CONTRIBUTION IN SOCIOLOGY”
Submitted To Submitted By
Ms. Harsimrat kaur Vansh verma
(Law Department) B.A LLB (Sem 1)
Roll no:- 103
CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY
All resources used for this project file has been properly and
fully sited it contains no material which to a substantial extent
has been accepted for the award of any other such paper by any
college of any other such paper by any college or any
university,except where due acknowledgement is made in this
project file.
VANSH VERMA
CONTENTS
Max Weber was born in a comparatively rich protestant family on 21st April 1864
in Erfurt in Germany. He lived most of his early life in Berlin1. Weber's father was
a bureaucrat who rose to a very high political position. He was a part of the
political establishment and was more a hedonist than a protestant. In sharp contrast
to him, Weber's mothers was a devout Calvinist, a woman who sought to lead an
ascetic life. These sharp differences between the parents led to martial tensions.
Growing conflicts and increasing tensions between the parents affected Weber's
feelings and sentiments deeply.
Weber after completing his basic education joined the University of Heidelberg at
the age of 18 to study law. Here he gravitated towards his fathers way of life of
enjoyment. He became addicted to beer. Though he was basically a student of law,
he studied roman institutions, theology, attended lectures in economics, showed
interest in medieval history and philosophy.
Sociology remains ever grateful to Weber for his memorable contributions such as-
"Economy and Society", "The protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism", "The
City", "Bureaucracy", "The Organisation", "The theory of Social and Economic
Organization" etc. He laid the foundations of German Sociological society in
1910. He published a number of study reports, essays and articles in the leading
social science journal "Archiv fuer Sozial wissenschaft".
Although Weber repeatedly entered the political field, he was not just a politician,
he remained a great intellectual. His home became a centre for a wide range of
intellectuals, including sociologists such as George Simmel, Robert Michaels
and George Lukas2. With all this , "he was first and foremost his own man."
"There was a tension in Weber's life, and more important, in his work, between the
bureaucratic mind as represented by his father, and his mother's religiosity. This
unresolved tension permeates Weber's work as it permeated his personal life."
2.www.reference.com/world-view/max-weber-s-contribution-sociology
Other Main Works
1. The Religion of China - The Religion of India - Ancient Judaism.
2. Science as a Vocation and Politics as a Vocation [Two Lectures]
3. Bureaucracy
The concept of “ideal type” is one of the major concepts in Weberian sociology. In
fact, it has an important place in his methodology. In methodology, it is known as
“typological analysis.” It is said that the inspiration which Weber had derived from
the writings of Plato and Immanuel Kant enabled him to make use of the concept
of “ideal type.”
1. Max Weber: “An ideal type is an analytical construct that serves the investigator
as a measuring rod to ascertain similarities as well as deviations in concrete cases.”
At the far end of the 19th century, philosophical discussions in Germany were
focused on the question of the place of science in human studies. It was felt by the
idealist philosophers that scientific method could not be used for studying cultural
subjects. The main argument was “that social phenomena are unique and do not,
therefore, allow generalisations3.”
Weber did not accept this view. He was of the opinion that scientific categories
could be used in the field of human studies or cultural objects. Weber’s belief that
scientific method was relevant to social studies encouraged him to offer a set of
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operational definitions and to construct concepts such as “ideal types” which could
be used.
“The idea behind the concept of ideal type is that social phenomena in virtue of
their manifold and fluid nature can be analysed solely in terms of the extreme
forms of their characteristics, which can never be observed in their purity.
Sociologists make use of “ideal types” as measuring rods or as means to find out
similarities and differences in the actual phenomena. In fact, it is one of the,
methods of comparative study. Weber used the concept as an abstract model, and
when used as a standard of comparisons, it enables us to see aspects of the real
world in a clearer and more systematic way.
Ex: Socialism and free market capitalism, for example, can be described as “ideal
types: by identifying their essential characteristics, their essence – in a pure
somewhat exaggerated form, that is, unlikely to actually exist anywhere other than
in our minds. Socialist and capitalist societies differ in many ways, from their
respective ideal types.
For example, socialist states usually have been authoritarian and never reflect
workers’ interests. In the same way, capitalist markets are increasingly 4controlled
by oligopolies rather than being freely competitive.
Max Weber cautions that the “ideal-type” is to be constructed and used with great
care. As he has stated,
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(iv) they do not exhaust reality; i.e., they do not correspond exactly to any
empirical instances.
2. Since ideal types are mental constructs they do not exactly correspond
to the reality:
Ideal types are constructed in such a way that they are kept at a distance from the
real world.
Though they are constructed out of many actual facts, they themselves do not
exactly correspond to the actual facts in each and every respect. Because, they are
mental constructs created to understand reality and they themselves do not have
actual existence.
Differences are found between ideal constructs and actual situations. Thus, “not all
the characteristics will always be present in the real world, but any particular
situation may be understood by comparing it with the ideal type.
For example, individual bureaucratic organisations may not exactly match the
elements in the ideal type of bureaucracy, but the type can illuminate these
variations. Ideal types are therefore hypothetical constructions, formed from real
phenomena, which have an explanatory value.
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3. Ideal types as theoretical tools: Though “ideal types” are not actualities and
remain as our mental constructs they function as theoretical tools to understand the
reality. “Its function is the comparison with empirical reality in order to establish
its divergences or similarities, to describe them with the most unambiguously
intelligible concepts and to understand and explain them causally.”
4. Ideal types are not the instruments to denote statistical average: The
ideal type is “not a description of those factors or laws which are thought to be
found “on the average” in that kind of configuration…… “For example, the
Protestant Ethic does not indicate the average behaviour of all the Protestants, (ii)
Similarly, ‘honesty’ does not indicate the average behaviour of all the honest
people that the society has witnessed.
There are thus all sorts of ideal types “of brothels as well as religions” [Weber],
Totalitarianism is no less an ideal type than democracy, for example, for both are
abstract constructs with which we can compare and contrast actual political
systems in order to see their various characteristics more clearly. It is a
“methodological device”, that is all. “It is not ideal in the sense of ethically good or
right.
Ideal types are not hypotheses and hence the question of proving or disproving
them and establishing general laws does not arise here. Ronald Fletcher writes: “It
is not a basis of comparative experiment for the purpose of setting up “general
laws.” On the contrary, it is a limiting case for the explanation of a specific
configuration.
Comparative tests are always such as to throw light upon the specific configuration
and check the adequacy of the specific ideal type. Thus, Weber in his very wide
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studies in the sociology of religion examined the relationship between the religious
ethics in various societies and elements of economic development there.
The nature of ideal type is such that it does not provide an exhaustive description
or an account of a social phenomenon or an entire social configuration. “Many
ideal types can be constructed about any specific configuration, each selectively
emphasising “one point of view” and submitting its particular imputations to test.”
[Ronald Flethcer430]7,
9. Ideal types are not rigid and fixed things, but are subject to change:
Ideal types are abstract in nature and they reside in our imagination. They are
changeable and subject to consideration from time to time. They are affected by
social thinking and social environments and hence cannot be permanent. “Weber
did suggest that major discrepancies between reality and an ideal type would lead
to the type being redefined. Thus redefinitions of ideal types can also take place.
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Critical Comments about “Ideal Types”:
Though Weber’s concept of “ideal type” has been well appreciated by scholars it is
not free from criticisms. Some of the criticisms levelled against the concept are
briefed here,
3. The “ideal type” is often made a theory and the ideas or things that it
represents are often taken to be the ideas and things that are very much
found in the real world,
5. Though “ideal types” are very significant in the study of social sciences,
their usage is somewhat limited because they cannot be used in all types of
social analysis.
6. There are critics who argue that “ideal type analysis should be dropped as
utterly inappropriate to sociological analysis once this is seen as involving
the meaningful understanding of specific cases and not the development of
general concepts and general theories.
7. Weber himself had argued that “ideal types were not models to be tested.
However, other sociologists treat them as testable models of the real world.
Further confusion may arise since
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Weber himself often implicitly used ideal types as testable models.
Finally, it can be said that if the above mentioned dangers and deficiencies
are averted, the ideal type can become an extremely useful instrument to
confront reality.
It is often said that Weber wanted to test the basic contention of Karl Marx
according to whom, “all cultural phenomena, including religion, are
fundamentally determined by the evolution of economic forces.” It is further
argued that instead of explaining religious and other cultural behaviour in
terms of economic forces as Marx did, Weber wanted to explain economic
behaviour9 in terms of religion
It is wrong to say that Weber undertook the study of religion with the sole
intention of disproving or attacking the economic deterministic theory of
Marx. Max Weber partially disagreed with the Marxian view.
He, however, accepted that Marx’s approach was useful and might be correct
in many instances, but he maintained that under certain circumstances
religious or other ideas could influence social change.
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Like Marx, he never developed single factor theory. For him, economic
factor is not the only factor which influences religion. On the other hand,
religion itself gets influenced by social system, ethics of a community and the
economic system
Weber was very much fascinated by the growth of modern capitalism of the
West which was rapidly transforming the European and American societies
of his time. But why had capitalism first emerged in Europe rather than in,
say, China or India, was a question for which Weber wanted to find a suitable
answer.
Weber undertook a massive study of the major world religions and the
societies in which they were found and concluded that the answer lay in
specific religious beliefs – say, Calvinism and other forms of Puritanism. In
other words, Weber’s studies helped him to establish a correlation between
the Protestant Ethic and the development of modern Capitalism in Europe.
(i) The behaviour of men in various societies could be understood only in the
context of their general conception of existence or world view. Religious
dogmas and their explanations also form a part of the world view. Hence, the
religious outlook of the people can help one to understand the behaviour of
individuals and groups, including their economic behaviour.
Hard work and making money are regarded as high values in themselves, but
the spending of money in luxurious living is disreputable. Instead, the capital
must be reinvested to earn yet more capital. Weber felt that some new
approach towards wealth must have been the source of inspiration for the
rapid growth of capitalism in modern Europe.
Weber argued that this approach stemmed from the Protestant11 Ethic of hard
work and deferred gratification. Weber made two observations: (i) Great
material achievements have resulted from the work of monastic orders, and
(ii) Specifically, ascetic Protestant sects were noted for their economic
success.
On the basis of his historical study Weber asserted that modern capitalism
emerged not simply by inner economic necessity, but by the religious ethic of
Protestantism, and particularly of Calvinism. The early Calvinists believed
that they had been predestined by God to salvation in heaven or damnation in
hell. No one could do anything to change his or her fate, and only a small
minority was among the elect who would go to heaven.
The duty of the believers was to abstain from pleasure and to spend their
lives working for the glory of God. Thus, the Calvinists looked for “signs”
that they were among the elect – and found these signs in their worldly
success.
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Establishment of the Theory of Religion in Three Stages:
As it is made clear Weber observed that capitalism was growing very fast in
the West. He felt that capitalism of the Western type was growing more in
Protestant societies than in others.
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The religious variable which Weber used could explain why capitalism of the
Western type could not develop anywhere outside the Western civilisation.
Other religions, Weber argued, did not provide the same incentive for this
kind of social and economic change. Catholicism stresses rewards in heaven
and encourages people to be satisfied with their lot on earth.
It is certainly possible that Weber was wrong about the origin of capitalism.
Capitalism did not occur in some Calvinist societies, and it sometimes
occurred in non-Calvinist societies. England, the birthplace of the Industrial
Revolution, was not Calvinist; Scotland, which was Calvinist, failed to
develop early capitalism.
“Weber’s hypothesis is one of the most provocative in all sociology, but its
subject is so vast and complex that his argument is probably unverifiable.
Weber simply bit off more than he or anyone else could chew.”
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According to Raymond Aron, the study of Weber has its own merits, among
which the following may be noted,
(i) Weber never attempted to establish any kind of casualty as such. In his
study nowhere had he claimed that the Protestant Ethic (i.e., the Calivinist
Ethic) was the sole cause of the rise of capitalism? Weber interpreted
Protestantism14 in one way but he did not rule out other kinds of
interpretations. He required only the totality of interpretations.
(ii) Weber could make “the affinity between a religious attitude and an
economic commandment credible.”
(iv) It is not right to say that Weber maintained a thesis exactly opposite to
Marx’s. It means, Weber never explained “the economy in terms of religion
instead of religion in terms of the economy
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Characteristics of Bureaucracy:
1. Impersonality:
The official staff members are personally free, observing only the impersonal
duties of their offices.
2. Hierarchy:
There is a clear hierarchy of offices. The functions of the offices are clearly
specified.
3. Permanence:
The officials are appointed on the basis of a contract.
4. Expertise:
The officials are selected on the basis of contract qualifications, ideally
substantiated by a diploma gained15 through competitive examination.
5. Money Salaries:
They have a money salary and usually pension rights. The salary is graded
according to position in the hierarchy.
6. Rules:
The official can always leave the past and under certain circumstances can
also be terminated if violates the terms of contract.
7. Exclusiveness:
The officials post is his role or major occupation.
8. Career System:
There is a career structure, and promotion is possible either by seniority or
merit, or according to the judgment of superiors.
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Factors Contributing to the Development of Bureaucracy:
Bureaucracies did exist in the ancient world in the great empires of India,
China, Rome, Greece, Egypt and so on. They are found today. As Weber has
rightly prophesied the importance of bureaucracy has reached immeasurable
proportions in the modern world.
(ii) Modern industries and states which require a big army of administrative
officials necessitated bureaucracy.
(v) Demand for objective experts: The modern culture demands “the
personally detached and strictly objective experts.” This nature of the modern
culture encourages the development of bureaucracy.
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2. Performance of complicated tasks:
Some of the complicated tasks of the modern society such as, conducting
census, capturing criminals, collecting taxes, arranging for voting in
elections, etc. are more efficiently undertaken in bureaucracy.
There are certain organisations [such as police, court, army, temple or church,
religion, college, etc.] that deal with people’s actions in a normative manner.
Here the right type of behaviour is to be encouraged and the wrong type is
too regulated. Bureaucratic method is better suited to do this.
The heads or the leaders of the state could mobilise and centralise material
resources and make necessary arrangements for their most effective use only
through bureaucracy.
17.https://academic-master.com
Negative Aspects or Dysfunctional Aspects of Bureaucracy:
Bureaucracy has its own ugly face. It has its own demerits and Weber, the
champion of the theory of bureaucracy, was aware of this. Abraham and
Morgan have stated: “Having granted its virtues and its unquestionable
advancement of modern society, Weber was the first to concede the vices of
bureaucracy.”
The unchanging static rules of bureaucracy many a time fail in its very
purpose of serving the human needs. Bureaucracy becomes dysfunctional
when the rules remain static even while the social situations undergo fast
changes.
Officials of the bureaucracy become rule bound and extremely formal. They
act according to the written rules, and verbally stick on to them. “The
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uniform and rational procedures of bureaucratic practice largely prevent
spontaneity, creativity and individual initiative. The impersonality of official
conduct tends to produce “specialists without spirit. Weber also wrote: “It is
horrible to think that the world would one day be filled with little cogs, little
men clinging to little jobs and striving towards the bigger ones.
(a) Bureaucracies become corrupt and puppets in the hands of the vested
interests:
Since bureaucrats have vast powers, vested interests try to corrupt them and
provide them all temptations to get decisions in their favour. Ex.: The
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Tehalka Dotcom20 episode which has rocked the Indian Parliamentary
discussions during the recent days is an example in this regard.
It is said that bureaucrats are new despots. Since they have knowledge and
expertise, they wish that even decision should be taken to suit their whims
and wishes.
Usually bureaucrats come from educated families and enjoy certain social
prestige and economic privileges. After joining services they enjoy more of
it. They thus suffer from superiority complex..
Weber argued that the bureaucratisation of the modern world has led to its
depersonalisation. The more fully it is realised the more it depersonalises
itself. The bureaucrats may function as “emotionally detached” “professional
experts.” The bureaucrat functions to the exclusion of feelings and
sentiments, of love and hatred in the execution of official tasks.
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BIBLOGRAPHY
https://www.toolshero.com/management/bureaucratic-theory-weber/
http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/sociology/the-max-webers-theory-of-
social-
https://www.sociologylearners.com/max-weber-rationalization-theory/