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After Egypt became a Roman province in 30 BC, a legionary fortress was estab-
lished about 4 km. northeast of Alexandria in Nikopolis, a small town founded by
Octavian to commemorate his victory over Mark Antony and Cleopatra VII, on the
site now occupied by the headquarters of the Northern Military Region army in the
Sidi Gaber district. The necropolis, located to the southwest of the fortress, has yielded
up to 134 funerary monuments,1 most of which are associated with legio II Traiana
fortis.2 Although this legion was present at the site from the second quarter of the
second until the early fifth century AD, the vast majority of the monuments erected
in honour of the soldiers and their close relatives date from the first half of the third
century. Among these we find a distinct set of 25 funerary monuments carved with
a portrait (or portraits) of the deceased in military attire, consisting for the most part
of small stelae, on which the deceased is usually shown standing in a frontal pose. The
broad ring-buckle belt, worn by the deceased at the waist and often prominently dis-
played to signal the status and wealth of the deceased (fig. 1), is typical of this period.
Though rather small in number, this group of “ring-buckle” gravestones from Nikopolis
bears great significance, accounting for almost 20 % of the third-century “standing
soldier”-type of gravestones surviving from the Roman Empire.3 Thus far, however,
this rich iconographic material has been largely neglected in modern scholarship.4
The purpose of this article is to provide the first full discussion of the third-century
military figural gravestones from Nikopolis within the context of the contemporary
* This article is a shortened version of a presentation given at the workshop Représentations militaires :
textes, images et rhétorique, organised by the USR 710 – « L’Année épigraphique » (CNRS, Villejuif) on
15 November 2013. I am grateful to Patrice Faure for the invitation to present my doctoral research at
this workshop, and to Katelijn Vandorpe, Jon Coulston and Wilfried Van Rengen for their invaluable
help and advice. Any shortcomings, however, remain my own responsibility. The present article was
written while I was a Postdoctoral Fellow of the Research Foundation – Flanders (FWO – Vlaanderen)
at the KU Leuven, for which I wish to express my gratitude.
1. I am currently preparing a catalogue of the funerary monuments from Nikopolis on the basis of my
doctoral research, conducted at the KU Leuven from 2008 to 2012.
2. Ritterling 1925; Daris 2000.
3. 115 examples are collected in Coulston 2007, p. 535-538; for the method of collection, see p. 539 n. 43.
4. The corpus of figural gravestones from Nikopolis is briefly treated in some general works on Graeco-
Roman Egyptian funerary art, notably Castiglione 1967, p. 114-115; Parlasca 1985, p. 101-102, and in
more specific studies, notably Parlasca 2005, p. 323-324. Schmidt 2003, p. 37-43 offers an extensive
discussion of the gravestones that are now in the Graeco-Roman Museum in Alexandria.
“standing soldier” gravestone tradition, which will also throw new light on the Roman
military funerary practice at Nikopolis.
Corpus
For the purposes of the present study, all known gravestones of the third century AD
from Nikopolis are taken into consideration, with the exception of one small fragment
with the head of a bearded male figure, forming a corpus of 25 items.5 All but one
of them (no 21 in the Appendix) have been previously published, some more than a
century ago in e.g. CIL, III, Suppl. 1-2 (1902) and IGLAlex (1911), others as recently
as 2014.6 The majority arrived on the antiquities market in the late nineteenth century,
often in a fragmentary state, and lack an archaeological context, although one cippus
is said by the first editor to have been discovered inside a small hypogaeum7 (no 10,
on display in the Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna). Most gravestones are now
in the Graeco-Roman Museum in Alexandria, whilst the others are scattered among
various museums, mainly throughout Europe (Athens, Baltimore, Barcelona, Bologna,
Brooklyn (NY), Brussels, Edinburgh, London, Marseille, Paris, Schwerin, Stockholm,
Uppsala and Warsaw). Although the provenances of the gravestones can seldom be
5. Schmidt 2003, p. 127-128 no 108, fig. 40. No 8 in the Appendix, of which only the lower left corner
is preserved, may have depicted a child in military attire by virtue of the sacrificing posture of the
deceased (compare with no 4 and 19) and has therefore been included in the corpus.
6. See no 13 in the Appendix.
7. Néroutsos-Bey 1887, p. 209 no 47.
confirmed, sufficient examples have been found on the site to establish the following
characteristics, which distinguish them from others found elsewhere:8
– the gravestones are almost entirely made of white and grey blue-veined marble
imported from Asia Minor, not of local limestone, as in most provinces of the
Roman Empire;
– the gravestones consist for the most part of small-scale stelae manufactured from
reused revetment plaques, some of which still bear the original profiles on their
reverse faces (e.g. no 9). Their limited height is probably a consequence of the
marble slabs from which they were carved, whilst their relative thinness suggests
that they were employed as loculus lids, mostly in subterranean tomb chambers,9
although above-ground tombs are also known to have existed in this region;10
– the gravestones, almost all of which span a relatively short period of time, are
rather homogeneous, exhibiting a characteristic iconography and portrait style
distinct from other regions in the Empire, as will be detailed below; hence, they
are probably the work of a single workshop.
As already mentioned above, the most common type of grave monument is
the small-scale stela, which shows a full-length figure within a shallow squared or
arched frame with an inscription below. This frame, generally unadorned, supports a
crude rounded pediment on no 4. Among the other gravestone types we find a large
aedicula-shaped stela with a pomegranate-decorated pediment (no 17: 120.7 × 58.0
× 10.5-16.5 cm) and a large cippus (no 10: 120.9 × 60.4-57.3 × 33.5 cm). No 2 and 5
are carved from a reused column shaft that was probably damaged during transport,
as is apparent from the reverse of no 5, but they are nonetheless quite similar to the
stelae in form and decoration.
Most gravestones are inscribed, and all but one of them (no 7) bear inscriptions
in Latin. While only 11 inscriptions identify the deceased, or his father, as a soldier
of the long-resident legio II Traiana fortis,11 all “standing soldier” gravestones may
have represented soldiers of this legion.12
8. For further discussion of the characteristics, see Castiglione 1967, p. 114-115; Parlasca, 1985, p. 101-
102; Schmidt 2003, p. 37-39; Waebens Ph.D. diss., p. 8-15.
9. In 1912, a rock-cut tomb complex with three chambers containing loculi with painted inscriptions
was discovered near the area where the necropolis may have been situated and about to be destroyed,
but a dispute between the contractor and the property owner allowed E.A. Breccia to draw up a plan
of the tomb: Breccia 1912.
10. Néroutsos-Bey 1888, p. 85. For other forms of grave sculpture in Roman Egypt, see Parlasca 1992-1993,
p. 125-128.
11. In three inscriptions (no 9, 18 and 25), no unit is mentioned (perhaps because legio II Traiana fortis was
the only legionary force stationed in Egypt at the time), while two inscriptions (no 1, 8) are fragmentary.
12. Very few funerary monuments discovered on the site commemorate soldiers of other units, and none
of them have a relief. In addition, recent research has shown that legionaries dominate the third-
century “standing soldier” gravestone corpus, at least outside Rome with its praetorians, which may be
explained in part by their concern to assert their status in a period when the legal distinction between
citizens and non-citizens had been dismantled: Coulston 2007, p. 547-548.
Upper-Middle Danubian provinces during the late second century and then spread to
Rome with the Severan recruitment of Danubian legionarii for the Praetorian Guard
and to legio II Parthica at Albano Laziale, and from there to Apamea and to the Istanbul
region with the movement of troops.19 The relatively isolated concentration of these
“ring-buckle” gravestones at Nikopolis is more difficult to explain, although it has been
suggested by J.C.N. Coulston that the introduction of this gravestone type is probably
connected to Caracalla’s visit to Egypt in 215-216,20 which brought soldiers of legio
II Parthica, the legion that largely created the Apamea corpus,21 to Nikopolis.22 This
connection seems plausible, because the majority of the inscriptions erected in honour
of soldiers of legiones II Parthica and II Traiana fortis name the centuria in which the
deceased soldier had served (different formulas are generally used for each legion),23
whilst this information is elsewhere rarely included, thus revealing some influence
from legio II Parthica on the military funerary practice at Nikopolis.
In general, the soldiers are depicted in the style of dress that had become fashionable
by the third century,24 wearing long-sleeved tunics and cloaks, fastened by a circular
fibula at the right shoulder (fig. 1). As is typical for the military representations in
this period, they wear no body armour, only side arms (shield, sword and/or spears).25
The cloak, which falls open to the right side of the chest before hanging down the
back to behind the knees or calves, is usually pulled back over the soldier’s left arm to
reveal a sword, but also occasionally covers the soldier’s chest (nos 14, 17). Around the
waist, the soldier almost always wears a belt fastened by a ring-buckle, prominently
displayed to advertise the status and military profession of the deceased.26 The sword,
worn on a broad baldric over the soldier’s left shoulder, is almost entirely obscured
by the cloak except for the circular or peltate chape and a small part of the scabbard
body; on some gravestones (nos 3, 6, 9, 18) it is even entirely absent. By contrast, more
elaborate reliefs also depict the broad baldric to which the sword is attached by a slide
(no 10), occasionally with a circular phalera mounted towards its lower end (no 11),
and/or an ivy-leaf terminal (nos 17, 19, 21).27
The gravestones show the deceased in different postures, some already seen on
earlier examples. Three main classes are generally distinguished: standing soldier (full
and half-length figure), riding cavalryman and funerary banquet.28 All the gravestones
from Nikopolis, however, depict standing soldiers, with the exception of a single stela
(no 25), on which the seven-month-old Valerinus is shown on horseback, holding the
reins in his left hand and a shafted weapon in his right. For the purpose of the present
study, a typology of the “standing soldier” gravestones has therefore been established:
28. This classification, adopted by most scholars, was first developed in Gabelmann 1972.
29. There is no scholarly consensus about the meaning of the scroll depicted on military gravestones,
but for some interpretations see Bingen 2003, p. 67 (scroll contains the will of the deceased soldier);
Schmidt 2003, p. 38-39 (scroll could be produced as evidence of the honesta missio or immunitas of
the deceased soldier); Speidel 2012, p. 4 n. 18 (scroll may indicate that the deceased soldier had held
a position involving administrative tasks). In my opinion, the scroll, which is also shown on civilian
gravestones, often with an annulus aureus (see e.g. Schmidt 2003, p. 130-131 no 116, fig. 41 from
Nikopolis; CSIR Deutschland, I, 5 no 8 from Scarbantia; CSIR Österreich, I, 5 no 7 from Savaria and
CIL, III, Suppl. 1, 5409 from Noricum) was meant to present the deceased as “Roman”; for a similar
observation, see also Carrié 1989, p. 132 (with similar title in the various translations).
30. See e.g. the second-century gravestone of Caecilius Avitus, an optio, from Chester (RIB, I 492; CSIR
Great Britain, I, 9 no 32) and the third-century gravestones of Aurelius Celsus and Aurelius Ingenuis,
both tesserarii, from Apamea (AÉ, 1993, 1585, 1588; Balty, Van Rengen 1993, p. 38 no 15, p. 44-45
no 19, both with photo).
31. Demougin 1984.
32. For a close parallel, see the third-century gravestone of the beneficiarius Petronius Proculus, found at
Apamea, which also depicts a pilum: Balty 1988, fig. XIV, 1.
33. A hand-garland often appears on gravestones from Nikopolis, particularly on those erected in honour
of soldiers’ wives and children, see e.g. Schmidt 2003, p. 40 fig. 38; p. 130-131 no 116 and p. 32 no 118,
fig. 41; p. 132-133 no 120 and p. 133-134 no 122, fig. 42. This garland-type, which is depicted in a wide
range of media (sculptures, paintings and mosaics, mummy portraits, shrouds, coins and bronze or
terracotta figurines, particularly from Egypt), is usually thought to have been derived from the ancient
Egyptian “crown of justification” (notably in Derchain 1955), given to the deceased after passing the
divine judgment. Since wreaths and garlands were often used in religious and festive ceremonies
throughout the Mediterranean, the hand-garland may have become associated with the funerary cult
in general.
Two other gravestones exhibit variations of the above types. No 22, now on display
in the Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna, combines the iconography of types A
and B: the deceased holds a patera over an altar in his right hand, whilst his left hand
rests on top of a grounded oval shield by his side. There is also an unpublished stela in
the National Museum in Athens (no 21), which depicts the deceased with a garland in
the left hand and what might have been a shafted weapon in the right, to judge from
the position of the figure’s right forearm.
A special case is no 23, one of the most touching gravestones to come out of
Nikopolis. The deceased soldier, who is portrayed as a family man, grasps the hand
of a small girl clothed in a himation over a chiton who stands to his right. She seems
to be gazing at him in adoration, holding what appears to be a garland in her other
hand (fig. 4). The inscription, which is only partially preserved, identifies the deceased
as Dasius, miles of legio II Traiana fortis: Dasiu[---] V milite / leg(ionis) II Tr(aianae)
for(tis) [---]T PR I natione / [---]E.34 This distinctive iconography is characteristic of
the Danubian region35 and may therefore indicate an Illyrian origin of the deceased.36
What clearly emerges from this typology is that the sacrificing-type of representa-
tion was a popular motif on gravestones from Nikopolis (9 out of 24),37 particularly in
the context of the third-century “standing soldier” gravestone tradition.38 Barely 2 of
the 63 known gravestones of this type from Apamea depict the deceased sacrificing at
an altar in civilian dress. Interestingly, both gravestones commemorate a salariarius,
a soldier who is now generally thought to have performed specialised duties and to
have received special pay, of ala I Ulpia Contariorum.39 A similar picture emerges
for all other regions with a strong presence of “ring-buckle” gravestones. Although it
is tempting to ascribe this preference for the sacrificing posture among the soldiers
at Nikopolis to a locally variant funerary practice, the deceased rarely appears in this
manner on local gravestones, as is apparent from a straw-poll of figural gravestone
numbers from Alexandria40 and Terenouthis, a small town located on the edge of
the western desert in the Delta which has produced by far the largest number of
grave reliefs from Graeco-Roman Egypt.41 The majority of the gravestones depict the
34. S. Schmidt reads Datius [---] an(nos) V milite / leg(ionis) II Tr(aianae) For(tis) [---] PRSI natione / [---]
te in Schmidt 2003, p. 129 no 111.
35. A well-known example is the early third-century gravestone of Aurelius Bitus from Aquincum (CIL, III,
Suppl. 2, 15159; Tit. Aq. II 545). For further discussion of the emphasis on the nuclear family on
Pannonian tombstones, see notably Boatwright 2005.
36. This origin is also suggested by his name, a Latinized form of the Messapic male name Dazas/Dases,
which was rather common in the Danubian region (OPEL, III, p. 93: 16 attestations in Dalmatia and
12 in Pannonia).
37. Nos 23 and 24 are also taken into consideration since the fragments, preserving the lower left corner
of the relief, show no trace of an altar.
38. I checked the entire corpus of gravestones discussed in Coulston 2007, p. 535-538, supplemented by
unpublished material from Apamea generously provided by Wilfried Van Rengen.
39. For a recent discussion, see Méa 2012.
40. For partial collections of grave reliefs, see Pfuhl 1901; Edgar 1903, p. 32-53 nos 27525-27630, fig. XIX-
XXIV; Parlasca 1970a, fig. 1-10; Parlasca 1975, fig. 93-101; Schmidt 2003, p. 79-125 nos 1-103, fig. 1-37;
for further discussion, see ibid., p. 14-32.
41. Of the 522 funerary stelae that I have examined, only 14 depict the deceased in a sacrificing posture:
Aly 1949, fig. I-XIX; Aly 1953, fig. 1-34; Hooper 1961, nos 1-194, fig. V-XVI; Parlasca 1970b, fig. LX-LXIX;
El-Nassery, Wagner, Abd El-Al 1978, fig. LXIX-LXXXVI; Abd El-Al, Grenier, Wagner 1985, nos 1-173,
deceased reclining on a banquet couch or standing with the forearms held upwards
in the orans posture, thus in attitudes of worship or prayer. The popularity of the
sacrificing posture, which also expresses adoration, on the figural gravestones from
Nikopolis may therefore be explained in part by local funerary practice.
The gravestones from Nikopolis are essentially Roman in style, but they also con-
tain some Graeco-Egyptian motifs such as the horned altar, which appears on nos 7,
19, 22 and on the stela of late Antonine date discussed above. This altar type, though
not exclusively Egyptian, is so characteristic of gravestones with a sacrificing scene
from the Delta, particularly from Terenouthis,42 that the popularity of this depiction
may be ascribed to local influence.43 Two gravestones (nos 4 and 19) also show the
deceased with a youth side-lock, a hairstyle traditionally associated with the child god
Horus.44 Two other motifs, both of which occur only once in the entire corpus, have
been the subject of scholarly debate and are therefore discussed in some detail here.
On no 5, a pair of hands with the palms turned outwards frame the head of the
deceased soldier, which had probably been damaged in an act of deliberate vandalism
(fig. 2). Although it has long been assumed that the deceased was, like his commilito
Aurelius Alexandrus on no 2, a signifer, shown standing between two signa of which
fig. 1-47; Wagdy, El-Ebiary 2011, fig. 1-11; Schmidt 2003, p. 135-148 nos 125-163, fig. 43-49; for the
best discussion available, see Ibid., p. 44-61.
42. E.g. Hooper 1961, nos 139, 180, 179, fig. XIIa, XIIIb, XIVa.
43. For further discussion, see Soukiassian 1983; Quaegebeur 1993a.
44. For lists of representations of the youth side-lock from Egypt and elsewhere see von Gonzenbach 1957,
p. 157-163 K 25-33; von Gonzenbach 1969, p. 898-904; Goette 1989, p. 210-217.
only the bronze manus that topped the poles survive,45 he was in fact a miles armorum
custos, as the inscription below clarifies.46 It is thus unlikely that the hands may have
been depicted to indicate the rank the deceased soldier once held, particularly because
they are carved in hollow relief, while the soldier’s figure is rendered in high relief.
I therefore agree with F. Cumont, who first published the stela in 1898, that they were
probably not part of the original design, but were afterwards added as an apotropaic
image against grave violation.47
No 4, a limestone stela, depicts the three-year-old G. Iulius Valerius sacrificing to
the animal aspects of the Egyptian gods (a jackal, falcon and griffin) that surround
him inside an aedicula (fig. 5). The boy wears a belted tunic but no cloak, holding a
patera in his right hand and a situla, perhaps a basket with food offerings to lay on
the altar, in his left.48 Although the relief scene clearly exhibits some stylistic influence
of Terenouthis, the stela is nonetheless thought to originate from Nikopolis, because
the inscription49 firmly connects it to legio II Traiana fortis.50
It should be emphasized that these Graeco-Egyptian motifs rarely appear on the
military gravestones themselves, in contrast to those erected in honour of their family
members.51 The latter show more diversity in iconography, portraying the deceased
in a variety of postures (standing, reclining on a banquet couch, squatting on the
ground, etc.) and often combining Roman, Greek and, to a lesser extent, Egyptian
elements on a single stela.
This article has been concerned with the figural representation of soldiers of legio II
Traiana fortis on gravestones from Nikopolis, almost all of which were manufactured
in the first half of the third century AD. As J.C.N. Coulston has already suggested,
the presence of soldiers of legio II Parthica during Caracalla’s visit to Alexandria
in 215-216 and its associated military action (Dio 78.22; Herodian 4.9; also referred
to in AÉ, 1993, 422, l. 12-16) may have contributed to the increased popularity of this
type of grave monument.52 Within this corpus of military figures, a typology of the
“standing soldier” gravestones, the most common type of representation, has been
developed, thereby revealing a marked preference for the sacrificing posture among
the soldiers at Nikopolis. From a comparison with contemporary “standing soldier”
gravestones, it became clear that the depiction of the deceased in this manner is a local
variant of the third-century “ring-buckle” gravestone tradition. By applying a similar
typology as has been proposed in this article on the corpus of military figures from
the whole Roman period, other regional variants of the figural military gravestone
tradition may perhaps be brought to light in future studies.
Sofie W
The figural gravestones from Nikopolis discussed in this article are listed by type
of representation and, within each type, by location:
11. Alexandria, Mus. inv. 253 (formerly Cairo, Boulaq inv. 5514)
Funerary stela of Pompeius Verinus, miles of legio II Traiana fortis (AD 213-250): CIL, III,
Suppl. 1, 6609; IGLAlex, 485; Schmidt 2003, p. 126 no 105, fig. 38.
12. Missing since 1946 (formerly Schwerin, Landesmus. inv. Plastik 21)
Fragment of the funerary stela of M. Titurius, miles of legio II Traiana fortis (AD 200-250?):
Schlie 1887, p. 331-332 no 372; CIL, III, Suppl. 1, 6611.
13. Tanta, Mus. inv. 327A (formerly Alexandria, Mus. inv. 24490)
Funerary stela of Iulius Victor, miles of legio II Traiana fortis (AD 222-235): recently published by
Kayser 2014, p. 230-232, p. 241 fig. 8.
Miscellaneous
20. Alexandria, Mus. inv. 30503
Funerary stela of Dasius, miles of legio II Traiana fortis (AD 222-250): Schmidt 2003, p. 129
no 111, fig. 39.
21. Athens, Nat. Mus. inv. ANE 66
Fragment of a funerary stela (AD 222-250): unpublished, but referred to in Noelke 1986, p. 225
no 61.
22. Bologna, Mus. Civ. inv. 19315
Funerary stela without inscription (AD 200-250): Susini, Pincelli 1960, fig. XIX in basso a sin.
Fragments
23. Alexandria, Mus. inv. 21622
Fragment of the funerary stela of Aurelius Quintianus, candidatus of legio II Traiana fortis
(AD 212-250): Breccia 1924, p. 268-269 no 3, fig. 11; AÉ, 1925, 63; Schmidt 2003, p. 130 no 113,
fig. 40.
24. Alexandria, Mus. inv. 21623 + 21627 (recently joined)
Fragment of the funerary stela of C. Antonius Saturninus, veteranus of legio II Traiana fortis, and
an ignotus/a (AD 213-250): Breccia 1924, p. 269 no 4, fig. 12; p. 270 no 9, fig. 17; Schmidt 2003,
p. 130 no 114-115, fig. 40; Waebens 2013, p. 183-189, fig. 15.
R
25. Alexandria, Mus. inv. 24489
Funerary stela of Valerinus, the seven-month-year-old son of the eques M. Valerius Omuncio
(AD 222-250): Heinen 1980, p. 115-119 no 1, fig. IIIb; AÉ, 1980, 894; Schmidt 2003, p. 131 no 117,
fig. 41.
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