Moving into

Adolescence
Moving into
Adolescence
The Impact of Pubertal Change
and School Context

Roberta G. Simmons
Dale A. Blyth

¡3 Routledge
Taylor & Francis Croup
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 1987 by Transaction Publishers

Published 2017 by Routledge

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Copyright © 1987 Roberta G. Simmons and Dale A . Blyth.

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Library of Congress Catalog Number: 2008027958

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Simmons, Roberta G .
Moving into adolescence : the impact of pubertal change and school con¬
text / Roberta G. Simmons and Dale A . Blyth.
p. cm.
Originally published: New York : A . de Gruyter, c1987.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-202-36294-6 (alk. paper)
1. Youth—Wisconsin—Milwaukee—Psychology—Longitudinal stud¬
ies. 2. Adolescent psychology. 3. Puberty. 4. Articulation (Education) I.
Blyth, Dale A . II. Title.

HQ796.S474 2008
305.23509775'9509047—dc22
2008027958
ISBN 13: 978-0-202-36294-6 (pbk)
With love to our children,
Nicole and Janine
Jeremy, Heather, and Aaron
and with gratitude to our secretary and friend,
Barbara Ann Bailey
CONTENTS

Preface xi
Acknowledgments xv

I. INTRODUCTION

Introduction 3

2
Methods 21

II. GENDER AND G R A D E - L E V E L EFFECTS

Gender Differences in Late Childhood and Early Adolescence 51

4
Trends Over Time and Changes in Gender Differences during
Adolescence 103

III. T H E IMPACT OF PUBERTAL TIMING

AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

The Social-Psychological Effects of Puberty on White Females 131

6
The Social-Psychological Effects of Puberty on White Males 171

vn
viii Contents

IV. T H E IMPACT OF SCHOOL ENVIRONMENT

The Effect of Type of School Environment Upon Attitudes

Toward School and Upon the Self-image 207

8
The Effects of Type of School Environment Upon Peer Relation­
ships, Independence, Future Plans, and Conformity Behavior 229

9
Individual Change and Recovery: Self-Esteem 259

10
Individual Change and Recovery: Extracurricular Participation
and G P A 275

V. FACTORS THAT MITIGATE OR A G G R A V A T E

T H E EARLY ADOLESCENT TRANSITION

11
Cumulation of Change 291

12
Adjustment to the Junior High School Transition: The Effect of
School Properties and Individual Resources on Self-Esteem 307

13
Adjustment to the Junior High School Transition: Other
Interrelationships 331

VI. CONCLUSION

14
Summary and Conclusion 345

APPENDIXES

Appendix A : Subject Attrition Throughout the Study 367

Contents ix

Appendix B : Correlations of Developmental Timing with Physical

Characteristics and Self- and Stranger Perceptions of Physical
Development by Grade for Girls 368

Appendix C : Correlations of Developmental Timing (of Peak

Rate of Height Growth) with Physical Characteristics and Self-
and Stranger Perceptions of Physical Development by Grade for
Boys 369

Appendix D : Pearson Correlations between Scores on the Same

Variable in Grades 6-7 and between Scores on the Same Varia­
ble in Grades 9-10 370

Appendix E : L I S R E L Measurement Models for Self-Esteem and

Opposite Sex Relations 374

Appendix F : Tables and Figures for Chapters 12 and 13 379

Appendix G : Measurement of the Tasks of Adolescence, of

School Structure and Perceptions, and of Socioeconomic Status 387

Bibliography 403

Author Index 423

Subject Index 431

PREFACE

A l l the w o r l d ' s a stage . . .

A n d o n e m a n in his t i m e plays m a n y parts,
H i s acts b e i n g seven ages . . .
T h e n the w h i n i n g s c h o o l b o y w i t h his s a t c h e l
A n d s h i n i n g m o r n i n g face, c r e e p i n g like s n a i l
U n w i l l i n g t o s c h o o l . A n d t h e n the lover,
S i g h i n g like furnace, w i t h a woeful b a l l a d
M a d e to his m i s t r e s s ' eyebrow. T h e n a s o l d i e r . . .
Shakespeare, As You Like It, II, 7, 11. 139-149.

Missing from Shakespeare's chronicle of life periods is that of early

adolescence. The individual is a 'whining schoolboy" and then becomes
4

" a l o v e r . " Yet in contemporary, western society, the individual moves

not from childhood directly to late adolescence/young adulthood but into
a period with vague but real rights and obligations of its own. Some his­
torians have characterized adolescence as an invention of this century
(Kett, 1977). Certainly adolescence is a period which takes on a very spe­
cial character in our society.
This book represents a study of contemporary youngsters as they make
the transition out of childhood into early and then middle adolescence.
In this book, we have investigated the impact of age, gender, pubertal
timing, and timing of school transition on the self-image and social-psy­
chological adjustment of white youth. Based on a random, stratified cluster
sample, we interviewed 621 white youngsters in Grade 6 in 18 schools in
Milwaukee in 1974. We then attempted to follow these students each year
through Grade 10 in 1979. The study took advantage of a natural exper­
iment. Side by side in Milwaukee were two school sequences. In one
sequence, at entry to adolescence, children moved out of small kinder­
garten through sixth grade ( K - 6 ) schools into large, impersonal junior
high schools in Grade 7. In the other sequence, at the same age in Grade
7, they remained in small, intimate kindergarten through eighth grade ( K -
8) schools. A key purpose of the investigation was to compare the short-
and longer-term effects of these two environmental contexts on the early
adolescent. The study is a quantitative one—using quantitative measure­
ment and statistical analyses. A wide range of adjustment outcomes are

xi
xii Preface

investigated, with a focus on the self-image, in general, and self-esteem,

in particular.
A s the reader shall see, we found that the transition into adolescence
does not involve widespread negative effects on average. However, ad­
olescent transitions are difficult for some children under some circum­
stances, depending on (1) characteristics of the transition, (2) character­
istics of the individual, and (3) the outcome area at issue.
In terms of the characteristics of the transition, timing appears critical.
Many of the major findings from this study are compatible with a ''de­
velopmental readiness hypothesis," which states that individuals can be
thrust too soon out of childhood into adolescence before they are ready
for the change. Short- and longer-term negative effects were associated
with an early transition in Grade 7 into a large, impersonal junior high
school. Children who remained in an intimate K - 8 school two more years
before moving into a large senior high did not evidence these negative
effects. In addition, early pubertal development for girls, extremely early
pubertal development for boys, early independence from parental super­
vision and chaperonage, and early dating all had problematic aspects.
The timing of school changes is also important in other ways. Many
findings pointed to the importance of a "top d o g , " "bottom d o g " effect,
particularly in late childhood (Grade 6) and early adolescence (Grade 7).
Many social-psychological advantages accrued when the children were
the oldest students in the school, as did many disadvantages when they
were the youngest in the school.
In addition to timing and relative status, the "'discontinuity" of the
change appears important. A change is considered to be discontinuous
when it is sudden and abrupt rather than gradual, and if it involves great
difference between the pre- and posttransition periods. The transition out
of elementary school to junior high school appeared to be an example of
a sharp and difficult discontinuity.
While the timing and level of discontinuity of each individual change
seems important for the adjustment of adolescents, also relevant was the
cumulation of life changes at one point in time. Individuals who experi­
enced a greater number of major life changes in early adolescence were
at considerably greater risk, i.e., children who simultaneously experienced
the transition into junior high school, pubertal change, early onset of dat­
ing, change of residence, and change in parents' marital status. Some of
these findings are compatible with the "focal theory of change"—the
hypothesis that it is easier for the youngster to be able to focus on one
major transition at a time. They are also compatible with the idea of the
need for an "arena of comfort"—the need for at least one area of life in
which the individual can feel relaxed and comfortable, to which he or she
can withdraw to become reinvigorated.
Reaction to adolescence appeared to be determined not only by the
Preface xiii

characteristics of the changes involved, but also by the characteristics of

the individual. Our findings emphasized the continued importance of gen­
der in the 1970's. On almost all key outcomes, boys and girls showed
significant differences. Furthermore, females scored less favorably than
males in terms of their self-image and appeared more vulnerable to the
environmental and biological transitions of adolescence. This study also
pointed to the importance of perceived good looks and a perceived fa­
vorable peer regard prior to the transition in enabling the youngster to
cope well with the transition into junior high school. It also indicated that
a history of school problem behavior hindered adjustment.
Finally, reactions to adolescent transition were not necessarily global
and widespread. The specific outcome area was important. Negative
changes were more evident in some areas than in others. The one realm
in which there was a definite negative trend in adolescence involved con­
formity to adult standards and deviant behavior.
Furthermore, the different types of transitions had different types of
effects. While school change and cumulative change affected global self-
esteem and a student's Grade Point Average, pubertal timing did not in­
fluence global self-esteem, but rather had a narrow set of specific effects,
particularly upon the body-image.
The book presents the details of this study of adolescent life transitions.
While we have utilized statistical analyses, we have attempted to explain
these analyses in a way that the reader who is not acquainted with one
method or another can still follow the argument; we have tried in all chap­
ters to summarize substantive findings clearly. However, the reader who
is less interested in questions of studying change might find that for Chap­
ters 4, 9, and 10, it is better to concentrate on the summaries.
Roberta G . Simmons
Dale A . Blyth
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We would like to express our gratitude toward many individuals who

provided inspiration and help with aspects of this study. (Of course, the
end result is our own responsibility.)
First, we wish to give credit to the granting agencies. This study has
been funded by N I M H grants ROI MH30739 and grants from the William
T. Grant Foundation as well as the assistance of The Boys Town Center
for the Study of Youth Development at Omaha. In addition, the work of
the senior author (R.G.S.) has been supported by a Research Development
Award from the National Institute of Mental Health, #2 K 0 2 MH41688
and by a Fellowship at the Center for the Advanced Study of the Behav­
ioral Sciences at Stanford funded in part by the John D . and Catherine
T. MacArthur Foundation. The University of Minnesota Computer Center
has provided partial support through grants from the Supercomputer In­
stitute.
Second, without Barbara Bailey, the secretary who has worked on this
project from the beginning, it is unclear how we would have managed.
She has been a totally committed research assistant, manager, secretary,
editor, and friend throughout all stages. It is for this reason that she is
one of the people to whom the book is dedicated.
Also, to be thanked for fine secretarial help and support are Connie
Finnell and Dale's wife, Linda Blyth.
While we have dedicated this book to our children (who either have
been or will be adolescents), we also wish to express gratitude to the rest
of our families for their support, encouragement, and understanding.
Many research assistants have provided invaluable help over the years.
In addition to those who are co-authors of chapters in the book, we wish
to thank Debbie Felt, Joyce Hemphill, Scott Marino, Keith McGarrahan,
Karen M c K i n n e y , Mary Jo Reef, Jennifer Richardson, Karen Thiel, E d ­
ward V a n Cleave, and David Zakin. In additon, we are greatly indebted
to the many staff, interviewers, and nurse-interviewers from the Wisconsin
Survey Research Center for their skill and dedication. In particular, we
are indebted to Ruth Wendle and June H e l d .
The Milwaukee Public School System and its Research Division are
also to be thanked as are the children who participated and the parents
who allowed and encouraged participation.

xv
xvi Acknowledgments

Three of our colleagues are important for the inspiration they provided
and we wish to express thanks. Morris Rosenberg was the mentor of the
senior author and responsible for our great interest in the self-image and
for starting us down this road to further investigation of adolescence and
the self-image. We are exceedingly grateful for his inspiration and for his
own wonderful work. Betty Hamburg and Bert Brim are each to be thanked
for encouraging this research and for bringing us together at many con­
ferences with other persons studying adolescence and studying the life
course. They both have helped to create exciting international communities
focused on these relevant, intellectual issues.
Others of our colleagues have helped us with valuable criticism of our
work; we wish to thank George Bohrnstedt, Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, Fred
Damarin, Dorothy Eichorn, M i k e Finch, Barbara Laslett, Geoffrey M a -
ruyama, Steve McLaughlin, Jeylan Mortimer, Anne Petersen, Richard
Savin-Williams, and R o n Schoenberg.
I
INTRODUCTION
 1
INTRODUCTION

Substantial controversy has been generated within the behavioral sciences

concerning the difficulty of adolescence as a transitional period. O n the
one hand, there are those who characterize the period as an exceptionally
and necessarily stressful time in the life course. O n the other hand, many
investigators treat this view of adolescence as their straw man. T o them,
the supposed tumult of adolescence is just that—supposed and mythical.
The purpose of this book is to study the transition from childhood into
early and middle adolescence in order to investigate change along a wide
variety of psychosocial dimensions with a particular focus on the self-
image. F o r which of these dimensions, if any, is adolescence associated
with negative consequences? Which types of children react with more
distress at this age, and which types weather the changes most success­
fully? Furthermore, what aspects of the transition generate the most dif­
ficulty? Our primary focus will be on the role of pubertal change and
school transition.

Overview and History

V i e w of Adolescence as Tumultuous
Hall (1904) originally described the adolescent years as ones of "storm
and stress." Later, Erikson (1959, 1968) characterized adolescence as a
time of identity crisis, in which the youngster struggles for a stable sense
of self. Psychoanalysts, such as Bios (1962, 1971) and A n n a Freud (1958),
have suggested that puberty sparks a resurgence of Oedipal conflicts for
the boy and pre-Oedipal pressures for the girl (see Barglow and Schaefer,
1979). According to Elkind (1967), cognitive processes also contribute to
adolescent difficulty. Adolescents become cognizant that others are for­
mulating opinions of them, but they are unable to differentiate their own
self-preoccupations from the perceived thoughts of their imaginary au­
dience (adolescent "egocentrism"). They concentrate on their own faults
and believe that these faults are as evident to others as to themselves. 1

F r o m the sociological point of view, adolescence traditionally has been

described as a period of physical maturity and social immaturity (Davis,

3
4 Introduction

1944). Because of the complexity of the present social system, children

reach physical adulthood before they are capable of functioning well in
adult social roles. The disjunction between physical capabilities and so­
cially allowed independence and power and the concurrent status-ambi­
guities are viewed as stressful for the adolescent in modern Western society
(Mead, 1950; Benedict, 1954). It has been assumed that the need to dis­
engage from parents during these years will result in high levels of rebellion
and parent-child conflict. Higher rates of deviant behavior in adolescence
than in childhood or than in adulthood (Greenberg, 1981) would appear
to fit with this picture of difficult adjustment in the teenage years. 2

The Tumult as M y t h
Many empirical investigators, however, claim that for most youngsters
these years are not marked by stress or turmoil (see Grinker, Grinker,
and Timberlake, 1962; Offer, 1969; Offer, Ostrov, and Howard, 1981; Elkin
and Westley, 1955, Douvan and Adelson, 1966; Douvan and Gold, 1966;
Weiner, 1970; Bandura, 1972; Coleman, 1974, 1980; Rutter, 1980).
In some cases, the investigators compare levels on one or more variables
across ages and fail to find that adolescents score more negatively than
younger children (Attenborough and Zdep, 1973; Bowman, 1974; see W y -
lie's review, 1979). Alternatively, stability coefficients and/or factor
structures over the years are compared, and no break is seen at the entry
into adolescence (Monge, 1973; Dusek and Flaherty, 1981). In other cases,
the issue is addressed in terms of the proportion of individuals affected.
Whereas some children find adolescence difficult, the majority do not
(Douvan and Adelson, 1966; Offer et al., 1981). Or the issue becomes one
of severity. While adolescents show conflict with parents, the conflicts
tend to be centered on minor issues related to appearance and not related
to major values (Elkin and Westley, 1955; Campbell, 1969; Gold and Dou­
van, Part I V , 1969; Feather, 1980; H i l l , 1980; Montemayor, 1982). In still
other research, the investigator notes that while there are likely to be
specific problems at various ages, these problems neither generalize across
variables nor persist throughout adolescence (Coleman, 1974).
Since a major focus of our research involves the self-image in adoles­
cence, it should be noted that Wylie (1979), in reviewing studies in this
area, concludes there is no patterned, consistent relationship of age to
self-concept and no pattern across studies of increasingly negative self-
images in adolescence. In fact, more recent reviews of large-scale lon­
gitudinal studies report a consistent rise, and not a drop, in self-esteem
as children move from early to late adolescence (McCarthy and Hoge,
1982; O'Malley and Bachman, 1983). More at issue than what happens
3

during adolescence is the fate of self-esteem and other aspects of the self-
concept in the transition between childhood and early adolescence. While
Introduction 5

some studies show no age difference (Attenborough and Z d e p , 1973;

Coleman, 1974), others indicate a worsening near or upon entry to ado­
lescence, that is, in Grades 6, 7, or 8 (or age 12-13) compared to earlier
years (Piers and Harris, 1964; Katz and Zigler, 1967; Yamamoto, Thomas,
and Karns, 1969; Jorgensen and Howell, 1969; Trowbridge, 1972; Soares
and Soares, 1970; Eccles, Adler, Tutlerman, Goff, Kaczala, Meece, and
Midgley, 1983; Eccles, Midgley, and Adler, 1984). 4

These studies vary in their methodology. The longitudinal studies

showing a rise in self-esteem during adolescence are large-scale and prob­
ably can be considered valid (O'Malley and Bachman, 1983). However,
many of the studies comparing children to early adolescents are not so
compelling. A l l are cross-sectional, and some have small samples (Piers
and Harris, 1964; Katz and Zigler, 1967; Bohan, 1973). Only a few indicate
they used random sampling (suburban sample: K a t z and Zigler, 1967; Y a ­
mamoto et al. 1969; national household sample: Attenborough and Zdep,
y

1973).

Our First Research: The Baltimore Study

In 1968, in collaboration with Morris Rosenberg, Simmons conducted
a cross-sectional survey of 1,918 school children in Baltimore. Unlike many
earlier studies, this one was large-scale and involved a careful random
sample of 25 schools and the students within these schools (see Rosenberg
and Simmons, 1972; Simmons, Rosenberg, and Rosenberg, 1973). Thus,
the results of the study are generalizable to the population of Baltimore
school children at the time. In addition, there were measures of both
younger school-age children and of early and middle adolescents.
This study focused on the impact of age upon various dimensions of
the self-image. According to this study, early adolescence appeared to be
a disturbing period for the self-picture of children of both genders and of
varying classes and races. The term "disturbing" was used to indicate
any change in a direction presumed uncomfortable for the child. It was
not meant to connote psychopathology or tumult. During early adoles­
cence, compared to the years 8-11, the children exhibited heightened self-
consciousness, greater instability of the self-image, slightly lower global
self-esteem, lower opinions of themselves with regard to specific qualities
they valued, and a reduced conviction that their parents, teachers, and
peers of the same sex held favorable opinions of them. Early adolescents
also showed more depressive affect than did younger children. 5

The largest negative change appeared to occur among 12 year olds who
had entered seventh grade, the first year of junior high school. In fact,
the negative drop in self-esteem occurred only in that year, and then, as
in many other studies, self-esteem rose (see O'Malley and Bachman, 1983).
For most other self-variables, the negative trend continued to worsen
6 Introduction

throughout the junior high school years. In senior high school, the findings
differed from one variable to another: some leveled off, others continued
to worsen, and the scores improved for still others.
The clear pattern involved the early adolescent, junior high school years
in which scores were more negative than they had been for younger chil­
dren in elementary school. The only area that showed early adolescents
to be more positive than younger children involved popularity with the
opposite sex. In almost all cases, girls scored more negatively than boys
on the self-image dimensions (see F . Rosenberg and Simmons, 1975; Sim­
mons and F . Rosenberg, 1975).
While these data do not address the issue of whether early adolescence
is tumultuous, they do suggest a negative impact on the self-image and
that girls are particularly vulnerable. If these data are correct and early
adolescence is a difficult time for the self-image, the question arises as to
why. The most obvious answer is that pubertal development is the major
determinant. The physiological changes of puberty and internal hormonal
differences may challenge the view of the self in fundamental ways. H o w ­
ever, in Baltimore at the time of the study (as in many other cities) a major
change in environmental context also occurred at that age as well: the
change from elementary to junior high school.
This move from a small, protected school environment into a much
larger, more impersonal junior high school may be the child's first ex­
perience in coping with a "secondary-" rather than " p r i m a r y - " type en­
vironment. The distinction between primary or intense and intimate re­
lationships ("gemeinschaft") and secondary or impersonal and specific
relationships ("gesellschaft") is a fundamental one and has been empha­
sized by many of the classic theorists in sociology (e.g., Toennies, 1887/
1940; C o o l e y , 1912). The family typifies a primary-type environment,
whereas large-scale bureaucracies are the quintessence of the secondary-
type context (Weber, 1947). In our society, individuals have to learn to
function, at some point, in large-scale organizational contexts, in "ge­
sellschaft" rather than "gemeinschaft" environments (Toennies, 1887/
1940). Nevertheless, the first transition into such an environment may be
difficult. In elementary school, children usually have one teacher and one
set of classmates; in the larger j u n i o r high, the adolescents' teachers,
classmates, and even rooms are constantly being changed. While the el­
ementary school resembles the comfortable primary-type context as does
the family, the junior high with its impersonality, specialization, and greater
emphasis on rules corresponds more closely to a bureaucratic environment.
In the Baltimore study, we made a first and somewhat imprecise attempt
to ascertain the impact of pubertal development and of the environmental
transition. Lacking an accurate measure of puberty, the Baltimore study
simply compared the effects of age and environmental change upon the
student's self-image and found that environmental context had a stronger
effect than chronological age. In Grade 6, the last year in elementary
Introduction 7

school, 11 year olds were compared to 12 year olds based on the as­
sumption that older children were more likely to have attained puberty.
There were no differences, however, in the self-images of 11 and 12 year
olds in Grade 6. Similarly in Grade 7, in junior high school, there were
no differences between 12 and 13 year olds. However, 12 year olds in
seventh grade (junior high school) scored more negatively than 12 year
olds in Grade 6 (elementary school). Thus, making the transition to a tra­
ditional junior high school appeared to be a more significant factor affecting
the child's self-image than age.
There were, however, no comparable, consistent differences at the point
of transition into senior high school. Thus, according to the Baltimore
data, transition into a new, larger environment is not sufficient to induce
these effects. The young age at the junior high school transition, the fact
that it was the first such transition, and/or the concurrence of environ­
mental and pubertal change at the same time may have been the causal
culprits.
In any case, the Baltimore study identified a key developmental year
at the beginning of adolescence as disturbing for the self-image, showed
females to be most vulnerable at this age, and suggested that part of the
problem was due to a marked change in the child's environmental context
at that point.
These results then, do not establish that early adolescence is a time of
"storm and stress" but rather provide evidence of a negative turn for the
self-image. It is possible that the negative self-image changes seen in the
above findings reflect a greater accuracy of perception rather than intense
distress among adolescents. According to other results, there is evidence
that younger children's self-ratings of social and ethnic standings are in­
flated compared to those of adolescents (Simmons and Rosenberg, 1971;
Rosenberg and Simmons, 1972, Chs. 4 and 6); it is also likely that young
children's self-ratings in other spheres are similarly inflated. Nevertheless,
for the adolescent, a less favorable self-rating, a lack of self-stability, and
an intensified self-consciousness should evoke discomfort whether or not
a greater accuracy of perception is involved.
It also should be noted again that some other studies fail to find com­
parable grade or age level differences in the self-image (Attenborough and
Zdep, 1973; Coleman, 1974). Most studies, however, do not report whether
or not early adolescents were attending junior high schools or when they
made a transition into a large-scale school context. 6

Limitations of the Baltimore Study

In attempting to ascertain whether the biological transition of puberty
or the environmental discontinuity of the move into junior high school
was responsible for self-image disturbance, we were frustrated by several
limitations of the Baltimore study. First, it was a cross-sectional rather
8 Introduction

than longitudinal study. It compared Grade 6 to Grade 7 students, assuming

no initial cohort differences; but cohort effects were certainly possible.
A l s o without a longitudinal design, one cannot determine the number and
type of children who change in a negative direction in these years—one
can only compare resultant mean differences and distributions.
A second limitation of the Baltimore study (and of many prior studies)
was the absence of an adequate measure of puberty. The individual's
chronological age has been shown to be a poor indicator of physical de­
velopment (see Tanner, 1962, 1971; Reynolds and Wines, 1948, 1951 Pe­
tersen and Taylor, 1980). Without a more direct indicator of pubertal
change, it is impossible to understand the role of physical maturation.
A third limitation is that there was no comparison of types of schools
in seventh grade; all seventh graders in Baltimore were attending junior
high school, having moved from the protected elementary school. Ruth
Benedict (1954) characterizes the transitions in modern Western society
from childhood to adulthood as marked by great "discontinuity" of cultural
expectations rather than by gradualism. The transition to junior high school
appears to be an example of a sharp environmental "discontinuity". In
Baltimore all children at this key point in the life cycle were subject to
this discontinuity.

The Newer Milwaukee Study

The present study, which forms the core of this book, exhibits strengths
that were missing in the original Baltimore research. It was designed spe­
cifically to overcome the limitations of the Baltimore survey. The study
is longitudinal, not cross-sectional. It begins with a focus on the problem­
atic transitional year at entry to adolescence. It first follows children from
Grade 6 (the "last year of childhood") into Grade 7 (early adolescence),
and then extensively remeasures them in Grades 9 and 10 (middle ado­
lescence), thus covering a 5-year period. The short- as well as the long-
term consequences of the transition into early adolescence, therefore, can
be studied, including the transition into senior high school. In addition,
the new study measured level and timing of pubertal development as care­
fully as possible within the constraints of school permission and the desire
to avoid sample loss (see Chapter 2). Finally, in this study all children
did not pass from elementary into junior high school in the key Grade 7
year. Milwaukee presented us with an excellent natural experiment. Side
by side were two types of grade structure, with the schools roughly com­
parable in other respects (see Chapter 2). One type was the same as in
Baltimore—children attended kindergarten to sixth grade in one school,
switched to junior high school in Grade 7 (7-9), and then switched again
in Grade 10 to senior high school (Grades 10-12). The other grade structure
was based on a kindergarten through eighth grade school ( K - 8 ) . Children
Introduction 9

remained in the same small elementary school from kindergarten through

eighth grade and made their first transition into a larger, more impersonal
school in ninth grade, when they entered a 4-year senior high school.
A kindergarten through eighth grade school might be expected to present
the child moving from sixth to seventh grade with a less sudden change,
both in terms of the impersonality of the environment and in terms of
others' expectations for adultlike behavior on the child's part. Thus, in
Grade 7 (at the entry to early adolescence) we can compare children who
have stayed within the same small, intimate school to children who have
made a transition into a large, more impersonal junior high school envi­
ronment.
The later transition into senior high school for the two groups can also
be compared. F o r the K - 8 cohort, the movement into senior high school
was their first transition into a large, impersonal context and occurred at
a later age than did the junior high cohort's first such transition. The key
question is whether it is easier for children to make their first major move
into a large organization at a later rather than earlier age. For the youth
in the junior high school cohort, who had to make two important school
transitions, we can investigate whether the second change was easier or
harder than the first.
The presence of two parallel grade structures in the same community
provides an excellent opportunity to study the short- and long-term effects
of major environmental change at entry to adolescence. The ability to
differentiate short- and long-term consequences of this transition helps us
to avoid the assumption that exposure to a stressor has only negative
consequences. E r i k s o n (1959) hypothesizes that a search for identity
through experimentation in adolescence is important for good mental health
later on in the life cycle (also see Peskin and L i v s o n , 1972). The rapid
choice of a comfortable identity too early in life has been termed "identity
foreclosure" and is expected to have detrimental consequences later in
the life course. Similarly, successful coping with the stressors of adoles­
cence may prepare one for stresses later in life better than absence of
challenge (Elder, 1974; Meichenbaum, 1977). While we have not yet fol­
lowed the subjects of the Milwaukee study into adulthood, we have fol­
lowed them into middle adolescence. Therefore, we can see which young­
sters most successfully make the transition into senior high school: those
who had no earlier junior high school transition to make, those who coped
successfully with an early transition, or those who coped unsuccessfully.
Thus, the new study corrects for limitations of the Baltimore research
by providing the strengths of a longitudinal design, detailed measures of
pubertal development, and the presence of two alternate organizational
contexts for comparison. The focus of the book will be to investigate the
impact of school context, pubertal timing, and gender upon children as
they move from late childhood to early and middle adolescence.
10 Introduction

Determinants of Social-Psychological Outcomes

Environmental Discontinuity as a Determinant

Discontinuity in General

In a classic article, Benedict (1954) characterizes adolescence in Amer­

ican society as an example of a maximally discontinuous status transition.
According to her, societies vary in degree of congruity of expectations
between childhood and adulthood (also see Mead, 1950). In some societies,
the socialization for one age-graded status prepares one for the next. In
other societies, the expectations for a later age-role conflict with those of
an earlier one, with the consequence that the individual is ill prepared for
the later role. In the United States, for example, the child is socialized
to be nonresponsible, submissive, and asexual, while the adult is expected
to be responsible, dominant, and sexually active. Benedict hypothesizes
that where expectations are very different, where there are no clear, formal
rites of passage or mechanisms to bridge the gap, and where there is a
long and unclear time of transition, the situation will be particularly dis­
turbing. A l l of these characteristics are viewed by Benedict as applying
to American society, and hence adolescence in America is seen as a dif­
ficult transitional period.
In our view, the transition is not from childhood to adulthood but from
the status of child to the status of adolescent (see Blyth, 1977). Further­
more, adolescence can be subdivided into early, middle, and late adoles­
cence; we shall study the first two of these subperiods. In addition, we
are interested in differences not among societies but within our society.
We, thus, utilize the Benedict hypothesis to predict that youth who ex­
perience more discontinuity in environmental context will manifest greater
disturbance (see Elder, 1968; Glaser and Strauss, 1971).

School Discontinuity

The average youth spends at least 7 hours of each weekday in school—

approximately 40% of his or her waking weekday hours. Thus, there is
every reason to expect the nature of this environmental or ecological con­
text to be important to the individual's adjustment (Bronfenbrenner, 1970;
H i l l , 1973). However, save for our own work, a newer study by Eccles,
7

Midgley, and Adler (1984) and research in Great Britain (Rutter and Her-
sov, 1977; Rutler, Maughan, Mortimore, Ouston, with Smith, 1979) little8

is known from large-scale studies about the effects of school discontinuities

on children's reactions (see this volume, Chapters 7 and 12). The present
study compares the effects of two types of school environments, involving
different levels of continuity and discontinuity during the status transition
into early adolescence. The K - 8 school provides maximum continuity
Introduction

during the transition—the child moves from Grade 6 to Grade 7 in the

same small, elementary school. In contrast, the K-6/junior high school
arrangement presents considerable discontinuity.
For the K - 8 youngsters, the major environmental discontinuity comes
later in middle adolescence between Grades 8 and 9 when they move into
senior high school. F o r most girls and a substantial proportion of boys,
this switch comes after the biological changes of puberty. A l s o , for most
youngsters, it follows rather than coincides with the change in definition
of self from a child to a teenager. Therefore, since it coincides with fewer
other changes and since the child is older and more mature, one might
expect less negative reaction to this environmental discontinuity than to
the earlier Grade 7 transition of other youngsters into a junior high school.

History of School Grade Structures

The exact point at which youngsters first move into secondary school,
and hence into large organizational environments, has changed drastically
in the United States over the last 50 years and also differs radically from
society to society (see Blyth, 1977; Blyth, Simmons, and Bush, 1978;
9

Blyth and Karnes, 1981). In the United States from 1900 to 1970, there
was a dramatic decrease in the number of traditional 4-year high schools
and a marked increase in the number of junior high schools. In the past
two decades there has been a new movement into a middle school system
in which the switch to a new school often precedes adolescence—that is,
it occurs in Grade 5 or 6 (see Lipsitz, 1977). Unfortunately, this study
does not have a middle school comparison.

Timing of Pubertal Development as a Determinant

There is no uniform environmental signal, then, that one has passed
into adolescence. Although some children transfer into secondary school
at the beginning of their teenage years, others do not. Similarly, the bi­
ological signals of adolescence are only loosely correlated with age. The
timing of pubertal development varies; there has been a long history of
studies comparing early, middle, and late developers (see Stolz and Stolz,
1951; Jones and M u s s e n , 1958; Faust, 1960; D w y e r and M a y e r , 1968;
Jones, Bayley, MacFarlane, and Honzik, 1971; MacFarlane, 1971; Peskin
and L i v s o n , 1972; Clausen, 1975; Petersen and Taylor, 1980; L i v s o n and
Peskin, 1980; Brooks-Gunn and Petersen, 1983).
The concept of asynchrony becomes relevant here ( E i c h o r n , 1975;
Blyth, Simmons, Bulcroft, Felt, V a n Cleave, and Bush, 1981). F o r some
youngsters, the level of pubertal development is average and typical for
their age. Others are out of step, either earlier or later than most age peers
or manifest a different pattern. This study also investigates the impact of
different patterns of early, middle, and late development upon the student's
12 Introduction

reaction along a wide variety of dependent variables. We shall investigate

whether pubertal change itself is stressful or beneficial, whether being
different from peers leads to disturbance, whether early or late timing
causes difficulty, and whether having attained puberty leads to different
expectations from others and different levels of independent behavior for
oneself.
Pubertal change, then, is not regarded as a simple biological phenom­
enon in its impact. It is also a process with a social meaning that mediates
its effect. Not only is recency of change an issue, but also whether one
is changing earlier, later, or at the same time as one's peers (Petersen and
Taylor, 1980).

Gender
In this study, the effects of gender will be investigated as well as the
effects of environmental discontinuity and pubertal timing. The classic
studies that have explored the impact of pubertal timing, that is, the Cal­
ifornia longitudinal studies (Jones and Mussen, 1958; Jones et ai, 1971;
MacFarlane, 1971; Peskin and L i v s o n , 1972; Clausen, 1975) and the Fels
research (Kagan and Moss, 1962) indicate that boys and girls react dif­
ferently to pubertal changes (see H i l l and L y n c h , 1983). The Baltimore
study of Simmons et ai (1973) discussed earlier, also emphasizes the im­
portance of gender differences. A t issue in the current research, then, is
the differential reaction of boys and girls to entry to adolescence. The
first question to be investigated is whether girls are more vulnerable, that
is, more likely to react negatively at this age, as suggested by the Baltimore
survey. Other gender-specific responses will also be explored, as will the
differences between boys and girls in their particular reaction to school
and pubertal changes.
Part II of this book will deal with gender differences along all our out­
come variables. Attention will focus on the extent to which boys and girls
differ at this age, in general, and whether they change differentially as
they move into adolescence. Part III will examine the effects of pubertal
development for each gender, and Part I V will focus on the consequences
of the two school types for each gender.
We now turn to a discussion of the dependent variables to be used in
this study.

Outcome Variables
In terms of the outcome or dependent variables, the earlier Baltimore
study concentrated on the self-image, in general, and self-esteem, in par­
ticular (Rosenberg and Simmons, 1972; Simmons, 1978; Simmons and F .
Rosenberg, 1975). While the self-image is still of major concern in this
Introduction 13

new study and while self-esteem is considered of prime importance, many

other dependent variables have been added as well. The aim is to inves­
tigate consequences of school environment and timing of pubertal devel­
opment upon a wide set of outcome variables related to significant de­
velopmental tasks for adolescents. According to Havighurst (1953, p. 2)
an individual developmental task is one "which arises at or about a certain
period in the life of an individual, successful achievement of which leads
to his happiness and to success with later tasks, while failure leads to
unhappiness in the individual, disapproval by the society, and difficulty
with later tasks." Table 1.1 lists the outcome variables and classifies them
according to the "developmental tasks" of adolescence (Havighurst, 1953;
Aldous, 1978).

T A B L E 1.1. Dependent Variables—Tasks of Adolescence

1. Establish Self-Image
A. Global self-image
Self-esteem
Self-consciousness
Self-stability
B. Body-image
Perceive self as good looking
Satisfaction with looks
Satisfaction with weight
Satisfaction with height
Satisfaction with figure/muscles
C. Concern with body-image
Care about looks
Care about weight
Care about height
Care about figure/muscle development
D. Perceived self-competence
Intelligence
School work
Athletic ability
E. Concern with competence
Value competence more than popularity and independence
Care about intelligence
Care about school work
Care about athletic ability
Care about independence from parents
F. Perceptions of gender role
Positive feelings about being a girl/boy
Care about not acting like the opposite sex
How often act like the opposite sex
G. Self-perception of depressive affect
(Continued)
14 Introduction

T A B L E 1.1. (Continued)
2. Intensifying Peer Relationships
A. Peer popularity
Same sex
Opposite sex
B. Value popularity
Care about same sex
Care about opposite sex
Value popularity more than competence or independence
Value opposite sex popularity more than competence
C. Dating behavior
D. Others' expectations regarding opposite sex relationships
Parents expect dating
Same sex friends expect dating
Parents expect interest in opposite sex
Same sex peers expect interest in opposite sex
E. Participation in activities
Total in-school clubs and sports
Total out-of-school clubs and sports
Coed clubs (in and out of school)
Leadership in clubs and sports
3. Establish Independence
A. Independence from parents
Take bus without adult
Go places without parents permission
Parents' permission not required after dark
Left home alone
Times per month baby-sit
Part-time job
Perceived independence from parents
Decision making
B. Perception that others expect older behavior
Parents
Friends
Teachers
C. Concern with independence
Care about independence
Value independence more than competence or popularity
4. Plan for Future
A. Educational, occupational, and marital aspirations
Plan to go to college
Want to get married
Want to have children
SES of ideal job
SES of expected job
Expect to work regardless of family
B. Perception that others expect career planning
Parents
Teachers
Friends
Introduction 15

T A B L E 1.1. (Continued)

5. Deal with Conformity/Deviance Issues

A. Problem behavior
Problem behavior scale
Probations/suspensions
Truancy
B. Victimization
C. Academic performance
GPA
Reading achievement score
Math achievement score
D. Perception that adults evaluate one highly
Parents
Teachers
E. Perception of parent-peer relationship
Parents like close friends
Close friends like parents

I. Achieving a New Self-image

A primary task of early and middle adolescence is to achieve a new

and positive sense of self in response to the many changes that occur at
that age (Aldous, 1978). Perhaps most dramatic are the biological changes
and the alterations in physical appearance that require a change in the
body image and in the relevant self-evaluations. A t a more global or general
level, the adolescent should develop a new acceptance of the self as a
person of worth (Aldous, 1978), that is, a favorable level of self-esteem.
In addition, in Erikson's classic conception (1968), adolescence is a time
to experiment with possible identities and ultimately to achieve a stable,
specific picture of the self. It is also a time when gender role identities
may assume increasing and changing importance and when the values one
holds for oneself may be altered. The process of accomplishing this task
of achieving a new self-image may be a difficult one; and, with these de­
pendent variables, we attempt to measure the level of difficulty.
Not only may individuals develop low self-evaluations in the areas listed
in Table 1.1 and show low stability of the self-picture, but they may also
find that their changing view of themselves and their concern over others'
opinions intrude on normal interaction and render them uncomfortably
self-conscious. In sum, this study investigates whether environmental
transitions and pubertal change affect the accomplishment of the tasks
involving various aspects of the self-picture. It also explores the extent
to which there are self-image problems in these regards in early and middle
adolescence (see Rosenberg, 1965, 1979 and Rosenberg and Simmons,
1972 for a more detailed discussion of the dimensions of the self-image;
also see this volume, Chapter 3).
16 Introduction

2. Intensifying Peer Relationships

A second, major task of adolescence is to intensify intimate relations

with peers and to learn to relate in new ways to members of the opposite
sex, so that at a later age the individual will be emotionally prepared to
leave his or her family of origin and set up a new family of procreation
(Havighurst, 1953; Douvan and Adelson, 1966; Douvan and G o l d , 1966;
Berndt, 1982). Several related dependent variables are included: perceived
peer popularity with the same and the opposite sex, valuation of peer
popularity, dating behavior, participation in extracurricular activities, and
perception of others' expectations concerning the opposite sex.

3. Establishing Independence

The adolescent has the task of developing independence (Douvan and

Adelson, 1966; Aldous, 1978). Typically, at the beginning of adolescence,
children are physically and emotionally dependent upon their parents, but
by the end of adolescence they are capable of leaving their family of ori­
entation and assuming responsibility for self and others. Subjects were
asked whether their parents allow them to engage in a variety of inde­
pendent behaviors, how highly they themselves value independence, and
about relevant changes in the expectations of significant others (parents,
friends, teachers).

4. Planning for Future

The pressure upon adolescents to make vital career and mate decisions
is viewed by Erikson (1959) as part of the reason for their identity crisis.
However, the need to select and prepare for a career and to begin plans
for a family of one's own are more appropriately considered tasks of late
adolescence rather than of the early and middle adolescent years being
studied here. Nevertheless, young adolescents do begin to formulate as­
pirations in these regards; these aspirations are, therefore, measured. The
extent to which significant others are applying pressure to begin occu­
pational planning is also investigated.

5. Dealing with Conformity versus Deviance Issues

A s a result of new levels of independence and as part of adolescent

exploration and/or rebellion, the teenager has a much greater opportunity
than before to engage in deviant behavior. A final task, or more accurately
a final problem, results from this situation. The adolescent is confronted
with adult pressure to conform to rules while also having to deal with
peer and perhaps internal pressure to violate those rules (see Aldous, 1978).
H e or she may choose to strive for academic success or instead to engage
in problematic or delinquent behavior in the school setting (see Jessor
Introduction 17

and Jessor, 1977). Therefore, we have measured students' reported in­

volvement in problem behavior in school, either as victims or perpetrators,
their academic conformity as indexed by objective indicators of achieve­
ment ( G P A , achievement tests), their perception of how highly key adult
authority-figures (parents and teachers) evaluate them, and the extent to
which they perceive parents and peers in conflict. It should be noted that
while all of the variables placed in this "conformity/deviance" category
have relevance for the underlying issue, the relevance is, in certain cases,
somewhat loose. While G P A and achievement test scores can be studied
as indicators of academic conformity, they also can be studied on their
own right apart from this connection. Similarly, the opinions parents and
teachers hold of the child are determined by and have consequences for
many factors besides his or her conformity behavior.
Thus, this last task category is used more for convenience of organi­
zation than because of logical tightness. Nevertheless, these issues are
highly relevant to the adolescent's life experience. Clearly, an investigation
of the major consequences of environmental transition and pubertal change
should deal with their impact upon problem behavior, academic perfor­
mance, and parental and teacher evaluations. Findings for each of these
key, but related, areas will be presented separately.

Summary
In summary, this study will follow students as they make a major life
course transition from childhood into early adolescence. We will inves­
tigate the impact of timing of pubertal change and also the movement from
an intimate, elementary school context into a large-scale secondary school
environment. The first major movement into a large-scale organizational
context may cause difficulty for the child, as may the dramatic changes
of puberty. In addition, gender differences and changes in gender differ­
ences will be studied. Both short- and long-term consequences of transition
will be of issue, since the students are followed for 5 years into middle
adolescence. Consequences of the transition into senior high school will
also be investigated.
Whether or not this newer study (1974-1979) replicates the earlier Bal­
timore study (1968) is of prime relevance. The Baltimore study suggests
that early adolescence presents a disturbance for the self-image, that girls
are more vulnerable than boys to this transition, and that a discontinuous
change of environmental context into a junior high school may be re­
sponsible, in part, for negative effects. With an improved design this new
study investigates consequences of gender, school context, and pubertal
development upon a wide variety of dependent variables involving tasks
of adolescence: (1) the need to form a new self-image; (2) to intensify
peer relationships; (3) to establish independence; (4) to plan for the future;
and (5) to deal with conformity versus deviance issues.
18 Introduction

Footnotes
'See Kohlberg and Gilligan (1971) for other discussions of cognitive processes
in adolescence compared to childhood. Also see the issue of Daedalus Vol. 100
(Fall 1971) for other general discussions of early adolescence.
2
See Friedenberg (1959), Hamburg (1974), and Lipsitz (1977) for other discus­
sions of the turmoil of adolescence. Also Hathaway and Monachesi (1963) show
adolescents less likely to score "normal" on the MMPI than adults and more
likely to show sociopathy or psychotic profiles (although less likely to show neurotic
profiles).
3
Also see Engel (1959), Long, Ziller, and Henderson (1968), Kaplan (1975).
Hulbary (1975) and Bohan (1973) show contradictory results in cross-sectional
studies.
While Protinsky and Farrier (1980) show no age differences in self-esteem,
4

they do show an increase in negative self-consciousness between childhood and

early adolescence. Bohan (1973) shows a decline in self-esteem for girls but not
boys after childhood. For Monge (1973), Dusek and Flaherty (1981), and Harter
(1982), results are also mixed. Bowman (1974), however, shows an increase in
self-esteem in his longitudinal (though not cross-sectional) samples as they move
from Grades 4 and 6 to Grades 6 and 8.
These findings replicated for black and white students and middle and working
5

class (see Simmons et al., 1973, Table 4). Offer et al. (1981) suggest that our
results hold only for black and working-class youngsters; this appears to be a
mistaken conclusion of some sort.
Katz and Zigler (1967), who show a drop in self-image after Grade 5, conducted
6

their study in elementary, and junior and senior high schools, as did Long et al.
(1968) and Eccles et al. (1983, 1984). It also should be mentioned that very few
relevant studies were conducted in large American cities: Soares and Soares (1970)
research may have been so located; Attenborough and Zdep (1973) used a national,
household sample. Eccles et al. (1983, 1984) studied the total population of two
school districts in southeast Michigan. In a doctoral dissertation, Reid (1983) com­
pared children from a seven-county metropolitan area who made a transition out
of elementary school in either Grade 5, 6, or 7, with mixed results. In Grade 6
students in secondary schools had lower self-esteem than those in elementary
school, but there was no difference in Grade 5 or 7. However, Grade 8 students,
who had made an early transition (Grade 5 or 6) into middle school, had higher
self-esteem than those who had made a Grade 7 transition into junior high school.
If the middle schools were smaller and less impersonal than the junior high schools,
these results would be compatible with our findings of higher self-esteem in small,
elementary schools than in large junior high schools. However, no detail is given
about school size.
Smaller clinical studies document difficulties of transition in Great Britain on
7

types of adjustment (see Hersov, 1960). Also see Metcalfe (1981) for a small,
quantitative study and Reid (1983) for a larger, unpublished work. For discussions
of the transitions into secondary school in Great Britain, see Nisbet and Entwistle
(1966), and for discussion of the junior high school transition in the United States,
see Hamburg (1974), Berkovitz (1979), and Lipsitz (1977).
8
For studies investigating various aspects of school environments, see McDill
and Rigsby (1973), Heyns (1978), Brookover, Beady, Flood, Schweitzer, and Wis-
enbaker (1979), Rutter et al. (1979), Epstein and McPartland (1976, 1979), Epstein
and Karweit (1983), Gottfredson and Daiger (1979), Gottfredson, Joffe, and
Gottfredson (1981), Lipsitz (1977), Hindelang and McDermott (1977), Moos (1978),
Coleman, Campbell, Hobson, McPartland, Mood, Weinfeld, and York (1966),
Introduction 19

Coleman, Hoffer, and Kilgore (1982), Eccles (1984), Reuman (1984), Feldlaufer
(1984), and Midgley (1984). For discussion in this area, see Kelly (1968) and
Schmiedeck (1979). For reviews of differences in the effects of middle versus
junior high schools and of other school organizations, see Schonhaut (1967), Gate-
wood (1971), Lipsitz (1977), Blyth and Karnes (1981), and Educational Research
Service (1983).
9
For a discussion of cross-cultural differences, see Nisbet and Entwistle (1966);
Rutter (1979); and Gamier and Hout (1981).
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