TIRIBA

Keita, Mamady. 2004. Sila Laka. Fonti Musicali, FMD 228.

(Tiriba)

Traditional Ethnic Group: Landuma; West Guinea, Boke & Boffa Regions

Over the course of its long history, the meaning of Tiriba has changes several times. Three phases can be
identified.

In the oldest phase, a great dancer called Tiriba had assembled a group of percussionists and performed his
dances. They called him Tiriba when he wore a particular costume. There are no more Tiriba dancers today
but the rhythm is still alive and well!

In the second phase, Tiriba was played after the initiation of the girls, when mothers and daughters celebrated
and danced together.

Today, in its third phase, the rhythm has become very popular and is one of the favorites at all festivities
where people dance.

Djoliba tunè a madima wunde nanma

The rains are gathering, masses of water will fall,
Yalamba Djoliba foriye kha n'khaniba
Djoliba mayala Djoliba
May the wise men of Djoliba take me away with them
Djoliba foriye kha n'khaniba

Keita, Mamady. 1989. Wassolon. Fonti Musicali, FMD 581159.

(Tiriba)

Rythme d’accueil des Bagas, population de la région côtière de Basse-Guinée.

Kalum Kaiyo Vous les habitants de Kalum

Foriyae khili tikhi Les anciens on fait appel à tous
Gbasikolo konde bum sous le fromager de Gbasikolo
Wo mameba Avez-vous entendu mes amis?
M'boree yo +...improvisation
Kalum khili tikhi
Gbasikolo konde bum
+... improvisation

DJAA
Traditional Ethnic Group: Malinke; Northeast Guinea (Kankan & Kurussa Regions)

In earlier times, Djaa was played without instruments, only sung and clapped by the young girls. Later, the
rhythm developed into a dance of seduction that is now played at the festivities for young people. They form
two semi-circles, with the girls on one side, and the boys on the other. The boy who leads the dance holds a
scarf as a symbol of love and friendship. He jumps into the center of the circle and dances a short solo; then
he selects one girls and puts the scarf around her neck. She also dances a solo and then chooses in turn another
boy. This goes on for many hours. Through this dance the young people get to know each other and many
marriages have been the result of this!

Another occasion for the rhythm Djaa is the evening before a wedding. The bride assembles all her friends
one last time for the gathering called Djaa/laban, the "last dance of childhood."

The song says, "It is over, the dance of youth, the kuluya tanu is over."

Keita, Mamady. 2000. Balandugu Kan. Fonti Musicali, FMD 218.

(Djaa)

A feminine dance of seduction that could once only be danced by girls alone. It is now danced at every
celebration.

Mamady n'fa itè gbolola kariya Mamady, my father, beat the skin faster!
Ee walende ee Aha, he's gone.
Ailawuya lawuya ee, ailawulya lawuya, aimawuyaee Your party, your party, didn't you see it?

Keita, Mamady. 2007. Mandeng Djara. Fonti Musicali, FMD 231.

(Kedjula Kanin — Rythme: Kedju)

Songs of mockery again, but this time the boys answer the girls. This song is also one of those use [sic] to
dance the Djaa (see fmd 218. Balangudu Kan), which is a dance of seduction that was once performed by the
girls alone, but that today is now performed on every occasion for celebration.

Kedjula kanin sunguru kedjula kanin mandinye I don't like the friendship of an ugly girl

KASSA

Keita, Mamady. 1989. Wassolon. Fonti Musicali, FMD 581159.

(Kassa)
Le mot, en malinke, désigne aussi bien le grenier à céréale que les cultivateurs. C’est aussi un des rythmes qui
accompagnent les récoltes. Durant cette période, les paysans partent travailler dans des champs qui sont
parfois à plus de quinze kilomètres du village. Ils établissent alors un camp où ils resteront tout le temps
nécessaire. Des jeunes filles les accompagnent pour préparer la nourriture. Les batteurs suivent les travaux de
champs en champs en jouant kassa. De temps en temps, on danse devant les tambours que l'on peut entendre
toute la journée. Quand le travail est fini, le retour au village est l'occasion d’une fête appelée kassaladon.

Ilawuil woo konko daba Lève-toi cultivateur

kondon tilu barana
Ilawuil woo konko daba
kondon tilu barana
Ilawuil woo konko daba
Kolankoma sènekèlalu barana
le repas est arrivé.
Lève-toi cultivateur
le repas est arrivé.
Lève-toi cultivateur exemplaire
le repas est là.

Kassa: Kondo/Kondon Tilu Barana (no. 1 on map)

En maninka, le mot kassa désigne aussi bien le grenier à céréales que le cultivateur. C'est aussi un rythme qui
accompagne les récoltes. Durant cette période, les paysans partent travailler dans les champs, souvent très
éloignés du village. Ils établissent un camp où ils resteront tout le temps nécessaire. Des jeunes filles les
accompagnent pour préparer la nourriture. Les batteurs suivent les travaux de champs en champs en jouant
kassa. De temps en temps, on danse devant les tambours que l'on peut entendre la journée entière. Quand le
travail est fini, le retour au village est l'occasion d'une grande fête appelée kassala don.

llawuli woo konko daba

Lève-toi cultivateur. Kondo, tilu barana Get up, grower.
Le repas est arrivé llawuli woo konko daba The meal has arrived.
Lève-toi grand cultivateur, Kolankoma Get up, best of growers
Le repas est là. sènekèlalu barana The meal is there.

KEBENDO

Konaté, Famoudou, and Thomas Ott. 2000. Rhythms and Songs from Guinea. Oldershausen, Germany: Lugert
Verlag.

(Kè Bendo)

pp. 98–99

E! Kè bendo! Hey! You men! (lit. men's association)

Oh laila! Would you believe it!
E! Kè bendo! Hey! You men!
Oh laila! Would you believe it!
E! Kè bendo! Hey! You men!
Oh laila! Would you believe it!
E! Kè bendo! Hey! You men!
Oh laila! Would you believe it!
Kè bendo! Men!
Oh laila! Would you believe it!
Muso fila ta lu— Marry two women—
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Muso saba ta lu— Marry three women—
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Muso nani ta lu— Marry four women—
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Muso lolu ta lu— Marry five women—
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Muso wörö ta lu— Marry six women—
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Wo ma nyin! That's not good!
Muso kelen ta lu— Marry one woman—
Wo ka nyin! That's good!
Wo ka nyin! That's good!
Muso kelen ta lu— Marry one woman—
Wo ka nyin! That's good!
Wo ka nyin! That's good!
N'nye de kèli-i nyè? What shall we do for you?
Kè bendo! Men!
N'nye mun de föli-i nyè? What shall we do for you?
Kè bendo! Men!
N'nye de kèli-i nyè? What shall we do for you?
Kè bendo! Men!
N'nye mun de föli-i nyè? What shall we do for you?
Kè bendo! Men!

This song against polygamy was originally sung by women from Kissidugu (region of the Kissi, an ethnic
group in the forest region of Guinea) as a warning to their husbands. They asked themselves what more they
could do to prevent their husbands from taking several wives.

pp. 101–2

This sprechgesang is from the 60's, when women in Guinea first began protesting against polygamy. Islamic
and traditional African customs permitted (or under certain circumstances even required) a man to have
several wives. Among men for whom it was economically feasible, this was the usual practice throughout
West Africa. Sometimes there was a matter of social support involved (e.g., marrying the widow of a relative
or friend in order to give her and maybe her children, too, a new family and economic security). Today there
is a sharp decline in polygamy.
The dictator Sékou Touré tried to encourage the women who at that time rebelled against polygamy. He
decreed (with the ulterior motive that the first wife generally would not agree) that the first wife had to give
her consent if a man wanted to take a second wife. It was at that time that the Kè Bendo song became popular.

MAKRU

Keita, Mamady. 1992. Nankama. Fonti Musicali, FMD 195.

(Yankadi Makru)

Régions: Fria, Coyah. Rythme: Susu (no. 2 on map.)

Rythme et danse de la séduction. Se danse et se joue pendant les fêtes populaires, les mariages, les baptêmes...
et les rencontres entre les jeunes des villages. Rythme de réjouissance.

Tela fa n'ma dugui donkhè

E tela yanfa dununyama mayo tela awa yire
Tela dugui donkhe donfe mufan tela
E tela yanfa dununyama mayo tela awa yire

Tailleur, donne-moi le reste de mon tissu. Il n'est pas bon d'utiliser le reste du tissu des gens!

(Yankadi — Makru)

Traditional Ethnic Group: Susu; Southwest Guinea

Yankadi and Makru together are a dance and rhythm for seduction.

The young people of neighboring villages invite one another to Yankadi festivities. Mostly, the young people
between the ages of fifteen and twentyfive [sic] dance, but the adults also like to be part of it!

The dance begins slowly with the rhythm Yankadi; girls and boys face each other in to [sic] rows and slowly
dance towards each other. One boy places a scarf on the chest of a young girl as a symbol of love.

Then, a whistle sounds, the signal for the change into the rhythm Makru, which is faster. The rows break up,
and the couples dance individually. The man with the whistle directs the dance, which alternates between the
slower and faster parts. A Makru break in the fast part signals the end.

The rhythm begins in a slow tempo with Yankadi, and following a signal, changes to Makru, approximately
twice as fast. it is possible with a signal to go back to the slower tempo.

SOLI
Keita, Mamady. 1989. Wassolon. Fonti Musicali, FMD 581159.

(Soli)

Ses deux rythmes (lent et rapide) sont ici enchaînés. Soli accompagne le rite qui précède l'initiation: la
circoncision. Bien qu'actuellement la circoncision soit pratiquée plutôt à l'hôpital qu'au village, elle reste le
passage obligé qui donne accès au statut d'adulte. Si, à Conakry, on peut entendre Soli à l'occasion de
n'importe quelle fête, jamais on ne le jouera au Mandeng en dehors du rituel fondamental de la vie des
hommes malinke.

Aïti iwuliba Levez-vous

Dembati itiwuliba les mamans des enfants
Soli bara se C'est l'heure du Soli

Keita, Mamady. 2004. Sila Laka. Fonti Musicali, FMD 228.

(Soli lent)

Soli Lent: Aïti Iwuliba. Malinke. Región: la Guinée (no. 7 on map)

Soli est essentiellement lié au rite qui rite qui précède l'initation (circoncision) des jeunes garçons. Autrefois,
dès que la date de la cérémonie était fixée, on l'entendait pendant les trois mois que précèdent. La semaine
avant la circoncision, il était joué chaque jour et la veille pratiquement sans arrêt pendant la nuit entière.

Si à Conakry on peut entendre jouer Soli à l'occasion de n'importe quelle fête, jamais on ne le jouera au
Mandeng en dehors du rite fondamental de la vie des hommes malinke.

Il existe deux rythmes pour Soli (lent et rapide). Ici seul Soli lent est joué.

Levez-vous Aïti iwuliba Get up,

Les mamans des enfants Dembati itiwuliba Mothers of children
C'est l'heure du Soli Soli bara se It is the time for Soli

SOLI DE MANIANS

Keita, Mamady. 1995. Mögöbalu. Fonti Musicali, FMD 205.

(Söli des Maníans)

The Söli rhythm is danced and played at the circumcision ceremonies of the children of the Manían and the
Konia. These two Mandingo linguistic groups live in the region that lies between Macenta and Beyla, in the
south-east of Guinea. As always in this music, and in particular the songs that are associated with the
circumcision ceremonies, the texts proceed in a highly allusive fashion. the addressing of the hunters means
that a man may not let any provocation go unpunished, the which [sic] is here represented by the circular
flight of the bird of prey as it marks down its victim.

Gnéngbé dé, n'ni ikana sissè taa! You, o sparrowhawk, do not take the chick!
Köi ma ayé waah Don't you see it?
Aï ma ayé? Didn't you see it?
Donsolou, Aï ma ayé waah. Hunters, don't you see it?

SOLIWOULEN

Keita, Mamady. 1995. Mögöbalu. Fonti Musicali, FMD 205.

(Söliwoulén)

The Söliwoulen is a much-feared masker who is charged with protecting the bilakoro (boys who have not yet
been circumcised) and the sounkoudoun (girls who have not yet undergone the equivalent operation.) The
word Söli is given to the ceremony proper, whilst Söliwoulen can be translated as "the red panther", referring
to his strength and to the colour of his costume of panther skins that has also been studded with mirrors and
amulets to add to his terrifying appearance. He dances alone and his arrival in the village spreads fear when he
is seen to pass the entry of the tata. The tata or village wall is built from a type of cob walling that is made
from earth, hay, and the remains of termite nests. it reaches four or five meters in height and three horses can
gallop side by side on its ramparts.

Ah Söliwoulén né, N'Fah bada nah! O Söliwulen, my father has arrived.

Eéé Söli wo mounkèni i lah?
Ko alou ma marama fén tö mèn djinda lah?
Eééé Söli wo moun kènin ilah?
Ah Söli bada möö fwa, ibidi idjèdè ködö bö,
Eééé Söli wo moun kènin ila?
Ah, Söli, what has happened to you?
Didn't you hear this monster's name at the entry to the tata?
Ah, Söli, what has happened to you?
If the Söli kills you, it's because you showed yourself to him.
Ah, Söli, what has happened to you?

SORSORNET

Keita, Mamady. 1992. Nankama. Fonti Musicali, FMD 195.

(Sorsornet)

Région: Boke. Rythme: Baga (no. 5 on map.)

Rythme populaire chez les Baga, chanté par les jeunes filles au clair de lune lors de l’initiation, mais
également après la récolte, pour remercier leur maman.

M'baraka felenkoee
N'doro mamuna komna
M'baraka felenko n'gayo
n'gaa Merci, ma mère. Merci de m'avoir donné un personnalité. Ne te fâche pas,
N'doro mamuna komna bientôt je m'en irai chez mon mari.
N'tapelindoee, n'tapelindoee.
N'tapelindoee zinezagona
banganiee