Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc.

(TESOL)

Teaching Listening Comprehension: An Interim Report on a Project to Use Uncontrolled

Language Data as a Source Material for Training Foreign Students in Listening
Comprehension
Author(s): John A. Stanley
Source: TESOL Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Sep., 1978), pp. 285-295
Published by: Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages, Inc. (TESOL)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3586055
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 TESOL QUARTERLY
Vol. 12, No. 3
September 1978

TEACHING LISTENING COMPREHENSION:

An Interim Report on a Project to Use Uncon
Language Data as a Source Material for T
Foreign Students in Listening Comprehension
John A. Stanley

The report starts with a brief statement of some of the factors that
for students' failure to comprehend everyday spoken language. It will
gested that our presentation of language to the student, during the tea
process, may be a misleading presentation if compared with language a
actually spoken in everyday situations. We will propose that pace of de
is one feature of everyday language which is an obvious but ignored ba
comprehension, and does itself contain some aspect of the message. The
of pace of delivery on the sound system and its implications for presen
uncontrolled language in pedagogic materials will be considered. The
will conclude by noting the need for a fuller taxonomy of the spoken la

1. Spoken language as a teaching problem

For many tertiary level students in Australia, English is not their
guage. They have studied the language for several years only to
they arrive in Australia that people do not use the language accordin
expectations.
Our intention was first to start with the language as it is used by native
English speakers talking to each other in normal everyday situations and to
specify those features which make comprehension difficult for the foreign learner.
From this uncontrolled language we aimed to provide extensive and inten-
sive listening materials in a controlled context. The materials were intended
to give the student the opportunity to listen to everyday English without being
threatened by the requirement to respond to a statement he might not have
clearly understood.
It was observed that lack of comprehension of everyday speech by the
foreign learner does not arise simply from:
* This is a revised version of a report presented at the 48th Congress of the Australian
and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science. The published version of this
course is available from Melbourne University Language Center entitled 'Some Features of
Spoken English in Australia-a listening comprehension course for advanced students of
English.
John A. Stanley is English language tutor at The Horwood Language Centre, University
of Melbourne, to overseas students taking arts or sciences. He has also been producing English
language teaching materials for training foreign students in Listening Comprehension.
285

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286 TESOL Quarterly

1) meeting new vocabulary

2) or new grammatical structures
3) or from being unaware how isolated phonemes in the target lan-
guage should sound.
It arises also from:

4) meeting familiar vocabulary and structures presented as unfamiliar

sound systems.

If we compare real data with versions of the spoken language given in

written texts and pedagogic grammars, two presentations of the language seem
to emerge. Some of the differences are presented below. On the left hand
side are some of the characteristics of the idealised language which are found
in taped language courses, texts, and much classroom presentation. On the right
hand side are some features of the language as it really is.

Two possible presentations of language to the learner

Idealised language Unscreened language
1. Evaluated according to la. Evaluated according to
whether it is acceptable/ its success in achie-
non-acceptable, grammatical/ ving communicative
non-grammatical. goals.
2. Usually derived from a 2a. Requires conversion
written source, e.g., if used as a written
pedagogical grammars, medium.
for reconversion into
a spoken form.

3. Minimum segment for pre- 3a. Minimum "psychologically

sentation to the learner real" segment may be the
is the phoneme or syllable.
alphabetic symbol.

4. Patterns (sentences) are 4a. Patterns (sentences) are

complete. frequently incomplete.

From the four distictions given above and the ar

in the paper we draw the conclusion that the ideali
may be rarely used in spoken everyday communica
conscious and deliberate examination of the languag
classes.
The language data drawn on for the purposes
materials were taken from interviews with native
poses we were not interested in whether speaker
broad Australian English. More important was
encountered within the middle class, semi-profes
i.e., they were the language model for overseas o
students of English.

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 Teaching Listening Comprehension 287

The material derived from the interview was not to be used to scientifically
'prove' some hypothesis about uncontrolled language data. The primary pur-
pose of the project was to actually use the unscripted recorded material for
instructional purposes. This set two restrictions on how uncontrolled it could be.
First, its content had to be sufficiently informative from the students' view-
point to maintain their interest in listening. Hence all the subjects interviewed
were chosen because what they had to discuss was intrinsically useful and
interesting. Because the subjects knew they were in the discussion solely for
their expertise in a particular area (e.g., an adviser on consumer protection; a
counsellor on how to behave at job interviews), they tended to dominate the
conversation and were relaxed in talking within their own fields of knowledge.
Second, since the original recording might be re-recorded for teaching pur-
poses, the use of a studio was required to insure good quality.

2. The semantic significance of the pace of delivery

One feature of the uncontrolled language that we observed is its range of
variation in terms of pace. The notion of pacing is not respectable linguistically,
inasmuch as it is usually considered in terms of its constituents, e.g., stress
and phonological features such as assimilation and elision. The fact that people
speak slowly or quickly is a statement of the obvious, about which nothing can
be done. Yet it would indeed be odd if speakers did not use the pace of their
speech to convey some aspect of their message. Pacing might be dismissed as
so idiosyncratic as to be impossible to analyse. But for the student the areas
of everyday speech which gave most difficulty were, quite simply, those areas
which were spoken most rapidly.
If the pacing of speech is not simply random, can it be explained in terms
of its semantic significance for the speaker? Rates of speech vary widely though
occurring mainly within the range of 200 to 400 syllables per minute. According
to Goldman Eisler (1954) most adults are capable of producing syllables at
rates up to 500 per minute. Lenneberg (1967:90) remarks that the higher rates
occur particularly if the speaker uses common phrases or cliches.
The question that goes begging here is what counts as a common phrase
or cliche? This question is important if we are going to account for why speakers
will speed up over certain stretches of their speech and slow down over others.
Can we correlate a certain pace with the particular syntactic pattern or semantic
significance of a given group of words? Is it possible to generalise that what-
ever gets said quickly is what is least important? In other words, might the
notion of the primary stressed words being the important information carriers
be writ large into the possibility that the more semantically salient a sense
group is, then the more deliberate will be its delivery, and the less salient a
sense group is the more likely a speaker is to discard it quickly as a throwaway
line?
On the other hand pacing may reflect speaker attitudes. Gimson (1974:284)
suggests that "a rapid rate of delivery for instance may express irritation or

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 288 TESOL Quarterly

urgency, whereas a slower rate may show hesitancy, doubt or boredom in

statements, or sympathy or encouragement in questions and commands."
Again, pacing might be related to the amount of common knowledge shared
by speaker and hearer. If the speaker assumes that the hearer in some sense
knows or can predict the information he is going to give, he may run rapidly
over what he feels is already shared and slow down over what is in some sense
new.

When one examines the data impressionistically, using relatively small

ples, one notices how speakers constantly change the rate of their spee
though they consider some word groups more salient than others. It se
useful to isolate rapidly spoken word groups from their context simply on
basis of what function they were performing in relation to their role in t
discourse. For example, it was felt that propositional evaluators such ha
following: "Well I think first of all . .. ," "But that doesn't mean . .
think it might be more useful . . . ," "But what we're really talking about
would be spoken more rapidly relative to the propositions they accomp
and would show certain phonological features, such as consonant deletion,
would render them difficult to comprehend. This in fact was the case. Howe
there are also a considerable number of other discourse functions in the sp
language which are not propositional evaluators but are also delivered rapid
Consider the changes in pace in the following two complex sentences t
from one continuous utterance.
The speaker starts his first complex sentence as a conditional (1) below
and is sidetracked by what he intends to be simply a rapid insertion to ex-
emplify his point. To make the insertion (2) he changes his speed, almost dou-
bling it. But the insertion seems to move into the position of the main proposition
in (3), and the pace slows abruptly, up to the end of (3). In (4)) the pace
becomes more rapid again. It is interesting to note that the second part of the
conditional is not actually delivered.
Time

(1) If you're buying a new car 1.43 sees.

(2) and there is an advertisement going
around at the present time that a 3.13
particular car (24 syllables)
(3) won the economy drive, petrolwise 3.47
(10 syllables)
(4) in other words he got more miles
per gallon. 1.73
(5) I think a consumer
particular exercise was
stringent conditions
expert drivers.

A group of words may

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 Teaching Listening Comprehension 289

gether as an idiomatic turn of phrase as in the following examples: "There's a

maximum penalty something along the lines of two hundred and fifty thousand
dollars," "what your background is in terms of experience," "where you're at
now," "pick up the ball."
A frequent occurrence in uncontrolled speech seems to be the rapid inser-
tion of imprecise references such as the following: "just sort of," "a little bit
your own," "and so on," "or something," "like if you mention," "that kind of."
Pace of delivery may, then, be a device for expressing in sound some aspect
of the message.
From a syntactic point of view, there is another set of word groups, which
may not always coincide with those mentioned above, but nevertheless are
often delivered rapidly. These would be for example combinations of auxiliaries
plus main verbs, and verbs plus particles.
From the point of view of the foreign listener, the way in which pacing
affects the actual delivery of the sound segments may be crucial. Testing un-
controlled speech with foreign students showed that they constantly failed to
perceive individual phonemes and hence words with which they were already
quite familiar under more formal circumstances.

3. The effect of pace on sound patterns

When talking about the physiology of speech production Lenneberg (1967:
92) argues that there are whole trains of speech events that are pre-programmed
and run off automatically. He points out that the physiology of speech produc-
tion would be very simple if every phoneme were associated with one and
only one pattern of muscular interaction, and notes that the muscular activity
associated with one phoneme is influenced by the phonemes that precede and
follow it. Because our presentation of language to our students is so often
mediated through a written, visual, alphabetic medium, we tend to forget the
distance of such a model from the verbal reality.
It has been argued by Liberman et al. (1967) that phonemes cannot be
efficiently communicated by a sound alphabet, i.e., by sounds standing in one-
to-one correspondence with phonemes. Speech can certainly be understood at
rates as high as 400 words per minute, and the capacity to go above this level
can be learned. But 400 words per minute is 30 phonemes per second. This
rate well overreaches the temporal resolving power of the ear. Liberman et al.
(1967:432) suggest that even 15 phonemes per second, which is not unusual in
conversation would still seem to be more than the ear could cope with if
phonemes were a string of discrete acoustic events.
The italicized part of the following extract runs at 28 phonemes per second:
Speaker A: "They don't arise because a trader is unscrupulous or a a rogue
they arise because there's been a misunderstanding somewhere."
Speaker B: "Or he's been pushed in a corner."
Speaker A: "He's been put in a corer by a forceful consumer who's done

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290 TESOL Quarterly

his block um an he's decided well you know I'm not going to have anything to
do with it."
Though the native English speaker might claim to perceive discrete indi-
vidual phonemes, each with its distinctive invariant sound, acoustically is this
what is occurring? The answer lies in the fact that, first, phonemes are pro-
cessed in parallel, and, second, as a consequence of parallel processing, indi-
vidual phonemes are not necessarily invariant.
By saying that phonemes are processed in parallel, we mean that when a
consonant is followed by a vowel there has to be a transition between the two.
This transition means in fact the overlapping of the two phonemes.
To demonstrate the degree to which a following vowel will affect the
delivery of a consonant C. M. Harris (1953:962) gives the following example:
". . .in our standardized speech alphabet, suppose we were to choose the w
from a recording of the syllable wip as our w sound; then if this were to be
followed by a recording of the sound up, the resulting combination of these
these two recordings when reproduced would not be understood by many lis-
teners as wup-instead the w likely would be understood as some other con-
sonant. Thus the w in wip and the w in wup are slightly different sounds as a
result of influences of the adjacent vowels which have widely dissimilar formant
structures."
Similarly Carol Schatz (1954) has shown that whether a spoken [K] will
be perceived as [K] or as some other stop will depend to a great extent on the
vowel following.
These two examples show the strong influence wielded by context. A listener
will identify a consonant not simply from the noise burst of that consonant but
from the burst in relation to the following vowel. Hence the statement above
that phonemes are not necessarily invariant.
Do the overlapping and variance of phonemes have any significance from
the point of view of the foreign listener?
If a given syllable segment consists of (i) a formant transition from a
consonant to a following vowel and (ii) the steady state of the following vowel,
then which of the two parts is most likely to be sacrificed if the tempo of
speech increases? Since the formant transition already carries both vowel and
consonant in parallel and the transition always has to be made, one might
perhaps expect the reduction to be made in the steady state part of the vowel,
assuming there is one. This would mean that the more rapid the speech, the
more it would come to consist of a series of transitions of overlapping phonemes.
Bever (1976:80) points out that "If the first step in speech perception
were to identify the incoming speech signal, phoneme by phoneme, we would
often not know what many of the phonemes were until we had analysed the
local context in which each phoneme occurs. Many researchers have argued that
the natural and relevant definition of 'local context' in which to recognize par-
ticular phonemes is the syllable. The syllable is relatively invariant, and in-

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 Teaching Listening Comprehension 291

eludes the information about consonant-vowel transitions that determines much

of what we perceive".
From the point of view of the foreign listener, part of the argument for
using uncontrolled speech lies here. The presentation of language in many
taped courses, the mediation of the language through a written form before
it is spoken, the deliberate speech delivery of the teacher's classroom language
(often reinforced visually by the written form), all function to slow the pace
and minimise the tendency of the sound patterns towards becoming a series
of transitions rather than separately identifiable invariant phonemes. Naturally
one cannot specify in terms of, say, the number of phonemes per second, the
point at which the "psychologically real" minimum segment ceases to be the
phoneme and becomes the syllable. As Liberman et al. (1967:439) have pointed
out, where phonemes have considerable duration, such has the fricatives /s/
and /l/, pace of delivery will be less likely to blur their separate identities
with their syllabic environment, in comparison with, for example, voiceless stops.
It is important to distinguish the perceptual significance of parallel pro-
cessing and phoneme variability described above, from the more obvious
phonological consequences of assimilation, elision, consonant reduction and
similar features, which also present comprehension problems to the language
learner.
The issue of parallel processing and phoneme variability bears on the
encoding process used by a listener (Liberman et al. 1967:431) which allows
him to resolve a rapid stream of successive phonemes into syllabic segments.
This issue must obviously be important to the foreign learner inasmuch as he
has only a limited familiarity with the sound system, and has had fewer en-
counters with possible phoneme variations and overlap than the native speaker.
Its further significance in relation to pace is that the greater the rate of delivery,
the greater the probability of variability in individual phonemes, i.e., the more
each phoneme will be influenced by its immediate environment, the more im-
portant the transitions will become in comparison with the steady state segments
of vowels and indeed the greater the tendency to compress, overlay or omit
the syllable segments themselves. Though the syllable has been referred to above
as relatively invariant, it must be noted that, because English is a stress-timed
language, the syllable itself may vary considerably in terms of duration. In
English it has long been established that an average stressed vowel is approxi-
mately 50% longer than an average unstressed vowel (Parmenter & Trevino
1935). It has also been shown that an increase in speech tempo in English is
achieved mainly by shortening the unstressed syllables even to the point of
omission.

The phenomena of assimilation, vowel reduction, elision, consonant deletion

and so on have long been acknowledged in academic studies on the Englis
sound system as causing comprehension difficulties. What has perhaps not been
appreciated is the very high degree of occurrence of such phenomena in norm

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292 TESOL Quarterly

everyday speech and the fact that such a high frequency of occurrence sets
everyday language well apart from the idealised model so often presented in a
pedagogic context.

4. The pedagogic implications of changes in pace

Replaying extracts of everyday language in a language laboratory situation
makes it clear to students that every word or group of words in English can
be shortened in some way to speed up delivery of the message. English language
teachers might be excused for thinking of vowel reduction, consonant deletion,
etc. as shortening devices operating on an extensive but fairly definable set of
grammatical items. For instance Gimson (1974:263) makes the point that, of
the 200 most common words in connected English, the first 42 items consist of
words such as you, I, and, that and have. Of those 42 items, 19 of them have
over 90% unaccepted occurrences with a weak form, for example, at, of, the, to
and as.
Not enough attention has been paid to the position of any phoneme within
a higher-level phonological unit, and the effect this position may have on that
phoneme's realisation as sound. For example, Lehiste (1970:40) makes the
following point:
"It appears that in some languages the word as a whole has a certain duration
that ends to remain relatively constant and if the word contains a greater number
of segmental sounds, the duration of the segmental sounds decreases as their
number in the word increases."
The question then arises whether it is possible to familiarize students by
exposure to the uncontrolled spoken form in a way that focuses their attention
on problematic recurring features of the sound system and enables them to
transfer this awareness to other real language situations. Skills are difficult to
describe. If we are to describe what being skilled in comprehending spoken
English involves, we must make its features explicit.
An exercise designed to develop listening skills is given below. The format
is fairly traditional. It presents the consequences of rapid speech delivery in
terms of phonological effects (see accompanying key for explanation), which
have been shown, in tests with foreign learners, to present comprehension prob-
lems. The conversation segment is that of a middle class urban Australian who
works as a student counsellor:

Listening Comprehension Exercise Example

Instructions

Step 1 Listen to the passage. It will be played twice.

The written extract below is a copy of the speaker's remarks. Where dotted lines occur
some words have been omitted. These words can be heard on the tape in context.
(EXTRACT) Speaker A: "I'm not quite sure about actually predicting questions
because if somebody goes into an interview with fairly fixed idea about what qui
. . .kinds of questions (1)[---...-....--- ..--- ......------.] asked he's (2)[ .............. ............ ]

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 Teaching Listening Comprehension 293

really thrown off balance if they don't ask those questions or if they ask other ques-
tions. I think (3)[ ...- ...-..------ ....-.---]-- to (4)[-...- - ---------- . the general areas
that they're likely to be talking about um and be fairly clear about your . . ." etc.

Step 2 Now you will hear the tape again. This time you will hear each of the
omitted word group repeated twice. After you have heard a word group repeated
twice, attempt to fill in the spaces with that you think are the missing words.

The effects of rapid delivery are seen in the items marked (1), (2), (3), (4)
in the above sample where [........] indicates a relatively rapid group of words
with assimilatory tendencies. Thus:

(1) /aganabi:/ are going to be

(2) /ganabi:/ going to be
(3) /imaibi:mz:jusful/ it might be more useful
(4) /d3oslukat/ just look at.
If the language heard serves as a model, it is a model
productive learning. But it is unlikely that hearing such
modify the student's own attempts to reproduce the spoken
Teachers sometimes talk about students picking up the g
tion even though the student may not hear all the non-lexic
single prepositions or pronouns not 'heard' may not prevent
of the message. However, analysis of uncontrolled conversio
examples of rapidly spoken word groups. This would often b
speaker is, for example, trying to redirect discussion as in a
as "I think it might be more useful to just look at. . ." Thre
First, though the rapidly spoken words may be low on info
student may not be aware of this fact. Second, the stude
say, three trivial words such as and, to, have, as one non
Third, in terms of information content, an unstressed rapid
words as one unit may be at least the equivalent, in terms of
predictability for comprehension purposes, as one compl
vocabulary item.
Examination of real data shows other features of rea
present comprehension problems, e.g., repetition, frequent
phoric reference, incomplete sentences, direction changes an
such as the following taken from uncontrolled conversation

(a) "You don't get to see much confrontation."

(b) "You can get away with it."
(c) "If they've got it in them."
(d) "You'd only get twenty or thirty solid believers."

We have already pointed out that idioms and quasi-idi

suited to fast speech. They also show a high frequency of
combinations.
It seems difficult to propose a methodology for handling

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294 TESOL Quarterly

guage use without the real context from which it originated. This also raises
the question whether the teacher regards mastery of idiomatic language as part
of the students receptive or productive abilities. Though students need to be
familiar with quasi-idiomatic expressions in order to understand the native
English speaker they may not need to be able to reproduce quasi-idiomatic
expressions in order to make themselves understood.
In conclusion we are asking two questions: First, can the raw data of
everyday language and observations about that language be made relevant to
the practical problems of presenting the English language to the learner? Second,
in what sense is everyday language an alternative to the presentation of lan-
guage as spoken by the idealised speaker/hearer?
When referring to the concept of the idealised speaker/hearer, Robin Lakoff
remarks (1975):
. . . it's silly to be a slave to any theory, especially one that isn't appropriate, and
it's silly to twist facts to match some idealization of the way language ought to be,
but isn't; and it's silly to burden oneself with theoretical mechanisms that one
must pick his way around, mechanisms that fight his intuition rather than support it.
This has gone on too long, and really ought to stop. Applied linguists have to start
asking themselves questions about the theories they are thinking of adopting.... For
certainly the theorist gets into trouble by not having his hands on enough real data,
by not having the facts forced to his attention, having people contrast reality with
idealism as presented in his theory.

The findings of socio-linguistics have shown that the general global factors
of communicative purpose and social context have a direct effect on phonology.
In this process pace of delivery will also mediate between the macro-level of
the speech act and the micro-level of the sound pattern. We might illustrate
it thus:

COMMUNICATIVE SOCIAL

PURPOSE SITUATIONS

PACT

PHONOLOGICAL

FEATURES

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 Teaching Listening Comprehension 295

The communicative purpose within the social situation will determine

the pace and the pace will determine the phonological features. Hesitation mar-
kers have been shown to be rule-governed. Pace of delivery also is unlikely to
be random.

REFERENCES

Bever, T. G., J. J. Katz, D. T. Langendoen. 1976. An integrated theory

abilities. Chicago, Thomas Crowell.
Gimson, A. C. 1974. An introduction to the pronunciation of English.
Edward Arnold.
Goldman-Eisler, F. 1954. On the variability of the speed of talking and on its relation
to the length of utterances in conversation. British Journal of Psychology. 45.
Harris, C. M. 1953. A study of the building blocks in speech. Journal of the Acoustical
Society of America. 25, 5, p. 962.
Lakoff, R. 1975. Linguistic theory and the real world. Language Learning. 25, 2, p. 321.
Lehiste, I. 1970. Suprasegmentals. Cambridge, Mass., M.I.T. Press.
Lenneberg, E. H. 1967. Biological foundations of language. New York, Wiley.
Liberman, A. M., F. S. Cooper, D. P. Shankweiler and M. Studdart-Kennedy. 1967.
Perception of the speech code. Psychological Review 74, 6.
Parmenter, C. E., and S. N. Trevino. 1935. The length of sounds of a Middle Westerner.
American Speech 10, p. 129-133.
Schatz, C. 1954. The role of context in the perception of stops. Language 30, p. 47-56.

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