NOTES and SOURCES:

Saxo transl: http://www.heathengods.com/library/saxo_grammaticus/saxo_grammaticus_killings.pdf

electronic edition of Oliver Elton (Norroena Society, New York, 1905), page 124 ‘by her spells’ also
Nora not listed in translation editions, page 03

https://archive.org/details/storiesballadsof00chaduoft/page/40
https://archive.org/details/storiesballadsof00chaduoft/page/42

https://archive.org/details/sidelightsonteut00clar/page/190

[01] Gade, Kari, ed. ‘Háttalykill, p. 1001 – 1093,’ in Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages III
Part 2 Poetry from Treatises on Poetics. p. 1001. Brepols, 2017

[02] Clunies Ross (1), page 77: “Although the story of Hildr had a long history in Germanic legend
before the Viking Age, the extant Norse accounts were coloured by the social climate of that age,
particularly in their depiction of Hildr herself who took on many of the aggressive, destructive,
masculine characteristics of the dis. 7 This aspect of her character is most prominent in the earliest
source, the ninth-century Ragnarsdrápa, and it is possible that the weakening of her hostile role in the
later accounts came about through an acknowledged discrepancy between her aggressive part in the
legend and the social norms which bore on abduction. From the latter point of view it was abnormal
for an abducted woman to offer compensation to her wronged father, more unusual still for her to
bring about her father’s death. In most cases of abduction recorded in Old Icelandic literature the
woman avenges herself on her abductor, as in Ch. 48 of the Ynglingasaga, and not on her own kin;
moreover, the settlement of an abduction case was a male affair, the woman’s male kinsfolk being the
only ones entitled to avenge her theft.”

[03] For example, Judy Quinn in Women in the Viking Age, pages 128 – 30

[04] (i) From ‘An Icelandic Dictionary,’ page 473: “Ósk… ‘a wish…’ ‘óska-barn, n. a chosen, adopted
child… óska-sonr, m. an adopted son… óska-steinn, m. a ‘wish-stone…’ óska-mær, f. the chosen
maid, the name of the Valkyriur, who were the chosen maids of Odin, Og. 18; = eskimær, Fas. i. 118.”
(ii) From ‘Corpus Poeticum Boreale V1. Eddic Poetry,’ pages 311 – 312, in a translated passage from
Oddrunar-gratr: “Then the sorrow-stricken maid [Ordrun] sat her down and began to tell over the tale
of her wrongs and woes. ‘I was bred up in a king’s hall with every bliss, as men say. I enjoyed my life
and the wealth of my father for five winters, as long as my father was alive. It was the last word he
spoke, that stern king, ere he sunk in death. He bade them endow me with red gold, and send me
south as wife to Grimhild’s son [Gunnar], and build a castle for Brunhild, saying she should be a wish
maid [to be wooed for], for he said that no maid more renowned than she should ever be brought up
on earth, save the Judge [Fate] cut her life short. Brunhild wrought at the broidery in the bower, she
had [a wall of flame] about her, the earth quaked and the heavens above when Fafni’s slayer sought
out the stronghold…” [Gudbrand Vigfusson (2)]
(iii) Judy Quinn also translates óska-mær as ‘wish-maid [valkyrie]’ and notes a provenance for the
phrase as a term for valkyries in her note to that stanza: “29 The word “óskmær” to refer to a valkyrie
is also found in Vlsunga saga ch. 2 and in the Upsaliensis text of Vluspá 25; see also Finnur JÓNSSON,
Lexicon poeticum, s.v.” [Quinn (4), page 317 and Note 29]

[05] Quote by Clunies Ross is taken from page 26, Clunies Ross (2). The references she cites in that
quote are listed in (2B):
Vries, Jan de. ‘Die westnordische Tradition der Sage von Ragnarr Loðbrók,’ ZDP [Zeitschrift für
deutsche Philologie], 257 – 302.
McTurk, Rory. Studies in Ragnars saga loðbrókar and Its Major Scandinavian Analogues. Medium
Ævum Monographs new ser. Oxford: Society for the Study of Mediæval Languages and Literature.
Smyth, Alfred P. 1977. Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles 850 – 880. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.

[06] Sven B. Jansson gives a “relatively literal” translation of the Karlevi runestone stanza as: “Hidden
lies the man whom the greatest virtues accompanied – most men knew that – executor of the goddess
of battles – in this mound. A more honest battle-strong god of the wagon of the mighty ground of the
sea-king will not rule over land in Denmark.” [Jansson, page 134] He argues that the “whole
expression dólga Þrúðrar draugar’ “means something like “executor, performer of the goddess of
battles,” i.e. warrior or war-lord.” [ibid, page 136]
Olof Erikson gives the same translation, prefaced with the dedication: “This stone is set in memory of
Sibbe the priest, Foldar’s son. And his retinue set…” [Erikson, page 44]. Erikson gives a fascinating
background to the stone, on pages 46 – 47 of his book, in support of his theory that the Karlevi
runestone is a “Norwegian stone standing on Swedish territory bearing Norwegian or Icelandic texts
and Danish runes… [It] does not fit into the same social milieu as the majority of our runestones. It
was not raised by a mourning family but by a retinue and in the retinues of kings and chieftains there
were people of all quarters.”
John McKinnell et al, however, translate side A of the runestone as: “‘This stone was set in memory of
Sibbe ... the good, son of Foldar, and his followers set on this island this (memorial to the?) dead.
“Hidden lies the man whom the greatest deeds followed – many know that –, the warrior / battle-
revenant, in this mound. A strife-strong warrior will not rule in Denmark (who is a) more just man, over
the land.”’ They interpret the expression draugr dolga Þrúðar as meaning “‘tree of the battle-Þrúðr’
= ‘warrior’ (Þrúðr is a valkyrie-name; kennings for men often compare them to trees; and further
states that “…but draugr is also the term used for one of the walking dead, so the kenning also
conjures up a picture of the dead man still ‘living’ in his mound.” [McKinnell (2), page 125]
[07] “Most of the provincial and national legal codes of Iceland, Norway and Sweden begin with so-
called Christian or church laws… in the West Norse area – that is, in Iceland and Norway, whose legal
systems were historically intertwined by heritage and politics – witchcraft, sorcery and magic play a
major role in the Christian laws. By contrast, in East Scandinavia, witchcraft and related topics have
only a minor part in the Danish church laws, and none to speak of in the church laws of the earliest
Swedish provincial laws, appearing only after circa 1300. Typical of the earliest church laws in the
West Norse area is the passage from Grágás that calls on citizens to trust in God and his saints and
not to worship heathen spirits. It goes on to state that if one employs witchcraft, sorcery or magic
(galldra eᚦ a gørningar. eᚦ a fiolkýngi), lesser outlawry is the sentence. The law then carefully
specifies what it means by this sort of witchcraft (fiolkýngi): “if he says it, or teaches it, or causes it to
be said for himself or his property (alt., livestock).” From the wording, the reference is apparently to a
form of apotropaic charm magic, and thus the censure associated with it, motivated by belief in
superstition. The law further defines the typology in effect: if by contrast, one uses a harmful form of
witchcraft (fordæs skap), then full outlawry is called for. It is this kind of witchcraft, the law specifies,
if through one’s words or magic illness or death is visited on people or livestock. In both cases,
prosecution requires a twelve-man jury.” [Mitchell, page 159 – 160]

“…In legal writings the word [fordæða] was applied to those women, or more rarely men, who brought
about the deaths of animals or humans by magical means. 50 In other contexts the word fordæða is
associated with women whose magical powers are directed towards the destruction or debilitation of
men…” [Clunies Ross (1) page 91].

[08] “N. 95 “In the Icelandic Commonwealth, two forms of outlawry were common: lesser outlawry
(fjǫrbaugsgarðr), which was punishable by a three-year exile from Iceland and the confiscation of
property, and full outlawry (skóggangr), punishable by permanent exile, the loss of property, the
denial of inheritance rights to children, disqualification for burial in hallowed ground, and the
deprivation of the law’s protection, that is, he could be killed anywhere by anyone.” [Mitchell, page
278]

“There were two forms of outlawry recognized in Old Norwegian law. Sometimes a sentence of
outlawry would mean something like involuntary exile from which one might return on the payment of
a series of heavy fines. This payment was called skógarkaup, or money paid for the right to return
from the forest. The second form was final and irrevocable and was reserved for persons whose
crimes were particularly odious and atrocious. The sentence extended, moreover, to the outlawed
man’s property, which was immediately seized in the interest of the complainant and the higher
authorities, which in the twelfth century meant the king.” [Larson, page 17]

[09] For example, Judy Quinn, who has made one of the most extensive investigations into the
legend of the Hjaðningavíg: “Hildr’s motivation in fanning animosity between her male kin is not fully
explained: she is described as acting duplicitously, offering her father atonement on her husband’s
behalf and in the same breath declaring her husband ready and indeed, intent on fighting him…”
[Quinn (05), page 112]. “Apart from the headstrong exercise of her own power over men, and over
death, the verse gives little indication of Hildr’s motivation; Snorri’s prose account elaborates her
situation to the extent that her abduction by Heðinn as war booty turns against both husband and
father in as much as she wishes to draw them into open conflict…” [ibid, page 113]

A.H. Krappe states that the motivation of Hogni’s and Hedinn’s “quarrel” is “nowhere really
convincing, and the sources do not agree.” [Krappe, page 142] He looks to one Karl Müllenhoff’s
“hypothesis, according to which Hedinn and Hogni were originally twin brothers and a pair of Teutonic
Dioscuri…” to explain “the sinister character of Hild in several of the sources…” [Krappe, page 143]

[10] From the ‘Betrothals’ section of the Grágás laws of early Iceland “K159: If a man takes a woman
away under compulsion and means to marry her, his penalty for that is full outlawry, and so is theirs
who are in the plot with him. His penalty is the same even if some other man abducts the woman for
him and at his instigation, and so is theirs who went on the raid…” [Dennis et al, Laws of Early Iceland:
Grágás II, page 78]

From ‘Gutalag, the Law of the Gotlanders:’

21/15–20. Abduction, without the finesse of seduction, was usually regarded as a serious crime, not a
normal precursor to marriage, and the punishment was frequently outlawry (cf. UL, VmL, and HL
Äb 1 pr). The penalty imposed in GL for abduction of a Gotlandic woman was either the life or the
wergild of the offender (vereldi hans), i.e. twenty-four marks of silver (three marks of gold) if the
man were Gotlandic, otherwise ten marks of silver. The principle was usually, however, that the
wergild of the victim applied, as in the following clause: if the woman were non-Gotlandic, the sum
was ten marks of silver (her wergild), whatever the status of the man (cf. Delin 1926, 268 note 1). The
sum payable to the general assembly from each fine was twelve marks, presumably in coin, although
this is not explicit (cf. Delin 1926, 269 note 2). The abduction of a Gotlandic woman by a Gotlandic
man was thus compensated much more generously than the three other possible
cases. For other instances of compensation or punishment to some extent depending upon the status
of the perpetrator of the crime, see Chapters 22/26–28, 38/6–9, 51/3–4 and 59/6. Whether the
general assembly received anything if the family of the woman chose the abductor’s life is not
recorded. The form of execution was probably beheading, but GL does not state this (cf. Notes to
21/9–12, 63/11–13).” [Peel, pages 130 – 131]

[11] Clunies Ross on the importance of showing courage in Old Norse society: “… The acceptance of
compensation , even compensation as a valuable as a neck-ring12, was always a matter of some
emotional and moral delicacy for the recipient. According to the ethic expressed in Germanic heroic
literature, to accept material compensation from one’s enemy, however valid in law, was an inferior
and less manly course of action than to take blood-vengeance. thus there was always the possibility
that he took compensation from his enemy might lay hmself open to damaging insult. Such insults
nearly always came from the party that offered the wergild [compensation] and their purpose was to
arouse the wronged man to fight by implying that it was his lack of manly courage that led him to
accept the compensation…” [Clunies Ross (1), page 78]

[12] mála f. female friend, confidante, one with whom one talks 108/5 [Faulkes (4), page 351]

[13] Quinn says the legend of the Hjaðningavíg is “mirroring the mythological fighting” between the
warriors in Valhalla https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valhalla “which was to last until the final battle
between Óðinn (supported by his divine and human forces) and the giants….” [Quinn (5), page 112]
However, the Hjaðningavíg legend is not a mirror of the Valhalla myth; it’s a travesty. There is no
chummy feasting after the fight, no valkyries bringing the fighters food and drink, no keeping
company with the gods. Moreover, the warriors are clearly in some kind of limbo, neither really dead
nor really alive, kind of like draugar, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Draugr except that the awakening
of the men in the day instead of the night even turns the legends of draugar upside down.

[14] Ursula Donke comparing Gullveig and Heidr

[15] Legal sources re power to stones and other heathen beliefs. “People are not to do things with
stones or fill them with magic power with the idea of tying them on people or livestock.” [page 39,
Grágás I] Grágás (Grey Goose Laws), earliest Icelandic written law code.

“The Christian Laws Section was compiled and approved in the same Lawspeaker’s time [Guðmundr
Þorgeirsson 1123 – 34], with the outside dates of 1122 and 1133 (cf. p. 50 and n. 95).”
[page 05, Grágás I]

[16] “5. In the mid-second century, Pausanias evokes the dead of Marathon as he describes the grave
of Miltiades. “Here every night you can hear the noise of whinnying horses and of men fighting. It has
never done any man good to wait there and observe this closely, but if it happens against a man’s will
the anger of the daemonic spirits will not follow him.”16 16 Pausanias, Guide to Greece. 1.32.1
(Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1971), vol. 1, p. 93.” [Bernstein, page 119]

……

Gunnar Anderson, personal communication on March 14, 2019 regarding

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Historiska_Museet_DSC00793_19.jpg : “Hi Marnie,
The stone´s provenance is Bote, parish of Garda, Gotland. Museum inventory number is SHM 15098.
Judging from the shape of the stone (Lindqvist typology D-stone) it could be dated to the late 8th
century AD.
Regards”

https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/what-is-hnefatafl-viking-board-game

https://leikmot.net/indexe.html

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07-
…………
Wrightson, Kellinde, Editor. Fourteenth-century Icelandic Verse on the Virgin Mary. Viking Society for
Northern Research, University College, London, 2001 http://www.vsnrweb-
publications.org.uk/Text%20Series/Marian%20poems.pdf …..

Völuspá: Two excellent, free online editions, together with facing-page English translations:
(1) Thorpe, Benjamin. http://www.germanicmythology.com/works/codexregiusvoluspa.html
(2) Bellows, Henry Adams. http://www.voluspa.org/voluspa.htm
plus, an edition fromHauksbók: http://www.germanicmythology.com/works/hauksbokvoluspa.html
… A comparison of the extant manuscripts:
https://web.archive.org/web/20160421052418/https://notendur.hi.is/eybjorn/ugm/voluspa/vsp3.ht
ml
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