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Introduction
It has been argued that the concept of civil society has remained a subject of debate among many
scholars, writers and researchers. The dynamic nature of the concept itself has fuelled the debate
thus creating a sizeable number of literatures on the subject. Many scholars and writers since
Socrates have had needs to discuss the concept thereby contributing to the body of knowledge
upon which we build our analysis of civil society. The interests in the concept of civil society
reflect the importance attached to it by social scientists who understand the need for the state to
have a “conscience” in the people. This need is the foundation for the reconstruction of the idea
of civil society. In this paper, therefore, we attempt to examine the concept of civil society more
closely with the aim of identifying its historical evolution, dynamics and shift in meaning,
The Macmillan student encyclopeadia of sociology states that the concept of civil society
(CS) has undergone some levels of reconstruction since around 1594 when it was used to refer to
association that governs social conflict by imposing rules and restraining citizens from harming
one another. It was in this sense that 18th century Scottish society viewed CS. To the Scotish civil
society meant a civilized society possessing no autocratic policies and people with polished
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
manners. The concept of CS is very broad and scholars apply the idea to capture a large range of
empirical cases. It has further been argued that there is no agreement among scholars as to the
theoretical and empirical meaning of civil society, nor does any consensus exist as regards the
analytical distinction between civil society and other social relations (Gotham, 2005). As a result,
different descriptions and explanations of CS reflect different theoretical and empirical leanings.
In the classical era, when man and the society became the central focus of Greek
Thoughts, a vague idea of civil society emerged. Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, conceive civil
society to mean the good society where there is justice, rationality, courage, and wisdom. These
attributes, among others, produce an ideal society or state where citizens cooperate according to
their skills. This cooperation in turn produces civility in the polis. There was no attempt to
distinguish between civil society and the state rather classical theorists view both as inseparable.
Similarly, Thomas Hobbes (1651) (Tuck, 1996) and John Locke (1689/1965) see no
reason to distinguish between the state and civil society. Instead, they contrast civil society with
the state of “nature”. Basing their argument on a hypothetical state of nature, where people had
no laws, no common purposes, and no other forms of social control mechanism, they maintain
that the emergence of the state is to help maintain civility. For Hobbes human actions are
motivated by self – interest and the multiplicity of such self – interests leads to anarchy where
life is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short”. To avoid this level of anarchy, there is the need
for the creation of a powerful state, the Leviathan, to protect the citizens and prevent the
condition of war of all against all. Thus the Leviathan imposes civility and order in what was
but differs from him in that he holds that the state cannot possess absolute power. Rather, the
citizens having entered into a social contract to constitute a common authority with the power to
enact laws and maintain order, retains certain rights against which the state must not abuse. Such
basic rights, for Locke, include rights to life, liberty and property. Thus Locke, like Hobbes,
views civil society to be synonymous with the state where the public authority (the state) and the
citizens have reciprocal obligations where citizens submit to the authority and the authority
guarantees their fundamental rights. In these is civility attained for the common good of all.
Emile Durkheim (1978) argues that there are several domains of civil society. These domains are
political society or the public sphere, the family, voluntary association, and social movements.
These spheres have internal logic and a set of distinct practices that contribute to social
integration, individual freedom, and societal solidarity. A major problem with Durkheim domains
of civil society is that it includes the private and the public domains as part of his civil society.
This makes his view of civil society blurred and not in any significant way different from earlier
thinkers who fail to distinguish between the state and the public sphere. Durkheim’s political
society certainly encapsulates the state implying that he sees no difference between the state and
the civil society. For him, therefore, there is a civil society with different spheres or
manifestations. To have included the political society (encompassing the state) and the family as
constituting civil society shows that Durkheim did not depart from early thinkers’ perception on
civil society.
competition and market change. He departs from early thinkers to argue that the political domain
is different from the economic and market domain. This economic domain, where there is
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
individual freedom for the pursuit of self interest and contribution to the common good of the
society, is what Smith recognizes as the civil society. Smith’s inclusion of the economic domain
as part of civil society smacks of capitalism. This is understandable given Smith’s wider
academic interest and contributions. This view is too narrow because it implies that citizens’
freedom and self-interest is only limited to economic activities. Again, this conception of civil
society will not be possible in a non-capitalist society. What Smith intends is to use the idea of
civil society to further the cause of capitalism. While we see nothing wrong in his furthering a
cause, we argue that such attempt only limits his conception of the subject-matter and therefore
(1967) where he makes a clear distinction between the state and civil society. Hegel argues that
civil society is one of the three elements of the Ethical Life. The other two are; the family and the
state. For Hegel, civil society is located between the family and the state. And it is the sphere of
social life where individuals are at liberty to pursue their own selfish interest within universally
recognized bounds. The family is the private realm involving close bonds while the state pursues
universal interest thus creating the gap which is filled by civil society. It is the social domain
Conflicts due to clash of interests are resolved by the state. The state also makes laws that guide
the pursuit of such interests. Hegel’s view has great influence on today’s conception of civil
society as it is popular with scholars and a number of global bodies as we shall see later.
Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels conceive of civil society as a distinct economic sphere that
emerged as a result of the rise of modern states. Gotham (2005) explains that Marx observes that
the idea of the state being separate from civil society is a modern one because it is only in the
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
post-medieval era that “the sphere of interest, especially economic interests become part of the
private rights of the individual and as such separate from the public domain”. Central to civil
society is the free individual, who possesses political rights and liberties based on private pursuit
of economic gain. Similarly, Biswas and Kanti (2013) state that Marx claims that civil society
was the “base” where productive forces and civil relations were taking place, whereas political
society was the “superstructure”. Marx, who believes that Hegel stood social theory on its head,
expectedly rejects Hegel’s claim that the state mediates conflicts that arise within civil society
due to clash of interests. Instead Marx opines that the state represents and legitimizes the
interests of the dominant class in furtherance of the capitalist social relations. For Marx,
therefore, civil society is a collection of socio economic relations, and the state is a manifestation
of these relations and their conflicts. Marx further holds that civil society contributes to the
destruction of real community by splinting the society into political, social, and economic
domains. For him, civil society constitutes individuals as competitors whose aims are interest
In Antonio Gramsci’s expansion of Marx’s view of civil society, he contends that civil
society goes beyond the individual to include private organisations. Civil society is fused with
the coercive nature of the state, and the economic domain of productions. Civil society
Louis Althusser (1971), while not defining CS, uses the concept of “ideological state
apparatus” to explain the function of CS. Thus in tandem with Marxian views, Althusser argues
that the state and CS are connected. And that CS plays crucial role in gaining consent for social
only uses such sphere to legitimize class inequality, and ensure social order. And there is little or
no much positive value attached to civil society by Marxians. Such position is understandable
given the whole central thesis of Marxists. However, such view of civil society is not empirically
correct. At best, it serves the Marxist analytical purposes. Global experiences acknowledge that
civil society as public domain stand up against the state especially where the action of the state is
not popular with the masses that constitute the bulk of civil society groups. Granted that the state
sometimes infiltrates civil society groups, this is only a question of exemption to the rule. Such
infiltration is not strong enough to blur the distinct character of the state and civil society. If for
anything, it confirms there being different hence the need for infiltration. What Althusser
considers as the use of civil society groups (CSOs) by the state to attain social control is simply
the inherent civility that forms part of the set of behaviour rules of civil society. In addition,
CSOs reward legitimate government with cooperation, trust and empathy but rise against
Since Hegel, the concept of civil society has come to be associated with the public
domain clearly distinct from the family (private domain) and the state. This perspective is more
public sphere is seen in the definitions adopted by many global bodies. For instance, the World
The term civil society refers to the wide array of non – governmental and not
– for – profit organisations that have a presence in public life, expressing the
interests and values of their members or others based on ethical, cultural,
political, scientific, religious or philanthropic considerations
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
Similarly, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (2006)
explains CS as:
Other definitions that concede to CS as public domain or sphere include Hall’s, (1995:1) who
sees civil society as “a space in which social groups could exist and move something which
exemplified and would ensure softer (and) more tolerable conditions of existence”. Bayart
(1986:11) views it as “a society in relation with the state... in so far as it is in confrontation with
the state, or more precisely, as the process by which society seeks to breach and counteract the
simultaneous totalisation unleashed by the state”. And finally, Scholte (2005: 322) conceives it as
“a political space where voluntary associations deliberately seek to shape the rules that govern
distinction between the private and the public is used to achieve women’s domination and
oppression by men. Such proponents argue that interpretations of private and public is gender –
biased with women activities seen as private and thus to be restricted in the family while the
This criticism is a product of extension of feminist quest for women liberation and
empowerment especially in the contexts of global quest for gender equality and gender
mainstreaming and the history of men’s domination in a primarily global patriarchy. However,
except for theoretical purpose, the “public” sphere of CS does not discriminate against women.
Empirical evidences support the fact that women participate freely in CS activities. In fact, the
very nature of CS makes it impossible for women to be discriminated against because women
Public Life
As seen in our definitions above, CS refers to the realm of public social relations where the
individual is free to participate in political, religious, economic, community, etc activities. This
realm is clearly distinct from state activities such as governance as well as from family
relationships.
such public life is governed by civil conduct. It is freedom within the law. This notion of
freedom within the law helps in differentiating civil society activities from criminal gangs and
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
organisations. Thus Al-Qaeda, Boko Haram networks, Al-Shabaab terrorist organisations cannot
occasion demands. There is a constant flux within civil society groups as membership and
leadership arise and disappears. The demands of civil society groups change as often as the
policies of the state requires. There is a clear purpose to pursue and this is done in most cases
will of the actors involved. In some cases, where it involves mass social movement, actors are
not paid. Suitable examples include the actors in the mass nonviolent civil society protests in
most of the Arab states and the January 2012 oil subsidy mass action in Nigeria. Citizens
volunteered to participate; citizens emerged as leaders without pay. Thus participation became a
state; they are not funded by the state nor are their membership regulated by it. However, certain
groups within civil society such as Nongovernmental Organisations (NGOs) and religious bodies
may need to be registered with the relevant government agencies and may be required meet
certain conditions. Aside this, the general activities of civil society groups are totally independent
of the state. This must not be misconstrued to mean that no relationship exists between civil
society and the state. In fact, the very emergence and proliferations of civil society groups is a
function of the growing failure of political leaders to provide essential services to the people
(Albert 2009). By this failure a lacuna is created and civil society groups emerge to fill this gap.
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
Similarly, the wider the interest of the state is from that of the people, the stronger and more
acceptable civil society groups become especially as the conscience of the polity.
Nonviolence
Civil groups confrontational activities are usually made through various non-physical violence
methods. Gene Sharp (1973) enumerated hundreds of nonviolent methods. They include protests
and persuasions, non-cooperation, and nonviolent intervention. The point here is that CS groups
There are many groups that make up CS. And classifying them is best done using identifiable
objectives pursued by CS actors. Scholte (2005) has identified three types of objectives pursued
by CSGs. They are conformist, reformist, and transformists agenda. Civil society actors who
pursue conformist objectives insist that existing rules should be adhered to. The agitations
become stronger in the face of violations of rules, regulations and laws by public officials and
state agencies. Groups that insist on constitutionalism, due process, rule of law, etc will come
Other CSGs pursue reformist agenda and may thus focus on change, improvement and
removal of defects in a given society. Thus CS actors who agitate for constitutional or rule
amendments to correct noticeable faults will be said to pursue reformist agenda. For instance, in
Nigeria, a section of CSGs have persistently agitated for constitutional review with the aim of
Civil society actors could also pursue a transformist agenda demanding for a total and
dramatic change of all or certain aspects of a polity. Most of the activities of civil society actors
in the Arab spring (excluding militia in Syria and Libya) could be classified as transformist given
their radical demands for changes that touch the very foundation of the society. In Nigeria,
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
agitations by some civil society groups in terms of structure of the state, type of government,
It will be difficult to identify all the specific functions of CS especially in the light of the fact that
there are many groups under its umbrella. We shall limit our study on those general and obvious
affects the way these issues are seen and thought about thus raising the social and political
consciousness of the people. Such consciousness helps to galvanise and mentally prepare the
masses on how best to react to those issues. The awareness is usually conducted through mass
media, and recently, the social and new media. The issues are critiqued and opinion formed.
Issues range from politics to economy, religion, education, etc. This awareness constitutes part of
civic education provided by the CSGs for the public. From awareness creation CSGs mobilise
the masses to resist policies that they believe are detrimental to the welfare of the people. A
chronicle of how CSGs have forced the state back to the tracks of accountability, transparency
and the rule of law is not intended but history is full of such.
Participate in Development
Civil society groups, especially NGOs, participate in various levels of development
projects in cities, towns and villages of many states. Both domestic and foreign CSGs partner
with other development agencies and institutions to embark on projects such as water, malaria
control, disease preventions, skill acquisitions and empowerment. The projects usually cover
most aspects of the society and fill the vacuum created by either government irresponsibility or
These activities range from conflict termination to assisting post-conflict societies to stabilize
after violent conflict. There are clear cases where civil society groups actively participated in
conflict termination and aided peace processes. One of such is the activities of Mano River
Women’s Peace Network (MARWOPNET) that prevailed on the actors in the conflicts in
Guinea, Sierra-Leone and Liberia to return to the negotiating table. MARWOPNET women used
protests, peace vigils in front of parliament, radio discussions and meeting with rebel groups to
Security Sector Reforms (SSR) and rebuilding socio-political institutions in post conflict states.
Some of the specific peacebuilding activities include; counselling for victims of violence (many
women and girls suffer various levels of abuses violent conflict), disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants, basic and referral medical care, reuniting families
violence that makes positive peace a mirage. Thus we witness CSGs insisting on social justice,
social equality, good governance and youth employment and empowerment. Current agitations
by civil society groups in most countries in the Arab world and elsewhere is informed by the
quest for positive peace through removing all the unjust structures and institutions that impede
ideals. There are well known cases where civil society groups have successfully challenged
despotic and totalitarian regimes. Civil society groups have at various times and in different parts
of the globe used nonviolent means to fight against social injustice, achieve national
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
independence (e.g. India’s civil protests led by Mahatma Ghandi), undermine dictatorship and
authoritarian regimes (Thailand in 1992, Chile: Augusto Pinochet’s regime in the late 1980s),
resist inert bureaucracies or spur them to actions, protect human rights (Lebanon in 2005, the
Mothers of the Plaze de Mayo in Argentina in 1977, Nepals in 1990, 2006, Nigeria under
military regimes, the Arab World since 2010), reform government policies, to mention but a few
emerging democracies. Central in these struggles include demands for constitutionalism, human
rights and rule of law, transparency and accountability in governance. Others include free and
fair elections, independence of the judiciary and equitable distribution of the commonwealth
especially in multi-ethnic states. Writing with Nigeria in mind, Albert (2009) contends that CSGs
deepens democracy by promoting political access, reduce electoral violence, promotes gender
reconstruction of social order for positive relations between the people and the state. Such
reconstruction reflects the power of the ordinary citizen through active participation in CS
activities which has an end use. Such end use revolves around the protection of citizens’ interests
in a world where the line between the practice of representative democracy and state interest is
between the people and their representatives thus necessitating the strengthening of CS groups.
Udegbunam, C.W.K. (2014). Concept and nature of civil society, in P-J Ezeh (ed) Social
sciences in peace and conflict studies, vol. 1. Enugu: SAN Press. pp 271-288
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