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Despite these initiatives, the ancient tradition depicts Claudius as a passive ruler. In
the main literary sources for his rule, Tacitus’ Annales (Ann. 12–13, only years 47–54 survive),
Suetonius’ Divus Claudius (Life of Claudius), and Cassius Dio’s Books 60–61 (in epitome for the
years 47–54), Claudius is portrayed as an intellectual and yet a fool, as an ineffective yet cruel
ruler, dominated by his wives and freedmen, and too generous with the citizenship (see
Claudius Lysias in Acts 22:28). These qualifications are already present in the satire that
Seneca, once exiled by Claudius and now tutoring Nero, published shortly after Claudius’
death, the Divi Claudii apocolocyntosis.
While Claudius’ passive image survived in early scholarship, reassessment of his rule
came with A. Momigliano’s portrait of Claudius as a would-be Republican who alienated the
Senate by his “policy of centralization” (1934). Partly through greater involvement of
epigraphical, papyrological and numismatic source material, more recent studies explain
Claudius’ bad press in the literary record by his troublesome relationship with the Senate. His
reliance on freedmen was necessitated by a lack of senatorial support and previous political
experience. Navigating between the enduring institutions of the Republic and the realities of
monarchic rule, Claudius’ initiatives are now regarded as important contributions to the
developing institution of the Principate (Scramuzza, 1940; Levick, 1990; Strocka, 1994; Osgood,
2011).
The Jewish population of Rome was reportedly subject to restrictive action twice. For
the year 41 Cassius Dio records a prohibition of Jewish assemblies, which can be seen in
connection with a general ban on associations (collegia) that Claudius issued in the year of his
accession (Dio 60.6.6–7). References to an expulsion of Jews from Rome are found in
Suetonius, who, among other administrative measures dealing with provincials, famously
reports that Claudius expelled “the Jews who were constantly causing disturbances at the
instigation of Chrestus” (Cl. 25.4). In Acts Priscilla (Prisca) and Aquila leave Rome because of
this order and travel to Corinth, where they meet Paul (Acts 18:2). The event is usually dated to
48–50, based on the chronology of Acts and a late reference in Paulus Orosius (Hist. adv. pag.
7.6.15–17), although some argue that Cassius Dio and Suetonius refer to the same action in 41.
The background (were tensions related to the presence of Christians, and should Chrestus be
identified with Christ?), enforcement (how many were made to leave, if any at all?) and effects
of this action on Jews and Christians living in the city, later addressed by Paul, remain highly
debated issues [→ Claudius (edict)].
In the year of his accession Claudius was also asked for a ruling in the fierce conflicts
between Jews and Greeks in Alexandria. In the response to the city council that survives on
papyrus he commands both parties to end hostilities, confirms the right of Jews to observe
their religious practices, but warns that, should they strive for more, he would “proceed
against them in every way as fomenting some common disease for the entire world” (P Lond.
1912, ll. 98–100). This stern tone is absent from the two Claudian edicts presented by Josephus.
The first fully acknowledges the claims of Alexandrian Jews (Ant. 19.279–295), while the
second edict confirms the rights of Jews throughout the Empire, warning them not to “set at
naught the religious feelings of other nations” (Ant. 19.287–291). The relationship between the
texts and particularly the authenticity of Josephus’ edicts is controversial (Pucci ben Zeev,
1998, 328–356). There is no evidence outside Josephus (Ant. 19.300–311) that the universal edict
was upheld and enjoyed legal force, so that the suggestion that Christian missionary efforts
violated the terms of the edict (Alvarez Cineira, 1999) cannot be substantiated. Josephus’ texts
should not be too easily discarded as fabrications, but the documents he presents support his
aim of demonstrating the positive ‘opinion’ (γνώµη) that Claudius held of the Jews (Ant.
19.292, 306, 310). This message carried urgency in his own time of writing under the Flavian
emperors, who, furthermore, referred back to Claudius as a moral and legal example (Levick,
1990, 190–192).
Do these actions reveal a restrictive Jewish policy (Botermann, 1996) or a pattern of
anti-Jewish activity, motivated by prejudice (Slingerland, 1997)? The reactive character of
Roman imperial government challenges conceptions of a policy; the connection between
Brill Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, lemma “Claudius (emperor)” 4
Birgit van der Lans
these actions may be found in Claudius’ concerns to legitimate his position rather than in any
opinion he held about the Jews (Gruen 2002, 36–41). Whatever consequences his rule may
have had for Christians, there is no strong reflection on Claudius in later Christian tradition as
a supporter or enemy of the new religion.
Bibliography
Alvarez Cineira, D., Die Religionspolitik des Kaisers Claudius und die paulinische Mission,
Freiburg im Breisgrau, 1999.
Botermann, H., Das Judenedikt des Kaisers Claudius: Römischer Staat und Christiani im 1.
Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, 1996.
Gruen, E.S., Diaspora: Jews amidst Greeks and Romans, Cambridge MA, 2002.
Levick, B., Claudius, New Haven, 1990.
Momigliano, A.D., Claudius: The Emperor and his Achievement, Oxford: 1934.
Osgood, J., Claudius Caesar: Image and Power in the Early Roman Empire, Cambridge, 2011.
Pucci Ben Zeev, M., Jewish Rights in the Roman World: The Greek and Roman Documents
Quoted by Josephus Flavius, Tübingen, 1998.
Scramuzza, V. M., The Emperor Claudius, Cambridge MA, 1940.
Slingerland, H.D., Claudian Policymaking and the Early Imperial Repression of Judaism at Rome,
Atlanta, 1997.
Strocka, V.M. (ed.), Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Claudius (41–54 n. Chr.): Umbruch oder
Episode?, Mainz, 1994.