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Book Review: The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience

Article  in  Contemporary South Asia · April 2016

DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2016.1200431

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 Contemporary South Asia

ISSN: 0958-4935 (Print) 1469-364X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsa20

The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience

Tania Anupam Patel

To cite this article: Tania Anupam Patel (2016) The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience,
Contemporary South Asia, 24:2, 211-212, DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2016.1200431

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Published online: 19 Aug 2016.

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 Book reviews 211

captures the ideological conflict between the dominant caste and lower caste worldview;
one that seeks to maintain the status quo and live off hierarchy and subjugation versus
one that believes that democracy offers equality and rights for those even at the lowest
rungs of society. Dalit women, in this sense, emerge as the true citizens of Indian
democracy.

Sameena Dalwai
O.P. Jindal Global University, Sonipath, India
sdalwai@jgu.edu.in
© 2016, Sameena Dalwai
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1200425

The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience, by Christophe Jaffrelot, London, C.

Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd., 2015, 670 pp., ISBN 978-1849043298

Pakistan in recent times has been viewed largely from a security centric paradigm that
explores connections to religious fundamentalism and international terrorism. Such an
understanding often obscures deeper complexities in its state and society. Christophe Jaffre-
lot in The Pakistan paradox: instability and resilience attempts to elaborate these complex-
ities by delving into the historical continuities and contestations in the Pakistani state and
society. Following a sociological interpretation, Jaffrelot locates the country’s chronic
instability in three contradictions whose roots lie in tensions apparent since the 1940s.
The contradictions are located in (i) the juxtaposition of the centralizing tendencies of
Pakistani nationalism and the centrifugal tendencies of ethnic nationalism; (ii) the way in
which the concentration of power has alternated between civilian and military regimes
and (iii) the role of Islam in the public sphere (10–12). Factors of resilience, on the other
hand, are located in the people, judiciary, media, civil society and reforms in the army.
The author asserts that Pakistan has been able to sustain itself through the simultaneous
presence of antagonistic factors of contradictions and resilience.
The book follows a thematic pattern that unravels the contradictions in three parts. In the
first part, Jaffrelot draws attention to the differing interests and cultures of the Muslim
majority and Muslim minority provinces of British India that were only blurred superfi-
cially with the formation of Pakistan. These differences failed to find expression in the cen-
tralist agenda which Jaffrelot equates with Islam and the Urdu language. Meanwhile,
conservative elitism sought the repression of ethnic nationalism rather than its accommo-
dation. The recent trends towards provincial autonomy and internal migration fostering
multi-ethnic provinces hold the key to defusing this tension. Though the continuities in
the contradictions are well covered empirically, the conclusion fails to sufficiently link
the empirical work with a robust theoretical discussion on nationalism (limited to Benedict
Anderson and Ernest Gellner in the book). Discussion of Partha Chatterjee’s work (e.g. The
nation and its fragments. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) would be interesting
in understanding the anti-colonial nationalism that emerged in Asian and African societies.
These societies asserted ‘difference’ in their interaction with the colonial state which is an
important factor in determining the content and trajectory of nationalist movements. Also,
the focus on elites as the driving force fails to recognize the agency of common people;
hence, bringing in Eric Hobsbawm would have helped develop an understanding of nation-
alism as a dual phenomenon, ‘constructed from above’ but which needs to be ‘analyzed
 212 Book reviews

from below’ (Nations and nationalism since 1780: programme, myth, reality. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1990, 10–11).
The second part analyzes the authoritarian leanings displayed not only by military but
civilian regimes as well, highlighting gray areas which escape the binaries of democracy
and authoritarianism. Thereby, the author points to a deficit of democratic culture among
civilian leaders and explains how civilian regimes have suffered from democratic deficit:
from Jinnah’s viceregal model to Z.A. Bhutto’s authoritarian personalization of power,
through to Nawaz Sharif in recent times. On the pretext of providing security and stability,
the army exploited this in order to entrench itself in the political scene. The narrow Pakis-
tani establishment, which includes both civilian and military elites, pursues the continuation
of a conservative elitism that results in the existence of gross social inequalities. For Jaffre-
lot, the resources of resilience are located in the media, alongside the Election Commission,
NGOs, and the judiciary. But the author is skeptical of the judiciary’s ability to strengthen
democracy, considering its disregard for democratically elected politicians.
In the third part of the book, Jaffrelot explores the contradictions embedded in the role
of religion in the public sphere, and runs through the various ways in which Islam has
informed state formation. The instrumental use of Islam by the political class and military
has opened up space for fundamentalists to flourish (in collusion with the military as well as
external events and actors), showing the state’s role in fomenting sectarianism, jihadism and
the Taliban movement. The author considers the presence of Islamists in the public sphere
as an acute challenge exacerbating domestic issues with increasing sectarian tensions and
attacks on minorities.
The conclusion predicts an increasing military dominance quite at odds with the demo-
cratization process. Apart from extremism whose escalation would cement military control, it
would have been interesting to see how other factors such as provincial autonomy, the judi-
ciary, media, civil society and external actors (especially China and the United States) would
have challenged or condoned it. The strengths of the book lie in its thematic analysis and syn-
thesis of a rich volume of information from variegated sources, with illustrations and anec-
dotes traversing the period of 1857–2014. The book provides compelling insights for
understanding the nuances of the contestations and continuities in Pakistan’s state and
society.
In terms of weaknesses, first is the inadequate treatment of sources of resilience, which
fails to sufficiently balance the contradictions (especially reforms in the army). Also, the
role of women fails to find attention in the book (except for the mention of a few
women’s organizations). The conclusion notes external support as a fourth dimension to
consider, but required further elaboration on the issues of geo-strategic importance and
international aid, which have hindered attempts to address the democratic and fiscal deficits.
The book is a welcome contribution that provides clues to understand the inherent contra-
dictions that lay at the state’s formation and their impact on its subsequent trajectory. It will
be of interest to scholars of Pakistan Studies and South Asian politics, as well as foreign
policy experts and diplomats.

Tania Anupam Patel

University of Hyderabad, India
taniaanupam@gmail.com
© 2016, Tania Anupam Patel
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2016.1200431

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