Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
April 2019
Abstract
This paper provides data on the different experiences in youth homes based on the
perspective of adult re-offenders who have been admitted to youth homes in their early age
for an offense. The purpose is to provide an evaluation from the insiders, themselves, to
effectively reflect on the effectiveness of such programs. This hopes to be a gateway for
further research so that the government can better gauge their solutions to provide better
avenues for children in conflict with the law (CICL). Data is limited only to the five (5)
respondents available from Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail. A series of questions were
asked on their experiences inside youth homes. Responses imply that culture instilled by the
social workers inside a youth home plays a significant role in their development process.
Relationship formed among the social workers and the children does not seem to reflect a
strong social capital because they seemed to be formed out of obligation. Social exchange
was limited on a daily basis, and the concept of sympathy was not at all expressed to validate
the children’s sense of solidarity. The children had been driven by a system that runs on
points and punishments. Because of this, the intended promotion of social justice and social
welfare was motivated by an inward projection of care that only satisfied an individual’s
‘either point or punishment’ mindset. For all that, it is still recommended that the
effectiveness of the youth homes be further evaluated through a series of observations,
interviews, and research.
Background of the Study
Introduction
Much discourse has been generated from the current President’s proposal to revise the
minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) from 15 years old to 9 years old. This
modification caused an outburst from experts and psychologists claiming that this is to be
considered as an act of violence against children (Tomacruz, 2019). Children in conflict with
the law (CICL) are only considered to be victims of criminal syndicates and of poverty. It is
highly unlikely that these children be able to make sound judgment at such a young age.
According to medical experts, children are vulnerable to risks in 3 stages: 1) before committing
an act, 2) during his/her stay in a rehabilitation center and 3) in his reintegration back to society.
The first stage is considered a risk because children cannot fully process long-term
consequences of their actions. They are not capable of rational discernment before committing
an action. Their intellectual, emotional and psychological maturities are still being developed
and are still subject to familial and cultural biases. Scientific research also reveals that the brain
does not even fully develop until the age of 25 (ibid).
The proposal to lower the MACR violates several guidelines the country had agreed to
comply to. Article 40 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child reiterates the
recommendation done under The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the
administration of Juvenile Justice or “Beijing Rules,” that a minimum age of criminal
responsibility to be set below 12 will not be accepted internationally (OHCHR, 2019). The
Philippines has signed this agreement yet it had violated it without an exhaustive amount of
research done to prove the revision’s validity. Young adults are highly recommended to be
separated from adult offenders in a correctional facility as programs must always be customized
according to nature of crime and age. However, since youth correctional facilities or what are
known as youth homes are now full, some children are mixed together with adult offenders in
prison. As Senator Francis Escudero voices out, the more urgent issue is whether facilities and
human resources are enough to ensure the quality of management (Ramos-Araneta, 2019). In
fact, according to the 2018 statistics of the New Bilibid Prison, 18 of the inmates are aged at
18 and below. 529 of over 26,000 of these inmates are aged 19 to 21 (Talabong, 2018).
This calls for an act to question the conduct of duty bearers in the past years to guarantee
the effectiveness of the different laws and programs designed for the betterment of well-being
of children in conflict with the law. The President justifies his decision to revise MACR by
pointing out that because sanctions to children are not as burdensome as the adults’, it offers
an opportunity that criminal syndicates take advantage of. He has no substantial evidence,
whatsoever, to verify his claims. Even so, providing an alternative as this without proper
evaluation of the former policies is a manifestation of a failed system. News regarding the
negligence of staff in youth detention and rehabilitation centers has been circulating, too. Tricia
Oco, the executive director of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council (JJWC) admits that
some youth homes lack the sufficient budget to establish themselves well-suited for children
(Cabico, 2019). Some, even, have no programs to follow at all. The targeted number of 114
youth homes in the Philippines is yet to be satisfied. Currently, there are only 58 (Ongpin,
2019). Passing the bill into a law means that the already insufficient resources have to
accommodate to even more children.
Children in correctional facilities have their own society re-formed inside this setting
as their daily lives now depend on its system. Social capital, then, plays an important role as
children held in such facilities become passive in their daily activities. Being held in
correctional facilities insinuate a higher level of conformance by the vulnerable group, which
in this case, are the children. Social networks, then, become the active partakers responsible
for the development of the vulnerable group. Vulnerability, in this case, is determined by
compliance and the need for guidance. The personnel (the social worker, psychologist, and
health workers) and families become the active participants to tap the potential of the program’s
effectiveness because they initiate its engine. Just recently, Senator Leila de Lima called for an
action to have youth detention facilities inspected and monitored (Senate.gov, 2019). The
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) upholds an Administrative Order
(15) that discusses the standards for Youth Detention Homes (2005). However, news does not
reveal a well-documented and detailed report of whether they are being met or not.
Furthermore, some institutions have high security that they refuse to let any reporter or
researcher in to evaluate their environment.
Research Question
This research intends to have a glimpse of whether these levels are met through social
capital, or how social capital affects the overall objectives of such programs. How does a
child’s access to various personnel and family dictate his daily activities in a correctional
facility? How does the intimacy of their relationship help a child develop? How are intentions
of having a child reintegrated back to society as a conformant met through social capital?
Furthermore, it would be essential to justify these with knowing, “What percentage of the
current statistics of adult offenders in Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail have come from
youth rehabilitation centers?” Inmates who have been admitted to youth rehabilitation centers
at least once but are now re-admitted to an adult correctional facility will be interviewed. These
could lead to an overview of probable gaps that have led children in conflict with the law to
carry out their habits into adulthood and re-offend.
Social capital, in this case, refers to relationship formed with the psychologist, social
worker, health doctor, and family. It is determined that social capital is the amount of sympathy
a child receives that enables him/her to deem himself belonging to a social community. The
personnel all contribute to a child’s immediate source of ideals and growth in the span of time
that they are admitted to a youth rehabilitation center.
To determine what kind of culture is encouraged inside the youth homes plays a
significant role in a child’s development process as their values and character are honed
through their accessible environment.
Synthesis
The current study will revolve around the issues unnoticed by presented works by
getting first hand narratives from inmates and workers themselves as primary data. It is also
notable that not much study on youth correctional facilities are done in the Philippines. Several
factors play an important role in a person’s character development. Among the related works,
family matters is a consistent crucial element. It can be presupposed that family plays a
significant role since it is the basic social unit of an individual. The personnel in correctional
facilities were not given much attention but can be regarded as equally important in this context
because they become the guardians readily available at any time of day in these rehabilitation
centers. Hence, they become the basic social unit in such correctional facilities for individuals
of minor age. It is the basic principle that brought about the importance of social capital in this
study and how the following framework has been chosen.
Conceptual Framework
Social Development Model
How social capital plays an important role in a child’s development can be best
explained by the theory of the social development model. It explains the roots of development
of juvenile delinquency among adolescents. It draws in into the conclusion that several
behaviors can be pointers to determine whether a child would build up its character on
antisocial and violent matters. The basic presumption is that children or young adults adopt
behavior they observe from their families and their immediate environment (Catalano &
Hawkins, 1996). It must then be reasonable that the social units close to these children in
correctional facilities be observed, evaluated, and rightfully filtered out to create a pro-social
environment. In this study, social units closest to the children are the social worker,
psychologist and/or health doctor.
This model also considers that a single behavior can also be a factor itself that can lead
up to a habit of a different behavior. Stealing, for example, can force a child to form a habit of
lying. It proposes that behavioral habits be formed in general. Thus, daily activities to be
planned out by the social unit present in a correctional facility must be able to comply to pro-
social attitudes and values as a way of reducing probability of recidivism once the young adult
reintegrates himself back into society. The active players in this context are responsible for the
habit-forming as they basically plan out a child’s day in these centers. Although correctional
facilities can be considered an avenue that young adults only stay in for a very short period of
time, as compared to early childhood years, it is still to be considered a highly influential
avenue as time and free will become constrained to their liking. Behavior development always
takes place in every social interaction; it does not simply stop at a particular timeframe or age.
The development process is believed to be affected also by several protective and risk
factors. Risk factors are those that may trigger a child to traumatic memory—drug use, low
family bonding, academic failure, peer rejection, etc. Protective factors, on the other hand,
respond to these risk factors as a way to maintain stability in one’s behavior. Protective factors
have been divided into three broad categories: 1) individual characteristics, 2) family cohesion,
3) and external social support. Relationships among social units and the interaction among
themselves can then play an important role in maintaining stability to refuse the so-called risk
factors (ibid).
Social Capital
Throughout the years, the definition and application of the term ‘social capital’ has
evolved. Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, proposes that social capital is an individual’s
means of entering a membership. He believes that one’s social position can be improved when
one learns to effectively utilize resources of the social capital because it is convertible into
different other capitals (economic and cultural). Thus, in its primary sense, social capital is an Commented [1]: social capital is strong but it only
became a consequence rather than the actual
investment made by each party through the use of consistent interactions. When a child stays influencer
in a rehabilitation center, consistent interaction can only exist between the personnel and the
children. Presumably, family comes into play on a habitual basis if regular visits are observed.
However, to understand social capital only in its simplest concept of being an
investment and a return in itself can be considered insufficient in more complex situations. The
theory presumes that every interaction, then, is identified as economic. The children held inside
correctional facilities, for example, cannot be expected to exercise their social capital in its
fullest potential because social interaction is a different concept altogether for them. Yes, their
relationship with the staff would dictate their social position in the facility, but to what extent
is this observed in their setting? Since, it is believed to be an investment through social
exchange, it is perceived as a two-way cooperation. So, to take the staff in consideration: Aside
from having to take care of the children, because it’s their job, what else is social capital to the
staff? A new theory suggests that it can be perceived as one-way, too. Robison, Schmid, and
Siles (2000) further delve into the intricacies of ‘social capital’ and have defined it, thus, as:
“Social capital is a person’s or group’s sympathy toward another person or group that may
produce a potential benefit, advantage, and preferential treatment for another person or group
of persons beyond that expected in an exchange relationship.”
They put consideration into what social capital is capable of in the absence of
obligations. After all, many factors can also be debated upon on the motivations of fulfilling
an obligation. The staff, for example, may be motivated to fulfill their obligations if their salary
meets their subjective standards. What happens, though, if it is not met? What explains an
individual’s passion to charity works? This definition, then, helps explain the gap existent in
Bourdieu’s. Social capital is not the active partaker, per se, but sympathy. It sets the goods in
motion. So it is possible for a person to invest his/her own social capital towards something
that does not necessarily have a direct exchange to offer. This definition puts emphasis on the
transformative capacity of social capital that resides in human relations. This means that it can
be combined with other inputs to be able to meet emotional human needs. It is understood that
social capital supplies four service categories: economic, social, validation, and self-
acceptance.
Social capital requires feelings of sympathy that can “transform and vicariously link
the consumption of one person to the utility of another that extend beyond the motives of
obligations, norms, and rules.” Thus, it can be perceived as human needs being fulfilled for one
party to be capable of economic or social use. Another service category social capital fulfills
is the social need. It is the need to feel cared for and can be satisfied by sympathy rather than
obligations or norms. This can be exhibited by how a child cannot always fulfill a norm or an
obligation and understand its depth. Social capital can also fulfill the feeling of validation when
it is effectively exercised through interpersonal experience. Finally, there is the need to receive
acceptance of the self through people’s encouragement, even after seeing a person for who he
really is. Sympathy is believed to be the driving force of social capital that enables the
fulfillment of these needs.
Synthesis
Social Development Model may shed light into a child’s development process inside
the facility. How certain programs or activities implemented in the facility may promote certain
attitudes. Because in the long run, how the personnel would handle the environment will entail
a certain kind of culture practice inside the facility—which is conceived as a second version of
reality by the children. As Scheper-Hughes suggests, crime can be traced back to how the state
encourages an unlawful behavior as it fulfills the poor’s (not just economic) needs with their
limited resources. By creating this form of culture, it implies its embeddedness into society that
a child learns to develop accordingly to. How, then, is this culture transformed into a good one
inside the facility? Moreover, a child’s need to conform to the norm inside a particular setting
will dictate his/her sense of self and validation. This, in turn, can dictate his/her active
participation as a form of social exchange. When an intimate relationship among the personnel
and the family is non-existent, a child may feel no sense of belongingness in any sphere of
society. It would then be difficult for him/her to even consider exerting an effort to accumulate
such labor for social capital—which may affect his/her reputation and influence his/her
economic capital. This also holds true for conformity. If a culture of negligence is developed
inside a correctional facility, the same would reflect in the outside world. A child will feel no
pressure to accumulate labor for social capital, hence, will not comply accordingly to society
for solidarity’s sake.
Methodology
Purposive sampling was used to evaluate the effectiveness of the programs in youth
rehabilitation centers by associating them with different social capitals as possible factors. The
target population was inmates aged 18 and above in Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail. The
percentage of inmates who have been in rehabilitation centers before could not be obtained
from the jail’s record database. Only five (5) respondents in total were interviewed. Two (2)
from Makati City Jail’s female department, one (1) from Makati City Jail’s male department,
and two (2) from Quezon City Jail.. Incentives were not provided as it could have added up to
degree of vulnerability they already endure. Permission was granted by addressing a request
letter addressed to the Regional Director of Bureau of Jail Management and Penology -
National Capital Region (BJMP-NCR). The letter of clearance was then presented to the
officers-in-charge for Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail.
Data collection was done through a series of interviews and online research. No
interview was accomplished without the respondent’s full consent. Once it was given, a series
of questions were asked regarding their experience about having been detained in their previous
youth correctional facility/ies as well as the process they underwent during their reintegration
back to society. Data was also gathered to determine links among the available social units
(social worker, psychologist, health doctor, and family). To further back up data, a student who
has had the chance to observe inside a youth home was interviewed. Observations and
evaluation published online was also taken into consideration. The goal would be to discuss
what patterns may be observed from the relationships existing among the personnel, family
and the offender who has had his experience in a youth home. The DSWD standards call for
an assessment of the social workers to be hired. Furthermore, training is required for them to
be able to manage well on handling the program. The offenders’ perception on the personnel
can tell so much on how effectively they are filtering out the workers and how effectively they
are training themselves to handle these vulnerable groups. Family matters was delved into as
well. Some detention and/or rehabilitation programs require that family engagement must be
considered.
Dissemination of survey
questionnaire
Collation of data
Analysis of data
Presentation
Presentation of Findings
The process of getting respondents that fulfilled the said requirements had been limiting
for the whole data collection.. The jails did not have their records on whether the offenders
they were admitting to their facility had been to a youth home before. An officer-in-charge in
Quezon City Jail, however, explained that the individuals are asked to fill out a form before
they get admitted to their facility. However, only the number of times that they have been
admitted to a correctional facility is asked in the form. There is no record, then, of which
facilities they have been to or whether they have been admitted when they were of minor age
in any youth home/s. The inmates could not be asked one by one for this study due to time
constraints and limited access.
According to the trustee interviewed in Makati City Jail, there were a couple of inmates
who they knew had come from youth homes before but had already been transferred to a
different facility. To their knowledge, only two (2) out of 135 of the current female inmates
and one (1) out of 783 of the current male inmates have been admitted to a youth rehabilitation
center before.1
Respondent 1
1
All interviews were done in person. The respondents will only be referred to by numbers to maintain anonymity.
Respondent 1 had been to Pasay Youth Home for theft when she was 16. After that, she
had been re-admitted twice for solvent abuse and bagansya or vagrancy. Bagansya is
considered unlawful in the Philippines. It is when a person loiters around the street. According
to her, females are separated from males inside the facility. The females are further filtered out
per cell depending on the nature of crime. However, the men are only filtered out as may kaso
vs. walang kaso.
When asked on the programs and activities done in the facility, the respondent answered
that there were in fact several activities facilitated: TV viewing, bible study, tutoring, and even
mass. On a daily basis, they would be urged to sleep at 6pm and wake up at 5am to exercise.
However, for the rest of the day, she would describe it as “tahimik lang” or really quiet. She
told me that she would normally sleep, or just look through the windows since they could peek
other people passing by, and just chatting with her fellow ‘dormers.’ When asked on how she
was with the staff, she only described it as “okay naman.” Her fellow dormers, however, were
more aggressive as she had experienced being locked inside the locker as a form of prank.
Monitoring of the children inside the facility is poor as she had mentioned that no one was
around to see what happened. The personnel only knew of this incident days after when she
finally decided to tell on the other girls. The social workers would not normally hurt them
physically though she remembers hearing expressions explicitly said like “Asuntuhin nyo na
to” that made her think how much resentment the social workers felt towards them, especially
those who had pending cases to be reviewed by the Court. In her 2-month stay the first time,
1-month stay the second time and 1-month stay the third time in Pasay Youth Home, she was
never visited by her family. She also recalls that there were no guidance counselors or
psychologists in the facility they could talk to. They had a doctor but she doesn’t recall having
multiple appointments because she was usually just fine.
Four (4) years later, she is re-admitted to a correctional facility—the Makati City Jail.
According to her, a knife had been planted in her possession. When she objected in the
Barangay Hall, she was additionally charged with public scandal. She had only been staying in
the facility for 2 months, yet she could tell from her experience that she likes the environment
better in Makati City Jail than Pasay Youth Home because both the personnel and co-inmates
are much more understanding and approachable. Moreover, she likes how they are given more
freedom inside the facility.
Respondent 2
On her first arrest, she was 14 years old. Her case was drug-related as she admittedly
used shabu. However, on her first arrest, she was brought to Camp Karingal where she recalls
being molested by the police officer. Camp Karingal is a correctional facility intended for
adults. She recalls that a social worker from a particular organization she forgot the name of
helped her get out of Camp Karingal to be rightfully admitted to Molave Youth Homes for her
age. She recalls having graduated high school in the facility because there were regular
schooling programs held in the facility. However, she did mention that the personnel would
hurt them through by pagpalo when the other children in the facility misbehaved. The children,
themselves, would also hurt each other. According to her, there was no psychologist or
guidance counselor in the facility. She also does not recall having gone to the clinic during her
stay in Molave Youth Homes. She was visited by his father only once, months after her first
day in the facility because she was too shy to inform him in the first place.
She recalls that she did stop using shabu for a year and a half after her last admittance
to the facility. After that, she had studied and applied for jobs. However, she was struggling
with completely stopping her use of shabu. She was not consistent with it. And so, at the age
of 37, she was back in a correctional facility (Makati City Jail) for the same offense. She
compares Molave Youth Homes with Makati City Jail and says that it is much spacious and
better in the latter. She gets to interact with the personnel and with her co-inmates.
Respondent 3
Respondent 3 could not recall the name of the youth home he was admitted to but he
was 15 years old and was wrongfully charged of knife in possession, as it had only been planted
on him.. He had described that the facility separated the boys from the girls and that they were
not allowed to have spoon and fork in possession. Their activities consisted mostly of Bible
studies and basketball games. As punishment for misconduct, they would have to wash their
clothes. He talked so dearly of his social worker, Sir John, who talked regularly to him and
taught them. He also mentioned that their cook was kind. There were no guidance counselors,
just the social worker himself, who would talk to the children.
He is now 22 years old in Makati City Jail. This is his 4th time; each time charged with
theft except for one in which he was charged for gambling. When asked why he would commit
theft every time, he said he really needed it and even described one time that he stole money
so he could pay for a nice cemetery for his mom.
Respondent 4
He was 15 years old when he was taken in by the DSWD for trespassing. He was being
chased by someone he had a heated argument with and was being threatened to death that is
why he was forced to run inside someone else’s house for safety. He described the culture in
DSWD as ka-barrio which means people from the same municipality would team with each
other and pick on fights with people of the different municipality. For a minor offense, one’s
name will only be listed on the logbook. However, for major offenses, they would be
transferred to an adult jail for some time to have them realize how hard it is to live inside that
kind of facility. For 2 weeks, he was transferred to Caloocan City Jail with the adults as
punishment for always being involved in fights inside the facility. There were no guidance
counselor/s, though he considered the social workers as that because they would talk to them.
He describes them, however, of having resentment towards the children. He was visited by his
family twice a week.
He is now 25 years old, charged with drug possession, but he claims that it was only
planted on him. He works by collecting scraps by the mall and was eating alone outside when
the arrest occurred. First, he was admitted to Molave Youth Homes because police claim that
he looked like a minor. The personnel of the youth home did not ask for his birth certificate
just yet. It was after four (4) months, that they got a hold on his birth certificate and verified
that he was no longer a minor. In fact, a lot of the people staying there are aged 20 and up
already. However, their birth certificates are not an urgent matter for the personnel. In his 4-
month stay in Molave Youth Homes, he recalls that the personnel were not that strict, though
they would hurt someone misbehaving. He recalls having to make flowers inside the facility
so they could sell them. He actively participated in the activities to gain points. When one gets
a lot of points, their sentence inside the facility could lessen, or their review process could be
prioritized.
When he got transferred to Quezon City Jail, he describes how much harder it is there.
He felt joy and misery because he got to meet people of all kinds inside the jail. Unfortunately,
people of minor age were mixed with them inside. Most of them, as he recalls, are transferred
there as a form of punishment by the youth homes. The activities were much more frequent
inside Molave Youth Homes, where a teacher was also present. In Quezon City Jail, the
inmates, themselves, are the ones making efforts to teach each other what they know.
Respondent 5
Respondent 5 is 20 years old and had no prior record of being admitted to a youth home
when he was still a minor. He was, however, wrongly put to Molave Youth Homes on his
arrest. He was caught for robbery and had told the police that he was only 16 years old so he
wouldn’t be admitted to jail. He said he needed the money to pay for bills. He stayed inside the
facility for 11 months, and was active in all of the activities. Activities included tutoring, dance
contest, spoken poetry, and the likes. Because of this, he gained a lot of points and the social
worker had worked closely on his case to help him be released. He described how it was orderly
inside the facility because the personnel respected everyone. Every cell had at least one guard
so they were being monitored closely. He described the social workers as kind and
approachable as he would always talk to them. The kids inside the facility were well-
disciplined, though they would fight from time to time. For those misbehaving, they would be
punished by a method called face the wall or they would be made to clean the toilet rooms. He
recalls having a guidance counselor in the facility, and that they were encouraged to set an
appointment with him regularly. He was not visited by his family because they never knew he
was admitted to the facility as they were not close. When he was about to be released by the
judge, only then was his birth certificate reviewed. Because of this, he was transferred to
Quezon City Jail instead. He’s been staying in the facility for three (3) months. He compares it
with Molave Youth Homes, and describes how much harder it is in Quezon City Jail. “Walang
pagbabago dito,” he said. Apparently, punishment is not set to those who would misbehave.
He also mentioned that there were no guidance counselors in the facility, though he could
approach the other officers and get pieces of advice from them.
These can be backed up by a Justice Policy Institute Report done by Barry Holman and
Jason Ziedenberg. A psychologist found that incarcerated youth with whom such culture of
neglect and violence are promoted to, incur poor mental health (2015). Moreover, the notion
having a points and punishment system may prove to be problematic, especially when
implemented inefficiently. Gregory Ching (2012) looked into these issues through the
Philippine education system. His study had observed that although educational facilities insist
that their ‘rewards and punishment’ system help promote a positive discipline approach, results
show otherwise. When this is done, engagement and motivation are interpreted wrongly by
young adults (ibid).
Data gathered in this study is still insufficient to confirm whether the social workers,
themselves, had played a role to encourage the children’s participation because most of the
youth homes (even the current adult correctional facilities) run on a points and punishment
system. What does this entail on the relationship among the staff and the children? It may have
promoted the same technicality the previous studies have been observing and it may have
lacked the ‘sympathy’ that social capital deems necessary to transform an individual. In fact,
personnel from the youth homes are usually described as “galit sa amin, lalo na sa mga may
kaso” or short-tempered. Only two recall that the personnel respected them. Family visits are
not as often, too so their role in the children’s development cannot be closely analyzed for this
study. They would describe their relationship with their families as not too closely-knit. Only
two of the respondents recall having a guidance counselor (aside from the social worker) in the
facility. Mainly, only the social workers played a crucial role serving even as the only counselor
and teacher present to the kids. The development of the child during his stay in a facility is then
mainly dictated by the his/her performance and the implementation of the facility’s programs.
Even so, they all recall that no daily activities were being monitored so they described it to be
boring all day.
As proposed by the same model, delinquency is believed to be affected also by several
protective and risk factors. To recall, risk factors are those that may trigger a child to traumatic
memory. Protective factors are needed as response to these risk factors as a way to maintain
stability in one’s behavior. Protective factors have been divided into three broad categories: 1)
individual characteristics, 2) family cohesion, 3) and external social support. From the findings,
it is hard to tell how individual characteristics were met in their programs. As recalled, the
children basically follow a general syllabus for their studies no matter what grade they might
already be in. Moreover, the activities are very limited that it is difficult to conclude if they had
helped promote individualism among the children. Most of the respondents would say that their
families did not know of their admittance to the youth homes. Some say they were too shy to
reach out, or that they were just simply not close to them so they never bothered. Family
cohesion, then, was not promoted at all. Thus, external social support may not have been
instilled to these children either.
JJWA Standards
As discussed in this paper, the JJWA had set guidelines to be followed in three
levels.The primary level deals with the promotion of social justice to be able to fix the probable
roots of committing an offense. No sufficient data was gathered to completely answer this.
However, most of the programs mentioned during the interview consisted mostly of
educational, kinesthetic, and religious activities. The BJMP has adapted the TCMP for this, but
it is unknown whether youth homes practice these as well. The secondary level deals with
assistance. Some of the respondents gave positive feedback that their social workers were
indeed helpful during their stay, as they were approachable. However, the extent of assistance
provided is unclear. Tertiary level attends to prevention of re-offending. To some, their stay in
the youth home had helped them prevent re-offending, but only to some extent. Because some
of the respondents had still resorted to a different crime, or had continued the same offense
years later. Most of them, however, had admitted that they were afraid to be re-admitted back
to a correctional facility that is why they tried to avoid committing any offense. This reflects
that the culture of fear was instilled to them.
Social Capital
There are not enough social workers, psychologists, and other specialists inside the
facility because the budget is not met. Social capital proved to be weak (from the respondent’s
answers) as relationship formed among the social workers and the children seemed to be a
result of a series of interactions and exchanges done out of obligation, especially on days there
were special activities. Moreover, sympathy was amply expressed to the children, as they recall
that most of the social workers were irritated with them. This reflects the culture of a point
system, even outside the facilities—that the social workers themselves would have to depend
on financial benefit to be able to deliver quality work. Sympathy is not promoted well, thus,
social capital that could have strengthened the bridges to social welfare is insufficient. Because
obligations, norms, and the system itself can be expected to fail the people. However, if
sympathy is strong, it can be transformative. The facilities, however, were all motivated by the
norms that these children have indeed become delinquents in their perception. They were also
driven by the points vs. punishment system.
Recommendations
To further enhance the topic on assessing youth rehabilitation centers and recidivism,
it is recommended that extensive research still be conducted on youth homes and also on adult
jails that may contain individuals of minor age. Data gathered calls for a re-evaluation of the
available services offered by social workers in youth facilities. Hence, the perspectives of the
social workers may be considered, too. It may reveal factors on their performance that affects
the efficiency of correctional facilities.
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