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From Juvenile Delinquents to Adult Offenders: Influence of Social Capital on the

Implementation of Youth Rehabilitation Programs

A Thesis Proposal Submitted to the


Department of Sociology and Anthropology
School of Social Sciences
Ateneo de Manila University

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree


Bachelor of Arts in Social Sciences

Sofia Alysandra H. Alcala

April 2019
Abstract
This paper provides data on the different experiences in youth homes based on the
perspective of adult re-offenders who have been admitted to youth homes in their early age
for an offense. The purpose is to provide an evaluation from the insiders, themselves, to
effectively reflect on the effectiveness of such programs. This hopes to be a gateway for
further research so that the government can better gauge their solutions to provide better
avenues for children in conflict with the law (CICL). Data is limited only to the five (5)
respondents available from Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail. A series of questions were
asked on their experiences inside youth homes. Responses imply that culture instilled by the
social workers inside a youth home plays a significant role in their development process.
Relationship formed among the social workers and the children does not seem to reflect a
strong social capital because they seemed to be formed out of obligation. Social exchange
was limited on a daily basis, and the concept of sympathy was not at all expressed to validate
the children’s sense of solidarity. The children had been driven by a system that runs on
points and punishments. Because of this, the intended promotion of social justice and social
welfare was motivated by an inward projection of care that only satisfied an individual’s
‘either point or punishment’ mindset. For all that, it is still recommended that the
effectiveness of the youth homes be further evaluated through a series of observations,
interviews, and research.
Background of the Study
Introduction
Much discourse has been generated from the current President’s proposal to revise the
minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) from 15 years old to 9 years old. This
modification caused an outburst from experts and psychologists claiming that this is to be
considered as an act of violence against children (Tomacruz, 2019). Children in conflict with
the law (CICL) are only considered to be victims of criminal syndicates and of poverty. It is
highly unlikely that these children be able to make sound judgment at such a young age.
According to medical experts, children are vulnerable to risks in 3 stages: 1) before committing
an act, 2) during his/her stay in a rehabilitation center and 3) in his reintegration back to society.
The first stage is considered a risk because children cannot fully process long-term
consequences of their actions. They are not capable of rational discernment before committing
an action. Their intellectual, emotional and psychological maturities are still being developed
and are still subject to familial and cultural biases. Scientific research also reveals that the brain
does not even fully develop until the age of 25 (ibid).
The proposal to lower the MACR violates several guidelines the country had agreed to
comply to. Article 40 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child reiterates the
recommendation done under The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the
administration of Juvenile Justice or “Beijing Rules,” that a minimum age of criminal
responsibility to be set below 12 will not be accepted internationally (OHCHR, 2019). The
Philippines has signed this agreement yet it had violated it without an exhaustive amount of
research done to prove the revision’s validity. Young adults are highly recommended to be
separated from adult offenders in a correctional facility as programs must always be customized
according to nature of crime and age. However, since youth correctional facilities or what are
known as youth homes are now full, some children are mixed together with adult offenders in
prison. As Senator Francis Escudero voices out, the more urgent issue is whether facilities and
human resources are enough to ensure the quality of management (Ramos-Araneta, 2019). In
fact, according to the 2018 statistics of the New Bilibid Prison, 18 of the inmates are aged at
18 and below. 529 of over 26,000 of these inmates are aged 19 to 21 (Talabong, 2018).
This calls for an act to question the conduct of duty bearers in the past years to guarantee
the effectiveness of the different laws and programs designed for the betterment of well-being
of children in conflict with the law. The President justifies his decision to revise MACR by
pointing out that because sanctions to children are not as burdensome as the adults’, it offers
an opportunity that criminal syndicates take advantage of. He has no substantial evidence,
whatsoever, to verify his claims. Even so, providing an alternative as this without proper
evaluation of the former policies is a manifestation of a failed system. News regarding the
negligence of staff in youth detention and rehabilitation centers has been circulating, too. Tricia
Oco, the executive director of the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Council (JJWC) admits that
some youth homes lack the sufficient budget to establish themselves well-suited for children
(Cabico, 2019). Some, even, have no programs to follow at all. The targeted number of 114
youth homes in the Philippines is yet to be satisfied. Currently, there are only 58 (Ongpin,
2019). Passing the bill into a law means that the already insufficient resources have to
accommodate to even more children.
Children in correctional facilities have their own society re-formed inside this setting
as their daily lives now depend on its system. Social capital, then, plays an important role as
children held in such facilities become passive in their daily activities. Being held in
correctional facilities insinuate a higher level of conformance by the vulnerable group, which
in this case, are the children. Social networks, then, become the active partakers responsible
for the development of the vulnerable group. Vulnerability, in this case, is determined by
compliance and the need for guidance. The personnel (the social worker, psychologist, and
health workers) and families become the active participants to tap the potential of the program’s
effectiveness because they initiate its engine. Just recently, Senator Leila de Lima called for an
action to have youth detention facilities inspected and monitored (Senate.gov, 2019). The
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) upholds an Administrative Order
(15) that discusses the standards for Youth Detention Homes (2005). However, news does not
reveal a well-documented and detailed report of whether they are being met or not.
Furthermore, some institutions have high security that they refuse to let any reporter or
researcher in to evaluate their environment.

Statement of the Problem


Giving much thought into these possible issues of implementation, it may be regarded
that several factors come into play but the main focus of this study will be on social capital.
These issues require a closer look to evaluate the influence of social capital for children in
conflict with the law. Social capital, in this study, will be narrowed down to what may be
considered as their direct web of social network—personnel or staff in their respective
correctional facilities and their immediate family. The staff may include social workers,
psychologists, and/or health doctors—depending on the children’s extent of access to such
personnel. The extent of one’s access may also imply the significance of social capital. Pierre
Bourdieu (1986) defines capital as “accumulated labor.” In terms of social capital (in its
simplest form), labor comes from social exchange—in forms of conversation and/or sharing of
activities. He explains how the forms of capital are convertible to one another. The most crucial
role social capital plays in the act of exchange between children and personnel/family is the
fellowship that constitutes a child’s belongingness to a social unit. Thus, social capital can be
tied up with shared values that enable people to work accordingly in harmony with each other.
Social capital, then, may dictate the intimacy that influences the consequences of a certain
program implementation.
For this research, influence of social capital on the available youth rehabilitation
programs will be looked into. This study primarily intends to answer, “How does social capital
strengthen or weaken the intentions aimed by the current rehabilitation programs?” Different
youth homes from respective municipalities have their own specific programs to suit their
objectives. They are expected to follow through the guidelines set by the Juvenile Justice
Welfare Act (JJWA) that come in three levels. Primary level deals with the promotion of social
justice to be able to fix the probable roots of committing an offense. The secondary level deals
with assistance and the tertiary level attends to prevention of re-offending. This will be looked
into as well.

Research Question
This research intends to have a glimpse of whether these levels are met through social
capital, or how social capital affects the overall objectives of such programs. How does a
child’s access to various personnel and family dictate his daily activities in a correctional
facility? How does the intimacy of their relationship help a child develop? How are intentions
of having a child reintegrated back to society as a conformant met through social capital?
Furthermore, it would be essential to justify these with knowing, “What percentage of the
current statistics of adult offenders in Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail have come from
youth rehabilitation centers?” Inmates who have been admitted to youth rehabilitation centers
at least once but are now re-admitted to an adult correctional facility will be interviewed. These
could lead to an overview of probable gaps that have led children in conflict with the law to
carry out their habits into adulthood and re-offend.

Objectives of the Study


General Objectives:
1) To determine the influence of social capital on a juvenile delinquent’s chances on
recidivism
2) To assess whether the JJWA standards are met through the re-offenders’ narratives
3) To determine what kind of culture is promoted inside youth homes

Social capital, in this case, refers to relationship formed with the psychologist, social
worker, health doctor, and family. It is determined that social capital is the amount of sympathy
a child receives that enables him/her to deem himself belonging to a social community. The
personnel all contribute to a child’s immediate source of ideals and growth in the span of time
that they are admitted to a youth rehabilitation center.
To determine what kind of culture is encouraged inside the youth homes plays a
significant role in a child’s development process as their values and character are honed
through their accessible environment.

Significance of the Study


The findings of this study may help the public to better re-assess the current situation
on children in conflict with the law and the revision of the MACR done by the President.
Evaluations have been done by several organizations (UNICEF, UN Committee on the Rights
of the Child, Philippine Action for Youth Offenders, etc.) although a follow-up seems to be
relevant especially now that the revision is qualified for its final approval. The House of
Representatives has already approved the bill. However, the Senate has not yet approved of its
counterpart bill. The Congress is expected to resume the process of reviewing and passing it
after the elections set on May 13 (Elemia, 2019).
This study, unlike the published evaluations done by the aforementioned organizations,
will focus specifically on the social aspect that affects the cultural as it is expected to be an
active component in any institution. In this context, social aspect is referred to as the kind of
relationship formed between the child and the staff, as well as the child and his/her family.
“Evaluation of the Intervention and Rehabilitation Program in Residential Facilities and
Diversion Programs for Children in Conflict with the Law” led by Sadie Yang of Universalia
(2015) provides a general overview of the programs, facilities, workers, and organizations
responsible for the overall condition of children in conflict with the law. It reveals how certain
LGUs are unable to meet their requirements by failing to communicate with other agencies like
the DSWD and the JJWC. This study supports the idea that social capital does play a crucial
role in the implementation of such policies. However, this inclines more towards the macro
level, dwelling on the exchange among duty bearers. This focus lingers on the early onset of
social capital that deals with planning and budgeting. This may or may not also have an effect
on the performance of the staff themselves, which consequently may have repercussions on the
level of intimacy inside the facilities. This report does not latch on to the idea of having a
detailed report of each participant’s (social worker, health doctor, psychologist, and family)
scope of participation that may explain the shortcomings inside rehabilitation centers. This
paper intends to fill in these gaps.
Social capital is crucial because the influence of having trained personnel to implement
such policies will give way to better spacing and maintenance of facilities. There is also no
known statistics regarding recidivism on young offenders who have grown to become adult
offenders. Thus, this study aims to be a gateway to offer such statistics that may be helpful with
programs regarding children in conflict with the law. Moreover, results and discussion may
uncover strengths and weaknesses of the programs—allowing space for evidence-based
revisions of the house bill.

Review of Related Literature


This study hopes to fulfill its role to determine the extent of influence social capital has
on the effectiveness of the current programs in youth rehabilitation centers. Aside from data to
be gathered, various studies are also collated to uphold the proceeding results and discussion.
The essence of the following studies to be presented can be best explained by Scheper-Hughes’
great interest on the power differentials of the state that seems to be promoting a culture of
crime fed by necessities hidden behind inequalities (2000). She claims that the rich are buying
organs from the poor who willingly sacrifice or steal from other dead bodies to be able to earn
(Jeroslow, 2011). Basically, she seems to suggest that the state encourages the poor to commit
crimes for them to be able to ‘keep up’ with modernity. Instead of creating legal solutions,
violation of someone else’s space needs to be conducted as a form of strategy. A similar scene
comparable in the Philippines’ context is the selling of stolen phones. Sure enough, the stealers
are to be judged for their inappropriate actions just to survive. But then again, when one comes
to think of it, how are they encouraged to make a living out of stealing? Because people who
earn just enough money tolerate this by buying these stolen phones. This is done for their luxury
of survival with modernity. Crime is now perceived as a necessity encouraged by the rich to
provide some sort of assistance for their survival. See how crime gradually enters a form of
culture. This is very crucial as children develop their own maturity based on values, beliefs,
and the culture that they are born into. It is necessary to investigate these studies that
extensively explain the risks provided in a child’s stay in a rehabilitation center. As in this
study, it hopes to discover also what kind of culture is promoted in the facilities and how are
they done visible by social capital?

Assessment of Correctional Programs


A justice policy institute report done by Barry Holman and Jason Ziedenberg in 2006
looked into the risks of incarcerating youth in detention or in any other secure facilities.
Findings have led them to recommend that each program must be customized according to the
nature of crime. Data gathered show that offenders of nonviolent crimes are usually penalized
the same way as offenders of violent crimes. The problem lies within traumatic tendencies of
correctional facilities, especially to the young adults unfamiliar with a disturbed environment.
The study was done purely on secondary data that consistently show how recidivism rate is
higher for incarcerated young people than those who have been in correctional facilities that
are centered on a community-based setting. The study could be further improved with primary
data. Statistics may only show the situation in a bigger picture though it has tendencies
neglecting individual factors that could have also affected recidivism rates. It does, however,
support the idea that nature of treatment greatly influences recidivism rates. Hence, this
supports how implementation of the personnel themselves play an important role in a young
adult’s development and rehabilitation process.
Another study done in the Philippines verifies these conclusions as it delves into the
educational program provided by the Bulacan Provincial Jail (Azar, 2014). It certifies that the
program leads to less violence and fosters a positive environment among inmates. This kind of
program closely resonates with the goal of correctional facilities to be able to develop self-
sustaining individuals who can reintegrate themselves back into society as better citizens.

Social Factors that Influence Recidivism Rate


“Predicting the Transition From Juvenile Delinquency to Adult Criminality: Gender
Specific Influences in Two High-Risk Samples” by Kimberly Rhoades et.al. (2015) delves into
family matters that are gender specific. Women who experience family violence and parental
divorce are more likely to be arrested as an adult. This study acknowledges differences in
gender when it comes to management and coping strategies. It, thus, recommends that
correctional programs be revised according to gender. Nevertheless, it also recognizes family
matters as an important risk factor for both men and women. It did not, however, delve into the
relationship among children and the social workers, psychologists and/or health doctors.
Nonetheless, this data strengthens the significance of relationship and belongingness.
Another similar study conducted by Rolf Loeber, David Farrington, and David
Petechuk (2013) explore how age on the first performance of crime can predict his/her chances
of recidivating. It discovers that continuity of offending is more persistent for those who start
crime at a young age and for those who commit violent crimes. Findings regarding possible
factors show varying results so the study concludes on individual factors like self-control that
ultimately determine a person’s chances of recidivating. Though it mentioned that this finding
contrasts popular belief that disadvantages in a family setting, schools, and other social
environment mainly influence a young adult’s chances on recidivating, it can also be
recognized as an additional factor to fill the gaps of inconsistent patterns observed through
social factors.
Research conducted by the Department of Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness
in Canada (2018) takes a look into the prison inmates of how they were re-admitted to
correctional facilities in their adolescence for committing an offense against the law. Majority
of the participants were only re-admitted to the current correctional facility they were in. Thus,
it is really likely that young adults be incarcerated back into prison. Factors widely vary; these
include early impulsiveness, parenting, family stressors and separation from parents, financial
problems, antisocial associates, and antisocial attitudes. However, it fails at explaining
particularity of each factor based on the nature of crime committed. For all that, the group who
had conducted the study still recommends that effectiveness of program could be further
enhanced by 1) increasing the minimum age for adult court, 2) giving less severe sanctions to
young adults who have immature judgment in terms of mental capability, 3) to hold assessment
measurements to gauge a young adult’s psychological competence. These recommendations
will be further explored in the study through data to be gathered from social workers and
psychologists in the facilities.
“Delinquent Girls Grown Up: Young Adult Offending Patterns and their Relation to Early
Legal, Individual, and Family Risk” (2008) classifies offenders into four different groups: a)
Rare/Non-offenders who are never or rarely arrested during their adolescence, b) low chronics
who are majority of the adult offenders but are moderately decreasing in rate, c) low-risers
whose crime rates are low during late adolescence but increases sharply throughout early
adulthood, and lastly d) high chronics who offend at high rates during their early twenties but
steadily decreases as years pass by. This division substantiates how complex factors can be
explicitly determined. However, despite all these, the study lands on a conclusion that
interpersonal relationships are significant factors on determining a woman’s chances of
committing an offense.

Synthesis
The current study will revolve around the issues unnoticed by presented works by
getting first hand narratives from inmates and workers themselves as primary data. It is also
notable that not much study on youth correctional facilities are done in the Philippines. Several
factors play an important role in a person’s character development. Among the related works,
family matters is a consistent crucial element. It can be presupposed that family plays a
significant role since it is the basic social unit of an individual. The personnel in correctional
facilities were not given much attention but can be regarded as equally important in this context
because they become the guardians readily available at any time of day in these rehabilitation
centers. Hence, they become the basic social unit in such correctional facilities for individuals
of minor age. It is the basic principle that brought about the importance of social capital in this
study and how the following framework has been chosen.

Conceptual Framework
Social Development Model
How social capital plays an important role in a child’s development can be best
explained by the theory of the social development model. It explains the roots of development
of juvenile delinquency among adolescents. It draws in into the conclusion that several
behaviors can be pointers to determine whether a child would build up its character on
antisocial and violent matters. The basic presumption is that children or young adults adopt
behavior they observe from their families and their immediate environment (Catalano &
Hawkins, 1996). It must then be reasonable that the social units close to these children in
correctional facilities be observed, evaluated, and rightfully filtered out to create a pro-social
environment. In this study, social units closest to the children are the social worker,
psychologist and/or health doctor.
This model also considers that a single behavior can also be a factor itself that can lead
up to a habit of a different behavior. Stealing, for example, can force a child to form a habit of
lying. It proposes that behavioral habits be formed in general. Thus, daily activities to be
planned out by the social unit present in a correctional facility must be able to comply to pro-
social attitudes and values as a way of reducing probability of recidivism once the young adult
reintegrates himself back into society. The active players in this context are responsible for the
habit-forming as they basically plan out a child’s day in these centers. Although correctional
facilities can be considered an avenue that young adults only stay in for a very short period of
time, as compared to early childhood years, it is still to be considered a highly influential
avenue as time and free will become constrained to their liking. Behavior development always
takes place in every social interaction; it does not simply stop at a particular timeframe or age.
The development process is believed to be affected also by several protective and risk
factors. Risk factors are those that may trigger a child to traumatic memory—drug use, low
family bonding, academic failure, peer rejection, etc. Protective factors, on the other hand,
respond to these risk factors as a way to maintain stability in one’s behavior. Protective factors
have been divided into three broad categories: 1) individual characteristics, 2) family cohesion,
3) and external social support. Relationships among social units and the interaction among
themselves can then play an important role in maintaining stability to refuse the so-called risk
factors (ibid).

Social Capital
Throughout the years, the definition and application of the term ‘social capital’ has
evolved. Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, proposes that social capital is an individual’s
means of entering a membership. He believes that one’s social position can be improved when
one learns to effectively utilize resources of the social capital because it is convertible into
different other capitals (economic and cultural). Thus, in its primary sense, social capital is an Commented [1]: social capital is strong but it only
became a consequence rather than the actual
investment made by each party through the use of consistent interactions. When a child stays influencer

in a rehabilitation center, consistent interaction can only exist between the personnel and the
children. Presumably, family comes into play on a habitual basis if regular visits are observed.
However, to understand social capital only in its simplest concept of being an
investment and a return in itself can be considered insufficient in more complex situations. The
theory presumes that every interaction, then, is identified as economic. The children held inside
correctional facilities, for example, cannot be expected to exercise their social capital in its
fullest potential because social interaction is a different concept altogether for them. Yes, their
relationship with the staff would dictate their social position in the facility, but to what extent
is this observed in their setting? Since, it is believed to be an investment through social
exchange, it is perceived as a two-way cooperation. So, to take the staff in consideration: Aside
from having to take care of the children, because it’s their job, what else is social capital to the
staff? A new theory suggests that it can be perceived as one-way, too. Robison, Schmid, and
Siles (2000) further delve into the intricacies of ‘social capital’ and have defined it, thus, as:

“Social capital is a person’s or group’s sympathy toward another person or group that may
produce a potential benefit, advantage, and preferential treatment for another person or group
of persons beyond that expected in an exchange relationship.”

They put consideration into what social capital is capable of in the absence of
obligations. After all, many factors can also be debated upon on the motivations of fulfilling
an obligation. The staff, for example, may be motivated to fulfill their obligations if their salary
meets their subjective standards. What happens, though, if it is not met? What explains an
individual’s passion to charity works? This definition, then, helps explain the gap existent in
Bourdieu’s. Social capital is not the active partaker, per se, but sympathy. It sets the goods in
motion. So it is possible for a person to invest his/her own social capital towards something
that does not necessarily have a direct exchange to offer. This definition puts emphasis on the
transformative capacity of social capital that resides in human relations. This means that it can
be combined with other inputs to be able to meet emotional human needs. It is understood that
social capital supplies four service categories: economic, social, validation, and self-
acceptance.
Social capital requires feelings of sympathy that can “transform and vicariously link
the consumption of one person to the utility of another that extend beyond the motives of
obligations, norms, and rules.” Thus, it can be perceived as human needs being fulfilled for one
party to be capable of economic or social use. Another service category social capital fulfills
is the social need. It is the need to feel cared for and can be satisfied by sympathy rather than
obligations or norms. This can be exhibited by how a child cannot always fulfill a norm or an
obligation and understand its depth. Social capital can also fulfill the feeling of validation when
it is effectively exercised through interpersonal experience. Finally, there is the need to receive
acceptance of the self through people’s encouragement, even after seeing a person for who he
really is. Sympathy is believed to be the driving force of social capital that enables the
fulfillment of these needs.

Synthesis
Social Development Model may shed light into a child’s development process inside
the facility. How certain programs or activities implemented in the facility may promote certain
attitudes. Because in the long run, how the personnel would handle the environment will entail
a certain kind of culture practice inside the facility—which is conceived as a second version of
reality by the children. As Scheper-Hughes suggests, crime can be traced back to how the state
encourages an unlawful behavior as it fulfills the poor’s (not just economic) needs with their
limited resources. By creating this form of culture, it implies its embeddedness into society that
a child learns to develop accordingly to. How, then, is this culture transformed into a good one
inside the facility? Moreover, a child’s need to conform to the norm inside a particular setting
will dictate his/her sense of self and validation. This, in turn, can dictate his/her active
participation as a form of social exchange. When an intimate relationship among the personnel
and the family is non-existent, a child may feel no sense of belongingness in any sphere of
society. It would then be difficult for him/her to even consider exerting an effort to accumulate
such labor for social capital—which may affect his/her reputation and influence his/her
economic capital. This also holds true for conformity. If a culture of negligence is developed
inside a correctional facility, the same would reflect in the outside world. A child will feel no
pressure to accumulate labor for social capital, hence, will not comply accordingly to society
for solidarity’s sake.

Methodology
Purposive sampling was used to evaluate the effectiveness of the programs in youth
rehabilitation centers by associating them with different social capitals as possible factors. The
target population was inmates aged 18 and above in Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail. The
percentage of inmates who have been in rehabilitation centers before could not be obtained
from the jail’s record database. Only five (5) respondents in total were interviewed. Two (2)
from Makati City Jail’s female department, one (1) from Makati City Jail’s male department,
and two (2) from Quezon City Jail.. Incentives were not provided as it could have added up to
degree of vulnerability they already endure. Permission was granted by addressing a request
letter addressed to the Regional Director of Bureau of Jail Management and Penology -
National Capital Region (BJMP-NCR). The letter of clearance was then presented to the
officers-in-charge for Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail.
Data collection was done through a series of interviews and online research. No
interview was accomplished without the respondent’s full consent. Once it was given, a series
of questions were asked regarding their experience about having been detained in their previous
youth correctional facility/ies as well as the process they underwent during their reintegration
back to society. Data was also gathered to determine links among the available social units
(social worker, psychologist, health doctor, and family). To further back up data, a student who
has had the chance to observe inside a youth home was interviewed. Observations and
evaluation published online was also taken into consideration. The goal would be to discuss
what patterns may be observed from the relationships existing among the personnel, family
and the offender who has had his experience in a youth home. The DSWD standards call for
an assessment of the social workers to be hired. Furthermore, training is required for them to
be able to manage well on handling the program. The offenders’ perception on the personnel
can tell so much on how effectively they are filtering out the workers and how effectively they
are training themselves to handle these vulnerable groups. Family matters was delved into as
well. Some detention and/or rehabilitation programs require that family engagement must be
considered.

Table 1. Time Frame for the Research

Academic Months (2018 -


2019)

Jan Feb Mar April


Tasks 2019 2019 2019 2019

Formulation of research topic


and preliminary research

Requesting and application for


the study’s Ethical
Considerations

Writing of the research proposal


(Chapter 1)

Creation of survey questionnaire

Await approval of ethics board


Await approval of BJMP-NCR

Dissemination of survey
questionnaire

Collation of data

Analysis of data

Consultations and Revisions

Presentation

Presentation of Findings
The process of getting respondents that fulfilled the said requirements had been limiting
for the whole data collection.. The jails did not have their records on whether the offenders
they were admitting to their facility had been to a youth home before. An officer-in-charge in
Quezon City Jail, however, explained that the individuals are asked to fill out a form before
they get admitted to their facility. However, only the number of times that they have been
admitted to a correctional facility is asked in the form. There is no record, then, of which
facilities they have been to or whether they have been admitted when they were of minor age
in any youth home/s. The inmates could not be asked one by one for this study due to time
constraints and limited access.
According to the trustee interviewed in Makati City Jail, there were a couple of inmates
who they knew had come from youth homes before but had already been transferred to a
different facility. To their knowledge, only two (2) out of 135 of the current female inmates
and one (1) out of 783 of the current male inmates have been admitted to a youth rehabilitation
center before.1

Respondent 1

1
All interviews were done in person. The respondents will only be referred to by numbers to maintain anonymity.
Respondent 1 had been to Pasay Youth Home for theft when she was 16. After that, she
had been re-admitted twice for solvent abuse and bagansya or vagrancy. Bagansya is
considered unlawful in the Philippines. It is when a person loiters around the street. According
to her, females are separated from males inside the facility. The females are further filtered out
per cell depending on the nature of crime. However, the men are only filtered out as may kaso
vs. walang kaso.
When asked on the programs and activities done in the facility, the respondent answered
that there were in fact several activities facilitated: TV viewing, bible study, tutoring, and even
mass. On a daily basis, they would be urged to sleep at 6pm and wake up at 5am to exercise.
However, for the rest of the day, she would describe it as “tahimik lang” or really quiet. She
told me that she would normally sleep, or just look through the windows since they could peek
other people passing by, and just chatting with her fellow ‘dormers.’ When asked on how she
was with the staff, she only described it as “okay naman.” Her fellow dormers, however, were
more aggressive as she had experienced being locked inside the locker as a form of prank.
Monitoring of the children inside the facility is poor as she had mentioned that no one was
around to see what happened. The personnel only knew of this incident days after when she
finally decided to tell on the other girls. The social workers would not normally hurt them
physically though she remembers hearing expressions explicitly said like “Asuntuhin nyo na
to” that made her think how much resentment the social workers felt towards them, especially
those who had pending cases to be reviewed by the Court. In her 2-month stay the first time,
1-month stay the second time and 1-month stay the third time in Pasay Youth Home, she was
never visited by her family. She also recalls that there were no guidance counselors or
psychologists in the facility they could talk to. They had a doctor but she doesn’t recall having
multiple appointments because she was usually just fine.
Four (4) years later, she is re-admitted to a correctional facility—the Makati City Jail.
According to her, a knife had been planted in her possession. When she objected in the
Barangay Hall, she was additionally charged with public scandal. She had only been staying in
the facility for 2 months, yet she could tell from her experience that she likes the environment
better in Makati City Jail than Pasay Youth Home because both the personnel and co-inmates
are much more understanding and approachable. Moreover, she likes how they are given more
freedom inside the facility.

Respondent 2
On her first arrest, she was 14 years old. Her case was drug-related as she admittedly
used shabu. However, on her first arrest, she was brought to Camp Karingal where she recalls
being molested by the police officer. Camp Karingal is a correctional facility intended for
adults. She recalls that a social worker from a particular organization she forgot the name of
helped her get out of Camp Karingal to be rightfully admitted to Molave Youth Homes for her
age. She recalls having graduated high school in the facility because there were regular
schooling programs held in the facility. However, she did mention that the personnel would
hurt them through by pagpalo when the other children in the facility misbehaved. The children,
themselves, would also hurt each other. According to her, there was no psychologist or
guidance counselor in the facility. She also does not recall having gone to the clinic during her
stay in Molave Youth Homes. She was visited by his father only once, months after her first
day in the facility because she was too shy to inform him in the first place.
She recalls that she did stop using shabu for a year and a half after her last admittance
to the facility. After that, she had studied and applied for jobs. However, she was struggling
with completely stopping her use of shabu. She was not consistent with it. And so, at the age
of 37, she was back in a correctional facility (Makati City Jail) for the same offense. She
compares Molave Youth Homes with Makati City Jail and says that it is much spacious and
better in the latter. She gets to interact with the personnel and with her co-inmates.

Respondent 3
Respondent 3 could not recall the name of the youth home he was admitted to but he
was 15 years old and was wrongfully charged of knife in possession, as it had only been planted
on him.. He had described that the facility separated the boys from the girls and that they were
not allowed to have spoon and fork in possession. Their activities consisted mostly of Bible
studies and basketball games. As punishment for misconduct, they would have to wash their
clothes. He talked so dearly of his social worker, Sir John, who talked regularly to him and
taught them. He also mentioned that their cook was kind. There were no guidance counselors,
just the social worker himself, who would talk to the children.
He is now 22 years old in Makati City Jail. This is his 4th time; each time charged with
theft except for one in which he was charged for gambling. When asked why he would commit
theft every time, he said he really needed it and even described one time that he stole money
so he could pay for a nice cemetery for his mom.

Respondent 4
He was 15 years old when he was taken in by the DSWD for trespassing. He was being
chased by someone he had a heated argument with and was being threatened to death that is
why he was forced to run inside someone else’s house for safety. He described the culture in
DSWD as ka-barrio which means people from the same municipality would team with each
other and pick on fights with people of the different municipality. For a minor offense, one’s
name will only be listed on the logbook. However, for major offenses, they would be
transferred to an adult jail for some time to have them realize how hard it is to live inside that
kind of facility. For 2 weeks, he was transferred to Caloocan City Jail with the adults as
punishment for always being involved in fights inside the facility. There were no guidance
counselor/s, though he considered the social workers as that because they would talk to them.
He describes them, however, of having resentment towards the children. He was visited by his
family twice a week.
He is now 25 years old, charged with drug possession, but he claims that it was only
planted on him. He works by collecting scraps by the mall and was eating alone outside when
the arrest occurred. First, he was admitted to Molave Youth Homes because police claim that
he looked like a minor. The personnel of the youth home did not ask for his birth certificate
just yet. It was after four (4) months, that they got a hold on his birth certificate and verified
that he was no longer a minor. In fact, a lot of the people staying there are aged 20 and up
already. However, their birth certificates are not an urgent matter for the personnel. In his 4-
month stay in Molave Youth Homes, he recalls that the personnel were not that strict, though
they would hurt someone misbehaving. He recalls having to make flowers inside the facility
so they could sell them. He actively participated in the activities to gain points. When one gets
a lot of points, their sentence inside the facility could lessen, or their review process could be
prioritized.
When he got transferred to Quezon City Jail, he describes how much harder it is there.
He felt joy and misery because he got to meet people of all kinds inside the jail. Unfortunately,
people of minor age were mixed with them inside. Most of them, as he recalls, are transferred
there as a form of punishment by the youth homes. The activities were much more frequent
inside Molave Youth Homes, where a teacher was also present. In Quezon City Jail, the
inmates, themselves, are the ones making efforts to teach each other what they know.

Respondent 5
Respondent 5 is 20 years old and had no prior record of being admitted to a youth home
when he was still a minor. He was, however, wrongly put to Molave Youth Homes on his
arrest. He was caught for robbery and had told the police that he was only 16 years old so he
wouldn’t be admitted to jail. He said he needed the money to pay for bills. He stayed inside the
facility for 11 months, and was active in all of the activities. Activities included tutoring, dance
contest, spoken poetry, and the likes. Because of this, he gained a lot of points and the social
worker had worked closely on his case to help him be released. He described how it was orderly
inside the facility because the personnel respected everyone. Every cell had at least one guard
so they were being monitored closely. He described the social workers as kind and
approachable as he would always talk to them. The kids inside the facility were well-
disciplined, though they would fight from time to time. For those misbehaving, they would be
punished by a method called face the wall or they would be made to clean the toilet rooms. He
recalls having a guidance counselor in the facility, and that they were encouraged to set an
appointment with him regularly. He was not visited by his family because they never knew he
was admitted to the facility as they were not close. When he was about to be released by the
judge, only then was his birth certificate reviewed. Because of this, he was transferred to
Quezon City Jail instead. He’s been staying in the facility for three (3) months. He compares it
with Molave Youth Homes, and describes how much harder it is in Quezon City Jail. “Walang
pagbabago dito,” he said. Apparently, punishment is not set to those who would misbehave.
He also mentioned that there were no guidance counselors in the facility, though he could
approach the other officers and get pieces of advice from them.

Table 2. Overview of offenses committed by respondents

Respondent Youth Home Offense Adult Offense

1 Pasay Youth Home Theft, solvent abuse, Knife in possession


vagrancy (planted) and public
scandal

2 Molave Youth Drug use Drug use


Homes

3 Cannot be recalled Knife in possession Theft and gambling


(planted)

4 Molave Youth Trespassing Drug in possession


Homes (planted)

5 Molave Youth Theft Transferred (wrongly


Homes admitted to Molave)
Table 3. Social Units and their treatment

Respondent Youth Home Social Unit/Support Treatment/Har Family


During Youth m Visits
Home Stay

1 Pasay Youth Home Social worker, Hurtful words; None


doctor palo

2 Molave Youth Social worker Felt that the Once


Homes workers
resented them;
palo

3 Cannot be recalled Social worker, cook Hurtful words; None


palo

4 Molave Youth Social worker Palo 2x a week


Homes

5 Molave Youth Social worker, Workers None


Homes guidance counselor respected
children

Table 4. Activities and punishments in youth homes

Respondent Youth Home Activities in Punishment


Youth Home

1 Pasay Youth TV Viewing, None;


Home bible study, mass sometimes
physical harm

2 Molave None she can None;


Youth recall of sometimes
Homes physical harm

3 Cannot be Bible study, Washing of


recalled basketball games clothes;
sometimes
physical harm

4 Molave Arrangement of Logbook,


Youth flowers transfer to
Homes Adult Jail

5 Molave Special Face the wall,


Youth Education, dance cleaning of
Homes contests, spoken toilet rooms
poetry

External Observations of a Youth Home


A student who had gone to a youth home for observation was also interviewed. Her
colleagues, however, had not given their consent, so data is still limited. The respondent had
gone to a youth home in Caloocan City. The child she got to interview had committed an
offense once. The kid says that she normally just goes to school or goes straight home but with
an exception on that incident she was arrested. During the respondent’s stay in the facility, she
noticed how the staff were closely monitoring the children. They were easy to scold the children
at certain points in their play time as well. The respondent observed the staff’s short temper,
and had assumed it was because they were not paid well for a difficult job they had.
Children are not allowed to possess objects that could potentially endanger them. Thus,
items such as spoon and fork, lighter, etc. are prohibited. In one of her stays, however, it was
discovered that one of the children had in possession a lighter. How this was done is unknown.
However, this information made the staff decide to have an inspection of their different rooms.
In the process, girls’ make-up were also confiscated from the girls’ rooms. The respondent had
described the staff to be aggressive during this search. In fact, some of them used that
experience against the kids to justify why they are not to be trusted. They were saying it, even,
in front of the kids—criticizing them of how that certain behavior defines who they truly are.
When asked about the daily programs being followed in the facility, the kids had what
they called “schooling” but their teachers aren’t accredited teachers or tutors. Their teachers
were also the social workers working at the facility. Moreover, the schooling program isn’t
made to fit each child’s needs. Only one syllabus was followed for everyone else. The children
are not allowed to do much, so they only sing or watch TV. One of the kids even told the
respondent that sometimes, they would risk escaping or lying to the police just so they can be
admitted to a prison instead. Because apparently, an adult prison appealed more to them as they
have more activities and free will to move around and interact inside the facility.

Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail


The presentation of this data does not necessarily change the focus of the study as a
comparison of a youth home and an adult jail. However, mixed comments from the respondents
on their preferences could imply which system or culture entails a healthier environment for a
vulnerable group. Both Makati City Jail and Quezon City Jail had drug-related cases as the
issue mostly charged on their offenders. The officer-in-charge of the Quezon City Jail admitted
how cramped it is inside the facility, that she cannot imagine how difficult it must be for the
inmates to live in that kind of environment. She stayed throughout the duration of the interview,
and would always comment, “Ang hirap sa loob noh?” when the interviewee narrates
experiences inside the facility. They also promoted ‘points system’ inside the facility to have
the inmates participate actively.
Respondents from Makati City Jail, however, liked it better in their facility. As the
researcher had also noticed, the inmates were roaming around more freely unlike the ones
observed in Quezon City Jail. When asked of the different activities they had, there were quite
a lot. In the morning, on a daily basis, they would engage in Zumba. They teach discipline and
honesty by letting them clean up after their own mess and have them report on a monthly basis
per cell. They would be asked of their issues and concerns inside their cells. Moreover, they
implemented a Therapeutic Community Modality Program (TCMP).
As a treatment model adapted by the BJMP, it includes four categories: behavior
management, intellectual and spiritual aspects, emotional and psychological aspects, and
vocational or survival aspects (Escabel, et. al.). A “community” is simulated to gauge their
skills and have them meet the social expectations so they can better adapt to society when they
are discharged. The program is entailed to focus on personal growth by restoring self
confidence, and preparing them for re-integration to society and their families. According to a
study done in Batangas City Jail, it gained positive feedback from the inmates.

Discussion and Analysis


Culture
According to the data gathered, there seems to be no daily program followed by the
children in the facilities. Normally, it would be called ‘boring’ or too quiet. As proposed by the
Social Development Model, whatever habits are formed or are visible to a child contributes to
his/her own development process. If on a daily basis, activities are not well-promoted, what
kind of character development would the personnel expect from the children? It would now
resort to what kind of culture is visible to the kids that would substantiate their development
stage during their stay in the rehabilitation center. The kind of culture promoted in the facilities
mentioned by the respondents seems to be of a point vs. punishment system. Their active
participation in the activities equate to a particular set of points, which can eventually lessen
their sentence and have them gain popularity among the children and the social workers. If they
misbehave, they are punished. Punishments vary—from a simple household task of cleaning
the toilets and washing the clothes to a traumatizing extent of having to be transferred to an
adult jail to have a ‘peek’ of how difficult it is there. This culture may imply four (4) things.
1) Children cannot expect the same thing in the outside reality. Not every good
deed or every participation equates to a point that can bring them closer to a
good opportunity. It may be a good mindset to instill but if the culture mainly
focuses on this, rather than the development of oneself for the benefit of the
greater good, it may be an issue. It may be problematic when children do not
encounter the same thing in reality?
2) The culture seems to be promoting an emphasis on the inward projection of
development. Points exist so their sentences can lessen. Punishments are set so
that they may be reminded not to do bad—because why would they want to
harm themselves? How is the culture of social justice and social welfare now
promoted effectively? Their performance is monitored for the sake of protecting
themselves but not so much on the awareness of a bigger community that resides
in and out of the facility.
3) The facility promotes that basic household tasks of cleaning the toilet rooms
and washing clothes is a punishment. Moreover, some are transferred to adult
jails for a punishment. This can be traumatizing for a child, moreover, news
have it that adult offenders may find their way to manipulate these children they
meet inside the facilities.
4) This culture seems to promote violence as hurtful words and pagpapalo is seen
as normal. Some of the social workers hit children for misconduct.

These can be backed up by a Justice Policy Institute Report done by Barry Holman and
Jason Ziedenberg. A psychologist found that incarcerated youth with whom such culture of
neglect and violence are promoted to, incur poor mental health (2015). Moreover, the notion
having a points and punishment system may prove to be problematic, especially when
implemented inefficiently. Gregory Ching (2012) looked into these issues through the
Philippine education system. His study had observed that although educational facilities insist
that their ‘rewards and punishment’ system help promote a positive discipline approach, results
show otherwise. When this is done, engagement and motivation are interpreted wrongly by
young adults (ibid).
Data gathered in this study is still insufficient to confirm whether the social workers,
themselves, had played a role to encourage the children’s participation because most of the
youth homes (even the current adult correctional facilities) run on a points and punishment
system. What does this entail on the relationship among the staff and the children? It may have
promoted the same technicality the previous studies have been observing and it may have
lacked the ‘sympathy’ that social capital deems necessary to transform an individual. In fact,
personnel from the youth homes are usually described as “galit sa amin, lalo na sa mga may
kaso” or short-tempered. Only two recall that the personnel respected them. Family visits are
not as often, too so their role in the children’s development cannot be closely analyzed for this
study. They would describe their relationship with their families as not too closely-knit. Only
two of the respondents recall having a guidance counselor (aside from the social worker) in the
facility. Mainly, only the social workers played a crucial role serving even as the only counselor
and teacher present to the kids. The development of the child during his stay in a facility is then
mainly dictated by the his/her performance and the implementation of the facility’s programs.
Even so, they all recall that no daily activities were being monitored so they described it to be
boring all day.
As proposed by the same model, delinquency is believed to be affected also by several
protective and risk factors. To recall, risk factors are those that may trigger a child to traumatic
memory. Protective factors are needed as response to these risk factors as a way to maintain
stability in one’s behavior. Protective factors have been divided into three broad categories: 1)
individual characteristics, 2) family cohesion, 3) and external social support. From the findings,
it is hard to tell how individual characteristics were met in their programs. As recalled, the
children basically follow a general syllabus for their studies no matter what grade they might
already be in. Moreover, the activities are very limited that it is difficult to conclude if they had
helped promote individualism among the children. Most of the respondents would say that their
families did not know of their admittance to the youth homes. Some say they were too shy to
reach out, or that they were just simply not close to them so they never bothered. Family
cohesion, then, was not promoted at all. Thus, external social support may not have been
instilled to these children either.

JJWA Standards
As discussed in this paper, the JJWA had set guidelines to be followed in three
levels.The primary level deals with the promotion of social justice to be able to fix the probable
roots of committing an offense. No sufficient data was gathered to completely answer this.
However, most of the programs mentioned during the interview consisted mostly of
educational, kinesthetic, and religious activities. The BJMP has adapted the TCMP for this, but
it is unknown whether youth homes practice these as well. The secondary level deals with
assistance. Some of the respondents gave positive feedback that their social workers were
indeed helpful during their stay, as they were approachable. However, the extent of assistance
provided is unclear. Tertiary level attends to prevention of re-offending. To some, their stay in
the youth home had helped them prevent re-offending, but only to some extent. Because some
of the respondents had still resorted to a different crime, or had continued the same offense
years later. Most of them, however, had admitted that they were afraid to be re-admitted back
to a correctional facility that is why they tried to avoid committing any offense. This reflects
that the culture of fear was instilled to them.

Social Capital
There are not enough social workers, psychologists, and other specialists inside the
facility because the budget is not met. Social capital proved to be weak (from the respondent’s
answers) as relationship formed among the social workers and the children seemed to be a
result of a series of interactions and exchanges done out of obligation, especially on days there
were special activities. Moreover, sympathy was amply expressed to the children, as they recall
that most of the social workers were irritated with them. This reflects the culture of a point
system, even outside the facilities—that the social workers themselves would have to depend
on financial benefit to be able to deliver quality work. Sympathy is not promoted well, thus,
social capital that could have strengthened the bridges to social welfare is insufficient. Because
obligations, norms, and the system itself can be expected to fail the people. However, if
sympathy is strong, it can be transformative. The facilities, however, were all motivated by the
norms that these children have indeed become delinquents in their perception. They were also
driven by the points vs. punishment system.

Conclusion and Recommendations


Youth homes are expected to promote social justice and social welfare. Intentions of having
a child reintegrated back to society as a conformant was met through the promotion of a points
vs. punishment system in the facilities. They were afraid of behaving against the social
worker’s set of rules. Findings show that this does not necessarily contribute to a child’s
development towards the understanding of social justice and social welfare because
engagements were only motivated out of obligation.
In conclusion, social capital may play a significant role to a child’s development.
Although it was not clear in this paper because not much comparison could have been done,
almost all of the respondents felt the social workers’ resentment towards them. Hence, neglect
and violence were promoted and interactions were done almost out of obligation. Two (2) of
the respondents who have described a relatively close relationship to their social workers
expressed their will to change. The rest, had focused on the hardships inside the correctional
facilities that really motivate them to prevent themselves from offending again. From these, it
can be said that social capital were indeed exercised out of obligation. However, social capital
with the emphasis on ‘sympathy’ and its transformative capacity was lacking. The extent of
influence it has, however, cannot be extensively discussed in this study’s limited access to such
data. The relationship formed among some of the respondents and their social workers were
perceived meaningful, but only to some extent. Because eventually, some resorted back to their
offenses.
For all that, it is still recommended that the effectiveness of the youth homes could be
further enhanced by 1) allocating enough budget to hire or train social workers, psychologists,
and special education teachers; 2) to hold assessment measurements to be able to address a
young adult’s psychological components (because as some of the respondents would say, the
social worker also claimed the job of being their guidance counselor); 3) each program must
be customized according to the nature of crime; 4) age should be closely monitored in every
facility—that they should be able to protect a child from exposure to risk. More importantly,
youth homes must be able to promote a culture that does not entail neglect, violence, and
conformity out of mere obligations.

Recommendations
To further enhance the topic on assessing youth rehabilitation centers and recidivism,
it is recommended that extensive research still be conducted on youth homes and also on adult
jails that may contain individuals of minor age. Data gathered calls for a re-evaluation of the
available services offered by social workers in youth facilities. Hence, the perspectives of the
social workers may be considered, too. It may reveal factors on their performance that affects
the efficiency of correctional facilities.
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