ARCHEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES
ON THE LOCALIZATION OF
NARAM SINS ARMANUM
Adelheid Otto (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat,
One of the proudest achievements of the
Akkadian king Naram-Sin was the conquest of
Annainim and Ei)la.' These events are described
in an Old Babylonian copy of an inscription on a
monument erected in the city of Ur {t/ETl 275 =
U 7756, IM 85461):
Whereas, for all tiint'.s sintc the treiitifin of numkintl.
no king whatsoever \\M\ riestroved Armaniini and Khia,
the god Nergal, hy means of (his) weapons (ipciied the
way for" Narain-Sin, the niiglity, and gave him Armanum
and Ebla, Further, he guve to him the Amaiius, the
Cedar Mountain, and the Upper Sea.^
Although it is clear that Naram-Sin's campaign
passed through Ebia {Tall Mardikh) on its way to
the Mediterranean coast and the Cedar Mountain,
the exact geographical position of Armanum re-
main.s uncertain. It is now generally accepted that
Armanum sbould be identified with Armi/Armium
(tf the Ebla texts and not, as bad previously been
A short \f"r,si(in of this paper wiis prescnti^d nt the 52i
Kciicontrf in Miiiistn, Hiiriiig which 1 had the possihility
t» discuss the topic with Maria Giovanna Biga and Alfonso
Archi. My ihanks are to them as wpll as to Walther Sallaberger,
MuniVed Krebernik, iind Mi(h;H-l Roal' for cdiiiments on an
earlier driitt of this pa|K r
1. Apart from the cxtcnsivr passaj/c in VKI' t 175, these
•Khieveiupnts arc mentioned in olher inseriplions where
Nanim-Sin is described as "the c(iru|iH'ror nf Arniaiiinii and
t-vblii" and as "the c()n(|iicror of Armaniiin, Etila and Elam"
(R/Mf':2, Naram-Sin K2.I.4.27),
2. Col, I 1-29 after HIMK^, Naram-Sin F:2.t.4,26.
Miinchen)
.sugge.sted, with Halab (modern Alepjx)).^ But Armi
is also unlocalized, even tbougb it is the most fre-
quently mentioned place name in tlie Ebla texts
after Mari and Emar.
The Naram-Sin inscription contains, after tbe
description of his victories, copies of captions that
record the dimensions of an unusually higb and
strongly defended fortification, wbich in all prob-
ability was Armanum itself (see below), On the one
band this reprc^sentation. with its c-xat t measure-
ments, gives tbe impression of an luc ttrate depic-
tion of tbe structure, but on tbe other hand the fact
tbat this fortification is described as a hill tnight
lead one to doubt its acc:urac\' since, until recently,
no Early Bronze Age fortifications on a natural
bill bave been identified.
Here I discuss first the description of Armannm
in tbis well-known text, then tbe evidence of the
recently investigated Early Bronze Age citadel of
Banat-Bazi at the Middle Euphrates and its pos-
sible identification with Armaninn. 1 examine the
information about Armi/Aiininm derived from
the study of the Ebla texts to see ii' it is consistent
8. For the identification {if Annaniiin witli ilalah. hasctl
partly on NaraiiiSin's deM ription of Arniaiiuni as haviiij); an
impressive citadel, see fiCrC 1 (1977) tH: KGTC 2 (1974) 15.
The frfCjiient oc( nrreiue of a rchj;ious i( nter (allcH I lalam/h
in the texts from F.bia lias sliown that this suggestion u as not
jiistiliecl (Lamliert 19901): 641-48; Bonechi ]99()h). Manfred
Krebernik informs me that the equation Arniinm = Armanum
is only possible if a plural is postnlated. This fits well with
the Hanat-Bazi cluster consistintJ of several parts.
 ADELHEID OTTO
with this proposal, and suggest that the archaeo-
logical and textual evidence taken together sug-
gests that Armaniim/Armi, like Ebla. was already
in decline at the time of Naram-Sins Syrian
campaign.
UETl 275: The Description of Armanum
in Naram-Sin's Inscription
The Old Babylonian tablet VET I 275 with a
copy of Naram-Sins inscription was found in the
01(1 Babylouian residential quarter of Ur iu the
house that Leonard Woolley named no. 7 Quiet
Street, and was iirst published by C. J. Gadd and
L. Legrain in 1928. In 1948 K R, Kraus published
a detailed study of the text in an article entitled
''Ein altakkadisches Festungsbild." B. Eoster under-
took a new investigation in 1982. Further treat-
ments of this text are included in the corpora of
Old Akkadian royal inscriptions produced by I. J.
Gelb and B. Kienast in 1990 and D. R. Erayne in
1993 (with previous literature).
After the description of the greatest extent of
Naram-Sins conquests, achieved with the help
of Nergals weapon (I 1-29), the narrative depicts
how Naram-Sin, assisted by the pod Dagan, con-
quered Armanuin, Ebia, and the Euphrates region
(I 30-11 23). More specifically, it describes how,
again with Dagan's help, he captured king Rida-
Adad of Armanum (III 2) / Rid-Adad (III 28) "in
the middle of his entrance" (II 29-III 10). After
the description of the construction of a diorite
statue of the king, which presumably bore the
inscription, there is an unusually detailed record
of the dimensions of a fortification, which had a
series of three walls (IV 20-VI 17; see fig. 1).
Gadd and Legrain (1928) thought that the descrip-
tion of this fortification, whose name was written
"Si-ku-ma-num" in (ol. V 15, was written on
another monument, namely on a statue of Sin-
eribam of Larsa (VI 19), an opinion followed by
Sollberger and Kupper (1971: 108), and Astour
(2002: 64), although Kraus (1948: 81-82) had
demonstrated how unlikely it was that an Old
Akkadian text should have been written on an
Old Babylonian statue, and that there is no reason
to doubt that it belongs to the monument of
Naram-Sin. Noting that there are various other
scribal errors in the Ur copy, Kraus (1948: 89)
suggested emending Si-ku-ma-num to Ar-ma-num
(V 15), and this reading has been accepted by
Hirsch (1963: 21), Foster (1982), Gelb-Kienast
(1990) and Erayne (1993).
It is strange that the scribe (even if this text was
a copy produced in the course of liis education)
wrote the signs in V 15 Si-ku-..., when he had
copied the first sign of the name six times pre-
viously as Ar- Perhaps this is explained by the
fact that the inscription was written on top of the
representation of the fortification, and thus was
more difficult to read. In the following discussion
I accept the opinion of the majority of scholars
that these captions belonged to a depiction of the
fortified Mount Armanum.
This depiction was carved on a .statue of
Naram-Sin (DUL-iW tdm-sr-l\i\}, which stood in
the temple of Sin. According to notes written
with Old Babylonian sign forms, the monument
of Naram-Sin was flanked on one side by a great
statue of the king of Larsa, Sin-eribam, and the
other side was oriented towards a part of the
temple known as the Ekisalamma (Eoster 1982).
The appearance of the statue can be imagined
from the surviving examples of Old Akkadian
statuary.'* The fortress could have been depicted
4. Either this was a seated statue (simihir to tiic one of
Maiiistusu: Ainiet 1976, no. 11 +-12). or more probahly a stand-
ing statue of the king, showing him about lifcsizcd, dressed in
a long niiintle, which let only his feet free in a window-like
opening (comparable to two exlaiit lower parts of king Manis-
tusu, AmiH 1976, nos. 13. 15). The limestone statue Sb 48,
with its socle still 1.34 m high, bears no inscription, but can be
attributed to Manistusu's reign on stylistic grounds (Amiet t976;
126-27; it is highh' improbable that someone other than the
king was depicted in a nearly lifesized triumphal slalue). Its
character as a triumphal statue is especially apparent through
the socle relief, which shows four lying, defeated enemies, who
arc identified by captions as princes of named cities. On tbe
ba.sis of Old Babylonian copies, Buccellati (1993} reconstructed
a triumphal statue of Rimus with its pedestals with decorated
and in.scribed plaques set on them. Given the lact that Akkadian
kings apparently illustrated concrete victories on their statues,
it is coneeivable that an especially impressive citadel could
have been depicted on the Naram-Sin statue as well (a depic-
tion to .scale of a ground plan (an be found on the slightly later
statue of Gudea as architect, Lou\re AO 2). The Nanun-Sin stele
shows that representations of conquered territory made ii.se
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN^ ARMANUM

REVERSE.

Col. VI. Col. V. Col. IV.

If

^W "'
wim^"^

10

10

15

)6

— - ^

20
26

Fig. 1. The text t/£TI 275, col. IV-VI

(after Gadd and Legrain 1928).

on the massive cvlindi kal lower part of the statue
or could have formed the pedestal at its base.
of sjH'Ctiifiiliir licights. Proj^mmmiitic depictinns of
cities luul dctViilcd kin^s tivc also rmind on a (gt-n 111110-?) mold,
probabh' I'miii the time of Naiam-Sin. 11 shows the deified king
on a high, stepped, architecioiiic flement near n river. The
warlike l-itar, .sitting opposite him, hold.s the ropes of two de-
feated moiintiiin god.s and two defeated enemies standing on
their buildings or walled eities (Aruz 2003: no, 133). Ctiptions
are alreadv t'oiiiid nn a stele of Sargon (Ainiet 1976: no. 1).
The text contains many scribal errors and,
althouf^h it is carefully written, it may well have
been a copy, made by an apprentice .scribe, of a
less-than-perfect transcription of the original
{"vielleicht schon fehlerhaften, von Original tmd
Erstabscbrift wabrstheinlich wcit cntfernteii
Vorlage"; Kruus 1948: 91). This is presumably
tbe reason why the interpretation of several text
pa.ssages is difficnlt and why the measurements do
not add up to tbe sitm given in the text (see below).
 ADELHEID OTTO
The captions are divided into two groups, one
of which was written on the side of the depiction
of the striK tiire facing the statue of Sin-eribam and
the other on the .side facing the Ekisalamma. The
reconstructions by Kraus and Foster of the appear-
ance of the depicted structure are shown infig.2.
The following dimensions are given for the struc-
tural elements:
1. Captions on the side of the depiction facing the
IV 20-26: is-tum BAD da-ni-im ana BADGAL
10-hlO-KlO (Foster: 60'+60VlO; Roaf;
3x60^) KUS SUKUD SA.TU-»n 40, 4
KITS SUKUD BAD
From the mighty wall to the great
wall: 30(?} (Foster: 130', Roaf; 180')
cubits height of the hill, 44 cubits
height of the wall
V 1-7: is'tiim BAD ka-ri'-bnlka-ivi'im ana
BAD da-ni-im 3x60 KUS SUKUD
SATU-n/* 30 KUS SUKUD BAD
From the karum wall/outer wall to
the mighty wall: 180 cuhit height of
the hill, 30 cubits height of the wall
V 8-13; SU.NIGIN 6x60.40,4 ix] KUS SUKUD
iH-tum qd-qd-ri-im a-na SAG BAD
Total: 404 [X] cubits height from the
ground to the top of the wall
2. Captions on the side of the depiction facing the
statue of Sin-eribam;
VI 1-9: i-i-ium ID a-na BAD ka-rr-im/ka-wi-
im 3x60,10,6 KUS SUKUD SATU-im
20 KUS SUKUD BAD
From the river to the karum wall/
outer wall: 196 cubits height of the
hill, 20 cubits height of the wall
VI 10-17; is-tiim BAD ka-ri^-imlka-wr-im (see
below) a-na BAD da-ni-im 2x60,
30,6 KUS SUKUD SATU-im 30 KUS
SUKUD BAD
5. This prnpnsul is due to Michael WoixL It is in fuel the
easiest wiiy to urrive ai the stim o!' 404 cubits (180+180+44 =
404).
From the kanim wall/outer wall until
the mighty wall; 156 cubits height of
the hill. 30 cubits height of the wall
These measurements pose several problems, as
follows:
1. Are they based on real, accurately measured
distances?
2. The sum of 404 cubits given in V 8 is ditticult
to reconstruct from the numbers given in the in-
scription (the reason for muth of the coTifusion
with the numbers may be the transformation of
the Old Akkadian numbers, written with round
elements, to Old Babylonian cuneiform signs).
Kraus (1948; 84) proposed that the total of 404
cubits included the sum of the "height of the bill"
and the ''height of the wall "from the ground to
the the karum wall/outer wall," a dimension that
was not recorded in the captions and that Kraus
calculated to have been 120 cubits (120-t-180 +
30-^30-^44 = 404)" Foster (1982; 34) suggested
that the thirty cubits between the mighty wall
and the great wall was a scribal error and that
the copyist, instead of writing two verticals and
one Winkdhaken (60-H60-»-10 = 130), wrote three
Wiiikelhaken (10-t-IO-hlO) and that the originally
written distance was 130 cubits. Adding up these
emended distances, gives the total of 404 (20 +
180-H30-H130+44 = 404). This also appears more
reasonable because otherwise the two tallest walls
on this high hill would have beeu separated only
by a height of 30 cubits. A simpler emendation
would be to read 180 cubits (three vertical wedges
instead of three M'inkcthakcn) lor the height of
the hill between the two upper walls and to add
the height of the vertical wall (44 cubits), which
corresponds best to "from the ground to the toji
of the wall" (V 8-13).
3. In Col. V 2, VI 5 and VI ] 1 Gelb and Kieuast
(1990) read: BAD ka-wi'-iin. "outer walir followiiig
ix Kiiuis proposed that the distanre from Ihf ground {(/aq-
qanint) \o the top of the wall was measured on the .'^ide of the
depiotinn. where llic distaner from the (^nniiul to the outer
wall was n()t indicated. This would ^five x + ! 80+30+30+44 =
404. and tluis .\ idLstancc ground lo outer wall; = 120.
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN^ ARMANUM

a == vi24 c = vi 6
! J/ 44 — b I durum rabiim
1 b = iv 26
c == v 5
-) f = v i 8
g = vi 14
T \
d = v7
/ \ h = vi 16

s /
// \ Viewl = V 20-v 13
View2 = vi 1-17
1 1 \\ ^
t / /
\
30 = d thlruii! (hiiiiiuni =h \
\
/ \ \
.i/ 7^
f \ \ A
/: / ^ \
<\
^J /f
/ / / \
\
\
f / \
J \
diir kariiu 20 =f \
\
Figure not to scale

Fig. 2. Tbe depiction of tbe citadel of Armanum atconling to Naram-Sin's desoriplion.

Figures redrawn by the author after the reconstructions by Kraus (1948) and
Foster (1982).
 ADELHEID OTTO
a suggestion by Klaas Veenhof. In contrast, Foster
(1982) and Frayne (1993) read BAD ka-rf-im
^^kariim wall." Neither of these readings can be
accepted as certain as tbe sign in question is not
typical of either ri or wi and indeed is written
differently in VI 5 and VI 11. The existence of a
karum (a separate merchant s quarter or port) in
Armanum is tberefore a possibility, but is not
certain.
4, In the first series of measurements on the
Ekisalama side (on tbe left in the sketches of
Kraus and Foster, seefig.2) the distances between
the outer/fcarum wall and the mighty wall and
between the mighty wall and the great wall are
given. In tbe second series of measurements (on
the right) the distances from the river to tbe
outer//carwm wall and from tbis to the mighty
wail were recorded, but the distance from tbe
mighty wall to the great wall was not given. It
has been suggested that tbis was not necessary
because it was already recorded in the first .series
of measurements, Anotber possibility is tbat the
great wall did not extend to tbe side of the depic-
tion (see below). It is, however, evident tbat tbe
two sides of the fortified bill were not identical
and that for this teason different measurements
were given.
5, How do we interpret these measurements?
At first glance one would assume that tbe dimen-
sions in cubits are vertical heights, since the same
word SUKUD (height) is used botb for tbe SUKUD
SA.TU-?m (height of tbe bill/mountain) and the
SUKUD BAD (height of the tortification/wall).
Even if the vertical height of a steep slope could
bave been measured in tbe Akkadian period, it
is difficult to believe that the total height of tbe
fortress was as much as 404 cubits (approximately
two-hundred meters, reckoning one cubit as about
one-half meter). To my knowledge tbere is no pre-
Iron Age site in the Near East of anything like
sucb a heigbt' To solve this difficulty I suggest that
7. (Jinittinp the 44 meters of the mighty wall gives a height
of ca. 180 meters (360 cubits) or assuming that the total of 404
meters is wrong, that the other recorded heights were correct
and that the height of the fortiticatioii was the sum of the
"heights of the hill" hetween the walls gives either ca. 105 m
the SUKUD SA.TU-T>« referred to tbe lengtb of a
steep slope and not the horizontally or vertically
measured distance. Foster (1982: 36) suggested
the lengtb of the slope was meant because the
measurements record the ascent tbe besiegers bad
to make, from bottom to top (to bim the illustration
was not primarily of tbe citadel, bttt of bow its
conquest was achieved with troops attacking from
two sides). This proposal, whicb is based on tbe
different measurements given on tbe two sides, is
not necessary if tbe sides of the bill were actually
different (see below).
Archaeology: The Search for a
Fortified Hill Dating lo ihe
Early Bronze Age IV
UKVl 275 describes a bill of considerable beight
situated beside a river, defended by several forti-
fication walls and therefore not a fortified tell or
tell of the sort that is frequently found in EBA
times.^ The fortified stnictnre of Amianum with
several BAD (fortifications, walls) may either be
called a citadel or a fortress.'' It is quite difierent
from the hundreds of BAD tbat are mentioned
in the P'bla texts (such as tbe fifty-two named
BAD belonging to the city of Lu'atum^', wbich
(180+30 cubits) on one side or ca. 90 meters (156+30 cubits).
These heights are (onsiderahly greater than the recorded
heights of such important citadels and sites as those at Assiir
(max, 49 ml, Niniveh (ca, 30 meters), Jehel Ariida (ca. 60
meters), Emar (ea. 40 meters), and Karkamis 'ca, 37 meters),
8, For an overview of fortified Earl\' Bronze Age tells in
northern Mesopotamia, see Anastasin et al,, Suhaiiii XIII
(2004), At least twelve fortified settlements existed in the
valley of the Middle Euphrates hetween Ttittu! and Karkami^
during EB Ii-IVa Some of them might have had strn( tnral
similarities to the fortified hill of Armanum, although these
hiid heen transfered to a td\ structure- Zettler (1997: 170) states:
"By the third miHeiiiiium Tell es-Sweyhat, with its outer iind
inner fortification walls and terraced central mound, would
have come to resemble the soit of tiered city ostensibly
described in Naram-Suens inscription commemorating his
conquest of Ehia and Armanum,"
9. We define a (itadel as a fortified and often elevated paii
of a settlement that has a special (administrative, cultit. mili-
tary) function. We define a fortress as a fortified structure
with a mihtary purpose, although it may contain domestic
elements.
 THE L O C : A L I Z A T I O N OE NARAM-SINS ARMANUM
was governed by an en).'" This type of "BAD"
cannot be a "i'oriress/fortezza/Fefittmg^ but is in
all probability a small settlement surrounded by
a wall."
Until recently no Early Bronze Age citadels or
fortresses situated on bigb natural bills had been
found in North Mesopotamia or Syria.'' Such an
unusnal feature as a fortitit-d natural hill beside a
river could only occur in particuiar geographical
situations such as along the Euphrates where
the valley is flanked by limestone hills. Within
tbe Middle Euphrates valley, wbich was densely
settled during this period,'' tbe only fortified
hill was perhaps Emar.'"* Since it was frequently
mentioned in the Ebla texts, it cannot be iden-
tifed with Armi/Armanum,
An unexpected di.scovery made in tbe excava-
tion campaign in 2004 was tbe discovery of an
Early Bron/.t- Age Ijuilding on top of the citadel
hill of Bazi.'' Tbis citadel is built on a natural spur
10. MEE X 34 (TM 75.G.1975); see Milano and Rova (2()f)():
723);A.Archi,.Sc/>4 11981) 1-17.
11. The translation of BAD ditfers: "fortezza" le^., Afi£,T4;
AfiET7); "fortezza; mHra" {ARETIM -caHtelh" lARET 13);
"Festiiiif^. tciltveise mit Tor (KAY (Edzard, QuSem 18 |1992|
192); "NU'detiassuna" (B. Kienast, IISAO 2: 231); "fortress"
(Milano and Rova 2(K)(): 724): "stronghold"' resp. "cities uilh
their own territory" iMihnioand Hova 2000: 723|.
12. No Early Bronze Age citadel on a hill has been discov-
ered .so far in the <leTis<ty settled plain around Tilmen lloyiik,
in the Orontes valley, in the Euphrates valley further to the
north or the south, or in the B;ilih region or the Ilabur triangle
A location of Armium further to the sotitheast is excluded
because it did not belong to Maris sphere. .*\t Jerabhis tahtani.
immediately south of Karkaniis, a three-hundred-squ a re-meter
"fort" existed in the Karlv Bronze Age. Its outer wall, still pre-
served to a height of ca. six meters, was reinforced by a glacis;
however, this "fort" was built directly in the Euphrates alluvial
plain (Pellenburg 1999: 97-105).
13. The Big Bend area of the Euphrates is in the latest Early
Bronze Age periods one of the mo.st densely settled in all
Up|«M- Mesopotamia (see Anastasio et al. 2004: map 37, Period
L. Akkad/h:B IVa; and map 42, Period M, Ur llt/EB IVb)
14. Tbe lalest excavations at Emar hy I!. Finkbeiner bave
brought to lighl F.arl\- liionze Age le\els, hnt it is still uncertain
if the whole Enrl\- Bronze Age cit\' lies below Middle and
Uite Bronze .Age Kniai'lU Finklwiner. R«M 32 |2()()1| 41-120;
BaM 33 12002] 11 t-4fi; BnM 34 |2f)()3i 9-100).
15. The excavations of the citadel of Bazi are conducted
by the Ludwig-Maximilitins-UniversitiU Miinehen under the
direction of Herthold Einwag and Adelheid Otto, financed hy
the Deutsche Foi.sehungsgemeinscliaft. We thank the Svrian
of the plateau tbat rises sixty meters above tbe
valley level. On three sides it slopes .steepK down
towards the valley. On the fotn th side, the weak
point of thfc' defensive system, it was protected by
a deep, forty-meter-wide artificial dit( h cut through
the rock to separate the citadel from the surround-
ing elevated plateati.'** Tins mountain spur was
protected by a series of stone walls built directly
on the natural rock (figs. 3, 4).
Until 2001, our investigations on tbe strongly
fortified citadel were restricted to a trencb down
the east slope as well as to sondages on tbe top
of tbe citadel and in the vicinity of the rock-cut
cistern at the northwe.st corner.'' Although a few
Early Bronze Age Hnds, sucb as pottery sberds
and terracotta figurines, were recovered in tbese
excavations, as well as from tbe surface of the
mound, we thought that these had been brought
to the top of the citadel together with the dirt
used to make the mudbricks employed in the con-
struction of Middle and Late Bronze Age and
Roman buildings. It was only in 2004 that we un-
covered Early Bronze Age levels tbat ca.st doubt
on our previous belief tbat the hill had first been
occupied in the Middle and Late Bronze Age.
Tbe citadel of Bazi is not an isolated structure,
but belongs to a much greater settlement com-
plex (fig. 5). In the Early Bronze Age this included,
in addition to the citadel of Bazi, tbe settlement
of Banat (village) covering an area of approxi-
mately tbirty bectares/*^ a massive town wall, tbe
monumental tumulus mound Tall Banat Nortb
Antiquity Service for the continuous support. The excavations
are part of the salvage projects in the Tishrcen dam area.
Shorty after the dam was elosed in 1999. Banat, Kabir, and the
lower paits of Bazi were ilooded.
16. A nine-meter-wide motit, eut into the river gravel con-
glomerate, separated Selenkahiya on one side from the sm-
rounding area (Meijer and van Loon 200!; 3.93). Emar and
Fa(|"us show broad ditches towards the high plateau of the
Enplu-ates valley. In Emar this is called the "vallee artifieielle"
(Margueroii 1982: 17-19).
17 F.inwag, Kohlmeyer. and Otto 11995), F^inwag and Otto
(1996). Einwag and Otto (1999; in press), The focus of our
1993-1999 investigations was on tbe lower town, until it was
flooded.
18. Porter and McClellan (1998); MtOellan (1999); Akker-
mans and Schwartz (2003; 24e)-50).
 ADELHEID OTTO

F*^r?Wii'-.-'^^,T,i.;=...^-^r-'..-*CT»w^

Fig. 3. T h e Citadel of Bazi. T h e eastern slope with a huge wAi consi.slnig ol l>ig stone blocks halfway
up the hill, a n d a lower wall at t h e foot of the hill.

Fig. 4. Detail of the huge wall built from large stone blocks laid on the worked surface of the natural rock.

(also known as the White Monument (McClellan Banat, where a temple area was investigated
1998, 2004}; Porter (2002a; 2002b) situated to the (Porter 1995; Cooper 1998; 1999: 321-32). This
north of tbe town wall, and a further tall (Tall constellation of exceptional Early Btonze Age
Kabir) lying about one kilometer northwest of striictiues may be called the Banat-Bazi Com-
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SINS ARMANUM
Irrigated Fields
Tell Kabir
Irrigated Fields
Contour line interval: 2 m
Fig. 5. The settletnent cluster of Banat-Bazi, Tal! Banat North, and Tall Kabir (from Porter 20()2a:fig.2).
plex''' while the name Bazi-Banat Complex refers
to the Late Bronze Age remains. The Banat-Bazi
Complex covers an area of about forty hectares
and is thtts one of the latgest Early Bronze Age
sites in northern Syrla.^"
In the cit\- quarters of Banat, public bitildings as
well as extensive workshop areas were uncovered.
19. A iiiinir agreed lo in discussions v\ itii Tom Mi-C!!Iellim
ami ATITU- Porter, the (--xciiviitors of Banat \illagc. Tail Banat
North iitid Tall Kubir.
20. By comparison. Ebla measures ca. fifty hectares, and
Tiittul ca. 36 hectares, For .sizes of eight of the large.st thiid-
niillennium sites in the Bif< Bend area of the Euphrates, see
McClellan (1999: 413).
Tell Banat
North
The period of greatest prosperity of Banat (village)
and Tall Banat North was Banat period IV (dated
to 2600-2450 ac.) and period II! (ca. 2450-2300
B.c:.) corresponding to the Early Bronze Age III and
IV (Porter 2002; for correlation with other sites
and periodization schemes, see Akkennans and
Schwartz 2003: 236). There may have been smaller
grave mounds inside the .settlement similar to the
exceptional White Monument outside the town
wall as well as other remarkable funeial struc tiires
(Porter 1995a; 20()2a; 2OO2h) including Tomb 7. an
exceptional structure consisting of five chambers
and constructed using ashlar stone blotks with
bitumen mortar, a type of construction totally
10 ADELHEID OTTO

Alluvial Plain

Fig. 6, The Citadel of Bazi with the partly excavated Early Bronze Age IV building remains on the
top of the plateau and the encircling walls on the slopes.

unexpected at this period in Syria. This tomb,
although heavily looted, still contained precious
grave goods, including a miniature stone wig of
a composite statuette, a decorated ostrich egg
vessel, and various gold, lapis lazuli and other
stone objects that show that the Banat-Bazi Com-
plex was an extremely wealthy city with far-
reaching connections during EB IVA (At uz 2003;
nos. 109d, 122-26; McClellan and Porter 1999:
107-16).
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN'S ARMANUM 11

Fig. 7. Three-dimensional model of Building 2 (EBA IVA) close to the artificial ditch of Ihe
Citadel of Bazi.

This cit\ of Banat is encircled on the north and
on the east by a wall. To tbe .south, this wall con-
tinues as a broad elevation tbat runs to tbe foot
of the Bazi Citadel, a facf tbat puzzled ns at first.
In tbe Spiing of 2004 when we discovered tbe
remains of a substantial Early Bronze Age build-
ing (Bttilding 2) near the rock-cut ditch on tbe
soutb side of tbe Citadel, we realized tbat tbe
wbole Citadel including its fortification walls,
tbe artificial ditcb, and most probably even tbe
cistern, originated in tbe Early Bronze Age,
Building 2 (level 9) was in its earliest phase a
monumental gate building, the central element
of whicb was a chamber gate (fig, 6). In its second
pbase fmther rooms were added (fig, 7). This
second pbase was thoroughly destroyed by a
military event, as it was covered with thou.sands
of sling bullets and numerous flint arrowbeads
(fig, 8), The heavily damaged building was filled in
to a depth of three meters, repaiied, and reused
in a third and final phase (level 8) before it was
destroyed forever Even toda\" Btiilding 2 stands
iti places to a height of five meters.
In the following level (level 7) different build-
ings and alleyways were constructed above the
ruins of Btiilding 2, co\ering it c'ompletely (see
Table 1). According to tbe pottery and other finds,
tbe earliest pbase of Building 2 (level 9) dates
to tbe Early Bronze IVA (= Mardikh IIBl) and
level 7 after Building 2 had been abandoned, dates
12 ADELHEID OTTO

49/17
NO
14.4.05

1- i^. 8. Tbe entrance to Buildmg 2 Uevel 9a) covered by thousands of

sling bullets.
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN'S ARMANUM
to the early Middle Bronze period,"' Level 8, the
final pha.se of occupation of Building 2, can prob-
ably be dated to the late Akkadian period.
The largest wall on the slope of the Citadel is
situated at an elevation of ca, 348 m above mean
sea level and consists of large, roughh' worked
stone blotks, sotne of tbem 1 to 1.5 meters long
(tigs. 3. 4). They were placed on the natural rock
of the hill that in places had been cut to provide
bedding for the .stones. This wail is 1.8 to 2.5
meters wide, consists of two skins of stonework,
and can still be traced over a large paii of the cir-
ctiit of the Citadel. ()nl\ a .small part of it (ca. 120
m at tbe northeast corner) has been cleared and
drawn."" Like all the walls on the Citadel's slope,
this big wall was built in separate sections,
which jog in and out at their junctions. Its build-
ing tec hni{|ue and material correspond exactly to
tho.se of Building 2.^'^
Below tbis big wall there is a stone wall at
the foot of tbe Citadel close to the wadi. It runs
towards tbe Early Bronze Age cit\' wall of Banat at
tbe northeast corner of tbe Citadel (fig. 6; Einwag,
Kohlmeyer, and Otto 1995: Taf. 9b).
EviHence fora Possible IHenlihcalion of
the Citadel of Bazi with Armanum
The Citadel of Bazi is a fortified, astonishingK
high and steep hill situated neiU" a river, features
it shares witb the Armanum described in Naram-
Sins inscription. Moreover, its location to the east
of Ebia mate bes tbe order of places recorded in tbe
course of Naram-Sin's campaign: first Armanum,
21. The jxittery of level 8 is related, for example, to the
one from the Pfi'ilcrgehdude at Tuttul, which is seenrely
dated (also by seal impressions) to the late-Akkadian period
(Stmmmenger and Kohlmeyer 2a(K): 42-52; Otto 2004: 4-16).
22. Kinwas, Kohlmeyer. and Otto (1995: 108-9, Abh. 5.
Taf. 9-10).
23. The dating of the walls al the slope according to matt rial
and te'( hiii(]iit' i.s more .secure than the dating h\ finds, hecaii.se
the extant walls were used eontinously. Many of them still
stood to a height of several meters nntil the 1950.S. when the
stone bloeks were used to build the soeles of many hon.ses at
the fiKit of the eitadel and a canal.
13
then EbIa, and then fitrther west to Amanus, the
Cedar Mountain, and the Upper Sea.
A further important indication that Armanuui
was situated within the area ot the Middle I'^tt-
phrates or in the bordering zone is the mention
of the god Dagan:-* in UKTl 275 the god NergaP''
opened the way to tbe We.st for Naram-Siti and
gave him Armatnun, Kbla, the Cedar Motuitain
and the Upper Sea (I 11-29). By contrast, Naram-
Sin conquered with the weapon of Dagan, Ar-
tnanutn and Ebla (I 30-11 7), but tiot tbe area
fitttber west. Dagan gave him the people from
the side of the Euphrates (II 8-19), and Dagan
delivered Rida-Adad, the king of Artnantim, into
Naram-Sins hands (II 29-111 6). Moreover, Naram-
Sin himself is reported to say, "the god Dagan
gave me Armanum and Ebla" (III 23-27), but the
Atnanus and the Upper Sea were not mentioned
in association with the activities ot the god Dagan.
The area ruled by Dagan—the banks of tbe Eu-
phrates, Armatuim, and Ebla—was clearly differ-
entiated from the area that was concjtiered witb
Nergals weapon—Syria west of Elila to the
Amanus and t** the coast. In the' third inilleti-
tiitim, Dagan uas tnainly the major deity wor-
shipped in the Middle Euphrates region, and he
bad his cult center at Tuttul (Tall Bi"a). His in-
tUtence may have reached as far west as Ebla, liut
probably no further (.see Feliu 2003; Otto 2006),
The Citadel of Bazi seems to be a good candi-
date for Armanum, but are the lengths recorded
in the inscription consistent witb the extant ar-
chaeological remainsr" As we have seen, there are
problems with the numbers given in the text:
some of tbe measurements are open to debate
and others, such as ISO citbits, seem to be rottnd
numbers tbat do not inspire cotitiderue iti the
24. M. C. Biga informs me that the text TM.75.(.;.41O (to be
])iil)lished as ARETX 2) from Kbla does not desedbe a journey
of the got! Dagan o( Tuttul to Armi, \\hi( h would have been
another argument for thi' UxMtion of Anni in the Kiiphrates
valley i.Archi 1990: 197, noti' 4t hut the >eiir name mentions the
defeat or death (TIL) of DU.DUA of Armi.
25. Nergal = Rasap was one of the most iniportant gods at
Ebla; F. Pomponio and P. Xclla, l.cs dieux d'Khta. AOAT 245
(1997)297-315.
14 ADELHEID OTTO

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 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN^ ARMANUM
precision of the survey. Furthermore it is not clear
how and where the measurements were taken.
Therefore, the following considerations are to be
conjectural.
The largest wall situated about halfway up the
slope of the Citadel, consisting of large, roughly
worked stone blocks (see above), could perhaps
be identilied with the BAD da-iii-im (the mighty
wall). The distance from this wall to the lower
wall, which joins with the city wall of Banat is—
depending where the measurements are taken—
ca. 80-95 meters, measured down the slope (fig. 6).
The difference in height today is about fifteen
meters, but originally was greater because the
bottom of the Early Bronze Age city wall is
certainly mucb deeper (the city wall is covered
by the remains of Middle and Late Bronze Age
houses). This distance suits well the distance of
180 cubits between the "outeiikdruin wall" and
the "mighty wall." Therefore, the interpretation
of the lower wal! as the ''outer//caru»i wall" seems
possible.
Botb tbe beigbt of twenty cubits for this outer
wall,^" and the height of thirty cubits for the larger
mighty stone wall built on solid rock seem very
plausible. The larger wall is on average about two
meters wide. A rough rule of thumb states that a
mudbrick wall can be built to a height that is ten
times as much as the width of the wall founda-
tions: in this case this rule would give a height of
plus or minus thirty cubits.
Wbat about the BAD.CAL ("the great wall"
or "the great fortification"), 44 cubits bigh, which
should have existed at the top 30, 130 or 180
cubits away from the "mighty wall?" Several walls
of different periods are visible on the surface at
the edge of the plateau of the Citadel. The upper-
most dates from Roman times; immediately below
are walls associated with pottery of Middle and
Late Bronze Age date. However, it is generally
difficult to date walls constructed on a slope
without detailed excavation, especially because
the fortification walls were apparently reused in
26, Similar heij^ht.'; of city walls, vip to 45 cubits, IHCUI
IVf-qiiently in Old Babylonian iiiiitheniatital texts, see Kraus
(]948;S7,'noU-2).
15
different periods. Another possibility is that older
walls were covered by more recent ones, or that
their stone blocks were removed and reused in
later structures, Without digging a trench at the
top northern edge of the Citadel, this question
cannot be answered. But in fact, the edge of the
phUeau is onl\- about 54 meters distant from the
"mighty wall.
Sixty-five meters (130 cubits) from the "mighty
walL" about eleven meters further inside the edge
of the platean, there is a 1,5 meter-wide mudbrick
wall with a stone socle. This wall turns a right
angle near the eastern edge of the plateau (fig. 6).
On the associated floor of white KcilkcNtriclr^
there was plenty of pottery indicating that this
floor was inside a building and tbat tbe building
was in use in Banat period III (Early Bronze Age
IVA). The white floor is at an elevation of 369,52
meters above mean sea level, exactly the same
height as the white Kalkentrich floor in the
entrance of Building 2. It could therefore be con-
ceivable that tbcse two parts of buildings, even
though they are about seventy meters away from
eacb might belong to a single construction, but
further excavations must be undertaken before
this (an be confirmed.
Is it possible that the "great wall" does not des-
ignate a fortification wall, but the wall of a build-
ing? Two arguments speak in favor of this: first,
a sort of a glacis with a smooth solid ,slo]>ing
surface and made out of a combination of gravel
and earth is attached to the wail on the north
and, second, the 44-cubit height (ca. 22 meters) of
the BADGAL is more than one would expect for
a free-standing wall, whereas for a multistorey
building such a height is reasonable. According to
the pottery, the building went out of use at tbe end
of the EB IVA peri(xl, but its outer walls, strength-
ened by a gla(;'is, could still have been standing
during the time of Naram-Sin.
The side of the depiction facing the statue of
Sin-eribam gives the distances from the "mighty
wall" to the "oider/kanwi walP and from this wall
to the river (fig, 2). On the northwestern part of the
27, Kalkestrich is a solid parking ol' liTiicslonc phislci tniscci
wilh stones that i.s used for lKinl-floor covenngs.
16 ADELHEID OTTO
Bazi Citadel, the big wall about half way up the
slope can be recognized at approximately tbe same
elevation as on the northeastern slope (figs, 9, 10).
Further down the northwestern slope no traces
of walls could be identified on the surface, because
a modern house with a big garden covered the
area. Either the "ottter kcirum wall," which was
recorded as being 156 cubits (78 meters) below
tbe "mighty wall," could have been covered by this
house, or its stones might have been removed
during the construction of tbe bottse. Wben, in
1999, tbe waters of the Tishreen Lake rose, a
section of a 2.38-meter-wide mudbrick wall was
revealed; this could be dated to the EB IVA period
by a black Syrian bottle on the associated floor.
Without further investigation, however, tbe func-
tion of this wall remains obscure.
Measuring down from the "mighty wall" 176 m
(156+196 cubits), one arrives at tbe foot of the
hill and the edge of the gravel terrace (fig. 6).^'*
The city of Banat-village ends abruptly at this
point, and the alluvial plain begins (contottr line
314 meters). Strangely, along the whole western
edge of the Early Bronze Age settlement of Banat-
village, a distance of about eight hundred meters
north to .south, no traces of a c ity wall were found
(see fig. 5). McCiellan and Potter have suggested
that either tbis was due to erosion, and the city
wall was washed away by a cbange in tbe course
of the Euphrates, or there had been no need for
a city wall on tbis side, because the city was
sufficently protected by the river (McClellan 1999:
417). In either case, it is quite probable tbat a
brancb of tbe Euphrates flowed close to tbe city
and the citadel during the Early Bronze Age.^^
In tbe captions on tbis side no measurements
were recorded from the "mighty vvalT' to the
28. On this low tcnact- tb£- Early Bronze Ajjt- cit\' of Banat
village iincl tlie Late Bronze Age lower tovvn of Biizi vfere
situated,
29. Numerous meanders indicate that the course of the
Euphrates changed easily within the alluvial plain. During
the last decades, the Euphrates ran close to the western edge
of the valle\- in 2,.'j kilometers distance from Banat-Bazi: one
branch of the river is .said to have been close to Banat three
generations earlier, which is corroborated by an aerial photo
of 1922: Institut Fran^ais de Damas, Vne miHHvm de reconnais-
sance de I'Euphralc i-n 1922 (1988). feuille VI. Sandalia Zrir,
"great wall." At the northwest corner of the Bazi
Citadel, wbich must bave been the closest part of
the Citadel to the river, tbe slope does not con-
tinue above tbe big v^'all, as it does on tbe opposite
side of the hill, but a large cistern is cut out of
the side of the bill (figs. 6,9).^' It is therefore con-
ceivable that on this side of tbe depic tion, the dis-
tance from tbe inighty wall" to tbe great wall"
was omitted because tbe "great wall" was not
directly accessible, and therefore the distance
cottld not be measured.
To summarize, tbe correspondence between the
measurements recorded in Naram-Sins descrip-
tion of Armanum with tbe distances between the
Early Bronze Age walls and other strttctures on
the Citadel of Bazi does not prove tbat Ainianttm
is to be identified with Bazi. Tbere are too many
itntertainties in tbe interpretation of tbe Old
Babylonian copy of the text, and too many un-
resolved archaeological issues obscured by tbe
reuse of the Early Bronze Citadel during later
periods and by the limits of tbe excavations, to
lemove ail doubt. Tbere seem, bouever, to be no
major obstacles to tbe identification of Armanum
witb Mount Bazi, and no more suitable candidate
witb a highly fortified hill beside a river bas been
proposed in the area in which Dagan exercized his
influence.
Information on Ihe Loc ation of Armi/
Armiiim from the Kbia Archives and
Comparison \\ ilh the Arc haeolosical
Evidence from Banat-Bazi
Armi/Armium^' is, after Mari and Emar, the
most frequently mentioned cit\ in the archives
30, The cistern probably also dates originally to the Early
Bronze Age, In 2004 we discovered close to it a doorway in-
cluding a long staircast' with mighty, carefully workrd stone
steps, A Syrian bottle and several c\i\\ sling bullets in front
of the entrance stress the contemporaneity with Building 2.
level 9,
31. According to Bonechi (1990a: 28) and A, Anhi et al,,
ARES II, 167. the writing Ar-mi-iim'" occurs onK- at tbe period
of Igris-Halam and Irkab-Damu, lioth .Ar-mi and Ar-mi-uni are
attested in Afl/'7/"IV 17. VIII, In the following lines I refer only
tn the liitberto ptiblished evidence, eagerly awaiting the de-
tailed treatment of ihe case of Armi by Biga and Archi,
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SINS ARMANUM 17

Fig. 9. Banat-Bazi, view from the nortb (from the Euphrates valley).

Fig. 10. Map of nortbern Mesopotamia and Syria in the mid- to late-third
millennium B.C.
18 ADELHEID OTTO
from Ebla, occurring about as often as Ra'ak
(Bonechi 1993: 54). The most detailed treatments
of Atmium can be found in the e.xttemely valuable
works of Bonechi (1990b: 21-81; 1993: 52-55).
Fronzaroli has suggested the foUowitig possi-
bilities for tbe etymological origin of the name
Armanum/Armi/AtTnium: '^armanum "plane tree,"
'^rm "steep height," and arman "\Q throw, to take
up one's abode in a place (Fronzaroli 1977: 148-
49; 1984-1986: 141). Given tbe character of the
Citadel of Bazi, a derivation from '^nn is extremely
tempting. ^^
According to tbe Ebla archives, Armium had
a ruler (en) and "Elders" (abba).^^ In addition,
tbe following persons" functions are attested for
people ftom Armium: gurus., KA.DIB, ku-li, ltj-
kar, maliktum, mazalum, maskim, maskim-e-gi4,
na-se\i, nagar, and .ses-2-ib.'^"' The political, eco-
nomic, and cultic relations between Ebla and
Armium were intensive: food ration lists from
the Ebla palace arcbive L.2712 mention the name
of Atmi'^' among food recipients who belong to
the palace of the king. L. Milano wondered if this
might mean that periodically bread and beer
was issued to officials from Armiutn resident at
tbe Ebla palace (Milano 1987: 519-50). Common
cultic activities were jointly conducted by people
from Ebla and Armium, and some of these took
place at Ebla itself (Bonecbi 1990b: 30-31). Many
LU.KAR (merchants) from Armium were busv in
32. Compare the Late Bronze Age ctymohi^y of the name
Ba.sini (from Semitic "/wJ'= to tear off, separate), whirh means
"separated location" and thus—tike the Early Bronze Affe
name—refers to the (-xcejitional ajipearance of the steep citadel,
separated by an artittcial ditch (Sallaberger, Otto, and Einwag
2006).
33. MEE II 50 r. X: 8ss: considerable amounts nf gold and
silver objects as property of the elders of A.; ABET VIl 110:
Rich gifts of precions metal are made by high officials (Bonechi
1990:25-28),
34. Especially the ma.skim-e-gi4 (special agents) and the
maz-aliiin (messengers) are typical for the area northeast of
Ebla. According to ARES 11 '1993) 31-36 ("nomi di funzioni
riferiti al toponimi") maskim-e-gi resp. mti.'5kini-e-gi4 are
attested for Armi, Dulu, Dugurasu, Eden k'l Ibal, EN-sar,
yalsum, Emar, Ibia, Manuwad, and Sanabzngnm; mazalum
for Amadu, Azan, Arhadii, Armi/Arminni, Dalaztignr, Dtihi,
Dub. Garmn, Cndadalnm, Hiimm, Harhn{lii, Ibitbn/Ibiiiii, Ilibi,
Kakmium. NI-a-NE-in. Sanabzngnm, Sngurltim, Utig, Ursirnm,
Zubmrtim, Znhara.
Ebla. Numerous persons from different places in
Syria and Mesopotamia lived in Armium, or went
there in the course of their business (Bonechi
1990b: 28-29). A catavan of people from Armium
went to the Ebla region {ARET IV 6, §47-49),
and a caravan of people from Ebla went to
Armium (ARET IV 6, §50-55), Cottld the.se be
indications that there was indeed a karum at
Despite its frequent tnetitiotis in the archives,
the location of Armititn is disputed.^' An early
view was that Armivun was situated near Ebla,
because of the close, direct, and intense relations
between the two citie.s. Bonecbi (1990b: 22-25),
bowever, doubted this for various teasons, one
of tbem being tbe absence of typical Eblaite ele-
ments within the personal names of Armium and
suggested that the location of Armitun was to
tbe northwest of Ebla (in Cilicia, in the Amanus
region or on tbe Syrian coast) and not in tbe Eu-
phrates area.'^^ He lists four main rea.soris for tbis
proposal (Bonechi 1990: 34-37;
1. Armium is not mentioned in the Enna-Dagan
letter,
2, Armititn is not mentioned in th<' Abarsal
treaty.
3, Tbe onomasticon of Armium is not Elilaitic
and .several natnes seem to have a northern,
possibly Atiatolian, origin.
4. Armium is not mentioned in tbe texts ARET
I 1-9, which list deliveries for tbe rulers (en) of
kingdoms situated close to Ebla.
35. in Utn" I 275 the reading ka-riuii is a.s uncertain as
ka-whim (see above).
36. In later periods, Armi/Arminm/Armanum does not
occnr. Certainly not relevant is the mention of a Late Bronze
Age village named Anni near Ugarit {ARES II, 168).
37. In the map of Milano and Rova (2000: 729-30,fig.3),
Armi is placed north of Halab and west of Karkamis. In gen-
eral, locations on the Meditcrnmean coast are almost never
mentioned in the Ebla archives, as noted by Archi (1987)
and Klengel (1988: 245-51). The attempt of fangberg (1994)
to identify coastal settlements, was unsuccessful.
38. For Bonechi (1990a). the trade route to southern Ana-
tolia, the fact that Ugarit is rarely mentioned in Ebla texts,
and the river mentioned in Nanxm-Sins inscription (lie inter-
prets it as a tributary of tbe Orontes or as a river in Ciliciii)
are additional arguments,
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN'S ARMANUM
Let us examine these arguments one by one.
1. The letter of Enna-Dagan of Mari to the ruler
of Ebla''" contains a report about the military
achievements of the kings of Mari in regions
quite close to Ebla, for example in Emar, Ra'aq,
and Biirman. Most of the places cannot be local-
ized, but many of them seem to have been situated
betvveen Emar and Mari. Because the mountain
ridge near Tall Qitar, about five kilometers dou'n-
stream from Banat-Bazi, forms a natural barrier
(the routes along the Euphrates valley stop
there and during the Late Bronze Age it prob-
ably formed tbe border between the country of
Astatn/Emar and the country of Karkamis), it is
possible that the military campaigns of Mari did
not extend to regions north of this geographic
frontier, and that for this reason, if Armium too
lay north of this frontier, it would not have been
mentioned in the Enna-Dagan letter.
2. The preamble of the Abaisal treaty estab-
lishes the border between Ebla and Abarsal."'" The
territory of Ebla certainly reacbed the Euphrates
{Karkamis), and at least in the vicinity of Kar-
kami.s it prohably also included some locations on
tbe Jazireh (east) side of the Euphrates; for ex-
ample GudadaLUM (one of the badalum cities)
was probably situated east of the Euphrates.""
Probably only the cities and BAD of the Ebla
state, which bordered on the territory of Abarsal,
are explicitly named."*^ Within the territory of
Abarsal itself no name of a city or BAD is men-
tioned. Even tbough the localization of Abarsal is
uncertain (at U^ast a situation east of the Euphrates
is generally accepted),"*^ it is plausible that the
Euphrates formed the border between Ebla und
Abarsal in the region to the south of Karkami.s,
39. TM.75.G.2420:ARErXHI4;Edzard (1981b);A.Archi.
MAfi/4(1985)63-8.5;M.Cpller.EW«j/.c«l (1987) 141-4.5.
40. ARKrXIII5:Sollbrrgfr(198(); 129-55). Edzard (1992).
41. For the area between ihe upper Balih valley and the
Gaziantep rt'Hiun, which is chiinu'tenzed by state otiicials
called iKiihliim svv Milano and Rova (2000; 728-29).
42. Edzard (1992: 192).
43. Bonethi (1993: 8-10), Archi (1989: 15-19). If Abarsal is
identiati with ApiSal. it could hv situated north of Karkiimis.
WestorKiisI of the Euphrates: M. V Tonietti. MAK/8 (1997)
232-33; D. Clliarpiu and N. Ziegler, MAHI S (.1997) 243-47.
19
In this case, the locations on the east bank of the
river (including Banat-Bazi) would have been
the propert)' of Abarsal and thus \\ould not have
been mentioned by name.
3. A collection of [X'rsonal names from Armium
can be found in Bonechi s works (Bonechi 1990b:
22-24; 1991) and in ARES TT. Bonechi (1990b: 25;
1993; 112) noted tbat many non-Semitic personal
names from Armium have typological analogies
with the onomasticon of DU-lu"" (names like a-la-
lu-wa-du, Ixt-mi-a-du, etc.; »ifl-rt-LUM occurs in
both cities). He therefore postulated that the two
were not far distant from each other, and localized
Dtilu in the Syro-Cilician Mediterranean coastal
region as well. Dulu is, however, one of the cities
with an en that occurs in ARKTX 1 and 3-7. Be-
cause in these texts it is listed between Ursa'um,
Utigu, and Iritum, Harran, the city of Dulu is
thought to have beeu located not far from yar-
ran, perhaps near the Balih. near the present day
Syrian-Turkish border (for the numerous pro-
posals for the location of Dulu see Bonechi 1993:
112). Because Dulu does uot belong to tbe ^^ha-
dalum cities," it should be located to the south of
the "badalum region" (see fig. 10). If Dulu did lie
between the Euphrates and the Balih south of the
Ursa'um-Harran axis, the closest city to the south-
west of Dulu would in fact have been Banat-Bazi
(see below comments on Nagar).
4. The absence of a ruler (en) of Armi in the
lists ARET I 1-9 is indeed a problem, becau.se
the cities listed in these documents seem to cover
the area of the Euphrates bend from downstream
of Emar to upstream irom Karkamis. The accounts
in ARET I 1-9 list deliveries of goods to many
rulers (called cither en or hadalum). elders, and
other important people of various cities, which,
although formally independent from Ebla, never-
theless entertained g(Kxl neighborl>- relations with
the state. The order of the listed cities is gen-
erally interpreted a.s being based either on their
locution or on the relative proximity of one settle-
ment to another. In this ca.se, Armium would have
been expected to have been listed relatively close
to Emar, Burman (probably somewhere near the
Euphrates bend), Ra'aq (probably between the Eu-
phrates and the Balih), Du-uh {= Tnb, tentatively
20 ADELHEID OTTO
identified by several scholars with Umm el-Marra;
see Bonechi 1993: 109), Ursa'um (Ur-sa-um;
Ursum of the second millennium B,c,, northwest
or northeast of Karkamis)., Irritum (between the
Euphrates and the Balih), and Hanan (fig, 10).
There are four possible explanations for the ab-
sence of an en of Armi/Armium in AEETl 1-9:
• Arniium lies far from the Euphrates region;
• between the group of settlements situated
at the bend of the Euphrates close to Emar
and those to the north around Ursa'um und
Harran, perhaps only cities to the west of
tbe Euphrates are mentioned, thus the list
would follow a curving arc moving doc kwise
from Emar and Tub to the north and north-
east and not touching the area east of the
Euphrates;
• at the time the texts ARET I 1-9 were
written, Armi was no longer independent
and had no en; or,
• relations between hetween Ebla and Armi
had deteriorated to the point that the en of
Armi was no longer among the rulers bene-
fiting from Ebla distributions.^^
If one supposes that the texts ARET I 1-9 date
to the very last years of Ibbi-zikir, that is the years
immediately hefore the destruction of Ebla,^'' there
are, in my opinion, many arguments in favor of
the third or fourth possibility:
• In ARET I 1-9 textile deliveries are men-
tioned to persons from Armium, but not to
the en of Armium. This could either indi-
cate that Armium still existed but had lost
its en or that the en did not receive gifts due
to unfavorable mutual relations.
44, This e.xpliination, u hich at the moment seems to be the
best, was pointed out to me by M. G, Biga She observes that
the behavior of Ebla towards the en of Anni would in this case
be paralled by Ebla's bcbavior towards the niler of Mari. botb
excluded from the distribution of gifts at this time.
43. ,Vcordingt<.)Biga (1996: 32) ARETl l-8and ,\RETV1I1
523, 531 refer to a sequence of years, wliich include year Ibbi-
zikir 8 or 9 ITM.7,5.G.2428 is related to ARKf I 1) and therefore
should date from tbe Eblas very last years. For tbe cbronolog)'
of kings anrl ministers of Ebla see Archi and Biga (2003),
• For the preceding period, lists of textile allo-
cations mention the en of Armium together
with other ens of the Euphrates region; e.g.,
in MEE 11 37, the en of Armium appears
(r. XI 5'-6') before the en of Kakmium (r, XI
17'-18') and the son of the en of Manuwat
(v. 1 6-7), Also, precious metal allocations (e.g.,
MEE X 27) mention, after the en of Annium
(v. 111:1-2), the en of Manuwat (v. V; 1-2), and
the son of the en of Ra'aq (v. V: 7-8).
• Another argument in favor of the thitd ex-
planation could be the fact that important
cities seem to have lost their independence
at tbe time of Ibbi-zikir; e.g., references to
the en of Hazuwan stop with Tbrium (Milano
and Rova 2000: 730). P'urthermore, the exis-
tence of an en during the very last years of
Ebla is not absolutely certain. At first glance
it seems that Armium was governed by an en
for tbe diuation (tf the Ebla archives: MEE
X 27 passim (time of the kings Igri.s-Halab or
Irkab-damuof Ebla), AKESII 168 (minister
Arruktim), MEE X 4 r. VI: 5 (year when king
lrkab-damu died). Also during the time of
minister lbrium there is evidence of an en
of Armium (TM.75.ai457). So far, thirteen
references to an en of Armium have been
published,*'^ From the time of minister Ibbi-
zikir (the last seventeen years ()f Ebla) three
texts mention tbe en of Armiiuii^': MEE X
29, dated to the year Ibbi-zikir 4 or 5,"''* and
AflET VIII 534, r. XII; 12'-LT.""' This text
(TM.76.G,534), one of the Annual Accounts
46, ARKT III 232 r,I:4'; ARKr III 68(i v,l:3; AHET VII 22
r.I:5; ARETVU 79 v.I:3: ARtTVlII ,^)34 r.XII:13': MEE II 37
r.XI;6; MEEX 4 r, Vl:5; MEE X 27 r, Vn':I-2. VIII';,5-f). IX':6;
V, III: 2: MEE X 29 r, V;I2,23: MEE X 35 r, 111:2. 111:6. IV:4,
V:6 (royal t'imitly iii' ,Annium: en, inalikliiiii, dumu-muiius en,
duniii-nita fn),
47, To the two texts MEE X 29 and ARETXUl 534 can be
added another text (RAM 10074) of the year Ibbi-zikir 7 (in-
formation kindly provided by A, Archi).
48, Eor the dating of Ihe texts, .see Archi (1996i 73-99), The
position of the texts within the first five years of lbbi-zikir is
certain according to tbe setjucnce of priestesses (first Tini-
TUM-Dulimi + Tarib-Damii. Ihan Aniaga + Tarib-Danni).
49, (r, XIT: ll'-15'): nig-mul(AN,AN,AN,AN) en ar-mj^'
nig,kas4 i-ti.
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN^ ARMANUM
of Delivery of Metals (CAM), is tentatively
dated to the year Ibbi-zikir 12 (Archi and
Biga 2003: 9; Arehi 1996: 78-93), hut An hi
stressed the imcertaiti position of this text,
because it is fragmentary and the personal
names, which serve to establish the texts'
setjnence, are largely destro\ ed.
There are several argttnients in favor of the
fourth explanation: The deterioration of
the Ebla-Armi relations is underlined by
numerotis military actions against Attninm,
mentioned in the later adniinisUative texts
from Ebla/'" Apparently several armed con-
flicts betv^'een Artnium and Ehla during
lbritim's time precede the defeat of Armittm
at the time of Ibbi-zikir,"" AfiE7'III 737 r. V
l ' - i r mentions a military campaign (ME)
of Ibrium agaiust Armi.
An importutit tiionient in the fate of
Armium is described in ARET XIII 16-17
(TM.75.G.1689/TM,75.G,2320)''-; the text
begins (§ 1): ar-mi^' l-ti .ni-in 1 sit iri'" wa alj^-
tus nu-su-ra ''an-gub-m« nu-il, which may
possibly be interpreted as: "Armi came into
the hands of the city (= Ebla) and keeps quiet
without fighting, it does not set up the An-
gubbu gods." It continues with instructions
for rites, which seem to be assoc iated with the
maintenance of the peace between Armiitm
and Kbla. Tbe text is dated to Ibbi-zikir and
may refer to tbe capitulation of Armium and
its incorporatioti into the spheie of influence
of the Eblaite state. Perhaps related to this
event is the reflex of a treaty between Ebla
atid Atmium in TM,75.G.1477 {MEE III 66;
AHETXm IS): the people of Armi have to
contirni their alliance with Ebhi every year;
in case of breach of contract they could get
the death penalty. In the following § 5,
50, Tlierffore Honcchi wonders if .Annitnii acti\cly con-
tribtitcd to the rnd of Kbla (1993: 54),
51, As M. G. Biga stated at the ARCANK-workshop in Jtily
2(K)() in Munidi, there were military expeditions against Anni
in at least the vears Ibrinm 8 and Iblii-zikir 14 (I am grateful
to her for this inrorniation).
52, = AlU-rrU 34; see ;ilso Krebernik (1996: 22),
21
Armiums position on the rotttr to Nagar is
stressed, which could be a elue as to the
background of this alliatice (see below s,v.
Nagar), In the text ARET WU 16-18, only
the inhabitants of the cit\ of Armium are
mentioned, not the en.
• AfiETXm 18, quoted above, as well as the
frequent mention of LU.KAR of Armium,
could indicate that Armiums special impor-
tance for Ebla lay in its position on the route
frotii Ehla to the Habut triatigle, especially
to Nagar (Tell Braq). According to Arehi and
Biga (2003: 18), Ebla utilized two routes
towards the East, the soutberti route, lead-
ing down the Euphrates and pa.ssing by Mari,
and thus being .sometimes problematic, and
the northern route, controlled by Ebla up to
Nagar, A route high up in the noi th, approxi-
mately at the height of Karkamis and Hanan,
or even further north, in the region of Titris
Hoyuk, would have required a considerable
detour. Therefore, its course further to the
south, but far enough away from Tuttul and
the southern part of the Balih valley, which
belonged to the spheie of Mari (Archi and
Biga 2003: 11), seems more reasonable
(fig. 10). Banat-Bazi was the starting point of
the southernmost route crossing the western
Jezira region between the Euphrates and
the Balih.'^ One of the easy crossings of the
Euphrates was located near Banat-Bazi and
was used until 1999, The fretptent mention
of merchants and messengeis to and from
Armium in the Ebla texts may indicate the
importance of Banat-Bazi as a transit station
on this totite.
• Several texts mention .Armitttn connected to
transactions with Nagar. Especially at the
time of Ibbi-zikir, the relations between Ebla
and Nagar seem to have been strengthened,
probably as a reaction to the dotiiinance of
53. The results of ntir snrve>' condmted in this region
have not yet been published. For short preliminary reports
see Einwap (1993: 23-43; 1993/1994: 299-301; note that the
caption to the Hgnre has been omitted).
22 ADELHEID OTTO
Mari.'-' Text TM.75.G.1248 may refer to a
military expedition to Armium (n!g-kas4 Ar-
mi*"'), which was conducted on one side by
Ihbi-zikir of Ebla, on the other side by the
kings of Nagar and Kis (Biga 1998: 18-19);"
Afterwards we see the king of Nagar travel-
ing to Ebla because of the dynastic marriage
between Ebla and Nagar. It seems as if
Armium was violently deprived of its in-
dependence when relations between Ebla
and Nagar intensified. The numerous ref-
erences to Armium (but not of the eu of
Armium) within tbe final three years of
Ebla {ABET IX), in particular point to Ar-
miums role as a point of transit between
Ebla and the Habur triangle. Merchants
and messengers from Armium, Darhatu, and
Dulu heading for Nagar are frequently
mentioned with the same order sequence of
the place names (e.g., ARET IX 82-84), thus
perhaps referring to an itinerary from
Armium towards the Balih (see above for
the location of Dulu between the Euphrates
and the Balib).
Further arguments for the identification of
Armium with Banat-Bazi can be derived from
the mentioning together with other cities in the
Euphrates region and in the Jezira: In ARETVUl
522 (§ 1,5) a joint action of 120 people fno-.vt'uJ
from Armium and of 180 people from A-ba-tum
heading for GudadaLUM is mentioned. We need
not therefore assume a large distance between
A-ba-tum and Armium. A-ba-tum should in all
probability be identified with the Old Babylonian
Abattum, which is to be located in the impressive
Tall eth-Thaidiyain between modern Tabqa and
Mansura.''' GudadaLUM, which is mentioned in
54. Archi (1998: 1-15). Several joinney.s iif Iblii-zikir to
Nagar are attested, e.g.. ARET IX 93. 94. 95: Archi sind Biga
(2003).
55. M. G. Biga wns able to reconslnit t the two texts concern-
ing this event coinpletety; 75.G.1249+10082+4058 1= AfiETIII
937) and 75.0.1250 + 10081+5314 (= ARETXII 874).
56. Kohlmever (1984: 112; 1986: 52). Meyer (1996: 165 with
note 110) concluded that A-bii-tiim of ihe Flbla archives could
not be identical u'ith Old Babylonian Abalttnii, lK-cause he con-
sidered the location of Armium in westem Syria as dehnite.
ARET 1 1-9 mostly after Sanabzugum or Ur-
sa'um, has to be located somewbere between the
Euphrates and the Balih, On the other hand,
Armium is mentioned together with Harran and
Utigu iARETVm 527, §14; Bonechi 1990b: 27),''"
For further occurences of Armium together w ith
other locations of the Middle Euphrates region
see above.
The Historical Silnation of Armium
and Ebla from their First Destruction
to the Campaign of Narani-Sin
From the evidence of the texts from Ebla it is
thus probable that Annium still existed in the last
years before Ebla was destroyed, tbat is, in the
second half of tbe period when Ibbi-zikir was
minister, but that its relations with Ehla deterio-
rated and it perhaps even came under tbe control
of Elbla after a .series of military (ampaigns in the
time of Ibrium and at the beginning of the rule
of Ibbi-zikir. With the end of the Ebla archives,
all information concerning Armium comes to an
end as well. When, almost a centurx' later, Naram-
Sin came to destroy Armium, it was once again
ruled by an independent king.
In Banat-Bazi there are several indications in
the archaeological record for at least two major
hostile attacks {Table 1), Banat (period III) with
its monumental official building and its large
funerary monuments seems to have been aban-
doned at the end of Early Bronze IVa and was
not reoccupied uutil the Late Bronze Age. Btiild-
ing 2 (level 9) on the citadel of Bazi was partly
destroyed. Its violent end is attested by the thou-
sands of sling bullets and numerous arrowheads
found in the entranceway and around the building
as well as by the hni ried blocking of the gateway
(fig, 8). During this attack. Building 2 was so badly
damaged that only after the rooms had been filled
to a height of three meters could it be reu.sed.
In addition, we found the remains of a human
skeleton mixed in with the sling bullets in the fill
of one of the rooms. This last reuse phase of Build-
57. Utigu is nifiitioned in .ARET I 1-4, 6, 7 between
Ursa uni and Dulu >r Irritum and ilarran.
 THE LOCALIZATION OF NARAM-SIN'S ARMANUM
ing 2 {level 8) was violently destroyed as well.
Afterwards the area was built over with quite
different structures.
How can the information derived from the texts
be correlated witb the archaeological remains?
There are two possible candidates for the attacker
wbo pttt an end to Banat period III and Bazi-
Citadel level 9: either the people of Ebla, or the
same enemy wbo was responsible for Eblas de-
struction (Mardikh IIBl), which, if Archi and Biga
(2()()3) ate cortect. would be Mari. Because the
destiuctions are so massive, and betattse they put
a complete end to the lower town of Banat., Mari
is a tnore likely candidate than the people of Ebla
wbo had a vivid interest in this important stage
on tbe caravan route to the east and especialK' to
Nagar. When Ebla lost contiol over this region, it
was possible again for a ruler to be installed at
Tbe archaeological evidence could be inter-
preted as follows: Building 2 beside the rock-cut
ditch, as well as any other buildings thai were
standing on the citadel, were repaited and re-
occupied for a Ia.st time (Bazi level 8).''' Accord-
ing to tbe excavators, the lower town of Banat
experienced its floruit in the Early Bronze III
(Banat Period IV) and Early Bronze IVa (Banat
Period III = Matdikh IIBI) periods."*' In the Early
Bronze IVb period (= Mardikh nB2), it seems
mostly to have been abatidoned, with the excep-
tion of tbe workshop quarter where pottery pro-
ductioti continued in Area G, for e.xample. The
mottnd of Tall Kabir not far to the tiorthwest of
Bazi contituted to be occupied.'"
58. A pnrallpl case is rccoidt'cl horn Tall Sweyhat not far
to the south of Banat-Ba/.i: its rise occiired only when Eblas
power had ceased (Zetller 1997).
59. W(- are at the ver>' lK-(;;ininiig <»[' Ihc irucstlniition of the
Early Bronze \fiv citaHel.
60. The tcrniinoloj^y coiiceniiiig these [wriods is ;i problem
and the tar^e' <>l^ se\eral cuireiit projects. In tbis paper, con-
cerning mainly the relationship with Eb\A. I have (ho.sen the
terminology of Ebla,
61. This period, which is attested at Tall Kabir and on the
citadel of Bazi, but not very well at Banat, is named "Banat
Period III"; Porter (2002), Cooper (1998), Akkermans and
Schwartz. (2003: 246-50), The ancient settlement of Banat w as
at most plac e.s directly overlain by the village of Banat, wlii( h
rendered larjie-scale excavations impossible. Therefore it is
ditticiilt to tell if parts of the settlement continued to be used.
23
What sort of structure was erected on the
citadel plateau apart trotn the gateway builditig
(Building 2) has tiot yet been inve.stigated, but it
is likely tbat there were one or tnoie important
liuildings (such as a temple or a palace) as other-
wise tbe top of the citadel would not have been
so intensively fortified. Gi\ en the presence on the
citadel of a htige 38-tneter-long temple, which was
in use from the Middle to tbe Late Btonze Age,^^
and the fact that there are many instances where
sacred sites remained iti u.se over lotig periods,
the existence of an Early Bronze Age temple
should be taken into consideration,
f/ET I 275 states that Naram-Sin captttred
Rida-Adad, the king of Armi, "in the middle of
his entryway" (qab^-li na-ra-ab-li-su i-ik-itti-it-su)
(iii 8-10). This unusual way of describing wbere
the event took place bas led stholars to speculate
whether tbe entryway was tbat of a temple or of
a palace.*^'' In my view, the place described at this
point in tbe inscription, the climax of the narra-
tive, (ould not have been merely the entrance of
a building that was not named but mttst have
been a special, distinctive structure, where tbe
final events tbat detetmiitied Armi s fate took place.
Could it therefore be tbat tbe narabtum o\ Rida-
Adad, where the decisive attack t(M)k place, was iti
fact Building 2, tbe gateway with massively thick
walls that conttollcd the access to the citadel at
the weakest point of tbe defences?''^ As described
above. Building 2 in its latest occupation phase
fell victim to a further violent desttuction after
which it was not tepaired; it was abandoned and
later buildings witb a quite dittetetit character
(Bazi level 7f) were erected above its ruins. The
date of the pottery sherds found in this level
(see above} supports the suggested (bronological
sequence.
62. SiillabevKer, Otto, and Einwaji (2006). Otto and FiTiwag
(2005: 27-29).
63. -Jacobsen proposes that "his entryv\iu" reftTs t() Dagaiis
temple, where the captured king was brought bound, hut I
see, rather, the defeated king making a futile last stand in the
dooiAvay of his own palace" (Foster 1982: 34).
64. Narahitiui can mean not only an entrance but also a
(mountain! pass and so uoukl also describe vivid!) the !(K-ation
of an attack that weni up the steep rock-cut ditch tov\ards
Building 2.
24 ADELHEID OTTO
By the time of Naram-Sin, the florescence of
Ebla bad long been over. The all-powerful Ebla
described in the archive of Palace G, one of the
the most important cities of the twenty-fourth
century in Syria, had been destroyed about a cen-
tury earlier (Archi and Biga 2003); even if it was
rebuilt soon after (Mardikh IIB2), it had lost most
of its power."^ In the words of Archi {ARES II
[1993] 168), "Airepoca di Naram-Sin TEbla degli
archivi era gia scomparsa, ma permaneva il ricordo
della sua potenza." The decline in the power of
Ebla is not contradicted by Naram-Sins boastful,
if untrue, assertion that he was the first ruler to
have destroyed Armium and Ebla (Michalowski
1993). The situation of Armium ma\ have been
6.5. For Mardikh IIB2-Ievels see Mutthiae (1989: 126-32:
areas A, B, C. N).
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that the lower town (Banat) had not been resettled
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The fact that the statue of Naram-Sin depicts
only the citadel may be attributable to the fact
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 ,,ENKI IN NIPPUR":
EIN BISLANG UNIDENTIFIZIERTES,
MYTHOLOGISCHES FRAGMENT
Marie-Christine Ludwig (London)
Die beiden Taf elf ragmen te UET 6/1 29 und
30, obgleich schon seit Jabren bekannt, haben
bislang wenig Beachtung gefunden. Wiihrend
meiner Arbeit an den Kollationen von C/ET6/1-2
und der Herausgabe von UET 6/3, konnte ich
ztinachst UET 6/1 30 niit UET 6/3 499 riOO)
»joinen" und damit als Duplikat zu UET 6/1 29
identifizieren. Spater konnte ich noch das kleine
Fragment I'ET6/3 499 r321) an UETG/l 29 an-
sthlieRen. Das Ergebnis war ein relativ groftes
StiJck (49 Zeilen) einer bislang tinbekannten
Mythe, mdglicherweise auch ein bislang fehlendes
Stiick eines bereits bekannten Textes.'
UET 6/i 29 + 6/3 498 (Text A) ist das Mittel-
stlick einer relativ grol^en, wobi insgesamt vier-
kolumnigen Tafel, ca. 10, 6 x 6, 1 cm. Erhalten ist
nur eine Seite der Tafel, die andere Seite ist votlig
abgesplitteii, Die Schrift ist klein und regelmiifcig,
zeigt jedoch einige epigraphische Unsicherheiten.
Einfache Linien trennen die einzelnen Zeilen
und die Kolmnnen voneinander. Im Gegensatz
zu der uberwiegenden Mehrheit der aus Ur
stammenden, altbabytonischen literarischen
1. Hcr/Jicli danken inochte i( h Mnrk Geller und Chris-
topher Walker, (lie incine Arbeit an den Texten mis Ur iiber
dic'Jabre in \iflei'lci Ilin.sidit nnlerstiitzt mill getordert huben.
Me in giuiz be.sondercr Dank gilt Pascal Attinger. der die erste
Version dieses Artikels itiit groBer Sorgfalt gele.sen und mich
durch viele nutzlicho Hinwci.se von manchem Trrvveg bewahrt
hut. Catherine Mittermayer beriet mich in paliiographischen
Fragen, Jhr sei herzli< h dafiir gedankt.
27
Tafeln sind die Trennlinien zwischen den Zeilen
nicht iiberschrieben und mei.st deutlich sichtbar."
Die erhaltenen Seite der Tafel vvurde von
Kramer tmd Gadd {UET 6/1, Einleittuig und
Plate XXXVI) als Vorderseite betrachtet, darauf
lafit ihre ,.Nummerierung" der Kolumnen mit
.,a" (linke Kolumne) und _b" (rechte Kolumne)
schlieiien. Die fragliche Seite i.st allerdings leicht
gekrummt und daher eher die ROckseite als die
Vorderseite. Bei groReren Tafeln liifit sich zwar
eine leicbte Kriinimung der Vorderseite nicbt
ausschliefien, doch mliftten andere Kriterien die
von Kramer und Gadd vorgescblagene Zuordnung
bestatigen. Entiang der Trennliuie z\\ iscben deii
beiden Kolunineu auf der Tafelmitte konntsu
keine Zeicbeniiberschneidungen oder Verschie-
bungen im Ton crkannt werdfu, die die Abfolge
der Beschdftung kliiren und damit zur Identifika-
tion der erhaltenen Seite beitragen konnten. Atich
inhaltliche Gesichtspunkte helfen nicht weiter,
da der Text nur liickenhaft verstiindlich ist.
UET 6/1 30 + 6/3 499 (Text B) ist der Frag-
ment der Riickseite einer einkolumnigen Tafel,
2. fjne Trennlinien zwischen zwei Zeilen wird durt in
der Regel als ..Schreiblinie" Hir die zweite rier beiden Zeilen
benitlzt. Von die.ser ..Scbreihiinie" werden die Senkreehleii mid
oft iiiich Sehriigen der einzelnen Keilschrifl/.eichen Jieniiiter-
gehiingt." wobei die Kopfe dieser Scnkrechten oder Sehriigen
auf der Linic liegen. Man sehreibt also unterpine Linie, nieht
auf eine Linie. Es giht jedoch einige wenige Tafeln. Hie diesellH^
Eigenheil wie Text A aufweisen, heispielsweisc die Fragniente
t/ET 6/3 479, 609, 610. 634 nnd 721.
JCS .58 (20061
28 MARIE-CHRISTINE LUDWIG
Fig, 1. UETGn 29 + 6/3 498 ('321) Rs.
ca. 13, 2 X 6, 3 cm. Die Votderseite ist verloren.
Die Tafel fiillt durcb eine besoudets starke Kriim-
mung der Ruckseite attf, Fiir weitere Beispiele
dieser ,,Baguette-fortnigen" Tafein siehe meine
,,Kollationen zit UEr6/\ und 2" (in Vorbeteitnng).
Die Scbrift ist klein und geiibt, zeigt jedoch einige
epigtapbische Unsicberheiten und Rasuren, Der
Scbieiber gibt A dtirch MIN wieder, siehe dazu
die Kopie und den Koinmetitar flir andete unklare
Zeicbenformen und Schreibungen. Es gibt Trenn-
linien zwischen den Zeilen.
Beide Tafein haben keine Grabttngsnttmmern,
ihre Herkunft ist daher ttnklar, Ititeressant in
diesem Zusammenhang sind Z. 26'-29' des ersten
Textteiles, Hier wird Nippur ..unsere Stadt" ge-
nannt. Der Text als sokher wurde daher hochst-
wahr.scheinlich in Nippur kotnponiert, fraglich
ist, ob die Tafein selbst aus Nippur stammen oder
in Ur ge.schrieben wurden. Stanimt nur eine Tafel
aus Nippur utid wurde in Ur als ,,Vbrlage" ab-
geschrieben? Tafein verschiedener Herkunft
wurden in Ur zu Studienzwecken aufbewahrt
und kopiett;^ Die auf den beiden ftagli(hen
Tafein itberlieferten Textteile weicheti iti eitiigen
wenigen Varianten voneinander ah., die man zur
Not als Schteibfehler erklaren konnte, Insgesamt
ist allerdings die ZabI der auf beiden Tafein be-
legten Zeilen zu gering, als daK sicb etitscheiden
liel^e, ob eine der Tafein Vorlage der anderen
war. Da jedoch Ur als Fundort der Tafein wegen
der fehlenden Grabungstiuinmetn unsicber ist,
sind ,solche Uberlegungen moglicherweise gegen-
.standslo.s, Es lafet sicb nicht ausschlief^en. dafi
eine oder beide der fraglichen Tafelu aus andei'cn
Quellen als Wooileys Grabungen in Ur stamtnen,
jedoch ohne weitere Angaben uber ihre Herkttnft
zusammen mit den Tafein aus Ur ztuii Britisclien
Museum nach London verschickt ittid registriett
wurden/
3. Siehe dazu meine ..Kolkitionen 7.11 l.'KT fi/l und 2" (in
Vorbereitung).
4. Zu Problemen dieser Art siehe ..Koltationen / u (.7-7/'6/1
nrid 2" zu r E 7 ' 6 / l 140 und 6/2 407 (in VorheieituniJ).
 ,,ENKI IN NIPPUR"
Fig. 2. VET 6/2 30 + 6/3 499 ClOO) Rs.
Wegen des schlechten Erhaltung.szustands
beider Tafeln (von den 49 Zeilen ist nur eine
einzige voUstiuidig erhalten!), den zahlreichen
epigraphischen Unsicherheiten und der korrupten
Textiiberlieferimg, lassen sich iiber den Inhalt
vorlautig nur Vermutungen anstellen. Es scheint,
dal^ der Text mit einer Rede Enkis an seinen
Vater Enlil beginnt, in der er von seinem Plan
s]jri(ht, ins CJebirge zu gchcu. 7A\e(k dieser
E.\kursion war es wohl, Ton und Karneol (oder
karneolfarbigen Ton) zur Verzierung eines
Tempels (des Ekurs?) zu holen. Traf Enki dort
einen ,,Herrn des Clebirges"? Anschlieliend wird
29
die Bautatigkeit Enkis bescbrieben: Er mischt Ton
mit Karneol,^ verziert den oheren Turzapfen mit
vvertvollen Steincn und set/t einen Ziegel. llnklar
bleibt, an wekher Stelle innfrtialb der Bautatig-
keit diese Handlung stattfindet. Es folgen mehrere
riitselhafte und sohlecht erhaltene Zeilen," in
denon, in direkter Rede, auf eine drohende\
feindliche Au.seinandersetzung angespielt zu sein
scheint. Relativ sicheren Boden betritt man mit
dem nun (Z. 15'f.) folgeuden. in Varianten aus
zahheifhen Texten bekannten Schnpfungstopos
(siebe unten den Kommentar zur Stclle). 1st Enki
der Handelnde? Z. 26'-29' verweisen auf eine Zeit,
in der in Nippur, hi( r ..unsero Stadt" gonaunt,
keine neue Gerste und keine neucu Datteln vor-
handen waren. Dieser Mange! wird durch Enki'
mit Hilfe von alter Gerste oder alten Datteln
behoben'. Wegen der fehlenden Zeilencnden ist
eine sicbere Deutungdieser intere.ssanten Zeilen
unmoglieh. Der erste Textteil endet mit einer Rede
an Niiska, die Rede ist nicht erhalten, der Kontext
ist unklar.
Trifft die Annahme zu, daft es sic h bei der er-
haltenen Seite von UET G/l 29 + 6/3 498 (Text A)
um die Rikkseitc dcrTaf<'l handelt, folgen die in
der iinkeu Kolumne gcschilderten Ereignis.se auf
diejenigen in der rechten Kolumne. Der Text ist
stark zerstort und inhaltlich weitgehend unklar.
Er enthalt jedoc h die Rede eines tiottes' an die
Anuna, in der dieser einen Mordanschlag auf
seinen Sohn zu bericbten scheint. Dieses Motiv
ist, wenn die Deutung wenigstens im Grofien und
Ganzen .stimmt,' einzigartig und meines Wissens
aus anderen mythologischen Texten sonst nicht
bekannt. Bedauerlicherweise verhindert jedoch
der schlechte Erhaltuugszii.stand der Tafel eiu
besseres Verstanduis dei" Textstelle.
Teil a
1' A l|u? 1
2' A a-a-guio''eu| g|a/b|i DU x | |
3' A ''nu-uaiii-nir e-e \ \ x [ I
5, Diese StelU* ist mehrdetilig. siehe den Komineiiliir zii
Teil a, Z, 7'.
6, Siehe dazu iintcii den Kommentar zu Teil il. Z. i r - 1 2 ' ,
7, Sifhf unten dfti Knninieiit;n- zu Tfil b.
30 MARIE-CHRISTINE LUDWIG

4' A en-me-en ga-an-DU' en hur-sag [ 30' B |..,e-ku]r-ta KA-zu bi-in-DU |.,,.|

5' A ''nu-nam-nirga-an-DU en hur-sa[g. 31' B ' 4 gu mu-un-na-de-e
B 1 1 ga X [ I 32' B -ke4 U4 ul-la-am ma-ni-x
6' A hur-sag ki-sikil um-ma-te' 1
B I .siki|l um-ma-'te^ | 33' B I IX XI ]
r A ''en-ki-ke4im""^gugim-TUS'/LU'-ex 34' B I ] gu-da la [.,
B [ 1 im V
Teil
8' A ^"'nu-kiis-u an-na "''^kur-gi4 | 1'
B [ ]-u an-na ""^ZA|,GUL 2' I X X NE
9' A ''en-ki-ke4 sig4 im-ma-an-gub gu i|m 3' ] ni-in-la
B 1 k]e4 sig4 im-ma-an-'gub^ x [ 4' I XXX mu-tui-zu-us-a
10' A e "^^guga-a mu-AiC bu-m|u 5' I X -ni-na im-ma-da-an-si-a
B je '"%ug a-a niu-AK-a b [u 6' I X mu-un-lii-la-a-ke4
11' A gis hu-mu-ri-in-sub gis hu-mii | 7' 1 mu-un-bar-am
B 1 mju-ri-in-sLib gis [ 8'
] X ''a-nun-na-ke4-ne gij mu-na-dd-e
12' A 9'
gi hu-mu-ri-in-sub gi b[u-mu j I X dumu-guio mu-un-ug5-ge-ra ^-a
B [.,,hlu-mu-ri-in-sub g[i mu-un-ug5-ge-ra
13' A X X X 10' [urj-sag' dumu-guio mu-un-ug5-ge-ra e-a
B [.„[ X dam7gid''-da ni-bi-ta NIG he-em- mu-un-ug5-ge-ra
[dum|u-g;u]() urj-^-giny hu-mu-ra-ab-AK-e
14' B 'e'-kur-se im-ma-x-en [ ] 12' a-gin7 mu-un-x x-giny hu-mu-un-zu-zu
15' B [x[-ma-an-na-ke4 ba-ni-in-du [ [ 13' X X X X X X X X X - i b ' - i l - I a
16' B a iy-bi-ta ba-ni-in-d[u [ 14' [ |x
17' B a-sa se-bi-ta ba-ni-i[n I |x
18' B tijr-bi-ta ba-ni-in-du [ ]
19' B ama,s-bi-ta ba-ni-in-du he-gal b[a- tJbersetzung
Teil a
20' B eg-pa5 "habi'tid ba-ni-in-du he-gal ba-x |,..|
21' B gurun '^'"kirig lal' gestin' ba-ni-in-du he-gal 2' Mein Vater En [HI, [ |
ba-x [ I 3' Nunamnir, zum Tempel [ ]
22' B an-eden-na "habrud ba-ni-in-du he-gal 4' Ich, der Heir, ich will dorthin gehen, der
ba-l 1 Herr [des] Gebirges/jzumj Gebirge | |
23' B *- tir-^' tir-ra se -eg segg -bar (se -eg-ba - 5' Nunamnir, ich will dorthin gehen, der Herr
ra) ba-ni-in-du | ] [des] Gebir(gesl/lzum] Gebir[ge [
24' B e-gal zi-sa-gal ba-ni-in-du he*-gal ba-ni- 6' Als er sich dem Gebirge, dem reinen Oil,
nilherte [ ]
25' B le-a se gibil nu-gal-la se 7' E^nki holt rotbraunen Ton/mischt Ton mit
sumun e-du[ 1 Karneol...[ ]
26' B nibru'"-'^meURasur?)-a se gibil nu-gal-la 8' Den oberen Tiirzapten mit ,.Gansestein"^
se sumuu e-du [ ]
27' B iri'^'-me-a zii-lum gibil nu-gal-la zu-lum 9' Enki legte den Ziegel hin, riet
sumun e-[
28' B nibr[u^'-me-a[ 'zu'-kun gibil nu-gal-la 10' ,,lch habe den Tempel uus Karneol gebaut,
zu-lum sumun 'e^ [..,.] <mein> Vater, er hat [ ["
29' B nib[ru'" -t[aLAGABxX-ta''LA SUHUR 11' Er hat docb gegen dich das Ho!z geworfen,
A Nl a im-ma-da-an-[...[ das Holz hat er [ [
 ,,ENKI IN NIPPUR" 31

12' Er hat doch gegen dich das Rohr geworfen, 4' I ) daii sie bekannt gemacht
das Rohr hat er [ | baben,
13' 1 1 hat do( h von selbst etwas 5' I |,,., dafi er in sein .„. gefiillt hat.
6' [ I des.sen, der gehangt hat.
14' Zum Ekur | |st dn | ] 7' [ I ist, derjenige, der erblickt' hat.
15' Der |,..] des Himmels schnf dort | | 8' [ |.,,er spricht zu den Anuna:
16' Er schuf dort das Wasser mit seinem K;inal 9' I ).,,. fiir den. der meinen Sohn toten
wollte/wiir, der ihn im Tempel toten
17' Er schuf dort das Feld mit seinem Getreide wollte/will\
10' der den Helden, meinen Sohn toten woUte/
18' Er sc'htif dort das Rind mit seiner Hiirde will', der ihn im Tempel toten wollte/will'',
l r mein Sohn wird folgendermalien ftn tlich
19' Er schuf dort das Schaf mit seinem Pferch, handeln.
Fni<'hb;irkeit schjnf'' er ...,| 12' So hat er..., wie.... soil er dort bekanntmachen.
20' Er s( huf dort iim| Kanal die ..Lot h-Pflanze," 13' dafi gehoben wurde.
Fruchbarkeit sch[uf'er...] 14' I I
21' Er .schuf die Friichte das Gartens, Honig 15' I |.,,.
und Wein, Fruthrbarkeit .sch|nf^ er |
22' Er .s( huf dort in der Steppe die ,,Loch- Kommentar
Pflanze," Fruchtbarkeit sch[uf' er ] Teil a
23' Er sehuf dort in den Wiildern (Wildschaf Z. 4'-5'. Ich nehme an, dal^ in diesem Zeilenpaar
und) Hirsch(?) | 1 Enki seinem Vater Enlil den AtifbrtK h ins (iebirge
24' Er sc-buf dort [im| Palast den Lebensodem, ankviudigt. Die Verbalform ga-an-DU wird als ga-
Fruchtbarkeit .sch[uf er,.,| an-gen gedeutet: ,,I(h will dorthin gehen." Ver-
25' In unserer Stadt. fiir'' denjenigen, der keine gleichbare Te.xt.stellen vei-wenden hier ga-gen, z.B.
neue Gerste hatte, aite Gcrste | | NSjN 10-11; ge26-e iri-gunr-se ga-gen
26' In unserer Stadt Nippur, fur'' denjenigen, se ga-an-si-gen ''suen-me-en ge2fre i i
der keine neue Gerste hatte, alte Gerste gen ,,Ich will zu meiner Stadt gehen, ich will zu
meinem Vater gehen, I(h. Suen. will /.u meiner
27' In unserer Stadt, fiir' denjenigen, der keiue Stadt gehen." (vgl. auch die parallelen Formulicr-
neuen Datteln hatte, alte Datteln ungen in Z. 12-16);' EWO 116-117: en-me-en
geo(i-e ga-gen ''en-ki-me-en kalam-ga-as ga-an-ed
28' In unserer Stadt Nippur, filr^ denjenigen, .,Ich, der Herr, ich will gehen, Ich, Enki, will zu
der keine neuen Datteln hatte, alte Datteln meinem Ltmd heraufsteigen,"'' Die Zuordnung des
auf ga-an-gen folgenden EN ist unsicher. Ein An-
29' Aus Nippur, aus dein in seinem | 1 schluR and die vorau.sgehende Verbalform. und sei
30' Vom Ekur aus dein Mund' [ | es als Lautindikator (ga-gen'"), wine unerwartet
31' I I spricht zu'' Nusku und liefte sich kaum begriinden. Ist EN daher mit
32' I I Nusku'', hat er dir immor zu Diensten dem folgenden hur-sag zu verbinden ,,der Herr
Igestanden .,,.) des' Gebirges"? Ist er detjenige. der nach .Aussage
33' [ I I I von Z. i r - 1 2 ' Euki mit ..Holz und Roln ' angreift?
34' I I Umarmung | | Z. 7'. Die Deutung des auf beiden Tafeln er-
haltenen, ersten Zeichens IM ist problematisch.
Teil b
1' I I
2' I I 8. VglETCSL 1,5,1,
3' I I er hat gehaTip;t, 9. V(iI,ETCSLl,L3,
32 MARIE-CHRISTINE LUDWIG
Der nur liickenhaft verstandliche Inhalt der Texts-
telle erscbweit eine Entscheidung fur eine der
zahlrei(hen Lestingen. Es wird hier von einer
Lesung iin ,,Ton," ,,Erde" ausgegangen; im '"'^gug
liefte sicb einmal als eine Reihung von zwei,
inhaltlich ungleicbwertigen, Substantiven be-
tiathten; ,,Ton und Karneol", Es ware allerdings
zu Liberlegen, ob im "'^gug nicht auch einen ein-
zigen BegrifF darstellen konnte: ^karneolfarbiger,
rotbrauner Ton." Eine solche Bedeutung kann ich
zwar in veiAvandten oder direkt vergleichbaren
sumerischen Texten nicht nachweisen. Eine be-
dingte Stutze der vorgeschlagenen Deutung bietet
jedoch die spiite Pflanzenliste Uruanna (111 551-
553 - Kocher, Pflauzeukunde 12 vi 25-27). Hier
werden hintereinander {mit Determinativ U)
IM.SA5 IM,KU,GI und IM.GUG = sar-ser ,,roter
Ton oder Paste" aufgefuhrt. Siehe CAD s.v.
mrserni fur diesen und weitere Belege. Wekbe
der Deutungen vorzuziehen ist, bangt weseutlich
vom Verstandnis der zweiten Zeilenhillfte ab,
Das Zeichen IM der zweiten Zeilenhiiifte win!
als Prafixkette dcm folgendeu, TUSA^U geschrie-
benen Verb zugeordnet: im-TUS/LU-e. Das frag-
liche Verb scheint in Text B auf den er.sten Blick
ein deutliches Zeichen TUS zu sein. Es Uil^t sich
jedoch ein ganz feiner, mittlerer Senkrcchter er-
kennen, der einen kleinen ,,Kopr' aufweist und
daher wohl nicht die Verlangerung eines Sen-
krechten aus einer vorausgebenden Zeile ist,
Die letztgenannte Mogtichkeit laiit sich aller-
dings nicht vollig ausschlieRen, der kleine ..KopP"
konnte eine winzige Beschadigung, eine Verfiir-
bung im Ton o.a. darstellen.
Hat der Schreiber daher LU und nicht TUS
beabsichtigt? In Text A ist die Innenzeichnung
des Zeichens leicht zerkratzt. Es lal^t sich auch
hier eine feine, senkrechte Linie im Innern des
Zeichens erkennen. Epigraphisch halte ich hier
beide Lesungen fiir vertretbar, Ist TUS gemeiut,
so scheint eine Lesung im-tus-e aus inhaltlichen
Grlinden ausgeschlossen. Man konnte unter
Vorbehalt im-dab^-e ,,er holt {karneolfarbigen
Ton)" vor.schlagen, obgleich man eine Schreib-
ung im-dab^-be ei*warten sollte, Geht man von
einem Verb LU aus, so scbeint von den fur voka-
lisch endendes lu belegten Bedetitungen nur das
seltene ,,mischen" (akk. balalum, MSL 14, S. 141,
Nr, 19, Z. 45; vgl. CADs.v. balahi lex. sec) zu einer
sinnvollen Ubersetzung zu fiihren. Enki mi.scht
Ton undAmit') Karneol, um mit dieser Paste den
Temple zu verzieren?
Z. 8'. ^'^nu-kus-Ci ,,Tiirangel, Tiirzapfen" ist
lexikalisch bezeugt in Hh 5 264-66: '^^nu-kiis-u,
"'^nu-kus-u an-na, *^''"nu-kus-u ki-ta, sieiie /ulet/t
N. Veldhuis, Elementary Education in Nippur
{Groningen, 1997), 160. Bei der Beschreibung der
zedernen TiJren des Eninnti in Gudea Gyl, A
XXVI 20-XXVII 1 wird ^''Siu-kt'is neben anderen
Tiirtoilen genannt: e-ninnu sag-kul-l)i BAD "^'Sui-
kt'is ur-mah si-gar-bi-ta mu.s-sa-tur mus-hus am-sfe
eme e-de (XXVI 22-25) ,,Eninuus locks {have)
bisonsCP) on them, its pivots (have! lions, from
their bolts "womb snakes' and 'Herce snakes" are
hissing at an aurochs;"'" Nungal A 19 "^'^nu-kus-
u-bi hu-n'-in"'"^'" umbiu-bi nig su ti-a .,Its hinges
are an eagle whose claws grasp everything";"
LSU 431: ^'^nu-kus-u-bi-da Iu-kar-ra-gin7 ^r l-seg-
.sef^ .,(its hinges).., together with its door fittings
itCr") wept bitterly like a fugitive;"'" Tod des Gil-
games M 254 ''•"uu-uk-ku-is-bi iia4 kal-ga-aui ,,les
crapaudines etaient en pierre dure."" Vgl. auch
die Belege fin das akkadische I,ehnvvort nukussu
in spateren, nachaltbabvionischen Bauinschriften
(CADs.v. nnkussu), die die Verzierting des Tiir-
zapfens mit Edelmetallen erwiibnen. Es ist an-
zunehmen, dafi atich Z. 8' die Verzierung des
Tiirzapfens, hier mit einem wertvollen Stein, be-
handelt. "'*^kur-gi4 ,.Gansestein" in Text A kann ich
.sonst nicht nachweisen. Text B erwiiluit an dieser
Stelle ""^gug ..Karneol." Moglicberwcisc handelt
es sich hierbei jedoch um eine \ersehentliche
Wiederholung von ""'gug aus der vorausgehenden
Zeile. Text A wihde daher die Hauptversion der
Zeile bieten.
In Text A ist die zweite Hiilfte des Zeichens
GI4 ,,wie ZI" gescbrieben, vgl. Dagegen GIj in
Z. 12' fiir die zu erwartende Form.
10. D. C). Edzard, Gndea and his Dynasty. RIME 3/1
(Toronto: Toronto University Press., 1997). 86; vgl. dazii C;. Z6I-
vomi.OLZ94(I999) 186-87
11. KTCSL 4.28.1.
12. ETCSL 2.2.3; hier ist nicht aiif die Wr/iernng, son-
dern auf das Geraiisch beim Oft'nen nnd Schliel^rn der Tiir
angespielt.
13. A. Cavignt'iuix/E. AI-Rawi, Gilgaiiii's el la inort Textea de
Tfil Haddad VI. CM 19 (Gnmingem St>x,2(K)0i. 34 und 59.
 ,,ENKI IN NIPPUR"
Z. 9'. Wabrscheinlich ist am Zeileuende eine
Form von gii-d^ zu ergatizen. Dal^ die folgenden
Zeilen eine Rede Fnkis entbalten, wird dutch
die Verbalformen in Z. 1O'-14' [AK in Z. 10' ist
unklar) bestatigt, die sich alle an eine zweite Per-
son (Enlil?) ricbten.
Z. 10'. Die Zeile endet mit einer dttrc h hu-mu-
engeleiteten Verbalfoi tri, und es ist anzuuehmen,
dafi hier eine in den nachfolgenden Zeilen
fortgesetzte Reibe von ,^ffirmativen"''* beginnt.
Die Deiituug des Zeilenaufangs ist unsicher.
Probletnatist h ist insbesontleie die Ztionlmmg
des Zeicben.s MU. Es ware moglich, MU als Pro-
nominalsttttix -gU]() zu deuten ttnd dem voraus-
gehenden a-a zuztiotdneti. Einem Vorschlag P
Attingers folgend, konnte es sicb dann, trotz
der tmgevvohnlichen Wortstellung, um einen ltn-
perativ handeln: ,.Den Tempel aus Karneol, baue
ibn, meiti Vater!" Enki wiirde dctnnadi seinen
Vater auffordern, den Tempel zu bauen, wobei
die Verbindung mit den Aussagen der voraus-
gehenden Zeilen undurchsi(htig bliebe. In der
Regel ist es aucb der gottlicbe Sobn, der die Auf-
trSge seines Vaters ausfiibrt., hier dagegen wiirde
der Sohn seinem Vater einen Befehl erteilen. Da
jedoch der Inbalt des Textes im Dunkein liegt,
lafet sich nicht sagen, woiatif bier angespielt sein
konnte. Ein anderer tJbersetzungsvorschlag ver-
bitidet MU als Piiitix tnit detn folgetiden Verb AK:
,,Uh habe den Tem|)el aus Karneol, <tiiein> Vater,
gebaut!" (Text A), oder nach Text B ...Dafi icb den
Tempel aus Karneol (fur?) <meinen> Vater gebattt
habe " In beiden Fitlleti wiude das Pos.ses-
sivsuffix -p;uio, ..tnein," sowie in Text B auch eine
Markierung des Dativs nach a-a fehlen. Diese
Dettttuig.svorschlage s(heitieu itihaltlitb eher ver-
tretbar, stolseti aber auf die getuumten gramma-
tikaliscben Scbwietigkeiten.
Z. 11'-12'. S. N. Kramer und G. J, Gadd nehtnen
in ihter Einleititng zu UKr6/\ S. 5 an, dafi es sicb
bei die.sctn Zeilcnpaar um eiue Dtohung Etikis
bandele, ..that he will hurl (?) trees and reeds
against you." Fiir die voti Kramer mid Gadd
voigescblagcne Ubersetzutig der Verbalfotmen als
transitive Prekative sollte man im Sumerischen
14. Siehe dazu .soglcich unten im Kouimcntar zu Z. 1 r - 1 2 ' .
33
man'i-Formen erwarten. Die mit b^- (und anderen
Modalprafixen) eingeieiteten Verbalformen sind
des ofteten disktttiei't ttnd zuletzt \(in M. Givil in
,,Modal Prefixes," AS] 22 (2000, erschienen 2005)
29-42 (mit alterer Literatur), neu bebandelt
worden. Givil gebt bei seinen Untersuchungeti
von einer ,Jitnctional-typologi(al orietitation" atts.
die das Herausarbeiteu sprachliciier Feinheiten
in der Aussageweise anstrebt und wendet sich
von den traditionellen Ansatzen ab, die auf der
starren Klassifikation isolierter granitnatis( her
Formen in AHirmativ, Prekativ etc. bertthen.
Wenn avich die traditionelle Analyse der frag-
lichen Verbalformeti biiittig zu inhaltlich un-
befriedigenden Ubersetzimgen tiihtt, .so bietet
jedoch Givils Ansatz an Stellen, wo Inhalt und
Kontext unklar sind, wenig Hilfe, Unsere Zeilen
scbeineu detn ,,epistemic" Bedeutungsfeld anztt-
gehoreti. Welcbe der von Givil angefiibrten zahl-
reichen Nuancen bier vorliegt, lafit sicb jedocb
uicht sicher bestimmen, da sowobl der Anfang
von Z. 10', als auch Z. 13'-14' inhaltlich mcbt-
deittig oder zu schlecht erhalteti sind. Moglicbe
Ubersetzungen des Zeilenpaares waren: ,,Er kann
das Holz/das Rohr gegeti dich werfen, er kann
|...]" oder ,,Er hat do( h Hoiz/Rohr gegen dich ge-
worfen, er hat \. . .]." Da der Zttsammenhang
undurchsichtigt ist, bleibt offen, ob es sith nur
um eine Drobuug oder utn eitie Anspiehttig auf
vorausgehende Ereignisse handelt. Diese F^reig-
nisse konnten entweder. innerbalb de.s.selben
Textes. den auf den Tafein aus Ur geschilderten
vorattsgehen oder dem Leser/Horer utis anderen
Quellen bekannt sein, Unklar bleibt, wer zu wem
spricht. Es scbeint aber ausgescblossen, daft der
hier Angesprochene, also das Opfer des Angritt's,
utns Leben kam. Moglicherweise besteht eine
Verbindung zu den im zweiten Te.xtteil in der
Rede an die Anuna erwiibnten Ereignisse, .siehe
dazu tuiten ften Koinmentar zu Teil h Z, 9 ' - i r .
Hoi/ iiiul [Aohr sind keine AngriHswatlen itn
engeren Sinne,'' Es bandelt .sicb wohl iii( ht lun
eine Ansj)ielung iiuf eine kriegetische Attscinati-
det.setzung. War deijeuige, der mit Holz ttnd Rohr
um sicb warf, der .,HUter" eines Naturbereiches,
15. Zu Wurfwrtffen jiller Art v^l \i. Eicliler, ..Of Slings ;UK1
Shields, Throw-Stieks and Javelins,\/AOS 103 (19B3J 95-102.
34 MARIE-GHRISTINE LUDWIG
ein Naturdamon, der benutzte, was ibm zur Ver-
fugung stand, um einen ,,EindringIing" abzu-
wehren? Vgl. oben den Kommentar zu Z. 4'. Z. 13'
und 14' sind fragmentarisch und konnen nicht
zur Deutung der Stelle herangezogen werden.
Z. 15'-16'. Die folgenden Zeilen enthalten ein
literarisch-mythologisches Versatzstiick (Topos),
,,Schafien von Fruchtbarkeit", das in Varianten aus
zablreichen Texten bekannt ist und des ofteren
diskutiert wurde. Siehe zuletzt F. AI-Rawi und
J. Black, ,.A halbale of Ninurta," ZA 90 (2000) 31-
39 (Ninurta F, ETGSL 4.26.06), mit Verweis auf
die ausfiihrlichen Untersuchungen von A. J.
Ferrara, ,,Topoi And Stock-Strophes In Sumerian
Literary Traditions; Some Observations, Part I,"
7A^ES54 (1995) 81-117.
15'. Am Zeilenanfang ist Platz ftir ein Zeichen:
,,Der [...] des Himmels," Die Genitivverbindung
ist insgesamt durch -/e/ als Ergativ markiert, be-
zieht sich demnach auf denjenigen, der die in den
folgenden Zeilen beschriebenen schopferischen
Tatigkeiten ausfiihrt. Die Lesung des Verbs ba-
ni-in-TU hier und in den folgenden Zeilen wird
durch Parallelen aus anderen Texten auf du fest-
gelegt, obgleich ku4 ,.hineinbringen, einfiihren
(in das e-kur als Abbild des Kosmos)" in unserem
Text gut passen wiirde. Als Parallelen sincl bei-
spielsweise anzuflihren das oben erwahnte bal-
bale an Ninurta, Ninurta F, 8 lugal-gUiQ w^ sila4
na-an-du-ud etc. und der von A. Falkenstein, in
AjO 16 (1953) 60-64, bearbeitete syllabische
Emesal-Te.xt VS II 3 I 1-17, in dem die entspre-
chenden Zeilen jeweils mit der Verhalform hu-
mu-ra-u-du enden. In Z. 15' wird das Ergebnis
(,,Objekt") der scbopferischen Tatigkeit nicht
genannt. Die.se Zeile weicht demnach syntak-
tisch von dem Muster der folgenden Zeilen ab, in
denen jeweils die schopferischen Ergebnisse er-
wahnt werden, nicht aber der Schopfer selbst.
Rein formal liefie sich -hi nach der Genitiv-
verbindung am Zeilenanfang auch als Direktiv
(Lokativ-Terminativ) deuten, fiihrt jedoch inhalt-
lich nicht weiter.
16'-19' Zu Z. 16'-17' vgl. NSJN 332(341)-
333(342).'« Z, 16'-19' sind parallel gebaut nach
dem Schema: x y-ta ba-ni-in-du he-g^l ba-[ni-in-
16. ETCSL 1.5.1.
diii. Vgl. LSU 500: iy a-bi-da a-sk se-bi-da (an-n^
nam-kur-re) ,,(That there again be) water courses
with water and fields with grain (may An not
change it)."'^
Die Ablativpostposition -ta vertritt an unserer
Stelle die Komitativpostposition -da, siehe dazu
P Attinger, ELS 249. Vgl. ferner NSJN 332(341)-
333(342).
Z. 20' Die hier und auch in Z. 22' gebotene
Lesung habrud(KIxU) folgt einem Vorschlag von
G. Mittermaver. Eine Jjabrud-Pflanze" kanu ich
soust nicht nachwei.sen,'"" Die Lesung K.lxU wird
indirekt bestatigt durch einen Schreibfehler in
Z. 25', hier steht versehentlich iri"^""'-"^ ansteile
des zu erwartenden irt"". Fiir Z. 20' sind mir keine
Parallelen aus anderen Versionen der ,.Standart-
strophe"''"' bekannt. Zu dem Wortpaar eg pa4/
pa5(-r) ,,Kanaldamm und Bewasserungskanal" als
Begrtff fiir das ge.samte Bewa.s.s('rungssy.stem siehe
M. Civil, The Farmer's ijistructions: A Sumerian
Agricultural Manual (Barcelona: Aula Orientalis
Supplementa 5, 1994), 109-40. Auf S. 112-13
fiihrt Givil aus lexikalischen Listen Belege fiir
bestimmte Straucher oder Baume an, die mit
dem Kanalsystem, insbesondere den Dammen,
assoziiert wurden. Es erklart sich von selbst, dafi
Feuchtigkeit liebende Vegetation entlang den
Kanalen uppig wucberte, oft wohl als un-
erwOnschte Konkurrenz fijr die Nutzpflanzen.
Kiinstliche Erdaufschiittungen wie Kanaldiimme
konnen jedoch durth Bepllanzung .stahilisiert
werden. War dies die Funktion von "habrud?
Z. 21'. Anstatt des zu erwartenden pu kirifj (vgl.
Ferrara, jNES 54, 96-100 und insbesondere NSJN
338(347), Nanna-Suen K B 9,^" Ninurta F 30,''
Dumuzi-Inana Dj 57,^^ N 3381 10' (Ferrara,
S54,104), VS2, 1, II, 5; VS 2, 3,1, 13, CT 15,
17. ETCSL 2.2.3.
18. Sie wird auch nicht erwahnt in den ausfiihrlichen
Untprsiirhiingen vnn Wu Yiihong, . ^ Study of the Sumerian
Word.s lor .Animal HoU-- (HABRUD). ..Hole" (TiLlRUD), .Well"
(BURUD2). and ..Copper" (WURUDA)." An ExiH-riem-cd S(nl)e
Who Ni'^k-cts Nothing; Anciaiil Near Eastern Studies in Honor
of Jacob Klein, Yilzhak Sefati, et al, eds. (Bethesda: CDL, 2005),
374-95.
19. Siehe oben den Kmnmentar zu Z. l5'-K->'.
20. ETCSL4.13.il.
21. ETCSL 4.27.06.
22. ETCSL 4.08.30.
 .,ENKI IN NIPPUR •
26, 19 und LSU 505) bietet unser Text die Var-
iante gurun kirie .,Erucht des Obstgartens." Diese
Wortverbindung liegt auch vor in Lugal-e 363
burU;^(EBUH) pu kiri(^-ke4 gurun mi-ni-in-il (Hj
und I] und Varianten). Vgl, dort vor allem die
direkte Parallele des spaten, zweisprachigen
Textvertreters h] {SBH 71) gu[rii[u pju I su mi-
ni-in [ [ / in-\bi ki-rc-e si})-p(i-t\i u-fid-ds-si-'
«er lieft die Erucht des Obstgartens ein.sammeln."
Weitere Belege sind LSU 88 pu '^"kirip gurun-ba
mu-un-BU.BU ligima i-burjo-re .,Tbe orchards
were stripped of their fruit, they were cleaned of
their off shoots."^* und Streitgesprach zwischen
Vogel und Eisch 77: gurun nig-dug-bum '^'''kirid
^'^kiri(i pu "^'^kirip-a sa-dug4 gal-gal-g;un)-se ..Emits
and produce of gardens and orchards are tbe enor-
mous daily offering due to me."^^ Vgl, ferner Enlil
und Sud 123 gurun '^'kirif^-a si ba-ni-in-sa ,,Eruits
of orchards were dispatched (by Enlil .. .),"^'' Das
Wortpaar lal gestin in der Zeilenmitte ist epigra-
pbisch unsicher. Weitere, fur einen sonst relativ
sicher geschriebenen Text, ungewohnlich stark
entstellete Zeichenformen liegen auch in Z, 23'
vor. Siehe dazu sogleich unten.
Z. 22' Vgl, die Paralielen in NSJN 337(346), LSU
506, Nanna-Suen K B 8, Ninurta E 29, Dumuzi-
Inana Di 55, N 3381 9',=' VS 2,1, II 4, VS 2,3,1 11,
CT 15 26, 18 und CA 175.^^ Anstelle der babrud-
Pflanze fiihren die genannten Texte '^^mas-giu*um
an."'' Ich nebme an, dais es sich in unserer Zeile
23, J. J. van Dijk, WGAL VD ME-lAM-hi NIR-GAI^ Tome 11 zu ensetzen scheint Diese Tradition wird bezeugt
(Leiden: Brill. 1983). 103; vjil, FTCSl. 1.6,2,
24, ETCSL 2,2,3; vglF Mii\\i\\(}v.s\ii, The Lamentation over durch VS 2, 3, I, 9 {bier syllabiscb gescbrieben
titc Destrnclinti of Siwirr and Vr iWinona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
1989), 40 uiiH den Kommentiir zur Stelle,
2ry. ETCSL 5,3.5,
26, ETCSL 1.2.2,
27. A, J. Ferrara. ^Tojx)i and Stock-Strophes in Sumerian
Literary Tradition: Stime Ob.sei* vat ions. Part I." Jf^ES 54
(19951,104.
28. KTCSL 2,1.5,
29, Eine Pflanze dieses Namens wird in spiUeii lexikal-
i.schen und mediziriisch-phanniizeiitiselien Texten mit (af.'iar-
niadu geplicheii. siehe CAD s,v. harmadu, auch fiir die
uiiterschiedlichen Schreibweiseii. Eine Ideiitifiaktion dieser
Pllanze wiU' bisliuig iii<'ht moglit'h, Eraglit'h hleibt, ub ""mas-
giunim in den altbabvloniM'hen Textcn dii-selbe Plliuize be-
zpichnet wic in den Texten des ersten .hUirt;iu.sen<is, Vyl. A,
Falkenstein, ^Zu einem svlkibist h neschrielx^nen Emesal-Text.'"
AfO 16 (19.53) ()3 und F Al-Raui and J. Illack, ..A balbale of
Ninurta. C;od of Fertility." 7.A 90 (2000) 38 (NinurtLi F},
35
nicht um eine Variante, sondern um einen Schreib-
fehler handelt. Der Schreiber hat versehentlich
"habrud aus Z. 20' wiederbolt,
Z. 23' Vgl. NSJN 336(345), Nanna-Suen K B 7,
Ninurta E 28, N 3381 8 ? " CT 15 26, 17 und
Dumuzi-Inana D] 56, Auf Grund der Paralielen
miissen die Zei( ben in der Zeilenmitte als einen
wenig geglikkten Versiich des S(hreibers ge-
wertet werden, segg segg-bar zu schreiben, Es
lassen sich zahlreiche, nur schwach angedeutete
Keile oder Keilansiitze erkennen, die die Schwie-
rigkeiten des Sthreibers mit diesen .selteneren
und komplexen Zeichenformen deutlich macben,
Vgl, oben zu Z. 21', P. Attinger schliigt tmter Vor-
behalt eine syllabischc Lesung se' •-eg-ba''-ra^'
vor. Eine syllabische Schreibung an dieser Stelle
ware zwar ungewobnlich, wurde aber eher die
gegebenen ZeicbeniOrmen mit der erwarteten
Lesung .segg segg-bar verbirulen als deren Inter-
pretation als Normalorthographie. Eiirdie zweite
Halfte der Zeichenfolge (nach se''-eg) scheint mir
au( h eine Lesung seggl-bar vertretbar. Oer kleine
Schragt'/Winkelbaken oberhalb des unteren
Schragen am Ende von IG ware der Anfang von
segg, das durch das folgende, mit einem kleinen
Senkrechten beginnenden Zeichenfragment fort-
gesetzt ware. Der Waagerechte des abschlieft-
enden BAR ware etwas zu tief ge.setzt. Ftir die
erste Halfte der Zeichenfolge scheint eiue Losung
seg9 nicht veiiretbar,
Es ware zu Iiberlegen, ob unser Text einer Tra-
dition folgt, die segt) segy-bar durch dara .segg-bar
dara) und VS 2, 1, 11. 3." Das erste Zeichen der
fraglithen Zeicbengruppe in Text B wurde daher
dara darstellen, gefolgt vou seggl'r'-bar.
Z. 24' Vgi. NSJN 339(348), Nanna-Suen K B 11,
Ninurta E 31 Dumuzi-Iuana Dj 59. N 3381 11?^
VS 2, 1,11, 7. VS 2, 3,1, 17, CT 15, 26 20 und USU
30. Ferrara, ;iV£S 54, 104,
31. .\. Falkenstein, A/0 16, 63, Falkenstein nimmt dort fiir
beide Texte eine syll;ibis(he Sehreibun^ dara(IB) fiir dam an.
Diese Sehreibung st beint abfr nnr in dem erstfjciianiiten Text
vorzuliegen, der andere hat d.'ira . Kine Kollation lieider Texte
wiire driiifjend erforderli< h,
32. Ferrara,/NES 54. 104,
36 MARIE-CHRISTINE LUDWIG
507. Diese Texte vei-wenden zi-su[3-ud-gal an.stelle
von zi-sa-gal.
Z. 25'-26', 27-28' Diese beiden Zeilenpaare
sind parallel gebaut und enthalten je eine Ge-
geniiberstellung von neuer und alter Gerste, bzw.
neuen und alten Datteln in Bezug auf die Stadt
Nippur, die ..unsere Stadf genannt wird, Leider
sind die Zeilenenden nit'ht erhaiten, so dai^ sich
die Syntax nicht genau bestimmen lafet und man
nur vermuten kann, was hier eigentlich gesagt ist.
Eine Ubersetzung der jeweils ersten Zeilen-
halfte J n unserer Stadt(Nippur), in der es keine
neue Gerste/Datteln gab, alte Gerste/Datteln ..."
wiirde grammatikalisch durch die Position des
Pronominalsuttixes auffallen: Man wiirde das -me
{+ Lokativ -a) nach dem nominalsierten Satz
erwarten, Ein anderer tjbersetzungsvorschlag
ware ,,In unserer Stadt(Nlppur). fiir denjenigen,
der keine neue Gerste/Datteln batte, alte Gerste/
Datteln—" Hier ware der Dativ nach dem
nominalisierten Satz nicht gescbrieben. In der
jeweils zweiten Zeilenhalfte ist die Deutung
des Zeichens E unsicher. Die Gruppierung der
Zeichen auf der Tafel legt eine Verbindung
mit dem vorausgehenden se sumun (bzw. zu-lum
sumun) aus Direktiv-Postposition. -e, nahe. Eine
andere Moglichkeit ware es, e- als Priifixkette mit
dem folgenden, als Verb gedeuteten, Zeichen
du(KAK) zu verbinden; Es lage dann eine nicht
ergativische Verbalform mit einem Verweis auf
eine zweite Person im Lokativ-Terminativ vor:^'^
e-du ist auf dioh gepflanzt." Wer ware ange-
sprochen? Unklar bleibt. ob die Zeile tnit KAK
endet. Wegen der starken Kriimmiing der Ruck-
seite konnte man nach KAK noch ein oder zwei
Zeichen erwarten.
Die zentrale wirtschaftliche Bedeutung von
Gerste und Datteln als Grundnahrungsmitte! tind
Handelsguter ist unumstritten. Beide haben ge-
meinsam, dafi sie gelagert werden konnten und
fur langere Zeit nutzbar blieben. Fiir se sumun
(in Ur III Texten) ..(barley) from the previous
years harvest" siehe D. S. Snell, AS] 9 (1987) 228
(mit Literaturhinweisen); fiir Ur Tll-zeitliche Wiii-
.sohaftstexte, die nebeneinander alte und neue
33, Attinger, ELS, 235-36,
Gerste erwahnen, siehe beispielsweise E. Soll-
berger, TCS 1,28, Nr. 83 (Kauf von Pflugrindern),
88, Nr. 361 (Gersteliefening an den Tempel).''
Belege fur alte und neue Gerste, bzw. alte und
neue Datteln aus akkadischen Texten sind in CAD
S.V. essu, labirii und se\i aufgefuhrt.
Es ist interessant und spricht fiir die wirt-
schaftliche Bedeutung und Bezichung dieser
Nahrungsmittel zueinander, dafe das Gegensatz-
paar gibil/sumun (akkadisch eMu{m}llabiru(m))
.,neu, griin. fris(h" - ,.alt, trotken" in Verbindung
mit Gerste und Datteln Eingang in die lexi-
kalische Tradition gefunden hat: Nippur ,.Fore-
ninner" zu Hh XXIII-XXIV (MSL XI S. 109-28),
Text A VIII 7' (= II 22) se gibil, VIII 8' {= II 47)
se stimun (MSL XI S. 123-24); Text A XI 9 (= 17.3
10) zij-lum gibil; XI 10 (= 17.3 15) zu-lum sumun
(MSL XI S, 127), Altbabyloniseher ^F'oreninner
1" zu Hh XX-XXIV (MSL XI, S, 129-36); col. x 39
se sumun, col. x 40 se gibil; .,Forerunner 13" zu
Hh XX-XXIV (MSLXI, S. 151); 242 se gib[il|, 243
se sumun.
Die Bedeutung von alter und neuer Gerste/
Datteln an unserer Stelle ist mir unklar. Die
Belege aus Wirt.schaftstexten und Iexikalis{hen
Listen scheinen konkret nichts zum Verstiindnis
unseres Textes beizutragen. Das Fehlen von
neuem Getreide oder Datteln kann als ein
Zeichen von Mangel in Notzeiten als Folge von
Naturkata.strophen oder MilWirtschaft aufgefafet
werden. Wurde demjenigen, der keine neue
Gerste hatte, alte Gerste als Saatgut zugeteilt?
Und in Analogie dann alte, troikene Datteln als
,,Saatgut" fur neue Datteln? Moglicherwei.se sind
jedoch die fraglichen Zeilenpaare direkt and
34, Einen interp.ssiinten Hinweis auf das Verhaltnis von
Cicrstp und Dattoln zueinander liefrrt drr vnn Sol I hfrgcr.
res 1, S. 46, Nr, 1fi2zilicrte Text /7T V (i7(}9. Hier werden
{Z. ,3-4) 2 nigidii Datteln als ..Gersteration" fur die Sklavinlnen)
dc\s Bursag aufgefiihrt Dies zeigt die enge Verbindnng und
eine. zuniindest in bestimmten IJmstanden, Austanschharkeit
dieser Gnuidnahningsmittcl. Saliberger, TCS 1, siehl die.se
Textstelle als einen Hinweis dafiir. dali sich se-ba Xicrster-
iition" zn einem allgenieinen Begritf fur _Lohn" pntwickelt
hiibr. Belege I'lir Zahlungen von se-ha in andi-ren (iiitern als
Cerste, was bei einer Bedeutung ..Lohn"" zu erwarten ware,
wcrden nicht aufgefiihrt.
 .,ENKI IN NIPPUB"
das vorausgehende Scbdpfungsmythologem an-
zuschliei:ien. Es ware angespielt auf die Zeit,
in der in Nippur noch keine neue Gerste oder
Dattein, denmat h gar keine' Gerste oder Dattein,
vorhanden war.
31'. Diese Zeile enthalt eine bekannte Rede-
einleitungsformel, in der ein hoher ge.stellter Gott
eine niedriger gestelite Gottheit, oft einene gott-
lichen Boten oder Heifer, anspricht, um ihm/ihr
einen Auftrag zu eiteilen.^' Am Zeilenanfaug ware
der Handelnde im Bruch zti erganzen, nur die
Ergativmarkierung -e ist erhalten. Die Scbrei-
bung *'nuska-ke4 ist auflallend. Vergleicbe mit
parallelen Textstollen zeigen, dai:^ Nuska bier als
Dativ markiert sein sollte. Vgl. ijeispielsweise die
enge Parallele Enlil und Ninlil 35 ''en-lil-le sukkal-
a-ni ''nuska-ra gu mu-na-de-e .,Enlii spricbt zu
seinem Wesir Nuska""'uud noch Streitgespriith
zwischen Silber und Kupfer 82 sukkal-a-ni
''nuska-ar gij mu-na-de-e ,,Er spricht zu seinem
Wesir Nuska"'" An unserer Stelle ware zu fragen,
ob das auf Nuska folgende -kc4 einfach als Fehler
fiir -ra zu verstehen ist oder ob Nuska hier, ab-
weichend von den Parallelstellen, als Lokativ-
Terminativ markiert wurde. Damit wird die Frage
nach der Morphologic des Namens Nuska aufge-
worfen und eng verbunden, die Frage nach dem
Auslaut. Endet Nuska auf -k oder vokali.scb? Es
lassen sith Textstelleu zur Stiitze beider Thesen
anfiihren. Einen k-Ausiaut zeigt Nuska in TH 57-
59: ''udug e-kur-ra kin-gal ''nuska-ke4 e ''en-!il-la
mi:is-a e bi-in-gub bara-za dt'ir bi-in-gar .,Your
prince, tbe prince who is the counsellor of Enlil
and worthy of ESmah, the udug demon of Ekur,
the leader Nuska, has erected a house in your
precinct, o bouse of Enlil, and taken his seat tipon
your dais,"'^" Streitgesprach zwischen Silber und
Kupfer 86: ''nuska-a-ke4 a-ga sukkal ki mar-za-
35. Zn dieser Rcdccinlcitinigsformfl siehf 11. Behrens,
Knlil und Ninlil. SPSM S (Home; Biblical Institute Press,
197S), 106.
36. Siehe Behrens. SPSM 8, S. U)6, fiir weiter Belege.
37. ETCSL 5.3.6.
38. ETCSL 4.80.1; vgl. A. W. Sjobrrg, Tlw Collcfliim of the
Sumerian Temple Hymns. TCS lit (Looiist Valtt>\: J. J. ALigu.stin.
19fi9).2O,
37
a-.se glri-ni 2-a-bi mu-DU.DU ,,(he bad barely
finished speaking to him), when Nuska and tbe
ministers retinue went togetber to—"^" Nimmt
man an, dal:^ -ke4 in tmserer Zeile beabsichtigt
ist, liegt hier ein weiterer Beleg fiir Nuska(-k)
vot\ Die Annahme eines k-Auslauts fiir Nuska
tiudet Bestiitigung durch die schaifsinnigen Unter-
suchimgen von W. G. Lambert^" zur Morpbttlogie
und Bedeutung des Namens. Lambert kommt zu
dem Scblufs, da!^ es si(h boi Nuska um cine in-
terne Genitivverbindung ,,l(>fd of the sceptre"
handelt. Es finden sich allerdings auth Tcxt-
stellen, die auf einen vokaliscben Auslaut deuten,
bcispieisweise die oben zitierte Zeile aus dem
Streitgespracb zwischen Silber und Kupfer,
wo ''nuska-ar als Dativ erscheint. Siebe aucb die
Unterschrift nach Nuska B iTir-gid-da 'uuska-kam.
32'. Zu U4 ul-la ,,imnier zu Diensten" in dieser
Redeeinleitungsformcl .siehe H. Behrens, SPSM
8, S. 106-8.
Teilb
8' Diese Zeile leitet die Bede eines Ciottcs,
mdglicherweise Enlils, an die Anuna ein.
9'-l r, Gadd und Kramer nehmen in ihrer Ein-
leitung zu UET 6/1, S. 5, an, in Z. 9'-l()' beklage
sich jemand, sein Sobn sei getotet wordon. Die
Verbalform nui-un-ug5-ge-ra ist uugewolmlich und
nicht sicber deutbar. Man konnte zwar fiir die.se
Scbreibung Deutungen zur Stiitze von Gadd und
Kramers Ubersetzungsvorschlag enviigen, wurde
aber dann aus inhaltlichen Griindcn auf Schwie-
rigkeitcn stolscn, Die Ergiinzung |dum|u am An-
fang von Z. 11' kann im Augeublick /war noch
nicht durcb ein Textduplikat bestatigt werden,
scheint aber epigraphisch sicber. Lautet Z, 11'
daher |dum|u-gU]() ur^-giny hu-mu-ra-ab-AK-e
,,Mein Sohn wird es folgendermaften fiir dich
au.sfiihren," so konnen die \()rausjj!:ehenden Zeilen
nicht vom Tod die.ses Sohncs handclu. Im Fol-
genden werden nur .solche Deutungsvorschlage
fiir mu-un-ug^-ge-ra erdrtert, die sicb damit ver-
einbaren lassen, dali der Sohn in Z. 11' als Han-
delnder erscheint, Es bleibt zu hoifen, daft neue
39. unkbr; ETCSL 5.3.6.
40. _The Name of Nuska," RA 9(5 (2OO2i 57-60.
38 MARIE-CHRISTINE LUDWIG
Textfunde ein besseres Verstandnis dieser Text-
stelle ennoglicben werden.
In mu-uu-ug5-ge-ra lafet das Suffix -ra an ein
Dativsuffix oder die ,,isolierende Postposition" -la/
-ri^' denken. Beide Suffixe lassen sich jedoch in
die.ser Position nur nach einer nominalisierten
Verbalform nachweisen. Liegt eine Feblscbrei-
bung flir mu-un-ugg-ga-ra vor? Versteht man -ra
als eine Dativmarkierung, ergabe sich: ,,Fiir den,
den der Held, mein Sohn getotet hat, den er im
Tempel getotet hat," moglicherweise auch ,,Fur
den Helden, den mein Sohn getotet hat " Dieser
Dativ konnte wiederaufgenommen sein durch -ra-
in hu-mu-ia-ab-AK-e in Z. 11'. Es wiire eine
zweite Person/Singular angesprochen, was im
Widerspruch dazu zu stehen scheint, daft sicb
nach Z. 8' die Rede an die Anuna wendet. Waren
die Anuna als Gruppe angesprothen? Ein Dativ-
infix fur die zweite Person/Plural laftt sich meines
Wissens nicht nachweisen.
Versteht man -ra als ,,isolierenden Postposition"
ergabe sich: ,,{die Tatsache,) daft der Held, mein
Sohn, ihn dort getotet bat, daft er ibn im Tempel
41. Zti .Jsolierenden Postposition^n" siehe R Attinger,
ELS, S 170. S. 260-261, mit Verweis anf die Vorarbeiten von
J. Krccher, .Zur sumeri.schen Grammatik," ZA 57 (1965) 12-
29 und weiteren Literatin-hinweisen.
getotet bat." Bei einer Ubersetzung ,,{die Tatsacbe,)
daft mein Sohn den Helden dort getotet hat.,."
wiirde die Wortstellung im Sumerischen auffallen.
Inbaltlich konnte hier auf die in Teil a Z. n ' - 1 2 '
geschilderten Ereignisse angespielt sein.
Es ware zu iiberlegen, ob man mu-un-ug5-ge-ra
als die Schreibung einer verkiirzten, uominali-
sierten, ergativischen niaru-Form mu-un-ug^-ge-
^a-ra deuten kann.'*^ Daraus resultierende Uber-
setzungen wie: fur den, der meinen Sohn
toten wollte/will, der ibn im Tempel toten wollte/
will, der Held, der meinen Sohn toten wollte/
will,..." oder „ ..., der den Helden meinen Sohn
toten wollte/wiil " ,.(Die Tatsache,) daft er
meinen Sohn toten wollte/wili " scheinen sich
inhaltlich besser mit Z, IV verkniipfen zu las.sen
als die vorausgehenden tibersetzungsvorschlage,
was hier jedoch genau gesagt ist, bleibt unklar.
42. Vorkihzte marii-Fonm'n, vonAit'gend solthc, die iuil'
dem Sc'hwiind des manVVokal.s beruhen, hal J. Krecher in _Die
marfi'Formen des sumerischen Vprbunis," Vom Allen Orient
Zum Altcn Tcstamcnf. Festschrift fiir Wolfmiu Freiherrn van
Sodcn zum 85. Gehurtstag am 19. juni IW:i. ed, M. Diptrich
und O. Loretz. AOAT 240 (Kcveliier; Ncnkirr/hener Verlag.
1995). 155-58 nnd 189-91 Iwhandelt. Dort sind keinr direkfen
Parallelen zn mii-un-ug^-ge-ra < 'mu-un-ug-,-ge--a-ra Rebiiohf.
Nach Krethers Ausflihrnngen wiire e.s jedotli vorstellbar, dafe
die F"olge von kuizen, otf'enen Silben in -lu^l-PpJ-Pa
Vug^era/, geschrieben -ug5-ge-ra, erscheinen k6nnte.
 GENRE, GENDER,
AND THE SUMERIAN LAMENTATION
Jerrold S. Cooper (The Johns Hopkins University)
In a trail-blazing 1986 article on genre in Meso-
potamian literature, H. Vanstiphout, building on
the theories of A. Fowler, discussed the three-
stage "pattern of the natural 'life'" of Sumerian
historical (or city) laments.'
LS(7r represents a "primary, or aggregation phase" in
whicii the major themes are ail present, but less distin-
guished and structured than in the other laments. "The
genre seems to find its definitive 'format' in" IJJ, which
sits "astride the primary and the secondary phase." In
the full "secondary or classical phase ... the format re-
sulting from the primary stage" becomes a "normative
prescription for composing new te.xts," which are rep-
resented by LEr and IW, and especially LN, whose
innovation, however, "already announces the tertiary'
1. This essay was originally written for a conference
on genre organized hy Vanstiphout in 1995. At the urging of
several colleagues, I am publishing it here, through the kind-
ness of the editor. Little or no notice could he taken of works
published after 1997, and the important contributions made
hy Tinney (1996) to the discussion of lamentation and genre
have been acknowledged mainly in the notes. See also Bauer
et al. (1998: 435-36) for the suggestion that emesal was the
local dialect of Lagash, and Whittaker (2002) for Emesal as a
women's language. Note that much of the suhstance of my
contribution here was anticipated by Frvmer-Kenskv (1992;
43-44).
The following abbreviations for Sumerian compositions
are used; the sources can he found in the bibliography of VSD
(Sjoberg et al. 1984-) vol. 1 /111:
CA Curse of Agade
LEr Eridu Lament
LN Nippur Lament
LSUr Lamentation over Sumer and Ur
LU Lamentation over Ui' (now Romer 2004)
LW Uruk Lament
39
T F.-K. in memoriam
stage." This "final phase in the life cycle of a historical
genre usually consists of a more or less radically new
use of the formal features of the type. This inay be anti-
thetic, or burlesque, or the form may degrade into a
hollow shell for a completely different content." He
sees I.IV straddling the secondary and tertiary phases,
e.xperimental but still within the rules. The true ter-
tiary phase sees the end of the historical lament genre:
"many of the formal characteristics of the genre are
taken over by the litiugical laments ... the foi m as such
ceases to be a purely literary entity by being degraded
to consumer, or even throw-away te.xts." Regarding
the origin of the materials in LSVr, what we might
call the pre-primary phase, a diagram of his scheme
shows as sources "lists," "historical literature," and "(?)."
(Vanstiphout 1986: 7-9)
Three years later, Michalowski accepted most of
Vanstiphout's scheme, but discussed more fully
LSUr as the first of the group. In looking for the
sources of LSUr., he briefly mentions the so-called
Urukagina Lament. He doubts that there was any
real continuity from late Early Dynastic Lagash
(ca. 2350 B.C.) to the Isin period (ca. 2000-1800),
but, he "cannot dismiss [it] out of hand, for it is
possibly but a singular survivor of a more common
type of text from the Early Dynastic period." For
Michalowski, however, the real "prior text" of
LSUr is the Gurse of Akkade, a text written in the
Ur III period (ca. 2100-2000 B.C.)- "or perhaps
2. Cf Tinney's view (1996: 84) of CA as the complement of
the Nippur Lament: the foriner relates the wrong way for a
king to treat Nippur, and the latter the correct way. In view of
JCS 58 (2000)
40 JERROLD S. COOPER
even earlier." The switch of accent, from guilty to
innocent protagonist, from curse upon the de-
stroyed city to a curse upon those who fulfilled
the destiny pronounced by the gods and who took
part in the destruction of Sumer, is a fundamental
element in the relationship between the two com-
positions and the key to the intertextual nature of
this type of writing. LSUr cannot really be under-
stood without recourse to CA, for the relationship
between the two is truly dialectical with mutual
contradictions bound to similarities. The new or-
der results from a change in perspective but this
change can only be grasped against the evidence
of the older text (Michalowski 1989: 4-9).
I myself had pointed out the relationship be-
tween the Curse of Akkade and the city laments in
my edition of that text (1983: 8 and chapter III),
and discussed the matter further in a later article
(1993). The Curse of Akkade, I claimed, was
written in Ur III to explain the fall of "the first
world empire" in terms that would not prove
threatening to the rulers of the second world
empire, the kings of Ur. The city laments were
produced in the Isin period as an alternative
model of political alienation, with the ptarpose of
legitimizing the rulers of Isin as the successors
of the kings of Ur, as Michalowski had already
stated. But if we agree that CA is the "prior text"
for LSUr and hence for all of the city laments,
where did CA come from?
Despite its closeness in both language and con-
tent to the city laments, CA has none of the in-
ternal divisions that characterize the laments,
and it ends with a doxology (za-mi) characteristic
of epics, myths, wisdom literature, and certain
hymns, but never found in a lament.'' The CA is
the Ur III manuscripts of CA (Cooper 1983a: 41-43; add Alster
1993: 1-3), it is difficult to understand how Liverani (1993: 57)
can date the composition to the time of Isme-Dagan of Isin.
Similarly, Cohen (1988, I: 34), who cites CA as "another ex-
ample [alongside the city laments] of the emergence of the
lamentation type work during the Old Babylonian period."
According to R. Zettler (personal communication), the Ur III
manuscripts of Curse of Akkade were found in late fill at the
Inana temple in Nippur, together with dated Ur III archival
texts.
3. See the table in Wilcke (1975: 258), and cf. Black (1992).
also marked as part of series of at least two texts
explaining the rise and fall of the dynasty of
Akkade: The beginning of CA, which tells of the
dynasty's fall, sets the historical scene in very
similar ways to the beginning of the Sutnerian
Sargon Legend, which tells of the dynasty's rise,
and the two compositions share other parallels as
well.* Thus, CA combines features of historical
narrative and lamentation, subverting the funda-
mental goal of each: instead of narrating a ruler's
rise to power and triumph, it describes a ruler's
disgrace and fall from power; instead of using the
language of lament to pray for restoration, it prays
for the opposite, Akkade's utter destruction. That
is, whereas lamentations depict scenes of ruin otily
to deplore them, CA depicts similar scenes as a
desired outcome. But this subversion of genre is
only possible if there is already a genre to subvert!
And surely no one would want to maintain that
the rich vocabulary of lamentation in CA, with its
many parallels in both city and ritual laments,
was an innovation of the author of CA.
Rather, one can only agree with the analysis of
E Dobbs-AUsop in his study of city latnent in the
Hebrew Bible:
While Vanstiphout's sketch of the city-lament genre
accounts for the genre as it is presently known, the
actual historical reality may nevertheless be more com-
plex. The "Curse of Agade" ... predates all the known
historical city laments and already contains much of
the genres generic repertoire, suggesting that other
early exemplars of the city-lament genre may have
existed but have not survived Furthermore, it is not
clear whether or not the historical city laments circu-
lated contemporaneously with the balagji and ersemmas.
Nonetheless, Vanstiphout's analysis has developmental
4. Cooper and Heimpel (1983); Cooper (1983a: 27; 1993:
17-18). Alster (1987: 169 n. 1 and 172 n. 9) separates TCL 16,
73 from 3N-T 296: "Unlike Cooper/Heimpel I do not consider
TCL 16, 73 and 3N-T 296 the immediate continuation of each
other. There is either a large gap between them, or, rather, they
belong to two different compositions" (n. 1); "Unlike Cooper/
Heimpel I understand TCL 16, 73 rev. as part of a later section
of the story, or perhaps rather as part of another composition in
which Sargon is already described as king of Akkad." However,
what Heimpel and I said was that the episode on 3N-T 296
comes in between TCL 16, 73 obv. and TCL 16, 73 rev., a con-
clusion that is unavoidable, however one wants to imagine the
story's unfolding. See now, also, J. Westenholz (1997: 51-55).
 GENRE, GENDER, AND THE SUMERIAN LAMENTATION
significance and effectively demonstrates the advantages
of analyzing the Mesopotamian laments according to
recent genre theory. It explains the laments' family
resemblances as well as their heterogeneity, accounts
for the prototypical form of LU, and provides a plausible
e.xplanation of how the balags and erSeinmas relate to
the historical city laments. (Dobbs-Allsopp 1993: 20)
A careful reading of this statement suggests that
the author admires Vanstiphout's theoretically in-
formed treatment of the known city-laments and
their interrelationships, but has doubts about
Vanstiphout's account of the genres origins as
well as its end stage. Dobbs-Allsopp continues a
page later:
two alternative explanations of how CA relates to the
city-lament genre suggest themselves Cooper... be-
lieves CA shares characteristics from both [city laments
and literary-historical texts]. One could suggest that CA
is a hybrid which has resulted from the mixing of two
generic repertoires. Or... one of the contributing genres
should be identified as a mode one might suppose
that the author uses the literary-historical mode to
modify the more dominant city-lament genre...
Michalowski observes that the author of LSUr uses
much of the structure of CA, but reshapes it for his
own purposes ... this represents an example of what
Fowler describes as a counterstatement or counter-
genre ... Obviously more work would be required to
prove either case, if they can be proved at all. How-
ever, their hypothetical nature notwithstanding, both
examples indicate possible ways in which CA could
belong peripherally to the city-lament genre and illus-
trate the importance of generic categories for the inter-
pretive process. (Dobbs-Allsopp 1993: 21-22)
If we strip away the author's enthusiasm for
genre theory, the facts as he understands them
lead to discouraging conclusions about the useful-
ness of theory in understanding the early history
of Sumerian laments. It makes little difference,
after all, if we denominate CA as a hybrid or as
a city-lament modified by the literary-historical
mode. And to say that the entire group of city-
laments is a countergenre generated by the unique
CA places a burden on CA that it cannot possibly
sustain.
Vanstiphout and Michalowski have done a
brilliant job explaining the relationship of the
city laments to one another, and the importance
41
of CA as the prior text to the entire series, but
the explicit or implicit acceptance of Fowler's bio-
logical model—aggregation, floruit, decay—can only
lead us astray in our attempt to understand the
origins of the city laments and their relation to
the ritual laments. If, as I have suggested, CA is
a kind of subverted city lament that is witness
to an already rich repertoire of stock phrases
and topoi that appear later in the city and ritual
laments, what evidence is there for the sources
of this repertoire, for city and ritual laments in
Babylonia of the Ur III period and earlier?
Our first evidence comes from CA itself. After
the depredations of the Guti, the survivors per-
formed a lamentation at Nippur:
The old women who survived those days.
The old men who survived those daj's.
The chief gala who survived those years—
For .seven days and seven nights
Put in place seven balag-drums, as if they stood at
heaven's base, and
Made ub, meze, and lili.s-drums resonate for him
(Enlil) among them.
The old women did not restrain (the cry) "Alas my city!"
The old men did not restrain (the cry) "Alas its people!"
The gala did not restrain (the cry) "Alas the Ekur!"
Its young women did not restrain from tearing their hair.
Its young men did not restrain from sharpening their
knives.
Their laments were the laments for Enlil's ancestors—
They perform them in the awe-inspiring duku, Enlil's
holy lap.^
Here we have all of the classic elements of the
ritual lament: the gala, in whose repertoire the
ritual laments lay, the balag-drum,'^ stock phrases
5. Cooper (1983a lines 200-208). See the interesting dis-
cussion of Horowitz (1993: 39-40). Hallo (1991: 181; also 1996:
128-29), grasping for biblical parallels, sees this passage as
describing a seven-day mourning period for Naram-Sin, which
is hardly possible since his death is never mentioned, and he,
after all, was directly responsible for the catastrophe whose
survivors are performing the lament.
6. I agree completely with Black (1991: 28, n. 39), that the
balag must be a drum, and not a harp or lyre. But he is wiong
in claiming that Falkenstein, and Green, and Nissen after him
(1987), erred in identifying ZATU 47 with BALAC. In ('act, the
entries gal-nar,gal-ZATL/47,GALSU|2, GAL ZAG in Archaic
Lu A 105-7 (ATU3 16) are the precise equivalents of ED Lu
A 77-79 gal-nar,gal-halag,GALSU|2, GAL ZAG (MSL 12 11 =
Arcari 1982: 24). And there is no mistaking that ZATU 47 looks
42 JERROLD S. COOPER
and topoi known from later laments (Cooper
1983a: 252), and a clear reference to a lamenta-
tion rite known from tbe Ur III period tbrougb
tbe first millennium."^ A similar, but less formal
lament is represented in LAT^ 38-40.^
In tbe CA lamentation scene, the old women's
cry "Alas my city!" is in emesal, tbe language of
tbe ritual laments. No Ur III manuscript of CA pre-
serves this line, but there is no reason to imagine
tbat the emesal form uru2 is an Old Babylonian
innovation. No Emesal texts per se are preserved
from the Ur III period,^ but Sallaberger points to
the use of Emesal in Shulgi X, certainly an Ur III
composition, and tbe allusion to the emesal lament
eden-na li-sag-ga in UN A (Death of Ur-Nammu),
almost certainly also an Ur III composition, as evi-
dence for tbe use of Emesal in the Ur III period.'"
In fact, the rite for which eden-na ii-sag-ga was
composed was celebrated at Umma during Ur III
(Sallaberger 1993,1: 234). Also attested in Ur III
administrative texts is the participation of the gala
in lamentation rites (er-siskur-ra; Sallaberger 1993,
I: 149-50).
Tbere is no direct evidence for emesal or spe-
cific ritual laments earlier than the Ur III period,
but the gala" himself is attested from tbe Fara
period (ca. 2600 B.C.; e.g., Pomponio and Visicato
exactly like a Sumerian harp (see the sign and the harps illus-
trated in RIA 4 115-16). As Black points out, ZATU 47 looks
nothing like its successor, 7JAK 41, but that sign, too, if it looks
like anything, looks more like a stringed instrument than a
percussion instrument. Furthermore, reconstructed Hh VII B,
as described in RIA 6,573, makes it appear that that text treated
the halag as a harp. Finally, the Ebla equation of balag with
Semitic kinarum cannot just be dismissed by Black's "I am at
a loss to account for." Clearly, the Ebla tradition also considered
the balag to be a stringed instrument. But I can offer no sug-
gestion of my own to reconcile the contradictory evidence about
the balag.
7. For the rites for Enlil's ancestors at the duku, see
Tsukimoto (1985: 204-6); Sallaberger (1993,1: 130).
8. Other allusions in the city laments to the performance
of laments are cited by Tinney (1996: 23-24).
9. See the convenient summary of the evidence for
Emesal in Schretter (1990).
10. Sallaberger (1993, I: 150 n. 708). Tinney (1996: 48
n, 160), too readily dismisses the evidence of Ur-Nammu A
and Shulgi X.
11. The evidence is collected by Schretter (1990); see also
Black (1991); Volk (1994: 160-202); RlA 10, 634.
1994: 63), and at Lagasb in the late-pre-Sargonic
period and under Gudea the gala is associated
with funerals, certainly an appropriate context for
lamentations to be recited. At the funeral for
Baranamtara, mourners consisted of, in addition
to kin and women workers, numerous gala and
dam-ab-ba, probably "old women" (see Chiodi
1994: 393-95). Cudea's Statue B reports that
during the purification of Girsu prior to rebuild-
ing the Eninnu,
The pickax was not wielded in the city's cemetery,
corpses were not buried, the gala did not set up his
balag-drum and bring forth laments from it, the woman
lamenter did not utter laments.'^
Here is the gala with his balag performing latnen-
tations (er) again! It is tbe gala's balag-drum, of
course, tbat provides tbe generic name for tbe most
frequent kind of lament in the gala's repertoire,
and balag has this connotation ("lament") at least
from Fara on, as evidenced by tbe term balag-di,
"lamentation performer.""' It is most probably
tbe predecessor of tbis same balag-di wbo lurks
behind the gal-balag who occurs just following
tbe gal-nar in ED Lu A, attested already in tbe
archaic texts from Uruk (ca. 3100 B.C.).'''
As early as Ur III, then, tbe gala officiates at
lamentation rites tbat could well be using Emesal
liturgies, even some of the same liturgies known
from tbe OB and later corpora. Tbe gala first
appears five hundred years prior to Ur III, and
the balag-performer is attested five bundred years
earlier still, in tbe earliest cuneiform lexical lists.
I would postulate an ancient and ricb tradition
of ritual lamentation as tbe source of the tenor
and language of much of both CA and tbe city
laments.''^
12. Edzard, RIME 1997,1.7 St B v 1-4.
13. PSDs.v. and Attinger (1993: 451-53). Cf the collocation
of gala and balag in the late ED document published by K. Volk
(1988). For the balag-di at Ebla, see Tonietti (1997).
14. See the references in n. 6.
15. Tinney (1996: 51-52) also concluded as much when he
mentioned "earlier traditions which may have provided a
common milieu for their [the city laments and emesal litur-
gies] development." He is right on the mark when he attributes
the contrast between "the relative textual stability of the city
lament" and "the relative textual fluidity" of the liturgies to
 GENRE, GENDER, AND THE SUMERIAN LAMENTATION
The adaptation of this tradition to interpret spe-
cific historical events may not he original to CA
and the city laments; Michalowski was correct not
to "dismiss out of hand" the Urukagina lament
(cf. Krecher 1981). In addition to the similarities
of structure and content cited hy him, we can point
to the specific similarity of LSUr 168-169—
He broughtfireright up into Ninmars shrine Guabba,
(and)
Transported its precious metals and gems on large boats
—to the litany in the Urukagina Lament, which,
in one instance, reads
He setfireto the temple of Catumdug, (and)
Bundled off its precious metals and gems.
(Steible 1982: Ukg. 16 iii 13-15)
Now, one major difference hetween the Emesal
ritual laments and and the city laments (including
CA) is precisely the litany, the tedious repetition
of the same phrases with only the suhject changing
(Krecher 1966: 42-44). These phrases may occur
in CA or the city laments, hut, with the exception,
perhaps, of LU, they are not endlessly repeated,
which is why we tend to think of CA and the city
laments as real literature, hut consider most ritual
laments just plain horing (e.g., Sollherger 1968:
47). That the scribes of Presargonic Lagash chose
to continue the long finger-pointing tradition of
Lagashite historiography (see Cooper 1983h)
with a lament-like litany strongly suggests that
such litanies were already common in the cult.
Thus, the emesal ritual laments, far from heing
the product of decay of the city laments, are
prohahly of greater antiquity and provided the
model for the latter'" Until we find texts that
prove othei"wise, I would agree with Black that the
ritual laments used in the cult were transmitted
the fact tliat the city laments were "composed tor specific pur-
poses, after wliich they entered the school curriculum and
were simply copied . . . in afi.xedform," whereas the liturgies
were in active use in cyclical rituals, and were "copied
anew . . . not with reference to afi.xedcurricular tradition hut
in relation to diHerent performances of the te.xts."
16. Similar conclusions are reached by Krecher (1981) hut
for somewhat difierent reasons.
43
orally, and his hypothesis that many extant ritual
laments seem inspired hy the hreakdown of settled
life in southern Babylonia and were written down
only in the later Old Babylonian period when
parts of the southern clergy settled in northern
Babylonia is very plausihle.'^ There is no way
to know how these first written ritual laments
relate to earlier Emesal laments, hut the evidence
that at least one halag existed already in Ur III (see
ahove) suggests a situation of hoth continuity and
change, much like the case of Sumerian incanta-
tions as delineated hy Michalowski."*
The turn now from genre to gender is not a
gratuitous gesture, hut rather seeks to elucidate
the context out of which cultic ritual lament arose,
and explain certain peculiarities of the performers
of the laments and their language. We have seen
that the earliest documented context for the gala's
performance is funerary, and that at hoth Bara-
namtara's funeral and the non-funeral in Gudea
Statue B, the gala is accompanied hy women la-
menters. Women may actually have served as gala
in Presargonic Lagash,"* as they did later in the
Diyala region according to the Old Akkadian or
early Old Babylonian letters published hy Al-Rawi
(Al-Rawi 1992; cf. Black 1991: 26-27). Other
Old Akkadian documents from the Diyala mention
women lamenters, MUNUS.BALAG.DI, and a
"women lamenters' organization" (E.MUNUS.
BALAGDI; Steinkeller 1982: 367).
Ethnomusicological studies represent lamenta-
tion, especially at funerals, as the musical province
par excellence of women.'" Even in cultures where
17. Black (1991: 31-33). Schretter (1990: 99-100 and 138)
proposes that the leason Emesal texts first appear in OB is
that they could only be written once Sumerian orthography
fell under the influence of phonetic Semitic orthography, and
could e.xpress dialectal differences. Previous to OB there were
emesal te.xts, hut they were written with main dialect Sumerian
orthography. But he puts foiAvard no candidates for such texts,
and none suggests itself.
18. Michalowski (1992). These two ancient genres, ritual
laments and incantations, are the two kinds of Sumerian te.xts
that survive beyond the Old Babylonian period in strength,
and they continued to be used, often side-hy-side, almost into
our own era.
19. Schretter (1990: 128), with discussion on p. 132 of Gelhs
opposing view; see now RlA 10, 634, 636.
20. See, e.g., the literature cited hy Feld and Fo.x (1994: 39).
44 JERROLD S. COOPER
any musical performance by women is frowned
upon, women sing laments. The one other context
in which women's musical performance is nearly
universal is courtship and weddings, and in a pre-
vious study, I suggested that Sumerian love songs
(Sefati 1998) were derived from actual women's
songs, and, noting that the divine lovers of the
love songs, Inana and Dumuzi, also featured
prominently in laments, I asked whether Su-
merian laments might also derive from women's
music (Cooper 1997). In what follows, I will pro-
pose an affirmative answer
Although Sumerian love songs and laments
share the paradigmatic couple, Inana and Dumuzi,
lovers in the former but mourner and corpse in
the latter, and the two genres share the use of the
Emesal dialect, the style and content of love songs
and lament could not be more different. This is
very unlike the case in China, where women's la-
ments at both funerals and weddings are similar,
and weddings, for women, are sad occasions that
mark a definitive parting from family and child-
hood friends.^' A similar phenomenon has been
observed in Finnish Karelia (Tolbert 1994: 182-
83). In ancient Creece, the connection between
weddings and funerals was more at the level of
shared symbols and symbolic acts, but the simi-
larity was recognized by the ancients (Rehm 1994).
We know too little (practically nothing) about
weddings or funerals in ancient Babylonia to
know if such similarities existed there, but a case
has been made for a relationship between the two,
or, more broadly, between love and death, in the
ancient Near East in general (Pope 1977). That
Inana-Ishtar should be at the nexus of love and
death is very fitting for a deity who is patron of
both prostitution and battle. She is also associated
with transformation and inversion (see Croneberg
1986 and Harris 1991), and weddings and funerals
are the only two transformative life-cycle rituals
in ancient Mesopotamia of which we are aware.
In ancient Creece, the energy and language
of women's funeral laments was brought under
21. See the essays by Watson, Thompson, Johnson, and
Martin in Watson and Rawski (1988).
control and channeled into male-dominated titual
or literary enterprise (encomium, epitaph, tragedy;
Holst-Warhaft 1992; see also, Segal 1994). It seems
quite probable that in Mesopotamia too the tone
and vocabulary of funeral laments both preceded,
and would be adapted for, cultic lamentation. If
the origin of the balag and other ritual laments can
be sought in women's funerary lament, and if, as
the evidence cited above suggests, in early periods
women also shared in the cultic performance of
ritual laments, we would have a neat explanation
of both the use of the Emesal dialect in these
laments, and the peculiar reputation of the gala.
However the term emesal is to be interpreted,^^
the only documented use of the Emesal dialect
in Sumerian is for the speech of women and
goddesses in many literary texts, and for ritual
laments. If lamentation's origins are in women's
funeral songs, it explains why the dialect of lamen-
tation is a dialect otherwise associated only with
women. If the repertoire of the gala used a
women's dialect, and if women at one time per-
formed with galas in cultic lament, and galas with
women at funerals, then the arnbiguous image of
the gala^^—a ridiculous figure of uncertain sex-
uality according to some literary texts; a respected
cleric with wife and children in many documents-
becomes more intelligible.^'' So too, in light of the
close relationship between the songs of love and
death, expressed in Mesopotamia by the common
dialect and protagonists in both, does the early
22. See the exhaustive survey and disciKSsion of Schretter
(1990).
23. See Schretter (1990) and Black (1991), with previous lit-
erature (of which, see especially Gelb).
24. Of course, we needn t imagine that the gala functioned
in the same way in every period or in every context. The evi-
dence suggests a social status ranging from slave to high clergy,
and there is unmistakable evidence for homoerotic or effemi-
nate behavior for some. There may well also have been gala
prebenders who would have to be distinguished from pro-
fessional galas. Perhap.s, too, the galas of Inana had a quite
different array of duties than the galas of, say, Enlil or Enki.
Steinkeller (1992: 37) suggests that the correct interpretation
of the logogram for gala, US.TUS, is GIS.DUR, "penis + anus,"
implying that the gala was originally considered to be homo-
sexual, but the interpretation is not compelling, and others
suggest themselves.
 GENRE, GENDER, AND THE SUMERIAN LAMENTATION
and continued involvement of the gala-mah, the
"chief lamentation specialist," with the supervision
of prostitutes.^''
We are very close to the old position of that
relentless positivist Falkenstein, who was not
sure if Emesal was an actually spoken dialect or
simply a literary one. But, he continued, "Sicher
ist dagegen, dass durchweg im Emesal abgefasste
Gattungen wie zum Beispiel die erschemma-
Lieder wenigstens urspriinglich von Prieste-
rinnen oder Sangerinnen vorgetragen worden
sind" (Falkenstein and Von Soden 1953: 29). These
priestesses or songstresses, I suggest, were later
joiued by male colleagues who eventually replaced
them as performers of ritual laments, males who
retained both the dialect and the opprobrium that
reflected the gendered beginnings of their genre.
The ritual lament, then, is a text type that was
antecedent to, contemporary with, as well as sub-
sequent to CA and the city laments. The longevity
of the ritual laments is doubtless due, as Gohen
has emphasized (1988,1; 12-13), to their rooted-
ness in the cult. The tone and topoi of the laments
25. At Fara, the gala-mah was in charge of allocations to
other gala, and to midwives, prostitutes (g^me-kar-kid),
and nu-gig (Visicato 1995: 105-7). At Old Babylonian Sippnr,
where the gala-mah .supervised prostitutes (Gallery 1980;
Van Lerberghe and Voet 1991), one gala-mah was married to
a nu-gig (Janssen 1992). See now Cooper, RlA s.v. "Prostitu-
tion," and Assante 1998, who questions accepted notions of
Mesopotamian prostitution.
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Philadelphia: Babylonian Section of the Uni-
versity Museum.
Sollberger, E.
1968 Review of Krecher 1966. BiOr 25: 47-48.
Steible, H.
1982 Die altsunierischen Bau- und Weihinschriften
FAOS 5/1-2. Wiesbaden: F Steiner.
Steinkeller,P
1982 Two Sargonic Sale Documents Goncerning
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1992 Third-Millennium Legal and Administra-
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Mesopotamian Givilizations 4. Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns.
Tinney, S.
1996 The Nippur iMment. Royal Rhetoric and
Divine Legitimation in the Reign of Isme-
Dagan of Isin (1953-1935 B.C.). OPSNKF 16.
Philadelphia: Samuel Noah Kramer Fund.
Tolbert, E.
1994 The Voice of Lament: Female Voice and Per-
formance Efficacy in the Finnish-Karelian
47
itkuvirs. Pp. 179-94 in Embodied Voices: Rep-
resenting Female Vocality in Westem Culture,
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Tonietti, M. V
1997 Musik. AIL In Ebla. RIA 8: 482-83.
Tsukimoto, A.
1985 Untersuchungen zur Totenpflege (kispuni) im
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1986 Some Thoughts on Genre in Mesopotamian
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1991 Sippar-Amnanuni. The Ur-Utu Archive 1.
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1995 The Bureaucracy of Suruppak. Minister:
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1988 Eine bemerkenswerte nach-Fara-zeitliche Ur-
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1994 Improvisierte Musik im alten Mesopotamien?
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1988 Death Ritual in iMte Imperial and Modern
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1997 Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts.
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2002 Linguistic Anthropology and the Study of
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 LOVE OR DEATH?
OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROLE OF THE
GALA IN UR III CEREMONL\L LIEE
Piotr Michalowski (University of Michigan)
Jerrold Coopers fascinating and most important
essay in this volume on the connections between
the f ttnernrv functions of the gala in early Meso-
potamia and the origins of what is usually re-
ferred to as the "Emesal dialect" focuses attention
on the figure of this elusive cultic functionary,' I
have put "Emesal dialect" in quotations as it is
hardi}' a dialect, but simpK' a mode of elocution,
and we can now appreciate that its origins, as well
as its contintiing fun(tion, lie not in a tegional dia-
lect or a social register of a living language but in
a complex nexus of socio-linguistic facts linked to a
constellation of cultic practices that involve basic
life-( hanging cvctits, namc'l\, love atid death.^ In
this article 1 would like to add to this di.scussion
by taking a closer look at the data on galas in tbe
extensive documentation that has survived from
the short century when the hou.se of Ur-Namma
ruled Mesopotamia. I refrain from citing refer-
1. 1 would like to thank Piotr Steinkeller for our discussions
of many of the matters addressed in this article and for im-
jjortant references, and to Jerry Cooper and Uri Gabbay for
their coinnicnts. I would LIISO like to thank Manuel Molimi Tor
making his liDTS pio^rarn ;iviiiial>lt' to me. E\cii though over
thf vftars I had collected iiKiny ol the rel'ert'nees ltsrd here, his
program proved iiivaluiible lor Hnding data that 1 would have
otheI^vist' iiiidinihtcdlv missed. Kinnlly, I am jiratefnl to Eckart
Frtihm and Ulla Kasten for photofjraphs of NBC 97 {fig. 1).
2. Ill Mithalowski (2(){)4: 23), I wrote that enip-sal "refers
to some sort nf pronmioiiition, but it.s oiigitis and u.st' in living
.speech cannot be determined."' (.hooper nim- invalidates the
.second part ol' thi.s sentence.
49
ences from later periods as 1 am convinced that
Ur III ceremonial life was built around very
specific notions of kingship, cosmos, and the state,
and that such idea.s, and the ritual trappings that
reaffirmed and gave them symbolic force were
very ditferent from any that came before and after.
As a result, philological siniilaritv acro.ss time and
space does not necessarily rctle( t semantic identity,
so that explanations based on references from Old
Babylonian Mari, or from Selcucid Babylon, may
be more misleading tban illttminating.
Even a cursory glance at the information
available reveals that this is an enormous topic;
the gala deserves monographic treatment, and
here I can only touch on some of the major themes
that require further examination; for the pre.sent
see Gelb (1975: 64-74), Scbretter (1990: 124-36),
Sallaberger (1993: 149-50) and Gabbay (in press).
Galas were im[X)rtant players in economic and re-
ligious life. They were linked to cities as well as
temple estates and we know of gala and gala-mah
ol deities such as Baba, Nanse., and Ningis/ida,
and of cities such as Umma, Zabala, Hut im, and
Irisagrig. Wbile tbey undoubtedly played an im-
portant role in funerals atid funerary cults, they
also seetn to be linked \\ith all otiicial tnusical
performances in both 'c ultic" and "royal" spheres,
The Impresario Dada
The be.st-documented Ur III gala was Dada, who
was registered in texts both as gala and gala-mah.
JCS 5S (2000)
50 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
His career is currently documented from Sulgis
42nd vear (MVN 14^450, S42.!x.-) to his deatb
sometime in tbe ninth year of King Su-Sin. In
most texts he is simply described as gala, but in a
few texts from Girsu and Umma from late in the
reign of Amar-Sin be bears the title gala-mah
(Umma: STA 8:15' [AS8.X.-], MCS 7 27:2 |AS8.iii.l,
TCTI 2 3336:8 |AS8.xi.3]; Girsu: Hirose 321:1
[-.viii.3|). Other gala-mahs are associated with
cities and temples, but in Dada's case it would
appear tbat be was the gala-mab of the court, or
even of the entire state. It is possible tbat he was
preceded in this role by one Beburu (be^j-bu-ru)
who is attested, always witb tbe title gala-mab,
beUveen S45.ix.ll {OrSP 18 3 7:9) and AS5.ix.29
{MVN 13 812:3), but only in texts from Drebem.
In the last-mentioned document he is identified as
gala-mab, together with da-da gala (1. 2). Equally
intriguing are three references to Dada as nar-gal,
"cbief musician," in texts from the last years of
Su-Sins reign; these were also Dadas final years
and it is quite possible that we are dealing with
the same person here, and tbat these various titles
were synonymous.''
Dada and his family owned various properties
in the Umma and Laga.s provinces of the empire.^
His official residence may have been in Girsu,'
although he is also linked with UnPa, and he cer-
tainly had another residence in Ur, as evidenced
by the texts from that city that deal with the re-
mains of bis estate around the time of his death
(Maekawa 1996: 138-44). Whatever his other
functions may have been, the Dreheni texts often
link him witb musical perfbnnances and the royal
family. At least two of bis cbildren played musical
instruments and entertained the king and his en-
tourage; and two of them bore sycophantic names
that celebrated the reigning monarch—Hedut-
Amar-Sin (RA 8 119911 192:14) and Su-Sin-migir-
Estar (JCS 10 11956] 30, no. 9:10). Already at the
a NRVN 1 184 (seal, SS 7.-.-,) JCS 24 2 8 {sea!, SS7.vr,
Umma). VETS t357;35 (SS9.-.-).
4. His holdings at Umma will be discii.ssed in a forthcoming
monognij)!! on the pro\ance by Piotr Stcinkcller.
5. Gurus for Dadas estate in a text from Girsu, SNA7"95: 7
(^ da-da gala-5fe).
beginning of Amar-Sins reign bis close association
witb the royal family was sealed by a marriage of
one of liis daughters to Prince Amir-Sulgi (AUCT
1 148, AS 2.viii.25). He seems to bave served as the
official state musical impresario, a manager and
organizer of various ceremonial events rather than
merely as a mu.sician.
Tbere are over 120 occurrences of Dada in the
published Ur III corpus, and a full listing and
analysis of this data must be left for a fuller
analysi.s. Here I will only cite .some texts that in-
form us about his duties as a ceremonial enter-
tainment organizer.
In MVN 9 8 he is in cbarge of other galas, and
in other texts be is involved witb matters pertain-
ing to male and female musicians,'' In one docu-
ment from tlie "treasury," he officiates when two
individuals delivered, or perhaps performed on,
specific instruments for the entertainment of tbe
king and bis entottrage when he attended a party
at the bouse of tbe general Niridagal.' In other
texts he is in cbarge of materials for making
musical instruments.'' While music seems to be
Dadas domain, he was also in cbarge of other
forms of amusement as wben he receives bear
cubs tbat are to be trained foi' peiformiiig.*^* A
detailed analysis of the otber contexts in wliich
he appears would provide us witb a fuller picture
of his activities.
The case of Dada mav be instritctive, but we
have to keep in mind tbat he was an exceptional
figure in the Ur II! elite hierarchy. Ordinary
galas had more mundane duties, but it does seem
as if they were not simply "cantors," as the title
is often rendered; if later evidence is any guide,
they performed Emesal songs, but were also in
charge of organizing musician.s, and perhaps
other entertainers, for performancts in a variety
of contexts, from temples to palaces, as well as
the houses of elite members of societv.
6. Kyoto 28. flCT2 98, BFOA 1 OK),
7. AUCT\ 942 114 mn-ri-'tiim' mn-ni-kii4-re-sa.
8. safor^'*gn-di-d;i(MVM() 1429; sfe also M V M 8 649),
ATW 8.5.5 (animal horns).
9. nam-U4-da-tus-se SACT I 23.
 LOVE OR DEATH? 51

To Serve as Gala In the scholarly literature, examples such as (A)

have usually been interpreted as evidence of the
Persons witb the title gala are known from
elevation of individuals into the office of gala,,
earlier and later periods, but there are Ur 111
for example, Buccellati {1906: 47); "Wben he
texts that contain a unique .scenario that i.s un-
entered the office of lamenter." Gelb {1975: 67)
attested from other times, and has not received
goes further, writing, "Apparently, the offerings
more than passing attention until now. In docu-
were made by the indi\iduals in payment for the
ments from Drebem we leam about certain people
privilege of learning the (ratt of the gala or .serx-
who either "entered" (ki^) or "|)erformed/acted"
ing the temple in the capacity of gala."" If this
tbe office, or cultic domain, of "gala-ship" (nam-
were indeed the case, these would be a unique
gala), for example:
administrative record of initiation into a official
or semi-official function, as the expressions li.sted
(A) MVA/5 166:8-10 |ex, 17 below|
above are never used with any other funt'tion in
3 udu niga 2 ma.s gal niga
the known I'r 111 cori)us. Tbe rare variants of the
s«-'^5ul-gi dumu lugal
t\ pe exemplitied by (B) are also revealing in this
U4 nam-gala-.sfe in-ku4-ra
respect, as we shall soon .see. Glearly something
else is at play here, but tbe individual texts are
(Disbursement) of tbree fattened sbeep and two
not belpful, and the only wa\^ in whi:h we can try
fattened mature goats to Prince Su-Sulgi, on tbe
to understand tbe social reality tbat is reflected in
occasion when he "entered into tbe gala-ship."
these laconic administrative records is to investi-
gate any patterns that emerge from a survey of tbe
(B) Buceellati, Amorites 20:6-8 |ex. 22 belowl
complete sur\ iving dwiimeutation. Having written
2 uHu u
tbis, I just received Attingers (2005) study of tbe
miis-da-mi-uni amurru (MAR.TU)'"
verb AK; be is more circumspect and translates
U4 nam-ga!a in-AK
nam-gala AK as 'Vxercer Tactivite de (hauteur g.,
(Di.sbursemcnt) of two grass-fed sheep to tbe etre chanteur" (p. 238). Here is a chart w ith ail the
"Amorite" Musdflnum on the occasion wben be known occurrences of formulas (A) and (B):
"performed tbe gala ceremony."

(A) nam-gala-se' ku4

1. SACTl 131:7 xx| Nl AN|.\1 amurru S46.xii.l3
2. N//c 2 240:5-6 ma-na-ma-tum amurru S47,vii,30
3. CAL/S 25:15-16 gi-ir-ba-nu-nni amurru S47.viii.l8
4. GST 189:2-3 da-a-a-ni muhaldim S47.X.14
5. MVN 13 112:13-14 amurru S47.x,25
6. Or 18 17:17 ur-''sul-pa-e u-kul S48,ix,9
7. MVN15 142:46'-47' tu-ra-nu-um auunrii S-.-,-
8. MGS 7 25:9-10 a-ri-za-nu-um amurru ASl.viii.2O
9. Princeton 1 90:5-6 aga-Lis AS2.vi.9
10. BCT] 77:7-8 lu ma-ri AS2.viii.6
11. O J S F 47/9:21 amurru AS2.ix.24
12. SAT 2 724 ilmn-dan amurru AS2.x,3
13. SAT 2 724 h'l-diugir-ra dumu da-ga AS2.x,3
14. SAT 2 724 amurru AS2.x,3

10, For the reading iiniiiriii of MARTU. see Michalowski (f'orthtdiiiiiig),

11. t'itci! iicccufliTif:; Id a corn•(•!{'{] offprint From the author.
52 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI

15. SAT 2 724 sul-gi-7-/i' amurru AS2.X.3

16. UDT 97 a-hi-a-hi-ih ra-gaba AS4,ix,19
17, MVNo 116 si/-''sul-gi dumu lugal AS7,iii,9
IS. PDT 1 464 ri-ba-ga-da ra-gaba SSl.ix.6
19. AUCTS 42 sar-ru-um-ba-ni - SSl.xii.-
20. raU350 se-il-ha Iu gis-ban SS2.ix.2

(B) n am-gala AK
21. Amorites 14:8 '^su\-gi~na-pis-H amurru S47.xi,21
22. Amorites 20:7-8 mus-da-nu-iim amurrti SS4,ix.2
23, MVN20 173: bi-za-mlm - n.v.

The Drehem occurences of this f'ormtila are
highly formalized and limited to specific sectors
of society, but we can expect similar activities in
different contexts as exemplified by a recently
published letter-order (Pomponio, Stol, and West-
enholtz 2006: 129 no, Ii-C 11, 7-4), perhaps from
Nippur, that includes the passage:
ezen iri-kam PN nam-gala-se ma-k
PN ha,s acted as gala for me at the city festival.
Notes on the actors {OU = otherwise unattested):
l.OU.
2. OU; the same transaction, without statement
of purpose, is registered in AVCT1 896,
3. OU.
4. A person by that name who serves as maskim
for e-uz-ga deliveries to the "kitchen'" is well docu-
mented in S46 and S47. He is named as a mu-
haldim in SAT2 551:12 (S46.X.15) and in 02F 115
316:12 (47,viii,22), The last text is particularly in-
teresting, as it documents a marriage between his
family and that of Risi-ilum, the prominent ra-gaba
eres, "Queen's r." who was also part of the extended
royal family; see Owen (1997: 390).
5,0U.
6. This is a well-attested name; as Amurru it
is in CST 1 77:5 (AS2.viii.6).
7.0U
8.0U.
9. OU,
10, This man from Mari is well attested between
S48 and SS6; see Michalowski (1995), He may have
been part of an entourage that came to Sumer
and settled tbere in conjunction witli a dynastic
marriage, hence his connection witb the royal
family,
11. The Amurru Sulgi-ili is the only person who
performs this ceremony twice, nine days apart
(see no. 15), unless we assume that this is in reality
the same event.
12. OU
13. OU.
14. OU Tbe name is well documented in Girsu,
but rare in Drehem texts. None of the known
occurrences is qualified as amurru,
15. See no. 11.
16. There is only one other occurrence of an
Abl-Ebih ra-gaba, in a list of ra-gaba, dated one
day after this event {AS} 3 75:2), from deliveries
of eren e-ba-al"". One year later he has become a
SILASUDUs (CST329:2, AS5,viii,lS), and .served
in that capacity at least until SS3 {TCL 2 5552:7,
sealed with his .seal dedicated to SS3; SS33.iii.2).
For SILA.SUDUg ("sagi"), etymologically "cup-
bearer," a very bigh cultic functionary, see Salla-
berger (1999: 186).'^
17. Tbe only otber attestation of Prince Su-
Sulgi is in yes 54 12 82:iii 24,dated AS3,9.-,
18. This man was associated with deliveries of
animals for the "kitchens,' often in association
with foreigners and members of the royal family
12, Sallabergers argumtmt is further strengthened by the
discovery of a new seal of Beli-ariq, governor of Susn, which
uses this title in conjunction with the title of governor (De
Graef 2005: 54-5,^). I am not convinced In iirgnments for the
traditional rending sagi, presiimahlv ;i loan from Akkadian Hai]u\
Note the cnigmatie writing MUS.KA.UL u.sc<l ihroimhoiit the
Sumerian Sargon Legend (Cooper and Heimpel 1983: 79),
uhidi is onte glossed by sl
 LOVE OR DEATH?
in texts spanning from AS6 {AUCT 1 426) to SS2,
(B//V3 559). Gontext strongly suggests that many,
if not all other Drehem occnrrenees of the name,
w ithoiit professional qualiHt ation, denote the same
person, extending his activities at least to SS6,vi.-
(PDT 1 454). Ummi-Niinu, probably his wife,
<Hf' nrs in UETS 1357 (SS9.-.-J. He was an important
functionary and his career seems to be linked with
that of the great gala Dada (Maekawa 1996: 138).
19. This is, most probabK, the famous Sarrnm-
bSni who served as a general and as goveinor of
Apiak, and then was put in charge of building the
Mnriq-Tidnim fortifications (Michalowski, forth-
coming). His wife was a princess.
20. OU.
21. OU. The same transaction is also registered
in MV/V 13 429:27.
22. OU
23. OU. The name oeturs onK' one other time
in an account from Uruk (BaM 23 82:4; IS3.V.24)
So., who aie all these people? Almost half
(twelve) of them are "Amorites," most of them
otherwise unattested, as is often the case for such
people in the Drehem records, who as a rule
occur only once or twice, with notable exceptions.
Two are "envoys" (ra-gaba), and the rest, repre-
sented by only one example each, are—using the
generally accepted translations—a guardsman
(^ga-u.s), an archer flu gis-ban), a cook, as well as
a well-known general and a prince of the realm.
The "Amorite.s" in Ur III texts are either foreign
envoys or members of allied or incorporated
military units, and everyone else seems to be
connected with the military, although this is mere
speculation given the fact that we still understand
very little about the professional terms in question,
and about the Ur 111 arm\ in general. The other
terms used here are somewhat more problematic:
1. The muhaldim Dajjani is well attested, and
it is clear from the evidence that people such
as he were more than mere "cooks": see Allred
(2006a, 2{)()6b).
2. The professional designation fi-kul is diffi-
cnlt to define. Goetze (1963: 25), one of the few
scholars to have addressed the issue, was mys-
tified and stated c autiouslv, "the term U.KUL mav
53
denote a social class rather than a profession." To
my knowledge, it is documented exclusively in
Ur III sources, mostly in messenger texts from
Girsu, but also in a handful of Drehem texts and
ill two tablets that may be from Umma. There is
not a single mention of the word in an\- lexical or
literary composition. Half of the Drehem attes-
tations of the word are linked to the person of
Dada (Goetze 1963: 25), whose activities are doc-u-
mcnted from S46 to SSI, and who seems to he a
member of the army. He is ob\iousl\ an impor-
tant functionary and is mentioned as receiving or
delivering animals in the company of other mili-
tary and cultic f'lite.s. Two other u-kuls, La^ia and
Amu-'a, are mentioned twice,'* and se\'eu others
occur onl\' once. More revealing are the relevant
Girsn texts in which u-kul's receive provisions
for travel to and from places such as Susa, Kimas,
Sabum, or Huhnuri in Iran, just like sukkals and
other military messengers.'^ This seems to be the
general semantic Held covered hy the term u-kul.
3. The term rii-gaba is equivalent to later Akka-
dian rakbu, and is clearly a Semitic loan, but the
etymology is not necessarily helpful in defining
the status of such people in Ur III. It seems
that persons with this title can occupy different
positions, tbat it is a term related to rank in various
walks of life. The usual translations, "envoy," or
"monnted courier" are likel\^ not precise enough.
Both Abi-Abih and Ridagaba were important
players in the ceremonial life of tbe Grown.
4. Tbe term aga-us (no. 9) is often rendered as
"gendarme," but according to Allred (2()06a: 3),
who has studied the matter extensively, they
"served as guards and attendants to various high
officials, and engaged in activities such as running
messages, policing, and so on, at the wish of their
superior."
5. Tt would appear that a lu gis-ban fno. 201
should be an archer; to my knowledge, the word
is attested only one other time in Ur III (a-ha-
si-pu. SATS 1186:77). Beginning with the OB
13. MVN 13 ti5(xll; CSr 110:13 ami JANES 9 21 3:7;
AcSu 14 102 4:19, respectively'.
14. E.g.,SATl 161,flTC355.MVA/9135.
54 PIOTR MIGHALOWSKI
period, the word is used as a logogram for Akka-
dian f/a.s^i/,'archer" {CADQ, 151-52).
The pattern does not seem to be related to
"learning the craft of the gala or serving the
temple" as Gelb suggested, a conclusion that is
further bolstered by the three references collected
under the (B) examples, nam-gala AK mti.st be
compared to expressions such as e-lu-num AK,
"to perform the E festival/ritual" (Attinger 2005:
221); see for example:
a-bi-si-im-ti U4 e-lu-num ''inin ha-bu-ri-tum-ma
in-AK-a (MVN 20 31:7-9)
(animals for) (Qiieen) Abi-simti, when she per-
for?ned the Elunum for Inana-Haburitum.
This suggests that nam-gala AK does not denote
a permanent change of .state, but only a temporary
activity. Therefore the expression with the verb
/kud'V mu.st refer to something similar, namely
the acting out of a spec ific role. As a result, we can
exclude the possibility that these phrases describe
some initiation into the permanent status of a gala
This is further supported by the fact that none of
tbe people involved is ever again referred to with
such a title. Moreover, in some cases we can trace
the further careers of the individuals involved, and
these punctual events do not seem to interrupt
them in any way. Because galas are so intimately-
involved witb musical performance, it could be
argued that the events studied here were con-
nected witb various ceremonies tbat reqtiired
music, and that tbese people took tbe lead. Unle.ss
these events were situated within tbe orbit of
status or ceremony of interest to the Grown, this
would hardly merit the bureaucratic attention that
gives us the data to begin with. If these individuals
were somehow involved with the military—and
we have seen that this is neither certain nor even
likely—we could think of a scenario that could
provide a semblance of an explanation. But let us
run, for the moment, with such a possibility.
The Military Option
It would seem most likely that nam-gala would
denote tbe central semantic kernel of the pro-
fession, rooted in funerary lamentation, as de-
scribed by Gooper. If so. then we need to
combine that supposition with tbe fact that the
temporary actors here are connected with the mili-
tary, mostly simple soldiers, but higher officers as
well, including a general (Sarrum-b5ni), as well
as a prince who may bave held high military
rank (Su-Sulgi), The supposition arises that these
warriors were involved with ceremonies honor-
ing their fallen comrades, Half of them are desig-
nated as amurru, but that does not mean that this
is in any way a "tribal" ceremony; rather, it con-
cerned tbe wbole army. But war was ubiquitous
in Ur III times, and one may well inquire why
we do not have more evidence for such rites, if
this interpretation is to hold. The answer to tbis
is, I believe, two-fold. First, we do not have any
army records, only administrative texts from offices
that dealt in various ways with tbis all-important
segment of Ur III .society, and second, there is
evidence tbat disbursals were made for the nam-
gala occasions, but that they were not explicitly
recorded as such. This is clearly the case in ex-
ample (21), As already noted above, MVN 13 429:
27, a cumulative account for tbe whole eleventh
month of one office during Sulgi's forty-seventh
year, bas, under day 30, tbe simple entry 5 udu
''sul-gi-na-pis-ti, in other words it records tbe very
same transaction as (21). btit without providing any
indication of the purpose. Here is a comparison
of tbe pertinent passages of both texts:
Amorites 14: 18-22
5 udu '^iiu\-gi-na-pis-ti [amurru''] U4
nam-gala in-AK-a
arad-mu maskim
6 udu 28 ug 1 mas
6 ud5 su-gid e muhaldim-se
U4 21-kam
MVW 13 429: 27-29
5 udu '^sul-gi-na-pis-ti
6 udu 28 Uf^ 1 mas 6 udj^
U4 21-kam
This suggests that many more expenditures f(»'
such ceremonies are hidden within the laconic
 LOVE OR DEATH?
Ur III accounts, but that we have no means of re-
covering them.
The Marriage Option
Uncertainty abounds in all of what I have
suggested here. The only firm cone lusion one can
reach is that these were "galas for a day," for days
on end, or even for an bour; they were not initiated
into tbe [permanent status of a gala.'"" But any g(X)d
hypothesis., even a weak one, deserves an alterna-
tive. Tbe evidence for tbis is sparse, but perhaps
more on tbe mark. Note that the general Sarrum-
bani was gala in example (19) on some unspecified
day of tbe last month of SSI. From the twelfth da\'
of the same month and year there is a record of an
unnamed woman who was the "daughter-in-law"
{e-gi4-a) of this very same Sarrum-bani {Trouvmlle
16:13). It has already been noted that Dajjani,
the mubaldim of example (4), was connected by
maiiiage with the family of the well-known official
Rlsi-ilum, Evidence for this is contained in OIF 115
316:11-12 (S47.viii.22); it records a disbursal of
animals:
nig-mussa"' n'-i.s-DINGIR sai2'ti"um da-a-a-ui
for tbe bridal gift of the 'highlander' Risi-ilum,
destined for the house of the 'cook' Dajjani,
This transaction was registered only a month
and a half before Dajjaui's gala episode {CST 189:
2-3, S47.10.14). Admittedly, two such tenuous ex-
amples may seem unpromising, but given tbe
nature of tbe registration process used at Drebem
and the size of our data sample, tbis is a clue that
must be pursued, is it possible that tbe fathers of
the groom acted as gala, perhaps leading or orga-
nizing the festivities, at some point in the drawn-
out marriage ceremonies of the time? If so, what
are all these Amurru doing in our list?
t5. A.s far as I can discern, the only person who has ever
entertained such a possibility is W, Sallaberger, who wrote,
"Ware dann die Ulx-mahmp dps galti-Anites ebenfalls al.s fem-
poriirt- kiiltifbe(?) .'Nufpabe zu verstehen?" (2()03/2{)()4),
55
For reasons that are never stated, tbe Drehem
officials had an interest in the marriages of certain
Amurru, as already noted hv Sigrist (1992: 198).
Amorites 15 lists the bride price of one Nudatum,
Amurru, but even more interesting is tbe example
of 77^1/295:20-21, wbich records animals for the
Amurru Elanum (I. 15) and MagHuuni (I. IB):
e (m)urum^ {U.UR)-a-ne-ne-s^ nig
AK-de
to bring bridal gifts to tbe houses of tboir (pro-
spective) fathers-in-law.
This "collective" registratiou of such matters
appears similar to the case of the three Amurru
and one otber person wbose gala activity is re-
corded on one tablet (SAT 2 724, exs. 12-15). This
warrants a closer look at tbe contents of this docu-
ment. Tbe tablet in question is a multi-column
account that summarizes various expenditures
from the account of Abba-saga during the month
of the second year of Amar-Sins reign. It contains,
for days of the month, tbe summaries of the dis-
bursals for the nam-gala activities of four persons.
The last one, on day 24, for tbe Amorltr Sulgi-ill,
is followed by a notation of the apportioning of ten
sheep for Salime. the wife of one Naram-ili, If we
look back, we note that tbe same Sulgi-ili appears
in col. vi 14, But even fuiiber back, in col. ii 16-29
we hnd the following .set of entries for day eight:
1 gud Sil mu-DU ''sul-gi-zi-mu 3 gud §& mu-DU
eren uru^adRIxU)"" ua-ap-li-is-e-a nar
2 udu g^me-bara-ga-si-ga Iu sizkur-ra muhaldim
maskim 10 udu 6 mas da-da gala'" i-lkl-lum
maskim
sa mu-DU nig-mussa""' na-ra-ain-i-li dumu a-hu-
su-nisukkal
We learn that Naram-ili is the son of the sukkal
Ahunisu, but also that at the time of this part of
the marriage ceremony expenditures were made
tor musicians such as Naplis-Ea, as well as for the
ifi. The transliteration in Ilic pulilir:ilion has
da-rl;i gala; I assume llial Ihis is a typo.
56 PIOTR MIGHALOWSKl

cm
 LOVE OR DEATH?
official chief musician Dada. I have no idea what
a lu-sizkur-ra is, the word occurs only once again
in Ur III, and that is also in connection with the
same Geme-barag-siga.'' There can be little doubt
that what we have here is some small insight into
the musical side of some part of the marriage pro-
ceedings. Tbe fa(t that these were spread over
some time is documented by other related texts.
Recall that Sulgi-ili was the only person on our
list whose gala activities were documented twice,
in examples (11) and (15), which are nine days
apait This must refer to the same series of events.
Most interesting, the earlier document also in-
cludes the wife of Naram-ili (OrSP47-49 21:1-5):
5 udu ''.sul-gi-i-/i'amunu U4 nam-gala-se i-in-ku4-ra
1 gud niga 10 udu .sa-lim-mi dam na-ra-am-"i-li
sa mu-DU nu-Nl-da
This woman is attested only one more time in tbe
Drehem texts, in a tablet that is dated four years
later {DIP 121 103:9, AS6,9,28); the same text in-
cludes mention of a Sulgi-ili nu-b^nda, but this is
someone different than the Amurru who has been
mentioned bere so many times.
The evidence mustered here suggests an alter-
native explanation of the gala episodes of these
men: these (xcasions are somehow connected with
marriage ceremonies. It is clear from the infor-
mation provided above that in Ur III times such
events were drawn out over a period of time, as
they were in the .somewhat better-documented Old
Babylonian ptMi(K! (Greengus 1966). The marriage
ceremonies that came iuto the orbit of interest
of tbe Drehem btireaucrats were not ordinary
weddings, but concerned elites, the royal family,
as well as allied mercenary warriors. Certain clues
suggest tbat there were many more of tbem tban
would appear from the texts, as disbursals for such
occasions seem to be registered on clay without
17. MVNd 2:15:21 (AS7,viii.29), Note that the name of Ihe
niiihaldiin who aeleti as nia.'>kim is mis.sing in Ihe SAT le\t;
there are olher ellipses in this document. Uri (>ahha\' kindly
refers me to li'i-si/.kiu*-rc = sa iii-iii^-iiit iu (.)B Ii'i-a7,lag A 420
(http://einieii'(tnTi,uchLedu/dirlf/(.HH)()3()l/y0003Ul,htmi)andto
similar phrases in later emesal texts.
57
any statement of purpose. I am imable, however.
to go mucb beyond tbis, as there is no way of
a.scertaining the role that they had in the mar-
riage proceedings. Were they getting married or
tbeir cbildren? The tenuous case of Sarrum-bani
would suggest that the men were fathers of tlie
brides. Gertainly the scenario fits into Sigrists
(1992: 199) observation that the Drebem texts
show state participation and interest in marriages
of Amorites and members of tbe royal family,
altbough that still leaves many (|uestions un-
answered, as a few of the nu'Ti have no dist ern-
able connection with the house of Ur-Namma,
Conclusions
Perhaps the most salient role of this short study
is to highlight once again how little we actually
know about Ur III society, about its elites, .social
ranks, and about the very system of registration
used by the btireaticracy at Drehem. Walther Salla-
berger (1993: 238-73, 2003/2004) bas made im-
ptiiiant contributions to tbe debate on the fuiu tion
of the Drehem archives by redirecting our atten-
tion from taxation and redistribtition tt) elite gift-
giving on the part of the crown. This peispective,
which forces us to rethink tbe signitit anc e of much
of otir data and the functions of Ur III elites, re-
qtiiies further research, and the level of specu-
lation offered here oiiK serves to underscore the
levels of our ignorance. To illustrate better the
problems that beset us, and to pursue further
the stud\' of the importance of ceremouial issues
in Ur HI politics, 1 end with an analysis of one of
the texts that prompted the inquiry pursued here:
1. 1 udu 1 mlsgal
2. gu-za ''sul-gi-ra
3. ''utu-DUio ra-gaba maskim
4. 1 gud
18, NBC] 97. colluted on photograplis kindl\ provided by
Kekart Krahni- A new set of photographs. eourles\ oJ' I'lla
Ka.sten of ihe Yale Babylonian GoUection. is included here a.s
figl.
58 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
5. 5 udu 5 mas gal
6. ''nin-lil-e-ba-an-ag
7. be-lR-li ra-gixhc\ maskim
8. 5 mas gal a-bi-a-bi-ilj
9. ra-gaba U4 nam-gala-se i-in-ku4-ra
10. sa-ta-ku-zu ra-gaba maskim
11. 1 udu (i-//-)-//'kus7
12. 1 udu 'nanna-palil
13. 1 udu tu-ra-am-'^da-gan
14. ra-gaba-me
15. 10 udti ur-''sul-gi-ra lu-gestin''^
16. 1 mas gal da-da gala
17. 10 udu 10 mas gal
18. ur-''nin-gublaga nar
19. 10 gud na-ap-la-num amurru
20. arad-mu maskim
21. 1 udu 'ERESIICDUL^" Iu '^nigidlu
22. la-'li'^-ra-ma ra-gaba maskim
23. sa mu-DU be-li-a-ri-ik
24. U4 19-kam
25. ki ab-ba-sag-ga-ta
26. ba-zi
Date and summary (I.e. 11 gud 66 udu)
The question is. Are any of tbese entries related,
and if so. How are they related? If, for the sake of
the argument, we assume that the nam-gala epi-
sode in 11. 8-9 is linked in some manner with
marriage rites, broadly defined, does it follow that
otber disbursals from the bureau of Abba-saga
registered in tbis tablet are also connected with
these festivities? Let us look at these items one at
a time:
1. It is notable that with one exception (11. 19-
20), all the people functioning as maskim are ra-
gabas as is Abi-Abih, the person who performed
nam-gala The exception is for Naplanum, the very
important Amorite, of whom there will be more
19. See the detailed photognipli of the last two signs in tig 1.
I do not understand this occupiitional term, even if ihe ety-
molofjfy seems clear. The only other Drehem occurrence is in
PDT 1 282:2, although Ihprc are a handful of Girsu references
(e^., MV7V 12 504:6, HSS 4 153: 9. /7T4 7430:22 and. [wssiblv,
HLC112: 1 ur-dingir lu-^estiir). Note also h'l-geiitin-a in TCS I
86:3. which E. Sollberger translales as "vintners."
20. The reading of names of this type is a matter of some
dispute; see Hilgert (2002: 210-13).
to say below. Is it possible that they all have some-
thing to do with the festivities of the family of a
colleague? On the other hand, ra-gabas often ftuic-
tion in the same manner when deliveries are made
to musicians.
2. In I. 2 offerings are made for the "Throne of
Sulgi'^ (Sallaberger 1993:147-48), Almost all other
occurrences of suob offerings inolufle members of
the royal family, mostly female, and/or important
foreigners. In one case, offerings to Enlil, Ninlil,
and the Throne of Sulgi are made in (onjunc tion
with the delivery of a bride price involving the
princess Selepputum {AUCT 1 110:10-11; see
Klein 1990; 24).
3. The person in the entry immediately preced-
ing the nani-gala passage is Ninlile-manag, who
was a royal daughter according to AUCT 2 367:2
(AS6.i.-). She had given birth five montbs earlier.'"
4. In lines 16-18 we have tbe well-atte.sted
musician Ur-Ningublaga and the chief impresario
Dada, followed in 1. 21 by an otberwise unknown
tigidlu instrument player ERES.IC.DUL."^ Low-
level musicians are rarely mentioned in tbese
texts; indeed, this is one of only three occur-
rences of a tigidlu-player in the documentation
from the period.^^ I assume that the enigmatic
entry in I. 15 refers to another instrumentalist.
One would assume that all of tbem participated
in the festivities, but once again the uncertainties
of the registration style confound us. It seems that
Ur-Ningublaga was a very close—perhaps even tbe
closest—associate of the great gala Dada, and is
often listed together with him (e.g., SAT 2 796,
MVN 13 812). but always after him.-^ Sallaberger
(2003/20044: 56) speculates tbat Dada and Ur-
Ningublaga specialized in different royal bynuis.
21. AnOr 7 99;3 (AS 4.v.6) igi-kar <U4> ''niii-lil-e-ma-na'-ag
U4 dumu in-tu-da-ii, "inspection when Ninlik-manag gave birth
to a sonAhild." 1 am assuming ihal this is the same person,
even though Ihe name is written somewhat ditferently. The
only other attestations of this princess are in BCT 1 633:, dated
S44.iv.2 and Al/CT 2 367:2 [AS6.i.-).
22. The reading of the name is uncertain; sec liilgcrt
(2002:211).
23. See, most recently, Veidhuis (1999).
24. There are three individuals or more In* that name in the
Drehem archives; Ur-Ningublaga nar was active al least (Vom
S46.ix.- irCS 173:4) to §Sl.viii.9 (AS/9 220 77:10).
 LOVE OR DEATH?
witb tbe former at home in Emesal, but I do not
see anything that would suggest such ideas; I do
not contest that galas were at home in Emesal. but
1 do not know what specfic compositions may have
been in their repertoire in Ur III times. Tbe pro-
digious documentation on Dada suggests tbat
be was no mere performer, but ratber the c hief
musical organizer for the c rown (gala, gala mah),
and that Ur-Ningublaga, who is never described
as a gala, but always as a nar, was bis main assis-
tant, or perhaps his major star performer
5. Finall\\ there is the mattet of the participa-
tion of Naplanum in all of this. There is now gen-
eral agreement that he must have been the same
person as tbe eponymous ancestor of the OB Larsa
dynasty, and tbe Ur III material pertaining to this
Amorite has been analyzed extensively (Fitzgerald
2002: 18-24; StcMukeiler 2004: 37-40; .see also
Sallaberger 2003/2004: 55), As Steinkeller bas
observed, Naplanum "was not only by far the most
important Amorite chieftain known to have inter-
acted with the Ur III state, but be also counted
among the most prominent figures of his age"
(2004: 38). He also demonstrated that Naplanums
residence in Sumer was at Kisig, most probably
mociern Tell el-Lahm, close to Ur (2004: 39). I wiil
deal with this man in more detail elsewhere; here
let me only note that it seems that he was a major
military ally of the Ur III state, who resided, at
least part of the time, iu Sumer, together with his
troops and family. He may have proved himself in
the important war with Urbilum tbat took place
in S44, as he and bis troops receive animals from
the booty from that city (MVN 13 423, S45.xi.l5).
His status at court is best exemplified by two
documents from the fourth year of Amar-Sin,-'
rCL 2 5508 (AS4.i.6) and CTMMA I 17 (AS4.vii.-),
the latter listing expenditures for members of the
royal family. Without going into details, the re-
cipients in these two texts can be summarized as
follows:
TCL 2 5508
a. Naplanum and his family (i 5-16)
25. Drfhem lexis hum this year form the basis of SalUi-
s study of tlic archive (2003/2004).
59
b. Emissaries from foreign rulers (i 19-iii 7)
c.ak-ba-NIof Mari(iii9))
d. Ur-Eanna (iii 11)
e. zd-e-na-a, diviner (iii 13)
f. Prince Lu-Sulgira (iii 15)
g. Dada, tbe gala (iii 18)
b. The Tlnone of Snigi
CTMMA 1 17
a. The Throne of Sulgi (1-4)
b. Royal Daughters (5-48)
c. Two royal wet-nurses (49-56)
d. Naplanum and his family (57-64)
e. Men of Mari (including ak-ba-NI. 72-73)
f. Emissaries from foreign rulers (84-94)
g. The high priest of Inana (102)
These texts highlight the connc-'ctious between
Naphlnum, tbe Mari men and the royal family;
indeed it almost seems as if this Amorite chieftain
and bis men, in conjunction with the Marioites
may have c'onstituted a form of royal guard. Many
texts from Drebem list oHerings for central
shrines, followed by animals for royal cbildren,
courtiers, and emissaries t>f foreign rules. Tonia
Sharlach (2005) has studied many of these texts,
concentrating on the lists of diplomats in docu-
ments from tbe Akitu and Tumal festivals in the
first and seventh month of the year, and her study
comj)lements Sallabergers reiiiter])rc"tation of the
nature of the Drebem archives. In the context of
tbe present discussion 1 would like to go beyond
diplomacy: tbe Ur III kings pursued a vigorous
patrimonial extension of familial ties across their
borders, and it now seems that most of the rulers
on the frontier and beyond were linked by
marriage to the house of Ur. The kings of Mari,
Simanum, Ansan, Sikri, Zabsali, Adamsab, Marbasi,
and other places were either descended from the
family of Ur-Namma, or bad either daughters-
in-law or wives from Ur. Therefore, it could be
argued that all of people listed in these offeiing
lists are, in realit\' or symbolically, members of
the same extended royal fauiily, or their intimate
courtiers and representatives. There is also some
reason to suspec t that the sons of some allied and
vassal rulers were sent to the court of the llr Til
60 PIOTR MICHALOWSKI
kings, and sometimes had their names changed to
celebrate tbose rulers, who were, in a sense, their
adopted fathers. Tbese alliances, especially the
ones that were sealed by bridal gifts, were often
quite complex. The case of Hamazi, and impor-
tant eastern ally, is instructive.
We first bear of Hamazi in the Drebem texts in
the first year of King Amar-Sin, when Lu-Nanna,
the son of Namhani, ensi of Hamazi, offers gifts.
He was resident in Sumer, as in AS2.i.O the king
visited bis residence for a feast; rings of silver were
presented:
U4 lugal-mu e UV^nanna dumu nam-ba-ni ensi ba-
ma-zi^'-ka kas l-nag-ga-a
wben His Majesty drank beer in the bouse of Lu-
Nanna, son of Namhani, tbe ruler of Hamazi.
This man is once again mentioned a month later,
and then, in AS5.iv,10, tbere is a new ruler on
tbe throne of Hamazi: Ur-Iskur (AUCT 1 93:22).
Four vears after, we encounter the figure of his
"daugbter-in-law," (AC/CT3 84:2-4, AS9.xi.l5):
U4 ur-''iskur ensi ha-ma-zi'*'-ke4 e-gi4-a-ni ba-an-
tum-ma-a
wben Ur-Iskur, ruler of Hamazi, "brought/fetched"
his daughter-in-law.
This woman, and eventually we will learn tbat
her name was Tabur-hattum, continues to appear
in texts over the next few days (BIN 3 382:5,
day 17; Ontario 1 160:2, day 18, Aegyjms 17 63
70:2, day 19).^" She seems to be living in Sumer
for another eight years; a document from AS7.xi.29
26. For earlier and background, see Ililgert (2002:
376-77, n. 125).
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454:3-4):
U4 td-bur-hat-lui)i e-gi4-a ur-''iskur ensi U4 ha-ma-
zi'"-se i-gin-na-a
when Tabur-hattum, tbe daugbter-in-Iaw of the
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berger and A. We.stenholz, OBO 160/3. Frei-
burg: Universitalsver!ag,
2003/ Schlachlvieh aiis Pu/ris-Dagan, Zur Bedeutung
2004 dieses konigliclicn Ar(hi\s, Jaarh'ruht v<in
het Vooraziatiscii-cgyptisctt Genootschap Ex
Oriente IM.XS8: 45-62.
Scharla( h, T. M.
2005 Diplomacy and the iiituals of !'o!itics at the
Ur!!! Court,/CS 57: !7-29.
Sc!iretter, M. K.
1990 Emesal'Studien. Sprach- und Literaturge-
schichttiche Untersnehu)igen zurSogeiuninten
Frauenn})rache des Sumeri.scii<-n. !nnsbruck:
Ver!ag des lnstitiits fur vSprachwissenschaft der
Universitat tnnsbiuck.
Sigrist, M,
! 992 Drehem. Bethesda; CDL Press,
Steinke!!er, P
!992 Third-Millennium Legal and Administrative
Texts in the Iraq Museum. Baghdad (with
J, N, Postdate). Mesopotamian ('i\ili/atinns 4,
Winoiui Lake: Eisenlirauns,
2004 A History Of Mashkan-Shapir and its Itole
in the Kingdom Of Larsa, Pp. 26-42 in The
Anato)ny of a Meso)H)tamian City: Survey and
Soundings at Mashkan-Shapir. eds, E. Stone,
P. E Zimansky, and !^ Steinkeller. Winona
Lake: Eisenbrauns.
Veldhuis, N.
!999 r,U ^^''SA.TAR in Ur III. ,VA,/i(' I999/!9:20,
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION
BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA:
A NEW SOLAR OMEN COMPENDIUM

Matthew T. Rutz (Universitij of Pennsylvmiia)

Many questions remain about the early dis- millennium are sparse at best.^ Claims about the
tribution, transmission, and stabilization of the existence of a unified second-tnillemiiiun Proto-
Mesopotamian celestial omen traditions that co- EAE notwithstanding, onl\ a handful of Old Baby-
alesced to form the Hrst-millennium series Enuma lonian manuscripts have thus far been identified,
Ariii Enlil (EAE).' Despite the long evolution and Middle Babvlonian data are fewer still.^ In
behind EAE, evident in the structure and scope
of its various recensions, sources from the second
2, U. Koch-Westenbolz, MeHO}x>tamian Astrnlofitj: An In-
troduction to BabxjUniian and Assyrian Celestial Diiimitiim.
CNI 19 (Co{)enhageii: The Oarsten Niebuhr Institute of Near
1. 1 am grateful to Bunry Eiehler and Steve Tinnev for per- Eastern Studies, Museum Tiisctilannm Press. University of
mission to pnblish UM 29-1.'J-^Q^, which is curretitK' hoii,sed Copenhagen, 1995), 36-51: H. Hnnger and D. E. Pingree. A.ntivl
in Ihe lialnlonian Section of Ihe l'ni\-ersity of Feunsyivania Sciences in Mrsojiotamia. lldO 1/44 (Leiden; Hiill. 1999), 7-12;
Museum of .'\rc'haeology aud .'\nlhroiK)logy, Philadelphia, The D. Brown, MesojTDtamian Ptanetartj AstnmoniijA.strolotiy.
curators' welcominfj policy toward the eollection made it CM 18 (Groriingen: Stvx, 2000). 248-52; E, Crf^hlken. "Die Adad-
po.s.sihle for me to identify and study this extraordinary piece, Tafeln der Omenserie Enilma Anu Enlil Teil 1: Einfuhrung."
It is also a pleasure for me to acknowledge Franeesca Roch- fioM 36 (2005) 245-46,
berg. Jeremiah Peterson, Paul Delnero, and Kevin MeGeough 3, R Rochberg. "Old Babylonian Cehstial Diviuatioti," in
for their eiitiqnes and suggestions at various stages, 1 presented // a Man Biiildft a joyful Hoiisr: AssyHtdofj^icat Studies in
a version ol this work at the 2lfith Meeting of the Ameriean Honor of Eric Verduii Leirhty, ed.s. A, K, Cuinan et ill,, C"M 31
Oriental Society in Seattle on 20 March 2006 and lienetited (Leiden: Brill. 2006), 337-48, Cf. D. Charpin. U- vlcrf-e dVr au
from the interest and comments of tho.se in attendanee. The siecle d'Hammumbi iXIXe-XVIlIc NH'CIC.S av. J.-CJ, Hautes
editors and reviewers of JCS also otfered a number of in- Etudes Orientales 22 iCeneva-Riris: Librairie-Droz, 1986). 457
valuable insights and caught blunders both major and minor. n, 1; Brown, CM 18, 248-49, Aecording to botb Charpin and
Needless to .say, any factual errors or interpretive gaffes that Brown, the bilingual entry in an OB inventory from Ur,
remain in thi.s artiele are the fault of the author, who i.s ,solely C/ET6/1,123:49-50, edited by S, N, Kramer, "New Literary
res[)onsible for its (ontent. The generous support of the L/ini.s J. Catalogue from Ur." RA 55 (1961) 172, 176, is compelling evi-
Kolh foundation sustained me thmughout my researeh. Abbre- denee of a unified Proto-EAE in the Hrst half of the second
viations not totind iu Oricnhllia. Akkaib.schcs IJaiuhiiirtrr- millennium. However, the diaehronie correlation of an inciptt
imch. The Assijrtaii Dictionanj of the Orivntal Imtihttv of ihr \\ ith a later Sjx-citie eomjMLsition remains hypothetical. Ab.sent
of Chicaaa. and The Sumerian Diciir>narij of tlw e.\|)li( it OB evidenee. there is no way of knowing wbat com-
of Peniisiilvuiiia inthide: DBSttpp, = Supplement position was designated ud an-nf^ / i-iiu AN ii '^'en-li'l "When
ail Dictioiinaire de la Bible (Pads); CMS = Grazer Morgen- An (and Enli!);" see Hunger and Pingree. HdO 1/44, 7. Case in
landisehe Studien (Gra/.l; MDAl 57 = R. Uibat, with D. O. point: J.-J. Classner. MefiO\)Otamian Chronicles. t\\. B, R. Eoster,
Edzard, 7e.v/p-s- litteraircs de SI(,SP. Mdmoires de la D(?legation SBL Writings from the Ancient Wortd 19 (Atlanta: Soeiety of
Arehf^ilogiqne en Iran 1)7. Suse Ville Royale XI (Piiris: Librairie Biblieal Literature. 2004), 42 with 52 n. 7, 126-35, No. 3. a.sserts
Orientaliste Paul CJeuthner, 1974); RSOu, = R;is Shamra-Ougarit that VET 6/1, 123:49-50 aetualK refers to an OB version of the
(Paris), Babylonian Royal Chronicle, in part because the S

63 JCS .'58 (2(KHt)

64 MATTHEW T, RUTZ
this context the tablet presented here, UM 29-15-
393, is a significant contribution to the body of
knowledge about celestial omen scbolarsbip in
the late-second millennium. Previonsly unidenti-
fied, UM 29-15-393 is a solar omen compendium,
written in Middle Babylonian script, that parallels
parts of the solar omens of EAE 24(25)-35. Since
UM 29-15-393 was acquired in the course of the
early University of Pennsylvania excavations at
Nippur, its original archaeological context is now
impossible to reconstruct witb any precision. There
are also purchased pieces scattered throughout the
UM portion of the collection, casting some doubt
on the reflex to associate all UM 29-15 sources
with Nippur. Nevertheless, even a rough prove-
nience and approximate date are significant, since
at present only two MB celestial omen tablets are
known from Babylonia proper, both reportedly
from Nippur, PBS 2/2,123 (now lost) and Ni. 1856
(unpublished}.''
Most remarkable about UM 29-15-393, however,
is its colophon, which asserts that the tablet was
copied from a writing board from Susa: '^GABAl
[R]I '^'IJ.U,^ MUS.SES^' (line 106). The use of a
writing board to copy celestial omens correlates
well with later evidence, such as the EAE polyp-
tych from eighth-century Nimrud.'' A southern
provenience also contributes to the present
understanding of the uses of writing boards in
the tatter half of the second milleiinium, since
much of the evidence for this period comes from
the Anatolian-North Svrian milieu.^ Moreover,
King LisI also appears in the Uri-at;>log (t.'£.T6/l, 123:25). The
earliest evidence of EAE being transmitted with the m\tho-
logieal accretion is a lunar eclipse omen compendium from
Late Bronze Age Emar, Emar 6/4. 652:Hi)'-<S2'. KVB 34.12 may
contiiin a Hittite version, for whieh see K. K. Rifm.schneider,
Dif akkadisdien und lietliitischen Omentexte aiin Bof^azkoij,
DBH 12 (Dresden: Tecbnisehe Universitiit Dresden, 2004),
119-20.
4. F. Rochberg-Hiitton, Aspects of Bai}yi<mian Celestial
Dii'inatitm: Tlie Lunar Eclipse Tabiets of Entnna Aiui Enlil,
AfO Beib. 22 (Horn: Verlag Ferdinand Berger & Sohne, 1988),
19, 2.5.
5. D. J. Wiseman. "Assyrian Writing Boards," Iraq 17 (1955)
3-13.
6. D. S\inington, "Late Bronze Age Writing-boiirds and
their Uses; Textual Evidence from Anatolia and Syria," AnSt
41(1991)111-23.
only a few omen compendia are currently known
from late-second-millennium Susiana These ten
sources from Susa,' Cbogha Pahn West," and Haft
Tepe" are Akkadian-langua^^e copies of Babylonian
imports that share a diagnostit, non-normative
orthography.'" Aspects of this orthography were
employed to write UM 29-15-393, which now pro-
vides direct evidence of learned cuneifonn scribal
culture returning from the peiiphery to Babylonia
in the late-second millennium. Furthermore, this
new material is the first example of a concrete
textual intermediary in tbe process that probably
gave rise to the orthography of EAE 22 Part 1, to be
discussed further below. Other specific items of in-
terest are the contribution to ancient tablet termi-
nology, panuni "front, surface" (line 46), and a new
interpretation of the philological conundrum GIM
MA MU-su as GlNy-jiwi MU-.v» "ditto" (line 38).
Description
UM 29-15-393 is a large, baked, single-column
tablet (20.0 cm x 11.4 cm x 3.0 cm) that is relatively
well preserved. The unpublished card catalog in
the Babylonian Section records the tablets dimen-
sions, line count, possible Kassitc date, and genre;
"'Ca.ssite? Divination/Astrological?" The entr\' also
mentions that UM 29-15-393 was studied, though
not published, by Abraham Sachs. The oniy addi-
tional record about UM 29-15-393 is found in the
laconic, unpublished research notes (ca. 1946J that
Sachs himself left in the Babylonian Section. Sachs
identified that UM 29-15-393 contained "MB as-
trological omens," and at some later date he tnade
7. MDA/.57, 3-10.
8. R. D. Biggs and M. W. Stolper, "A Bahylonian Omen text
from Susiana," RA 77 (1983) 155-62.
9. R Hen'ero and J.-J. Classiier, "Haf t-Tepe: choix de textes
l l i : hAii/28(1993) 126-32, No. 207 (H.T. 152) = P. Dane.sh-
mand, "An Extispiry Text from Maf t-Tappe," ]CS 56 (2004)
13-17
10. There is also evidence that an anahtgous, Elamite-
langiiage emulation of Mesopotainiaii omi'ii tradilions sub-
sequently developed in Klam: V Scheil, "Dechittrcmcnt d"\ui
document anzanite relatif aux presages," RA 14 (1917) 29-59;
perhaps C. B. F. Walker, "Elamite Inscriptions in the British
Museum," Iran 18 (1980) 78, BM 136847.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
a note that he bad copied tbe tablet. The dispo-
sition of that copy is not known,"
At least parts of some 106 lines of text are extant
on UM 29-15-393, and signs are legible on all lines
but the first. The tablet was broken into at least
four pieces, which were evidentU' joined sometime
before it was inventoried in 1929. The rulings
are regular and heavy, and double rulings consis-
tently mark each subsection as well as tbe end of
the composition. Wbere preserved, the apodoses
in lines 47-103 almost uniformly bear tbe scribal
note he-pi "break," suggesting that the original
writing board was damaged prior to its use as a
source manuscript. Indeed, the general fragility
of that medium, be it wood c)r ivory, and the poor
state of the Vorlage of the present manuscript
perhaps give some hint as to the practical reason
for transcribing tiie writing board s contents onto
the more durable medium through which they are
now preserved. Although tbe specific pbysica!
characteristics of the source manuscript are un-
known, it is po.ssible that the original te.xt covered
a single column on the "surface" {panuin, line 46)
of the writing board. Damage to the lower right
edge and corner of the Vorlage would account for
the broken lines reported by the stribe.
UM 29-15-393 comprises two discrete units and
the colophon. The specific structure is as follows.
1. iJnes 1-17 contain extracts from .some pre-
cursor to the solar omens in EAE 23(24)-29(30).'-
UM 29-15-3921 and EAE
HI ? ably a product of local variations over spac e and
2 25(26) in?
3 25(26) Ill 49, 53, 65?
4 25(26) III 50, 54, 65?
5 25(26) 111 68?
6 •?
11. I iim most fiiatet'iil to V.r\(' Lcichty f(n'i;illiiig m\' atten-
tion to Sathss notes and making them iiviiilable. Heniiann
Hunger, Gayle Lynch (Brnwn University Archives), and the late
David Pingree (via Ms. Lynch) nil graciously fieldod queries
about Sflch.s's missing copy, unlbrliinately to no avail.
12. Edited b>W'. H. van St>U\i, Solar Omens of Enriiiui Arm
Enlil: Tablets 23(2~H-29(30K PUiANS 73 (U'iden: Nederlands
Instituut viKir hft Nabije Oosteii, 1995),
65
7 ACh. §ama§ 13:19' {rikisgirn)"^
8 26(27) III 6//CTMMA 2.36:13'?
9 26(27) III 7 // CTMMA 2,36:13'?
10 24(25) III 34
11 24(25)11139
12 24(25) III 40
13 24(25)11140?
14 24(25) 111 42
15 24(25)11143?
16 24(25)11144
17 24(25) 11144
It is obvious that these excerpts do not reflect
tbe order established in the first-millennium re-
censions. Instead, tbe organization is thematic. The
contents of line 1 are (ompletel>' lost. Lines 2-5
deal with the phenomenon of tbe sun "ri.sing
early," Lines 5-9 relate to various obscurations
of the sun, conceptually differentiated from the
phenomena covered in the eclipse section below;
Lines 10-17 treat the appearance of various
numbers of "sun disks" or parhelia. The scribes
line count (line 17) suggests that Hues 1-17 were
thought to cohere as a discrete unit. None of the
omens in this first section bas a significant pub-
lished second-millennium analog.
2. Lines 18-103 contain solar eclipse omens and
are roughly parallel to EAE 33-35, following but
one possible normative system of numbering. It
is worth noting that there are more divergent
numberings of EAE "33" tban of any otber tablet
in the series.'"* These inconsistencies were prob-
time in marking the divisions wherein' longer
tablets were broken down into sborter sections.
Unfortunately, due to incomplete pre.servatictn, tbe
catalogs from Assur'' and Uruk"' contribute little
to clarifying the organization of the solar eclipse
13. AAT 54;12'. Sni.21S9 oh\.. sep E. F. Weidner. "Die as-
trologi.scbe Serie Enuma Aim Enlil," AfO 22 (1968-1969) 69,
14. Weidner, AfO 22 (1968-1969) 65, 68; Cehlken. BaM 36
(2005) 252-53, with n. 82.
15. J. C. Finrke, "Der Assur-Kataloge der Serie eui'tuui aim
enlil: OrNS70 (2001) 21-22, with nn. 12-16.
16. E. F. Weidner, "Die a.stn)l(igis(lie Scric Enunui Aim
Enlil" AfO 14 (1941-1944) 186-89. pis. I-II.
66 MATTHEW T RUTZ
section at these sites. Since tbere is no critical
edition of the solar eclipse omens of EAE,'" the
comparanda are largely found in tbe pioneering,
if now rather dated publications by James Craig
[AAT, 1899J and Cbarles Virolleaud {ACh.^ 1908-
1912). ACh. is furtber marred by the fact that it is
essentially an ideal composite of the corpus with
only minimal concern for textual and orthographic
variants.''* Be that as it may, many of the omens in
lines 18-103 do have compelling, demonstrable
parallels, mutatin mutandia, among tbe later EAE
33-35 manu.scripts from Neo-Assyrian Nineveh'''
and Nimrud iCTN 4,6), as well as Late Babylonian
Uruk {(7CF9/9, 396-99; SpTU2, 41).-" Tbe list of
duplicates in Table 1 is surely not exhaustive
and will necessarily be superseded by the critical
edition of EAE 30{31)-35; however, the cumula-
tive evidence of tbis provisional comparison sug-
ge.sts a significant degree of early textual stability.
Also left for tbe critical edition is discussion of the
17, Francpsca Rochbfrg is preparing an edition of ihi.s
portion of EAE (personal communication).
18. For some examples of the inherent limitiilioiis of hoth
AAT and AC/i., see Gehlken, BaM^io 12005) 238-39, with n, 18.
19, The- sources arc listed in Weidner, AfO 22 (1968-1969)
68-69; joins and additional unputilished manuscripts are cata-
It^ed by E. Reiner, "Celestial Omen Tablets and Fragments
in the British Museum," in Festschrift fiir Rijkli' Boiii^er zu
seinem 6.5. Gchiirtsta^ am 24. Mai 1994: tikij) mntakki mala
/w.s'Hi(/,rd,S.M,Maiil.C:M 10 Itironingcn; Styx. 1998). 215-302.
Only the final publication of the ('(tm]»l('t<' EAE corpus will
resolve a[)pan-nt contradictious in the preliminary descrip-
tions of unpublished manuscripts. For instance, are K.7216 and
BM 77662 commentaries on EAE 33-35 (van Soldt, PIl IANS 73.
16 n. 2) or EAE 24 (Reiner, Fs. Borger, 241) and EAE 25, 28
(Reiner, Fs. Borger, .301)?
20. For a convenient overview of the NA catchlines and
incipits of the solareclip.se section,.seeGehtekn. BaMS6 (2005)
255-56, 261-62. Addilional photographs of UCFmi 396-99,
pis. 9-10 (IIMA 9-01789; are available through the Cainciform
Digital Library Initiative, hilpV/cdli.ucla.cdu/. The fragment
K.t949 rev. diK's not contain any lines that duplicate UM 29-15-
393 (van Soldt, PIHANS 73,134. MS C). The fragment OECT11,
85, probably from Kis, is not. as Gurney siigge.sts, solar eclipse
omens, bill rather a duplicate of EAE 23(24) VII (not included
in van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 10-11). The eventual publication of
the Nen-Babylontan library from the Samas Temple in Sippar
will clarify the specific contents of the "astrological omens"
in that corpus, see E N. H. Al-Rawi and A. R. George, "Tablets
from the Sippar Library, II. Tablet II of the Babylonian
Greation Epic," Iraq 52 (1990) 149 n. 1, Perhaps the solar
omens of ElAE are represented there as well.
relationship between the alternative formulatious
contained in EAE 30(31)-32 and EAE 33-35.''
None of the publisbed second-miUennitim analogs
to tbis section consistentK' parallels UM 29-15-393
in structure or content. Tbere is just one published,
unprovenienced OB solar eclipse compendium,^^
and MB .sources are known only from peripheral
sites, namely, Hattusa {KUB 4.63 and dupls,),^^
Ugarit (RS 23.038),'"' and probably Emar {Emar
6/4,653:1-25' = col. i).
Tbough none is perfectly preserved, it is pos-
sible to reconstruct the protases of this section of
UM 29-15-393 with some confidence. Lines 18-
103 follow a scbeme in which solar eclipses occur
in months I-XII on days 1, 9, 11, 13, 14, 16, and
21. Tbe protases are expressed on a pattern tbat
exhibits similarities with elements of both earlier
and later
21. Provisionally, see the general comnienis by Koch-
Westenholz, CNI 19, 81. The sources for this alternative for-
mulation of the solar eclip.se omens, EAE 30l31)-32(33.34), are
collected in Weidiier, AfO 22 (1968-1969) 67-68; with addi-
tions iu Reiner, Fs. Boi-ger. S})TU2, 41 is particularly interest-
ing on this count, sinc'C it presents both solar eclipse
formulations seqtientially for the same month (see Table 1,
sources F, y), EAE 35 is ver\' poorly preserved, but addilionul
sources may one day elucidate UM 29-15-393:1-7,
22. M. Dietrich, "Altbubylonische Omina zur Soniu nhnis-
ternis," WZKM86 (1996) 99-106.
23. M. Leibovici, "Un texte astrologi(|ue akkadieii de Bo-
ghazkiii," RA 50 (19561 11-21; Rienischneider, DBH 12, 46-,55,
For the sij.!nificance of solar omens in the Hittitc milieu, see
T, van den Hout, "Omina {Omens), B, Bci den llelliilern,"
RlA 10 (2003) 88-90; the sources are collected by Riem-
schneider. 01311 12, 5-ft The colophon of KUB 4.63 points to
some attempt at organization in second-millennium Hattusa:
DUB,1,KAM AN.TALU ''UTU "First tablet: Solai eclipse."
24. Edited by D. .Arnaud, "I/edition ougaritaine de la s^rie
astrologiqtie 'Eclipsf's du dic'ti-Soleil""" Seinilira 45 (lfMi) 7-18.
There has been considerable debate abotit the alphubetic cu-
neifomi table! KTl!^ 1.78 = RS 12.06L edited b\' D. Pardce, Les
trxtes ritiirls. RSOu. 12 (Paris; F,ditions Recherche sur les Givi-
iisations, 2000), 416-27, 1271. This small lablet refers to some
astronomi<'Lil phenomenon that was checked via extispicy. The
event in question may have been a solar eclipse (M, Dietrich
and 0. Loretz, "Der IJntergang von Ugiirit um 21. Januar 1192
V. Chr? Der astronomisc h-hepatoskopisehe Bericht KTU 1.78
h RS 12.0611,- t/F34 120031 53-74, with pre\ious literalure) or,
perhaps, the heliacal setting of Mars fUiuiger and Pingree,
HdO 1/44, 10-11; Pardee, RSOu. 12, 423-25). Consensus has
provc'n elusive.
25. For the sake of this ccnnpari.son, OB = Dietrich, W'/.KM
86 (1996): UM - UM 29-15-393; EAE = First-millennium
Enfima Aim Enlil.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
Solar Eclipse: 1st Day of the Month
OB: BE i-na '"MN (UDl.KAM) 'tlTU a diir
UM; DiS ''UTU TA '"MN UTp,l.KAM a-di-ir
EAE: DIS ina '"MN UDl.KAM 20 KAxMI (van: a-dir)
Solar Eclipse: n"' Da\ of the Month Day (n)
OB: BE i-na '"BARA.ZA,GAR UDn.KAM ''UTU a-di-ir 2, 6, 9,10, 25
UM: DIS UD.n,KAM a-di-ir 9,11,13,14, 16, 21
EAE: DIS UDn.KAM 9. 11,13,14,15,16,18,20,21,28,29,30, (1-30)
Thongh not all the day,s are preserved for any one
specific month, the composite picture iindergird.s
the plau.sihility of the reconstmction proposed
here. Namely, the stribes line counts for indi-
vidual months (line 24,1; line 31, II), the double
rulings between months, and the regular, repeti-
tive structure of EAE and its second-millennium
precursors suggest that this .schema obtains for
the entire text,"'' Nevertheless, line 19 (apparently
days 9-|10] or a .scribal error) illustrates that due
caution is warranted when restoring the text in
conformity with a hypothetical paradigm.
Orthographij and Date
In his introduction to MDAI 57 Rend Labat
described the orthographic idiosyncrasies of the
eleven literary tablets (TSXII.1-12) dis< overed out
of context at Susa late in 1962,-' These sources
were uncovered in a shallow fosse dug into an
alleyway in the Ville Royale, level A XII, which
corresponds roughly to the end of the stikkahnah
period in Susa."^ Since the top of the fosse was not
reeorded during the 1957-1958 campaign, the date
of this cache must be inferred. A sober assessment
2fi, Ht» hberg. Fs. Leichty, 341. 344-46,
27. MDAI 57, pp. ,3-7; see also R. Lubat, "jeiix iiiiineriqups
dans ritlf^ogiiiphic siLsieiine,'" in Studies iu Honor of liciiuo
iMudslx'tf^er OH lii.s Sei-«iilij-fiflh Ririltdaij. April 22. /9fi,S, eds.
If, C;. (;iitfrl)O(k and T Jactibscii. ,AS Ki ((Chicago: University of
("hicajf" Press. 190,5). 259. An haeol(laical cnntt-xt iinilics Ihis
colleclioii (if lablets. but it \v(nilil be ;i mistake to f x a ^ c r a t c
thefonimoii cliariutfriNtics of siicb a.small, ultimately hetern-
geneiHis group. Note that at least two dilfercnt scribes are
identified by name [MDAl 57, p, 3): (-/f-zm-DINClR iMDAl 57
5 and lOl and ''KlIR,CAL-to-a-o-ar DUB.SARTUR (MDA/57,1],
28, R. Ghirshmim. "Siisf. Campagne de fouiHe 1962-1963,
Rapport pr^liminaire," Ar/,so.vj«/(f/i«'.v 10 (1964) 4-5. 13 ti^, 4.
67
of the archaeological situation can justify only an
indeterminate range between A XI and A X, i.e.,
the latter half of the second millennium,''^ As noted
already above, additional omen sources from the
same milieu have since come to light, namely, a
fragment probably from Chogha Palin West (Biggs
and Stolper, RA 11 11983]) and a tablet from Haft
Tepe (Herrero and Classtier, irAnt 28 |1993|
126-32, No. 207 = Daneshmand, yCS 56 12004]),
Although the archaeological context of the piece
from Chogha Pahn West is unknown, the omen
tablet from Haft Tepe was discovered among a
collection of elementary school exercises in
Terrace Complex I, possibly a Middle Elamite
temple."' The,se modest additiotis to the MDAI 57
tablets from Susa buttress the argument for a
genuine local scholarly scribal tradition in Middle
29, MDAI 57, pp, 1-3; M,-J, Steve, H, Gasche, and L, De
Me\er. "La Siisiane au deuxitme millenaire: h propos d'une
inlerpretation des foiiilles de Siise," IrAnt 15 (1980) 98-10(),
122-2,5. with tig. 15; Biggs and .Stolper, RA 77 (1983) 160-62;
D. T Potts. The Arcliamliy[j,ij of Elaiii: Forinalioii and TraihS-
fornuilioii of an Ancient Iranian Slalt: Cainhridgf World
Archaeology iCiambridge: ("ainbiidge L'nivcrsity Press, 1999),
171-72. The s\'n<broiiisni o[ Tepli-ahar, king of Hafl-Tepc
(perhaps Kabiiak), and a Babylonian KadasTnan-''KUR.GAL is
the crux of the dispute over chronology, but the identity of the
latter remains controversial, see H,T. 38. P. Herrero, "Tablettes
administratives de 1 laft-Te|)e." DAFl 6 (1976) 102-3, No, 6:11-
12. For the view Kadasnuin-''KUR.GAL = KadaSman-Harbt' I,
see M,-.I, Steve. F, Vallat, an<l 11, Gas( he. -Suse,"' DliSupi>. 13/73
(2002) 382, 396, For a mid-Hth century date (Kadasman-
''KUR.GAL = Kada,sniiin-Knlil I),see.I,-.l,(llassner."Larnspicine
paieo-babylonienne et le temoignage des sources de Mad"
ZA 95 (2005) 290. with previous literature.
30. R Herrero and J,-J, Glassner. "Haft-T^p^: ohoix de textes
IV: IrAnt 31 (1996) 75-82, Nos, 268-280; note, e,^,, the extract
from MB Did, p. 77, No. 274 (edited MSL i5, IO2l; Potts, Ar-
chaeology of FAani. 197, 199-200.
 Table 1. PLiniUels between UM 29-15-393 and EAE 30(31)-85
(Uncertain parallels are marked -\ divergent apodoses are marked ^)

UM EAE 33-35 EAE30(31)-32

A B C D G H a p 7

18 1 85
19 14
20 15'
21 17
22 . 18
23 21
24 28 4'
25 5' 13
26 6 13 10
27 r 14
28 8' 15
29 9, 16 13,
30 11 17 15,
31 14,- 19 18,
32 22'' 25'
33 26-
34 27'
35 28
36 29,
37 40' 3Ix
38 43' 34,
39 51 43'^
40 52^
41 53 45'
42 54' 46^
43 55 47,
44 58 49,
45 61 52
47 59^
48 60
49 61
50 62
51 63,'
52 70^
53 73'
54 84^ 21-
55 85 22 6 5
56 86 23 7 6
58 87 24 8 7
59 88' 25'^
60 90^ r.l^
61 94 r.4 14 13
62 104- 29 1' 1"'
63 2 2
64 3 3
65 4 4
66 5^ 5
67 7?
 B C D G H

68 10 10
69 17'
70 19*'
71 20''
72
73
74
75 11-
76
77 20 9
78 21 10
79 22 11
80 23,^ 12,'
81 25 14
82 28 17
83 11^ 37' 26'
84 38' 27'
85 39' 28^
86 40' 29,
87 41^ 30,
88 43' 32/
89 36' i 14' 46'' 35^
90 45' ii 1^ 4" 53'' 42'
91 ii 2 4'^ 54 43
;: Q c'
92 11 O M
55 44
93 ii4-5 6' 56 45
94 57,-^ 46,^
95
• • Q

II o
O

o
59^ 48^
96 ii 1 1 , 62,^ 51/
97
98
99
100
101
102
103 47

UM = UM 29-15-393
EAE 33-35 EAE 30(31)-32
A ^ ACh. SamaS 10 a = ACh. Sanias'H
B = ACh. 2. SuppI. 36 P = ACk 2. SuppI. 35
C = C/CF9/9, 397-99, pi. 9-10
D = 5a/j.6,125(K.6719) 5 = Bab 15525, VAT 17040, PhBab 1232 (1) obv.''
E = Ba/x3,278(Rm.512) E = ACh. Suppi 31
I. Samaiid
G = ACh. SaniaH 11

1 = 50/7.6, 124 (K.I2675)"

a Note the tinpubiisht-d pieces K.3035 + K.12605 1 + ) K.12675,.st'c Reiner, Fs. Borjjer, 226.
b. IdeiUiticfi l»> Weidner, AfO 22 (1968-1969) 68; see O. Pedersen. Archiiv und liihliotiwken ni lialnjlow. Die Ihntafeln dvr
Grabung Hnlx-rt koldeu:eijs !m)-l9l7, ADOG 25 (Saarbriicken: SDV Saarliindiscbe Druckerei und Verlug, 2005). N18:25. phot.)
p.27f).Hn. 113.
70 MATTHEW T RUTZ
Elamite Khuzistan.'' Nevertheless, the apparent
innovations of the corpus from Susiana may
simply bear witnes.s to lacunae in our knowledge
of the diverse regional scribal norms of Mesopo-
tamian learning in the second millennium. On
this count, Labat and Edzard have suggested that
these hterary texts from Susa may have been based
on Vorlagen imported to Susa from the Diyala
(MDAI 57, p. 7). This view is certainly consistent
with Elam's strategic and commercial interests
in the Diyala at least as early as the OB period.'^"
A scrap of evidence adduced in favor of this
hypothetical route is the similarity in layout
between certain exercise tablets from Susa and
the lentil found in the palace of Bilalama in E.s-
nunna.^^ However, this alleged transmission route
may be too specific or altogether erroneous. Even
UM 29-15-393 (line numbers) MDAI 57, RA 77, jCS 56
SAG.IS (39) — SAG.US
DAB(TAB) (13) DAB
MUL (10-16)
KUR (8-9)
TA (passim) TA
A,GU.ZI,GA (2-5)
SU.HA (13) SU.HA
31. Note also the poorly preserved lunar eclipse omen frag-
ment MDP 18, 258 = V Scheil, "Un fragment susien du livre
Enuma Anu (iki) Ellil," RA 14 (1917) 139-42, re edited by
Rochberg-Halton, AfO Beih. 22, 271. MDP 14, pp. 49-59 ex-
hibits a unique rotation from column to column, but its
orthography is unexceptional.
32. For example, F, Jo;tnnes, "L'etain, de I Elam k Mari,"
in M('^o)X)taime et Elam. eds. L. De Meyer and H. Ga.sche,
RAI 36 / MHEO 1 (Ghe^nt: University of Ghent, 1991), 70-76;
F. Vallat. "LElam a Tepotjuf i)al('o-baby!onienne," in Aiiiumt 1,
ed. J.-M. Durand (Paris: Editions Rt'cherche .sur les Civilisa-
tions, 1996). 313.
33. M. Civil, "A School Exercise from Tell A.smar." StO? 46
(1975) 39-41; N. Veldhuis, "Elementary Education at Nippur.
The Lists of Trees and Wooden Object.^" (PhD diss.. University
of Groningen, I997),39.
so, other factors suggest a Babylonian origin of the
literary traditions from mid-second-millennium
Susa. For instance., some of the technical termi-
nology of extispicy occurs only among omen
sources from OB Mari, Middle Elamite Susa,
and first-millennium Assyria and Babylonia.''* A
common tradition is in evidence, though the re-
spective routes of tt ansmission ;md contexts of use
are quite different. In sum, the unambiguously
Bab\lonian language and content of the scholarly
texts found in Middle Elamite Susiana point to
an ultimate origin somewhere in mid-second-
millennium Mesopotamia proper^'
Many of the scribal conventions from Middle
Elamite Susiana obtain in UM 29-15-393, Diag-
nostic logographic writings include the following;
Normative Omen Corpus Akkadian
(less common)
kayaman u
(SAG.IS)
DAB sabatu
(DAB5)
KUR napahu
ina
(TA)
(A.GU.ZI.GA) Mru
HI.GAR ban I
34. Glassner, ZA 95 (2005) 281-90, 297. J.-M. Durand and
L. Marti. '"Les textes h^patoscopiciues d'Etnar (I)," ]A 292 (2004)
1-5. reject the notion of Babylonian "missionary .seriljes" tran.s-
tnitting Mesopotaminn ideology (i.e., hepatoscopy) we.st into
Syria and assert the primacy of Amorite divination traditions
in Mari. They argue that fundamentally local traditions fed
sites such as Emar, thus keeping Old Syrian di\ ination collee-
tions alive. However, Durand and Marti make no attempt to
account for the striking similarities in the tfchnical vcx'.iliulary
found in both Mari and Susa.
35. The other texts from the Su.sa ciithe also have their
origin.s in Babylonian tradition. MDAI .i7, 2 is a Sumero-
Akkadian bilin^jual incantation, and MDA] 57, 11 is a frag-
mentary Akkadian magico-medical text. The bilingual MDAI
57, 1 is unique as a post-OB manuscript of the Royal Corre-
spondence of Ur. Piotr Michalowski will discuss the myriad
textual diHicnIties particular to that source in his forthcoming
edition, a preliminary draft of which he generously made
availabie to me.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
-UTU (passim) •^UTU
••UTU-^1/(10-16) — A§.ME
30.4(ES-^DIS/DIS) (37,41) ''en-Iil // ''KURGAL
SE (passim) SE
3.20 (passim) 3.20
2.30
GU^(SiLA)/GIS'(55) UGU
GINy-ma MU-sw (38,45,48,91) GIN7-H10 MU-sw
The syllabary ol' UM 29-15-393 shares some,
but not all of the peculiarities found in the corpus
from Susiana. The dental stop /ti/ i.s written DJ
(line 22); /te/ is once written TE (line 41); /tu/ is
written TU (lines 26, 64).''" The velar stop KI is
used for /gi/ (line 34); KU represents /gu/ (line 34);
GT§ perhaps has a value /kis/ (line 6). The labial
/pa/ is ont-e written BA (lino 31). The sibilant SA
is employed to write /sa/ (lines 8, 9, 12, 17, 30,
35, 81), though SA is also used (line 10).*'' SI is
employed (lines 27, 28) alongside SI (lines 15, 19)
for /si/. ZI is employed to write botb /si/ (line 44)
and /si/ (line 49). Aside from the po.ssible value
/kiji/ for GIS, other CVC values include /par/
written BAR (lines 12, 30, 35) and /kap/ written
KAB (line 16). Ambiguous CVm writings also
occur: /tam/written UD (lines 10', 21, 30, 35).
"Akkad" is written once URI (line 18) and twice
with the unusual metathesis a-de-ga^' (lines 32,
43). In addition to metathesis, other scribal errors
include dittography (line 9), omis.sion (lines 9^
39), cramped writings above (line 14) and below
(line 11) the line of text, other miscalculations of
spacing (line 105), and graphic errors motivated
by the similaritv of distinct sign forms (lines
27, 31,56,96j. Mimation is sporadic: in a handful
of instances it is unquestionably retained (lines
8, 9, 15); in others it is ambiguous (lines 12, 21.
36. Cf. Rochlierp, FK. iA'ichty. 342-
37 See also L. Maloiis, Review of MDAl 57, OLZ 75
(1980) 474.
71
20 SamaS
''UTU
mmsatu
'^*en-ltl Enlil
(^•50)
DiS ana
(SE)
LUGAL sarru
(3.20)
GU rifi^m u
(GIS, UGU)
(KI)MIN (ditto)
SUBI.AS.AM
35, 46); in still others, by far tbe majority, it is
apparently lost (lines 6, 7, 10-12, 14-17, 19, 39,
44,81,82),""
Regrettably the colopbon of UM 29-15-393
records neither tbe date on wbich the text was
copied, nor information about the scribe, and, as
noted above, the data pertaining to the tablets
oiiginal archaeological context are lost. There-
fore, any hypothesis as to this tablets chrono-
logical placement binges on internal criteria:
orthography, paleography, tablet typology, and
grammar, Orthography is in many respects the
most readily measurable index. As noted already
above, the logographic repertoire, syllabary, and
colophon point to a connection with Susa. Both
UM 29-15-393 and the Su.siana corpus employ
more logographic writings tban expected in
textual material from the .second millennium,'^**
and logograms are .similarly rather common in the
corpus of late OB extispicy omen compendia.'"' The
sotn'ces are admittedly few, but the situation witb
OB cele.stial omens appears to be inconsi.stent:
some tablets are generally syllabic;"" others
38. Note the roniment by Labat, MDAl 57, p. 7.
39. MDA/5Zp.7.
40. U. jpyes. Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the
British Museum, PIHANS 64 (Leideni Nederiamis Instilmit
voor hel Nabije Oosten, 1989). 5-6. 12-14.
41. .ARM 26/1, 248; W. Horowitz. "Astra! Tablet.s in the
Hennitajj;e. Saint Petersburg;' ZA 90 (2000) 203-6, Text III,
the so-i'alled "Silejko Tablet."
72 MATTHEW T RUTZ
employ relatively more logographic writings.'*^
At the other end of the spectrum, the charac-
teristic orthography in EAE is predominately
logographic.^' The writing of month names in
UM 29-15-393 (lines 32, 39, 47, 54, 69, 76, 83,
90, 97) is consistent with the longer logographic
Kassite paradigm that contintted into the reign
of Kadasman-Turgu Ua. 1281-1264 B.c:.), when
abbreviated logographic vt'ritings became more
common,^^ Paleography is more problematic, since
a soientitic paleographic sequence for cuneiform
bas long been a desideratum, and the precise
placement of undated scholarly tablets remains
perilous at best. The difficulties of evaluating
paleographic archai.sm, conservatism, and inno-
vation are evident in the scattered, largely
impressionistic literature on mid- to late-second-
millennittm school texts. For example, the obser-
vations on signs such as KUR/"' RU,^'' NE and
KA^' are illustrative.'*^ With these rough indices,
the forms of KUR and RU in UM 29-15-393 are
older, KA is not diagnostic, and in two instances
NE (lines 43,47} is decidedly Kassite/-' Similarly,
42, Dietricb, WZKM 86 (1996): Rocbberg. F,v, Leichtij. 342;
note iiiso BM 97210. un iinpnblisbcd OB imfi^idda fontiiining
nine solar und mctecudlonical omens, collated hoin photo-
grapbs kindly supplied by.Ion Taylor of tbe Britisb Miiseiini.
43, For a li.st of <riticaleditions of tbe published .sectinn,s of
EAE, see S. M. Maul, "Oininii und Onikel. A. Me.sopotamien,"
RIA \{) (2003) 52-53; add now E, Reiner with D, Pinjjrff. Bidnj-
lonian Planetary Oinen.s. Part -t. CM 30 (Leiden: Brill. 2005),
44, MSKI! I, 397-401. However, Brinkman notes that the
use of the earlier Kassite forms persisted well into tbe Brst
millennium,
45, J, S, Cooper. The Rettirn of Nhiurta to Nippur. AnOr 52
(Rome; Pontitieiiim Institiitum Biblicum. 1978), 32; N, Veklluii.s.
•'Kassite Exercises; t^iterary and Lexical Extracts," JCS 52
(2000) 70-71, The handwriting of N 6286 (Cooper, AnOr 52,
pi, 14. MS Aa) is remarkabh similar to that of UM 29-15-393.
46, J, J, A. van Dijk in VS 24. p. ,5, Tt must be noted that the
tablet is a Late Babylonian copy.
47, Cooper. AnC)r 52. 32.
48, Tn his edition of VS 24. 91. van Dijk is less sanguine
about the possibility of any ditfcn'utiation hetween OB
and Kassite ductus, see J, J. A, van Dijk, Die dynastischen
Heiraten zwischen Kassiten und Elamern; eine verhangnis-
volle Potitik," Or/VS55 (1986) 160,
49, Provisionally, NE appears to be a particularly promising
diagnostic of Kassite script. Note tbe following (all eoUatedl;
CRS 13517:1-3,56 (Buma-Buria.s21/I\722, Nippur), edited by
the formal elements of tablet typology are of
limited use in the present instance, since MB
oomparanda are so few. It must also be noted that
UM 29-15-393 is a copy of an original whose lay-
out is unknown. However, it is worth mentioning
that all of the tablets in the Susa omen corpus are
single-column except for MDAI 57, 6.'" Finally,
because of the preponderance of logographic
writings in the present tablet, it is diffi{ ttit to
de,scribe the text s grammar with any historical
perspective. The sole possible indicator is the
verb form his-fa-al-pd^-a\t\ (line 31), which does
not evidence the possible MB sbift /-st-/ > /-It-/;
however, there are instances where this expec ted
shift does not occur,'' In sum, the tablets from
Susiana set a plausible teiminus jx)st quern for
UM 29-15-393, and that corpus ought to have been
copied and depcwited in the third quarter of the
second millentiium. The standardized series EAE
probably began to take sbape at the very end of
the second millennium and thus furnishes an
equally plausible, if eqttally blurred terminus ante
cjuem.
Context and Significance
There is remarkably little evidence of learned
cuneiform .scribal culture moving from the pe-
t iphery back to Me.sopotamia projieT' iti an\ pericnl.
It is sometimes possible to discern the phases
through which the exportation of cuneiform
occurred, such as evidence from the mid-second-
millennium western periphery,"'' hut the fact
E R Knius, ••Mittelli:ib\l(niLscbe Opferscbaupn)tokolle." JCS 37
(1985) 147-50; MB lih m S 12/1. 18:23. 28, 34 (CIJS 4595) and
PBS 12/1, 17:4 (CBS 4598); and the MB collection of prescrip-
tions for renal ailments BAM 396 passim {CBS 19801), edited
by M, J, Celler. Renal and Rectal Disease Te.xt.s. BAM VII
(Berlin: Walter He Grtiyter, 2005), 32-41. No, I. MS A,
50, MDAI 57. p, 3,
51, GAC' §30g. Note iis-tal-pa-at \n BM 121034 rev, 14',
Rochberg-Halton, AfO Beib, 22, 276, 279 photo: UH-tal-pi-it in
RIMA 1, A.0,77.2:13 and A,0.77,3:12 (Shalmane.ser I),
52, In every instance tbis process seems to have heen com-
plex, involving multiple phases. Note the following reeent
discussions, whieb cite the relevant previous literature:
(TJattusa) D. Schwemer, "Ein akkadischer 1 jeheszaiiber aus
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
remains that peripheral recensions of various core
compositions were ultimately products of uni-
directional ctiltiiral flow. Subsequent scribal use
and reinterpretation of this imported material
in its new contexts simultaneously preserved,
adapted, and at times corrupted the received
traditions. Because these textual traditions were
the residue of specific local bureaucratic and
ideological needs and practices, there was little
reason for peripheral recensions to re-enter the
so-called "stream of tradition," even when his-
torical and cultural conditions made it possible.
Although rare, traces of such centripetal move-
ment are, however, occasionally encoded in the
colophons and orthography of certain texts.
The MB falcon-omen compendium BM 108874
(absorbed into the composite copy CT'i(\ 48-49}
dates to the reign of Me!i-Sipak (ca. 1186-1172
B.c:.)'^ and is described in its colopbon as GABA.RI
KUR SU.BIR4'" iCT 40, 49).''-^ Several centuries
later, a NB copy of the prologue to CH was stored
in tbe Samas Temple Library in Sippar, and this
source traces its pedigree to the stele taken as
y ZA 94 (2tH)4) 75-79; (Emar) Y O)hen, "Kidin-Gula-
The Foreign Tearhcr al the Emar Scribal Scliool," RA 98 (2004)
81-100; <•{•. Durand and Maiti, }A 92 (2004} 1-61, psp. 1-5;
(Unaritl W, H. van Soldi, '"Babylonian Lexical, Re'lifjions and
Literary Tc\\s and Scribal Kducation at Ugaiil and its Impli-
cations for the Alphabetic Literary Texts" in Ugant: Ein ost-
nieditetranes Ktdtin'zentrum itn Alten Orient. Er^ehiiisse
und Perspfktiveti dei' Forschmig. Band /.- Vgarit und seine
attoriciUatisehf Uniu^^lt, ed.s. M. Dirtrich and (). Loretz,
ALASI'M 7 (Minister; Ufiarit-Veriag, 19951. 171-212; d.W. H.
van Solfit, "The Ortliotiniphy of Ugaritic Words in Texts Written
by tilt' Assyriaii Scribe Naljis-.salmnr in E.v Mc.-iojiotainia ct
Syria Lux: I'fstsrhrift fiir Manfricd Dietrich zu sci)icm fiS.
Celmrtsta}!,. fds. O, Loret/.. K, A. Met/ler, ;UKI H. Schaiidig,
AOAT 281 (Minister; URarit-Verlag, 2002), 685-97.
53. MSKI1 1, 25fi; J. A. Brinkman, "Meli-Sipak: RlA 8
(1993)52.
54. H. Hunger, Babi/lonisclw und assyrischc Kolophone.
AOAT 2 (Kevelaer; Veriag Hiitzon & Hercker; Neukirchen-
Vluyn; Neiikircliener Veriag des Erziehinigsverelns, 1968),
34, No. 65. The tablet is evidently a Inter eopy; the script is
idetitihed us Neo-Assyrian by J. .\. Hrinknian, Administration
and Society in Kassite Babylonia,"" JAOS 124 (2004) 293; how-
ever, the ductu,s of the colophon (e,g,. the Babylonian IN sign
of IN.SAR) is ".somewhat le.ss A.s.syrian"' than that of the text,
see Rochberg-Halton. AfO Beib. 22. 26 n. 44.
73
booty to Susa.^^ Later still, the rather lengthy ;ui(l
unusually detailed colophon of the Hellenistic
temple ritual 71'38 [Race. 62-65,74-86) describes
how the Urukean incantation-priest Kidin-Anu,
descendant of Ekur-z5kir, discovered ritual tablets
in Elam, subsequently copied them, and even-
tually brought them back to Uruk/' Such tolo-
phons are the exception,
From an alternative perspective, it is also some-
times possibie to infer the pedigree of a manu-
script tradition by examining orthography." A
salient case study of this approach involves the
first part of EAE 22/''* the orthographic peculiari-
ties of which are well known.''' In an attempt
to account for certain aberrant features of this
section, Walter Farber suggested tbat the orthog-
raphy of EAE 22 Part I could be traced to Late
Assyrian scholars" knowledge of sci ibal traditions
from Susa.''" Witbout dec isive e\'ideiu e Fai her was
understandably vague about the period and means
of transmission, but the implication seems to be
that the transfer between Susiana and Assyria de-
veloped in tbe first millennium. This view would
55. A. Fadhil, "Der Prolog des Codex Hammiirapi in einer
Abscbrift aus Sippar," in XXX/V'""' Renamtrv A.ssyriolof^itjue
Internationale. fi-H) Jnly I9H7, ed.s. H. Erkanal, V Donbaz,
and A. Ugurr^hi (Ankara: Tiirk Turib Kiinimu hasimi'\i, 1998),
717-29. pis. 211-13.
56. Hunger, .AO.AT 2.6-7. 46. No. 107; M.J. I \. Linssen, The
Cults oj Uruk and Babylon: The Tcnipli- iiitiial Texts as Evi-
dence for IkllenisHc Cult Practice. CM 25 (Leiden; Brill, 20(t4),
172-83. witb previous literatine. Curiously, this same Kidin-
Anu, descendant of Ekur-zSkir, was tbe father Anu-aha-usiibSi,
tbe owner of one oi' tbe maiuiscripts of EAE 33 from Uruk
(t-ZCF9/9, pi. 10:10'. following Weidner, A/022 |196S-i969|
68 II. 13).
57. E.g., W. H. van Soldt, Studies in the Akkadian of V^firit:
Datinti and CranimaK .AOAT 40 (Kcvelaer; Veriag But/on &
Berckcr; Neukircben-Vlu\'n: Nenkircbener Veriag, 19911, 365-
82. compares the orthography of the older Akkadian texts
from Ugarit with tbat of tbe Amarna letters of Tusratta iEA
17-30. excluding EA 22 and 25) and concludes that Mittani is
a pkiusiiile origin of some of tbe ortbographic ]>ei'uliarilies
attested early on in Ugarit.
58. Rochherg-HaltOTi. AK) Beib. 22. 251-72.
59. Already noted by K, K \V( klner, "Die astrologische Serie
Enuma Ann Knlil," Aft) 17 (1954-1956) 87
60. W. Farber, "Zur Orthograpbie von EAE 22: N(-ue Les-
ungen und Versuch einer Deutung," in Die Rolle der Astrono-
nw' iu den Kiiltutefi Me.sofH)tatniens, ed. H. D Gaiter, GMS 3
(Craz.: GrazKult, 1993). 247-57 esp. 253-54,
74 MATTHEW T. RUTZ
certainly be consistent with the history of complex,
if often hostile exchanges between Assyria and
Elam in that period,"' For instance, an undated
letter by the scholar Marduk-sapik-zeri to the king
(Esarhaddon) extolled the skills and royal appeal
of another scholar who bad come to Assyria from
Elam with mastery of extispicy, celestial divina-
tion, ancient Sumerian .sdfu-literature, and other
esoterica,^" Tbe evidence for programmatic tablet
collecting during the reign of Ashurbanipal would
also provide n plausibie mechanism and thus
buttress the case for textual transmission in the
first millennium.'^'^ However, despite direct Neo-
Assyrian involvement with Elam, the preserved
colophons of the sources for EAE 22 point to
Babylonia, not Susa.'^'' Even more problematic is
the fact that several centuries separate the texts
from Middle Elamite Susiana and Sargonid
Assyria, and no intermediary material has so far
been found that migbt bave bridged the space and
time between these distinct corpora,
Even if the mechanism of transfer has thus far
remained opaque, there are other hints of Middle
Elamite redactional activity infiltrating into first-
millennium Babylonian astrological scholarship.
Although the Middle Elamite calendrical scheme
is nowhere evident in UM 29-15-393, curiously it
was employed to write month names in a handful
of later compositions.^^ Eor instance, months VIII
61. See M. W. Waters, "A Letter from Ashurbanipal to the
Elders of Elam (BM 1329S()):;CS.54 (2002) 79-8(),with pre-
vious literature.
62. SAA 10, 160 rev. 1-3. For this letter and furlher inci-
dental contaet, see M. W. Waters, A Survey of Neo-Elamite
History, SAAS 12 (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyritin Text Corpus
Project. 2000). 99, with n. t20.
63. G. Frame and A, R. George, "The Royal Lihrtiries of
Nineveh: New Evidence for King Ashiirbanipal's Tablet Col-
lecting," Iraq 67 (2005) 265-84 (- KM 49/2).
64. One source- originated in Babylon and another was
copied from J writing board of Bahylnnian provenience,
Rochberg-Halton, AfO Beih. 22, 270, MSS J arui P.
65. Farber, CMS 3, 253-54. For the Middle Elamite calen-
dar, see E. Reiner, "Inscription from n Royal Elamite Tomb,"
A/024 (1973) 97-102: P. Herrero and J.-J. ckssner, -Haft-Tepe:
choix de textes II," irAnt 26 (1991) 79-80. As Reiner notes,
the Babylonian equivalenis of Elamite MNs arc given in the
first-millennium handbook of astrological phenomena and
misceiUmea, the so-called "deal Star List." <'onveniently re-
produced in Koch-Westenholz, CNI 19, 200:257-69.
and IX occur in a small NB celestial omen frag-
ment from Nippur, AS 17, No. 33 (9 NT 20 = A
32331), which pertains to Ventis,''*' Even more tell-
ing is the use of Elamite month names in tbe last
six sections of EAE 28(29), which bear as a head-
ing the unusual rubric Su-ur-ri ''UTU it ''lSKUR EN
ih-z\i\.'" The occurrence of this rul)ric is unique
in EAE and appears to indicate that the text was
transmitted with some learned commentary.'^ In
the critical edition van Soldt translates the phrase;
"Beginning of (the section on) Sumas and Adad,
including the scholia?''' Since tbe final six sections
of tablet 28(29) deal with morning solar halos
itarlxi.'iu) and associated cloud banks imdu), at first
glance the rubric appears to relate directly to the
specific astrological contents of tbe omens that
follow. However, tbe only other attestation of tbe
same rubric is found among five of tbe omen
compendia from Middle Elamite Susa."" Labat
originally read the phrase as a personal name, but
there is good reason to doubt his interpretation."'
Piotr Michalowski has recently suggested that the
various formulations of tbe expression are actually
headings tbat supply a shorthand for the Susa
tablets' contents: "Ifs" of Sama.s (and Adad)," in
other words, "omens" in a generLiI sense.^" Sucb
headings were written on the upper edge of the
Susa tablets, presumably to allow the scribe to
discern the tablets' contents witb only a glance
66. See R. D. Biggss comments in AS ] 7 ]). 13.
67 EAE 28(29) 78. see van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 103, MSS B
and C. Only months I-VI are preserved in EAE 28(29) 79, 84,
89, 94, 99. 104, see pp. 92, 103-8.
68. For preliminary remarks on the ancient commentaries
to EAE, see E. Frahm, "Ro\ al Hermeneiitit s: Observations on
the Commentaries from .\shurhanipars Libraries at Nineveh,"
Iraq 66 (2004) 48-49 (= RAI 49/1).
69. van Soldt, PIHANS 73. 92. uith 1 11. MS Ch;6'-8'. an
ancient commentary that signiticanlly iiitlui need the modern
translations: CADS/3 358a does not cominil to an interpreta-
tion of adi iltzi.
70. MDA/57, p. 3.
71. E.g., see D. Sehwemer, Die Wetter^ottgeHtalteu Meso-
pntamicns und Nordsyrien.s im 7.eitalter dir Keilschnftkul-
tureti: Materialicn und Studicii nach den .scliriftlielii'u Qnellen
(Wieshaden: Harra.ssowitz Verlag, 2001), 427-28.
72. P Michalowski. "The S(ribe(s) of MDAl 57 Susa
Omens?." NABV 2006/41, 39-40.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
at the basket or shelf where they were kept^^ An
analogous rubric from Susa appears on the upper
edge of a compendium of physiognomic omens:
SAC.MES-/IJ = resC'tu.'^ Therefore, it is possible
that the last six sections of EAE 28(29) following
Surri Sama.^ u Adad adi ihzi were part of the
same tradition as the h\ pothetical forerunner to
EAE 22 WxxX 1. This h\pothetical .sonrce tTia\- ha\e
born tbe rubric employed in Susa, &wri Samas u
Adad, which later Babylonian/As.syrian redactors
and copyists mistakenly adopted as a pureK' a.stro-
logical heading. Other indications support this
hypothesis. The omens in EAE 28(29) 78-108 do
not thematically connect with the omens in the
tablets tirst six sections, which deal with various
solar color phenomena or anquUu "glow."'' The
Middle Elamite writing 3.20 = sarru also appears
in one manti.script of ElAE 28(29) 82-83, though
naturally this wiiting was in use elsewhere as
well.'" In addition, the fact tbat only six months
are pre.served suggests tbat tbe original .source
manuscript may have been an extract or fragment
Finail\, the contents of EAE 28(29) 78-108 would
have tit better in EAE 29(30). Perhaps it made
mote sen.se to add material at the end of tbe pre-
vious tablet, i.e., EAE 28(29), and thus create a
thematic bridge. If the contents of EAE 29(30)
had already been established and were thus stable
at tbat time, it would have proven difficult to inte-
grate the omens of Elamite origin.
73. Noted inde|K'ndi'ntl\' hy Schwomcr,
428. C)(' anirsc, the prolitem of orjjiuiizing of runciiorm tablets small agate tablet from Nippttr, C^BS 8598, con-
is hardl\- uniqur to thi.s tontext. For instance, nole Ihc OB in-
ventory (.'/•J7'5, 86, which refers to various literary nnd lexical
extracts' order in a basket, see Charpin. Clcrne d'Vr. 453-55;
and thetirst-milleiuiiiniicollections of ineantation iiicipits LUid Kassite Akkadian votive inscription of Kurigalzu
nibrics di.scussed by M. J. Geller, "lncipits and Hiibrics," in
WtsdoHi. Q)rf.s and IJterattire: Studies in Assyrioli^y in Honour
of W. G. iMtnbert.. eds. A. R. George and I. L. Finkel (Winona galzu dedicated tbe object to Ninlil after he had
Lake: Eisenbraun.s, 20001. 225-58.
74. MDAI 57. 8 up. ed., pi. XI, where the caption nuist be
wrung.
75. van Soldt. PIHANS 73,92. The onlv cnmmon rli inent is
the (M'currencc tif the various phenomena at sunrise. It is woiih
reiterating van Soldt s observation (p. 92) that 28(29) is the onl\
tablet in EAE 23(24)-29(30) for which the total niunber of
omens is known.
76. van Soldi. PIHANS 73, 104, MS B:65'-66', cf. the later
entries 87, 88,90, 91.« hi. h are written LUCAL.
75
In sum, the unplaced fragment AS 17. No. 33
and tbe final six sections of EAE 28(29) likely
circulated in tbe same milieu as EAE 22 Pait 1,
Taken as a whole, this corpits hints at a complex
dynamic of textual transmi.ssion.
Because of both its colophon and its orthog-
raphy, UM 29-15-393 now provides a iiui(|ue
intermediary in precise!) this ptocess of textual
transmission between Babylonia and Susiana.
The manuscript tradition behind UM 29-15-393
originated in southern Me.sopotamia. most likely
iti the early to mid-second milletmium, atid was
then transmitted to Kbuzistan. Regardless of tbe
specific tran.smission route, the traditions gestation
in Susa resulted in a variant orthography that was
evidently not promulgated in late-OB or MB
scribal centers in Babylonia proper. Tbe Vorlage
of UM 29-15-393 subsequently returned to Baby-
lonia, wbere the pre.sent manusciipt was copied
as part of some currictilar, archival, or ideological
program. A hyiwthetical, second-millennium fore-
runner to EAE 22 Part I, which also had its ot igins
in the standard loci of learning in Me.sopotamia
proper,'^ probably followed a similarly circuitous
rottte from Babylonia to Susiana and back. Of
cour.se, the subsequent movement of cuneiform
literature from Babylonia to Assyria is more
amply documented and analyzed.^**
Numerous connections between Babvlonia
and Elatn in the late-second millennium hint
at possible vectors for tbe transmission of Baby-
lonian learning from Susa back to the urban
centers of southern Mesopotamia. For example, a
tains an Ur III Sumerian votive inscription of
Sulgi's mother S\.A-fuii} oti the obverse''" and a
on tbe reverse."" The latter recounts how Kuri-
conquered the palace of the cit\' of SV/-r/-.sr/'' (Sitsa?)
77. Sec Rochbern. Fs. Lcichti/, 345.
78. E.g., J. C Fincke. "Tbe Babylonian Tests of Nineveh.
on the British Museums Ashurbanipal Libniry Projet'C
AfO 50 (2003-2004) 111-49.
79. B£;i/!,15 = R/ME3/2.1.2.6(i.
80. BE 1/1. 43. cataloged in MSKU 1.223.0.2.63,
76 MATTHEW T. RUTZ
in Elam.^' Further nodes in the political history
of this pericxl include possible dynastic marriages
that connected tbe ruling houses of Kassite Baby-
lonia and Tgihalkid Elam (VS 24, 91),"- tbe
Sutrukid incursions that devastated southern
Mesopotamia,**^ and the conquest of Elam claimed
by Nebucbadne/zar I (e.g., BBS 24; VS 24, 87).'"
Einally, although the data are meager, there is
some additional evidence for trade between Meso-
potamia and Iran in the latter half of tbe second
millennium.'*'^
Against this eolotful background, UM 29-15-393
represents a textual line that failed to propagate
in the first millennium, a textual dead end that was
not incorpotated into the late-second-millennium
textual standardization of Mesopotamian scholarly
literature. In terms of the larger context., tbe cata-
log of diagnostic and pbysiognomic omens CTW4,
71 (// BM 41237+)^'' provides significant evidence
about the standardization process in this period.
The remarkable colophon of this text recounts
81. See MSKH 1,61, C.6,2.
82. Edited by van Dijk. Or/VS 5.5 (1986). Unlike Ibe Roval
C^orrpspoiidence' of Ur, whicb coheres well as a corpus and
object of study, see V. Hiiber, "La CoiTcspoiidance Royalf (iTir,
un corpus apocryphe," ZA 91 (20()li 169-206, the Utr Bahy-
lonian copies of Akkadian roval letters have not re'c<-i\'ed
systematic analysis. There is considerable debate as to the
historical worth of VS 24, 91 and analogous material. Recent
research has witnessed approaches to VS 24,91 that are maxi-
malist (Steve, Vallat, and Gasche, DBSupp. 13/73 |2002| 459,
465; D. X Potts, "Elamites and Kassites in the Persian Gull',"
JNES 65 120061 111-19. with previous literatiirel and mini-
malist (Brinkman.y.AOS 124 12004] 292). A cirrumsi>ect \'iew is
warranted, but it is at least plausible that the basis of VS 24,
91 was an authentic royal letter from the late-second millen-
nium, see E. Frahm. "On Some Recenlly Published Late Baby-
lonian Copies of Royal Letters," NABU 2005/43. 44.
83. Potts, Archaeology of Elam. 233-37.
84. Gf. A. R. George. Review of VS 24. BiOr 46 {1989) 382-
83; Potts. Archaeolo'^y of Elam. 252-55. Perhaps cuneiform
tablets were amonp the makkuvii that Nebuchadnezzar I re-
portedlv plundered from Elam, as indicated at Ihe end of the
so-called Silti-Mardiik kudurrn. RIMB 2, B.2.4.13:43.
85. E, Garter, "Elamite Exports," in Contribution a Ihi.stoirc
de t'Iraii: Melanges offerts a Jean Fcrrot. ed. F. Vallat (Paris:
F.ditions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1990), 98.
86. Edited by I. L Finkel, "Adad-apb-iddin;i, Esagil-kin-apli,
and the Series SA.GIG," in A Scientific Jlumanist: Studies in
Memorij of Abraham Sachs, fds. E. V Leichty. M. dej. Ellis, and
P Crt-rardi^ OPSNKF 9 (Philadelphia: The University Museum,
19881, 143-59.
bow Esagii-kin-apli, wmnanu in tbe time of Adad-
apla-iddina (1068-1047 B.C.), created editions of
the series SA.GIG and Alanidiininu from confused
manuscripts tbat were "like "twisted threads' that
bad no duplicates,""' Significantly, tliis same E.sagil-
kin-apli is preserved as the putative compiler of
EAE according to manuscripts of the Exorcists
Manual {KAR 44) from Assur and Sippar^'^ This
assertion is consonant with the limited internal
data that point to the standardization of EAE
sometime in the second half of the second millen-
nium.^'' For instance, a BurTia-Buria.s is mentioned
in ACh. Samas 13;61,'"' and one manuscript of
EAE 20 rec. B was copied from a w rititig board
dated to the eleventh year of Adad-apla-iddina.^'
Moreover, there is evidence of broader interest
in astrological scholarship in Kassite and post-
Kas.site Babylonia,^^ In such a context UM 29-15-
393 would have stood out as signiticant, at once
familiar and exotic.
We may never know why scholarly material
from Susiana was included or exc luded during the
course of the textual transmission and standard-
87. Finkel, Gs. Sachs. 148-50. The simile GIN7 GU.MES
'GILMKS sa' GAIM.R1' NU TUKi: {CTN 4. 71 rev, 9) is remi-
niscent of the metaphor used to praise Enlil's cleverness in the
OB hymn ''cn-lil siVni-se (Etilit A): gu-gu gilim-ma igi nu-piid-
dfe-dam "twisted threads the e\'e cannot follow" {Etdil A 131-
33, J. A. Black et al.. The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian
Li?fra/Hmhttp://etc,sl.orinst.o.x.ac.uk/(Oxford 1998-1,4.(15.1:133;
ref. courtesy J. L. Peterson).
88. Celler, Fs. Umh'rt. 242-51:27,39. MSS A and d. See also
M. J. Celler, "^Astrononn and Authorship," BSOAS 53 (1990)
212-13.
89. Cf. Gehlken, BaM 36 (2005) 244,
90. AAT 55:21', Sm.2189 rev., rikis g/rW; W<-idner, AfO 14
(1941-1944) 176;MSKH1. 1I7,K.3.1O.
91. Rochberg-Halton, AfO Beih. 22, 216, MS S:58.
92. A.sidefrom FKS2/2.123 and Ni, 1856 already mentioned
alxive, there i.s the MB manu.scri]>t of Astrokibe Ii from Babylon
VS24, 120 // KA\''218, .see VV. Horowitz, Meso]Hitaimau Cosmic,
Geofiraphtj. MC 8 (Winona Lake; Eiscnbriiuns, 1998). 154-
66. HS 1897 is a star-catalog nianu.script from MB Nippur, see
J. Oelsner and W. Horowitz, -The 30-star Gatalogue HS 1897
and the Late Parallel liM 55502:' A/044-45 (1997-1998) 176-
85. HS 245 records computations of stellar di.stances, see
Horowitz, MC 8, 177-82 and J. Koch, "Neue Uberlegungen zu
einigen a.strologischen nnd astronomischen Keilschrifttexten,"
JCS 53 (2001) 69-73. Note also the historical allusions pre-
served in SAA 8, 158:9-rev.5 and SAA 10, 10():rev, 6-11. see
Koch-Westenholz, CNI 19,41.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 77

izatiou of the EJ\E tradition in its various recen-
sions, 111 tlic case of EAE 22 Part I we currently
have only tho end result of that pro( ess. The best
available manttscripts of EAE 22 Part I were,
therefore, probably among the texts that were
transmitted via Susiana in the late-second millen-
nitiin. On the otir band, UM 29-15-393 now points
decisively to that transmission route. On the otber
band, UM 29-15-393 also speaks to what was lost
in the course of standardization. This particular
"twisted thread" was not woven into tbe fabric of
EAE because better, i.e,, more recognizably Baby-
lonian manuscripts of solar omens were at tbe
compilers' disposal. Nevertbeless, UM 29-15-393
demonstrates that it is reasonable to expect that a
transitional, setond-millennium source for the tra-
dition Ijehind EAE 22 Part I niav one (lav be lountl.

UM 29-15-393
Note: scribal marginalia are transc ribed as superscripts to differentiate them from the main text; in the
translation uncertain passages are rendered in italics.

Obv.
1 iDIS ''UTU I I 1
2 [DIS''UTU (o) k.CVZlC\A-am-ma u\ \
3 [DIS ''UTU (o) k.G\]ZlG]A-am-ma it ka-l\i\ 'UD '"^MARTU GIN' | |
4 [DI§ ''UTU {o)|'AVG[U.Z|I.GA-a»(-n(« // ka-li UD '"'MAR.TU GIN | j
5 [DIS "'UTU (o)['x xi A.C\J.Z\.CA-am-ma a-di-ir ZI,GA [ j
6 [DIS 'UTU UD r\i-qa TA pi-it-ni GIN-»(« sa kiS^(GlS}-sa-ti a-di-ir U\N-su 'xi|()|
7 [DIS '^UT[U 'UDi ri-qa a-di-ir KUR TUR-i[r[
8 [DIS ''[UTU TA KVR'Su sa-hi-lja-am GEg-ma a-ri-im SEG^flMAAN) NU fGAL^
9 [DIS[ ""UTU TA KUR-,s'(( sabi^urani SIGy «MA» a-ri-ini SEG AN-t' PI LA AD
10 |DIS 2i ""UTU-^K MUL-»(fl sa^ga-.sa-lu i.GAUMES KUR-to/n
11 IDIS 3 ''UlTU-^w MUL ZAH URU^' ha-ra-ab DINGIRMES ; SUB.BA / A.DAM-'pi
12 IDIS 4 ''UT|U-^(/ MUL 3,20 SE 3.20 Km-tani i-Sa-\pd\r
13 I 3|.'2O' TA E.GAL-,v» IDIM.MES SU,HA-.s» DUMU GEME E.GAL GUZA DAB
14 |DI§ 5 ''UT[U-/H MUL ne'eii-mu-da-a URU^' sti-ii SE ERIN ^^'^^'" 3 MU.KAM it ITI.4.KAM'

15 [DIS 6 ''UT|U-/» MUL mu-si-ti SES-um SES-am KUR-/r

16 ^''^\\jT\V-t\u\MVLrVS-ibkap-ri GUZA
17 [3.2)0 KUR-.s» BAL-.vu-m^ TA NIGIN-// '' sa BA.[U[G7

18 I DIS ''UTU T|A '"BA[R|A[,iZAG''<.GAR> UD.l.KAM a-di-ir 3,20 URI BA,UG7

19 DIS UD.9 a-d \i lO.KAM a-di-i\r ba-ar-tu i,GAL-,§f
20 DIS UDII.KAM ^a^-\di-ir (o)l'x' N|E[ TU TUR-ir
21 DIS UD.13.KA|M a-di-ir 3.20 ta\'r\i-d]u-tam GIN-afe
22 DIS UDl '4' [.KAM a-di-ir K1.LAM[ 1GUR i-nta-at'fi
23 DIS UD,1[6.KAM «-f/i-/rMAS,|ANSE,MES TAKURSUB-N/
24 DIS U[D,2I.KAM a-di-ir\ ^ hara-ab A.DAM-c

2511 D|IS ''UTU TA '"GU4,[S[1 UD.1.KA[M a-di-ir Zl.GAfX'[ I

26 DilSUD.9.KAM[rt-dHr ub-bu-tu 'I.GAL'.ME§
27 D[ISUD.l|l.KAMfl-(/Mr(Nl) KUSy IN.NU TA [KURfl.GAL-si'
28 DI|SU|D,13.KAM«-f/w> hu-sa'lj\u TA KUH[ 'I'.GAL-.^/'
78 MATTHEW T RUTZ

29 DIS [Uai|4.KAM a-di-ir S|E1G.MES [TAAN-£']i.LA.E-/n

30 D|IS UD.liaKAM a-di-ir a2[0 S]E 3.20 KU[RI-^|om i-§\a-pdr
SI |DIS UD.211.KAM a-di-ii-(Nl) KI EDIN hiHa-al-p(V-alf\

32 111 [DIS ''UTU] TA '''SIG4.A UD.1.KIAM a-di-ir\

33 \D\SVD.9.K\AM a-di-ir
34 KUR gur-j-ti-i ra-a^-^ir^ GA|L-.s(|
35 |DISUD,13.KAMa-t//l-ir 3.20 SE 3.20 KUR-/a»( i-sa-p\dr\
36 IDIS UD.14.KAM a-di-\irSEG T[A! A.ZI.GA IDIM 1.LA.E|-/H1
37 |DISUD.16.KAMa-(/H|r 30.4 te-re-etKVn KUR 'xil(o)l
38 IDIS UD.21.KAM «-(//-/!/-

39 IV [DIS •'UTU TA '"SU.NU[MUN.A UD,<1.>KAM a-di-ir KUR-h/SAG.IS I.GAL-s|i |

40 ISTAR(U,DAR) AS SE KUR ii'sc-r\('-da\
41 30.4/f'4-em KUR (i-MAN-[na|
42 3.20 MARTU TA '-^^T[UKUL SVB-ut]
43 DISUD,14.KAMa-f/[M'- 3.20 a-de-ga^' me-[si-ra IGI-f»ar[
44 3.20 ELAM-/; tnr-.s\i-ra IGT-7»flr[
45 GlNy-z/ffl MU-.sw
46
47 V [DIS ''UT]U TA '''NE.[N[E.GAR UD.l.KAM a-di-ir
48 lDISUD.9.K[AM«-d/-ir
49 [DISUD.11.KAM[ 'ai-t/Hr hi-si-ib A<.AB.BA ZAH>'"-'"
50 [DlSUD.13.KAM«-f/[/-/r sa-al-ha-ta<'mi> '-""''^
51 UBIRUTAM'"!
52 K U R N I I G S U [(o)'-"•"']
53 KUS7 IN.NU TA |KUR i . j

54 VI [DIS "'UTU TA "'KIN.''IN]NIN UD.1.KAM a-di-ir

55 [DIS UD9.KAM a-di-ir\
56 !DISUD,11.KAM a-rfi-/r[ gir-ra-tu7n{AB) [TA KUR I. '•"-'"]

Lo. ed.
55
57

Rev.
58 [n]e^-ru-lb]a'-t\u- TA KUR IGAL-.w ^" '"j
59
60 [DISUD.16.KAMfl-£/i-/r) fx'[ [ ' x ' I M ' x ' l '-"-'"1
61 A.AB.BA ln-lsf<-ib-sa ZAH> '~V"]

62 VII [DIS '^UTU TA "'DU(i,KU] UD.l.KAM a-di-ir lu-pi

63 [DISUD9.KAMIfl-(/(-/r "ISKUR BURUi4 |R[A<-/.v> '''•"{']
64 [DISUD.ll|.KAM«-(/Hr
65 [DISUD.l[3.KAMa-rf7-/r aiHa-l\i\ '3'.20 \a-de-ga^' '"-'"I
66 [DiSUD.114.KAMa-f//-/r an-ta-l[i\ '3.20i [MAR.TU '-"'"]
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 79

67 |DISUD.l|6.KAMa-dHr UR'MAHi[ I I '-"•

68 D|ISUD.121.KAM a-(/(-ir

69 VIII |D1S ''|UTU 'TA '"A.PINIDU8.A UD.l.KAM a-di-i\r\

70 [DlSUD.l'9'.KAM 'o'-d|H|r (x)|
71 |DISUUl|l.KAMfl-f/|Mlr
72 |DlSUD.l|3.KAM«-c//-/r
73 |DiSUD.i4.K|AM «-(//-//•
74 IDISUD.iaKAM] ^a^-di-ir
75 IDISUD.21.KAM1 'a'-rfWr

76 IX IDIS ''UTU T]A "'GAN.GAN.E UD.IKAM 'a-d/-/r'

77 IDIS UD.9.KAMI ^a^-\d\i-ir an-ta-\l\u |GAR-an '-"'"1
78 IDlSUD.ll.KAMH-fMr A.ZI.GA fTA' IIDIM I.LA.E-/» ^"'"1
79 DIS |U]D.'13'.[KA|M 'a'-</|M]r IM.yi)LZ|I ^"'"1
80 DIS UD.14.KAM a-di-ir '•"'"1
81 e-\r\i\-a-f\u sa Sk'bi'-•'•'•'\ ]
82 di-ulCkL-.s\i"-"'"'\

83 X DIS ''UTU TA "'AB.E UD.1,KA[M] a-di-ir

84 RA I-1 ^"'"1
85 DISUD.ll.KAMa-(/i-/r
86 Di|SUlD13.KAMa-d/-n- ' 3.|20 \a-d.e-ga^' BA.UGy '•"'"]
87 D|lSUD.l]'4',[KA|Ma-rfHr IM,|H|ULI| ^"-'"l
88 n[ISUD.16.KAM| ^a^-di-ir 3.20 ELAM[-/|r BlAK.UGy) ^i'''"l
89 D|1SUD.21.KAM| ^a^-\d\i-ir 3.20 MAR.TU '•'•''"

90 XI IDIS ''UTU TA "'Z|IZ.A UD.l.KAM a-di-ir

91 IDISUD.9,KAMrt-f/l(-(j-
92 [Dig UD.U.KAM «-(/]'•-'/- lDlMTAF.GAL '-"I'l
93 [DISUD.13.KAMa-(f]i-ir IDIMD|A|MRI
94 |DISUD.]4.KAMfl-f/l/-/r DAM 3.20
95 3.20
96 DUMU'(I) 3,20 &•'">

97 XII IDIS ''UTU TA "I'SE.KIN.KUD UD.l.KAM a-di~ir

98 [DISUD.9.KAM«l-£/wr /K'/JI

99
100
101 [DlSUD.14.KiAMo-rf(-(r
102 [DIS UD],ri'6.KAM a-di-ir
'-rr
103 IDIS UD|,21.KAM a-di-ir he-iii

104 441.2

105 1SU.NIGIN »«'7MU.BI.IM (erasure)

106 j'GABAMRII '^''LLUg MUS.SES'''
80 MATTHEW T RUTZ

Translation
Obv.
1 [If the .sun .. .1 l..,l.
2 |If the sun (...) rises| early and [...].
3 [If the siui (,..) ris[es early and the west wind blows all day, [ruin of ...[.
4 [If tbe sun (...) r]is|es e[arly and tbe west wind blows all day, [there will be an eclipse].
5 [If tbe sun[ ,.. rises early and is eclipsed, rise [of ...[.
6 [If tbe sun[ goes into a pifnu-cloud on a work-free [dayj and is completely eclipsed a second
time ...[...[ (or: [...] a second time).
7 jif tbe su]n is eclipsed and a work-free day, the land will be dimini|shed[.
8 [If 1 when the sun rises it is covered with a dark mi.-^i, there will be no rain.
9 [If when the sjun rises it is covered with a green/yellow mist, the rain (iti/frotni tbe sky
10 [If twoj parhelia rise, there will be carnage in fhe land.
11 [If three p[arhelia rise, devastation of the city, despoilment of the gods : ruin of the steppe.
12 [If four pajrhelia ri.se, king will conlvjey enmity to kitig;
13 important people will rebel against the [kin[g in his palace, the son of a palace servant-woman
will seize tbe throne.
14 [If five pa[rhelia rise standing together, that very city will l[ie[ wa.ste for three years and four
months due to a hostile armv.
15 [If six pa[rhelia tise at night, biother with be hostile to brother.
16 [I]f seven [pa[rhe[lia] rise, a villager will seisp the throne;
17 [the kinlgs land will rebel against him, and be will [d[ie in tbe siege '*'"^"'^'" "''"^''' of bis city.

18 I If the sun is eclipsed i[n the month of Ni[s[annu[ on tbe first day, the king of Akkad will die.
19 If [it is eclip]sed on tbe ninth utit\il the tenth] day, tbere will be a rebellion.
20 If it is e[clipsedl on the eleventh da\', a large [army[ will be diminished,
21 If [it is eclipsed] on the thirteent[h[ day, [the king] will go into e[xi[le.
22 If [it is eclipsed] on the (four]teenth day, [the value[ per kuiru-meAsure will decrease.
23 If [it is eclipsed] on the isix]teenth day, [b[erds will fall in tbe land.
24 If (it is eclipsed] on the [twenty-first d]ay, '^^''"''""•^' despoilment of tbe steppe.

25 II I[f the stm] is eclipsed [in the month of A[y|yaru on the fir[st [day[, rise (of) ... locusts [...[.
26 l[f [ it is eclipsed [on the ninth day], there will be famine.
27 I[f ] it is eclipsed [on the elev[enth [day[, {the[re will be destr\iction of straw in [the land[.
28 l[f ] it is eclipsed on the thirteenth [dlay, there will be wan[t in the landl.
29 If it is eclipsed on the four[teen[tb [day[, r[a[in [(in the sky)[ will be scarce.
30 l[f [ it is eclipsed on the six[teen[th [day[, ki[ng] will (co]nvey e[n]mi[ty t[o king.
31 [If [ it is eclipsed [on tbe twenty]-first [day], [... 'T'"'"""" • • - \vill be destro\ed/o\erthnmn.

32 III [If tbe sun is eclipsed[ in tbe montb of Simanu on the firs[t[ day, the king of Akkad will di[e[,
38 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the nint[h [day[, the king will fall by tbe swotd.
34 [If it is eci|ipsed [on the eleventh dayj, the land of Ctitium will exper\ience] violence [...].
35 [If it is ecljipsed [on the thirteenth day[, king will (•onv[ey[ enmity to king.
36 [If it is eclip[.sed [on the fourteenth day], the rain i[n| the s[k]y (and) the current of tbe spring
will be scarc[e[.
37 [If it is eclip]sed [on tbe sixteenth day], Enlil will confuse the land's extispicics \...[.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 81

38 |If it is ecliplsed |on the twenty-first day], .similarly [its| line/entry.

39 IV [If the sun| is eclipsed |in the month of Du'|n/u on the ^fir'st day, there will b|e| constant enmity.
40 [If it is ecliplsed |on the ninth day], Istar will bring d|own] . . . into the land.
41 [If it is ecliplsed [on the eleventh day), Enlil will confu[se[ the political order of the land.
42 [I]f it is ec[lip].sed on the thirteenth [dajy, the king of Amurru [will fall] by tbe sw[ord|.
43 If it is ecli[ps[ed on the fourteenth day, the king of Akkad [will e.\petionce[ ha[rd times].
44 If it is ecliips[ed on the sixteenth day, tbe king of Elam (will experience] bar]d times],
45 If it is eclipsed on tbe twenty-first, similarly its line/entry
Afi Thesiirface/fnmt is

47 V [If the sii[n is eclipsed in the month of A[b[u on the first day, ''"'^
48 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the nint[h [day[, similarly its line/entry.
49 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the eleventh dayl, the bouuty of the s<ea will be devastated) '"'''"^
50 [If it is ecli[p.sed [on the thirteenth dayl, Mar<s will rise and herds w ill be devastated(?)> '"'••'^
51 [If it is eclip]sed [cm the fourteenth day],.,. ''T"^]-
52 [If it is eclip]sed [on the sixteenth dayj,... |''"^^''^[.
53 [If it is eclipj.sed [on the twenty-first day, there will be[ destruction of straw in [the land '"''''[.

54 VI [If the sun[ is eclipsed [in the month of Uln[lu on the first day, '"^[''''''[.
55 |If it is eclipsed ou the ninth day], Adud will tbu[uder '"'''''].
56 |If it is eclip.sed on the eleventh day, there will be] military campaigns [in tbe liuid '"'"''].

Lo. ed.
hftv-tivc
57

Rev.
58 [If it is eclipsed on the thirteenth day, there will be re]fugees [in tbe land ''"'"''[.
59 [If it is eclipsed on tbe fourteenth d a y , . . . [ . . , [ . . , ''"•'''•].
60 [If it is eclipsed on the sixteenth dayj,...[.,.''" '^[.
61 [If it is eclipsed on the twenty-first day], the produ<ce of> tbe sea <will be devastated) ''["'''

62 VII [If the sun) is eclipsed [in the month of Ta.sritu] on the first day, ''"'•'\
63 [If] it is eclipsed ]on the ninth day], Adad will [devalstate the harvest '"*["''[.
64 [If [ it is eclip.sed [on the eleven]tb |day], famine will occur [.,,'"'""'"[.
65 |If [ it is eclipsed lou the] thir[teen[th jday[, eclipjse of the[kiug [of Akkad .,,'"' '^ .
66 [If [ it is eclipsed [ou the] f(tur[teen[th [day[, ecli[pse of the[king [of Amurru ,..'"'''^[.
67 [If] it is eclipsed [on the) six[teen]th [day|, a (ion . . . [ . . . '"<''^[.
68 l|f ] it is eclipsed [on the[ twenty-first [day[. eclip\se of ..,'"""''],

69 VIII [If the] sun is eclip[sed[ in the month of Arahsamnu on the first day, '"^['•"'^[,
70 [If [ it is ecl[ip[.sed |on the njinth [day[,...[... ^'-^
71 [If[ itisecl[ip[.sed [on the elcv[cnth lday[.... \...^'"-%
72 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the[ thir[teen]th [day|,,,.[,.. *'"'"''|.
73 (If ] it is eclipsed [on the fourteent]b [day], [... ' "•"'^[,
74 |If ] it is eclipsed ]on the sixteenth day|, [... '•^'"''|,
82 MATTHEW T RUTZ

75 |lf [ it is eclipsed [on tbe twenty-first day], [,.. '"*^''[

76 IX |lf the sunj is eclipsed [i]n the month of Kislimu on the first day, \...''"''],
77 [If [ it is ec[li[psed |on tbe ninth day[, [there will be an| eclipse ]... '"'''''|.
78 [If it is eclipjsed [on the eleventh day[, currents in [the spring will be scarce ^"'^''^],
79 If it is ecli[ps[ed on tbe thirteen[t[b [d[ay, a destructive wind [will[ ari\se ^'"'"^\.
80 If it is eclipsed on the fourteenth day, thjere will be| lamentation |'"'''^[.
81 If it is eclipsed on the sixteenth day, preg[nant womlen <will miscarry) '"*"^
82 If it is eclipsed on the twenty-first day, tbere will be d/^H-illness [^"'"•'^\,

83 X If the sun is eclipsed in tbe month of Tebetu on tbe firs[t[ day, ^'^"'"^
84 If it is eclipsed on the ninth day,,..[,..''"'''[,
85 If it is eclipsed on the eleventh day, [.. ,| *"['"''[•
86 I[f[ it is eclipsed on the thirteenth [d[ay, |the| slonPof the ki[ng fof Akkad will die''"•"''[,
87 I[f [ it is eclipsed [on the fourteent|h iday[, a |de[structive wind . , , [ . , . '"'"^[.
88 I[f[ it is eclipsed [on the sixteenth day], the king of Elam will <die>''^['^"'^[,
89 l[f [ it is ec[li[psed jon the twenty-first day[, the king of Amurru <wiil die) '"'"^

90 XI [If the sun[ is eclipsed [in the month of Sa|batu on the first day.'"''^
91 [If it is ecl[ipsed [on the ninth day[, si[millarly it[s[ line/entry \^'"'''%
92 [If it is ecl]ipsed [on tbe eleventb day[, an important person <will perpetrate a rebellion) in
the palace''"'"h.
93 (If it is ecl[ipsed [on the thirteenth day], an important person <will flagrantly fornicate with)
the w[if |e <of the king) ''^ [^''|,
94 [If it is ecl[ipsed [on the fourteenth day[, the king's wife <will perpetrate a rebellion) ""'"K
95 [If it is ecl[ipsed [on the sixteenth day], the king.., <''"''*).
96 [If it is ecl[ipsed [on the twenty-first day], the king's -vw?,., <'"''-).

97X11 [If the siin| is eclipsed |in the mon[th of Addaru on the first day, '"''"^
98 |lf it is ec[lipsed [on the ninth day], ^"'"\
99 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the eleventh day], ['"T"''.
100 [If [ it is eclipsed [on the thirteent[h [day[, ' f ]'"\
101 [If I it is eclipsed [on the foitrteent]h [day[, ''[T'^
102 |If I it is eclipsed [on the[ .six[teen]th [day[, ^''''\
103 |If I it is eclipsed on the twenty-first [day[, ^'•'•"\

105 I [Total: 107 lines,

106 [ I C[op|y of a writing board from Susa,

Notes: Obverse 23-25, iv 14; 11 iii 5).Gontrast MAN/20, wbich is

1: Though reconstructed here, the sun-(god) is commonplace in EAE.
consistently written ''UTU in tbe present text, the 2-5: The present writing A.GU.ZI,GA is an un-
ubiquitous writing also used in the Susa literary orthographic variant of A.GU.ZLGA {PSD A/2
corpus {MDAI 57, 2 iii 1-2, 7-9, 13-14, 17-18, 69 lex.); cf. A,KUZI.EN.GA in Kf/B 37,56:4' (anti-
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
witchcraft incantation) and A.GU4.ZI.GA in Race.
3:8 iCAD S/2 331a). GU is possibly attested for
GU = kisddu in the omen corptis from Susa
{MDAI 57. U) rev. 9). The entry A.GU.ZI.CJA in
AHw 458 .s. V, kamtu (citing VAT 9581) appears
to be a typographical error, cf. Izi M ii 4' {MSI^
13, 216). EAE 25(26) III 48 has i-se-ram-ma (van
Soldt, PIHANS 73, 60, MS B). Note the second-
millennium parallel i-se-er-ra-am (Kf/B 37.150:11;
Riem.schneider. DBH 12, 128}. The pleonastic con-
junctive construction -ma u is present throughout
EAE 25(26) III.
3-4: Perhaps reconstruct the respective apodoses
[SUB.BA .. ,1 and \an-ta-lu GAR[ ba.sed on van Soldt,
PIHANS 73, 60, 62, cf. 66, MS A:8'-9'; note also
K17B37.15O:11'-13' (Riemschneider, DBH 12,128).
5: The first-inilleimium apodosis ai)pears to be
different (van Soldt, PIHANS 73,63, MS D).
6; In some instances the term pitnu refers to a
type of cloud formation, see E. F. Weidner, "Das
Himmelkleid," AfO 7 (1931-1932) 115-16; AHw
869-70; CAD P 439a. If tlie reading is correct,
the adverbial expre.ssion sa kissati "completely,
entirely" is written with the unusual syllabic value
/ci\(GI§).
6-7: The expression ina iijni(m) rlqiim) (< raqu
"to be empty") "on a work free day; holiday" {CAD
R 373; Alhv 988 def. 4a} is unknown in Susa, but
u^-ma re-qa "a far off day (i.e., an alternative apo-
dosis)" is attested {MDAI 57, 6 i 26, iii 32). In his
edition of EAE 25(26) III 65 van Soldt translates
the expre.ssion ilia Ctnii rlqi as "on a moonle.ss day"
(van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 62, with n. 4).
8-9: The identical protasis construction, less
the color designations, is preserved in EAE 26(27)
III 6-7 (van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 78) and the com-
mentary BM 47730-^:33 (van Soldt, PIHANS 73,
83, MS Cb). One first-millenniiini source appears
to contain the opposite apodosis: [DTS MAN
ina KU[R-.s'H .'ia-bi-ha a-iim SEG^(IM.A.AN).GA :
DIS MAN ilia 'KUR'-.s-(i m-\hi-lia...[ CTMMA 2,
36:13'. In contrast with the present tablet, the se-
quence of color designations in EAE is generally
more systematic, for which see L. Verdeiame, "I
colori nell'astrologia mesopotamica," in Von Sumer
nach Ebla und zuriick: Festschrift Giovanni
83
Pettinato zum 27 September 1999 gewidmet von
Freunden. Kollegen und Schiderti, ed. H. Wae-
zoldt, HSAO 9 (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Oricnt-
verlag, 2004), 327-32.
8: The term hahthu designates some kind of
meteorological phenomenon (CAD S/1 11; van
Soldt, PIHANS 73, 83, MS Cb:33'}. Compare the
protasis concerning the appearance of the moon
in EAE 1: DIS ia-[hi-h\a GE^ a-rim zi-iii-iiii
A[N ...[, L. Verderame, Le tavole I-Vl della serie
astrologica Enuma Anu Enlil, NSAM 2 (Messina:
Di.Sc.AM., 2002}, 34, MS cjJ', with n, 51, Eor
SEG^(IM.A.AN) see se-eg IM.A.AN zu-iin-\nu\
(Diri 4:116, MSL 15,154-55).
9: SIG7 is written over an erased MA sign.
The dittography was likely conditioned by some
confusion around the expression of the phonetic
complement GEj^-fNa in line 8 and enclitic -ma in
lines 2-6. The sequence PI LA AD is difhculL
The signs are clear, but the meaning is not. PI was
liivalent at Susa and was thus employed to write
/pi/ and /wV/ {MDAI 57, p. 7). If PI LA AD is to
be derived from {w)aladu, the usual G stative is
(w)alid not 'walad, and P\-hi-ad to be read ''iwlad
is not otheiiA'ise attested. Perhaps restore <u->ii'a-
la-ad, whi(h ought to be transitive. Contrast the
expression naqlni ulladu dumuq mdti "springs
bring about the prosperity of the land" SEM 117
rev. iii 13 (cited CAD A/1 292b). However, a neg-
ative apodosis is expected here. Thtis tentatively
read: SEG AN-c dal^-la-at = zunni same dallat
"rain from the sky will be meager."
10-16: For the reconstruction of the apodoses
in this section, see the note to lines 16-17 below.
The writing MUL = napahu "to light up, appear,
rise" is otheru'ise known only from lexical sources,
where it is amply attested {CAD N/1 263 lex.):
[mu[l-mul i-ta-an'\p\u-hu-um, N 1567 rev. 7 (col-
lated), Proto-I/i I (Bil.) B 15 (MSL 13, 36); an ex-
ercise lentil, [m[ul""""''"''-"'-niul (l/ET 6/2, 359:4,
collated from photo); (mu-ul) mul na-pa-lju-um,
CBS 11001+ vi 20' (collated), Proto-Aa 139:3 {MSL
14, 94); and Aa II/6 Ii 30 {MSL 14, 291).
10: The -ma is difficult to interpret, since a
double protasis ("|If two[ sun disks rise and there
is carnage") does not fit the context. Perhaps -ma
84 MATTHEW T. RUTZ
indicates the start of a new section. If the tenta-
tive interpretation of the la.st signs is correct, the
syntax is unusual for this text,
11: .sub.ba (= maqtit) is known in Susa {MDAl
57, 1 ii 8), while A.DAM.MES-o {MDAl 57 6 i 27,
38; 9:82, rev, 21; Biggs and Stolper, RA 11 |1983]
155:5.) and A.DAM-o {MDAl 57, 9 tev, 25) are
attested in Susiana, as is the verb harabu, which
is always finite {MDAl 57, 9:33, rev. 4, rev, 8,
rev. 37; possibly 10:24).
12: The writing 3.20 = sarru "king" is first
attested in Middle Elamite 1 royal sealings from
Susa (Potts, Archaeology of Elam... 191), but the
reading of the sign is not universally agreed upon.
A reading ISSEBU is espoused by R. Borger, Meso-
potamiHclies Zeicherdexikon, AOAT 305 (Munster:
Ugarit-Verlag, 2004), 434, No, 837; on SAA 8, 54,
see also P. Talon, "The Use of Glosses in Neo-
Assyrian Letters and Astrological Reports," in
Semitic and Assyriological Studies Presented to
Pelio Fronzaroli by Pupils and Colleagues, eds.
P. Marrassini et al. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz
Verlag, 2003), 661. However, Biggs and Stolper,
RA 77 (1983), CAD S/2 76-77, and Potts, Ar-
chaeology of Elam, all follow the more common
ESSANA. V Scheil, "Notules IX. Les ideogrammes
chiffres de sarrw. 3.20 et 3.30," RA 12 (1915) 158-
60, anticipated the interpretation of this sign com-
bination, see also J. Nougayrol, "'Note breve (12),"
RA 66 (1972) 96 and Labat, Vs. Undslwrger, 259-
60, with n, 29. The interchangeable logograms
3,20 = 200 (60-^60+60 + 20) "king" and 2,30 = 150
(60-(-60 4- 30) "left" tnay in fact be graphic ptms
in which it is not the sum of the elements but
rather their product that is key; (60-(-60-t-60) x 20
= (60+60) X 30 = 3,600 = SAR - saru, a near-
homonym of sarru.
13: SU.HA = bd^irii "fisherman, hunter; (soldier)"
iCAD B 3-4, 31-33; AHw 96,108) as a writing of
tbe verb bdru "to revolt" {CAD B 130-31; AHw
108) is known in the Susa corpus {MDAl 57,
pp. 110, 150). A similar phenomenon appears
in OB Susa, where M U S E N = issuru is used to
write the verbal element issur (< nasaru) in the-
ophoric names (Matous, OLZ 75 |1980| 474).
DAB(TAB) = sabatu is attested in tbe Susa omen
corpus {MDAl 57, p. 4), as well as DAB : sa-ba-tii
in a commentary on EAE 22 (Rochberg-Halton,
AfO Beih. 22, 272, MS c).
14: The stative form ne-en-mu-da is attested in
the Su.sa divination corpus {MDAl 57, 11 v 7').
NU.KUR is written in a mu( h smaller hand directly
over ERIN.
15: For the phenomenon of 'stm disks" rising at
night, see EAE 24(25) III 19 (van Soldt, PIHANS
73, 26, with 44, tbe ancient commentary MS Gb
rev. 8').
16-17: The traces of AN UD directlx' after the
number confirm that samsatu "solar disk, par-
helion" (Hunger and Pingree, HdO 1/44, 18) was
written '^'UTU-^w in the present text. This orthog-
raphy is otherwise unknown (CA7)S/1 334; AHw
1158), In contrast, AS,ME(-f»?;O is normative in
EAE 24(25) (van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 29-32), The
writing TUS = iw)asabu is employed in Susa:
T\]S-ih - .sih {MDAl 57. 1 iv 10); TVS{-eh}-m =
tuk'Bebsu {MDAl 57,11 iv 17'; v 24'; cf. vi 5' syl-
labic tu-se-eS-se-eb-su). Line 17 suggests a remark-
able nuance on the laconic formulation preserved
in thefinalelements in the a[>odosis of EAE 24(25)
III 44: DIS 7 AS.ME KUR.MES-/(! a-sib kap-ri
AS.TE DAB'bat LUGAL KUR-sw BAL~su-ma
NIGIN-ma GAZ (van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 32).
There are a ntimber of possible terms concealed
by the writing NIGIN-// in the present text: liw/
mifu(m) and sihirtu(m) both can refer to the re-
gional environs of a city {CAD L 192-94; CADS
235-36); however, the most protnising parallel is
the OB term lamtum, which refers to the siege
of a city (J. Ato and J, Nougayrol, 'Trois nouveaux
recueils d'haruspicine ancienne," RA 67 11973J 42-
45:38'-39', 6O';Jeye.s, PIHANS 64, 44). Tbe latter
option appears to be the most consonant with tlie
verbal constniction in EAE 24(25) III 44.
18-103: The solar eclipse omens. The verb
addru is used to denote solar eclipse in the pub-
lished OB source, where the protases all contain
adir. The colopbon of that manuscript contains
the other means denoting eclipse, the substantive
aftaliv. 19 MU.BI AN,TA,Uiy.LU ''UTU "Nineteen
entries: solar eclipse" (Dietrich, W7XM 86 |19961
101:28), Based on ample OB attestations, the sign
that Dietrich reads LU is GISGAL. AN.TA,Ui8.LU
or AN.TA.ULU'" is thvts an otheiAvise unknown
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
learned writing of attain, perhaps tniderstood
as eli^ (AN.TA) "above" and alu (Ujg.LU) "alu-
demon; sotith/storm wind." The latter is associated
with datkness (e.g., /,S(7r214) and covering (e.g.,
dul / katamu, Lugale 8, S. Seminara, La version
accadica del lugal-e, MVS 8 [Rome: Universita
degli studi di Homa "La Sapienza," dipartimento di
Studi Orientali, 20()I[, 44-45.220), both of which
would be phenomenologically consistent with
solar eclipse. An analogous folk etymology of the
more common writing AN.TA.LU appears in a
Late Babylonian cotnmentary, Weidner, AfO 14
(1941-1944) pi. 4 (VAT 7827) obv. i 16-17, cited
CAD D 49b .s. v. daliljtii; .see Rocbberg, Fs. Leichtif,
343. For AN.TA.LU, see the tiote to line 65 l)elow.
The preserved apodoses in UM 29-15-393
seetn to indicate that solar eclipses were tini-
formly viewed as dangerous events. Comparable
data are illustrative of the general valence of the
interpretation of solar eclipses in other periods,
see Koch-Westenholz, CNI 19, 113-14; Brown,
CM 18, 89-90, 200-203; S. M. Maul, "Sonnen-
finsternisse in A.s.syrien: Eine Bedrohung der
Weltordnung," in "Stiirmend auf finsterem
Pfad..." Ein Symposion zur Sonnenfaisternis in
der Antike, eds. 11. Kohit r, H. G<)rgemaniis, and
M. Baumbacb, Heidelberger Forsohungen 33
(Heidelberg: Universitat.sverlag Winter, 2000),
1-12. Among tbe solar omens, note EAE 28(29)
27 (van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 98). For a solar eclipse
in the Mari eponym chronicle, see C. Michel and
P Rocher, "La cbronologie du He millenaire revue
a Tombre d'une eclipse de soleil." jEOL 35-36
(1997-2000) 112-13; Glassner, Mesopotamian
Chronicles, 160-65, with additional literature.
A great deal more attention was devoted to the
observation and interpretatioti of ltttiar eclii)ses,
though tbis is probably a function of tbe relative
rarity of .solar versus lunar eclipses, see Brown,
CM 18, 165 n. 385.
Although there are instances wbere a solar
eclipse appears to bave been propitious (SAA 8,
384:4-6, (f. 9-rev. 11), more often it was either tm-
propitious (SAA 8, 100:2-3; 104 rev. 5-7; SAA 10,
104:1 r-rev. I; 220), or at least a cause for
concern (SAA 8, 47; SAJ\ 10, 45 rev. 11-14; 46:9-
rev. 4; 100:28-31; 148; 159:3-4; 170; 216; 224:8-
85
15). Moreover, with the exception of the phe-
nomenon of lunar eclipse, tbere does tiot appear
to have been a specific Jia»i/>wr/>/-incantation
(NAM.BUR.BI) prescribed .solely to counteract
the majority of portentous celestial events, in-
cluding solar eclipse, .see S. M. Maul, Ziikuuftshe-
wdltigung: Eine Vntersuchung altorienialischen
Denkens anhand der habyhniscli-assyrischen
Imerituak (Namburbi), BaF 18 (Mainz atn Rbeiti:
Verlag Philipp von Zabern. 1994), 29-30, 458-60.
Naturally, this does not mean that .solar eclipses
were perceived to be benign, simply tbat these
ominous events lacked their own specific apo-
tropaic cortectives. There is a possibility that an
unpublished Ma/N/jf/r/ji-incantation (A 187) from
tbe "Haus des Beschworungspriesters" in Assui
is specifically intended to avert the dangers posed
by a solar eclipse, but the interpretation of tbis
text is evidently uncertain, see Maul, BaF 18. 51
n. 56. A significant part of the so-called universal
namburhi-mvAnialion known b \ the intipit Ea
Samas u Asalluhi deals w ith celestial phenomena,
beginning with the dangers posed by lunar and
solar eclipses, see Maul, BaF 18, 469-70:21-29.
I. Nisannu
18: Compare SAA 10, 104:11'. there evidently
in reference to 11/29.
19: The expres.sion bar-tum I.CAL is attested
in the Susa divination corpus (MDA! 57, 10:40).
20: Based on ERIN mat-tum TUR, perhaps
testore [ERIN N|E.N[E-f[H. after first-millennium
NE.NE ma-'-du-tum 5R 16 iii 81 and dupls. (CAD
M/1 20h le.x.).
21: On tdtidftta(m) aldkuim) in the Susa divinn-
tion corpus, note ta-ri^^-du-tam CIN-c/A' {MDAI 57
4:47) atid th-ri-du-tamCm (MDAiTu ^.m).
24: Tbe tirst-inillciinium parallel reads ne-rw
hat na-me-e. See the note to line 11.
II. Ayyaru
25: The traces are unclear For BURU,-, = erbii
"locust." see N. Veldhuis. Heligion, Literature, and
Scholarship: The Sumerian Composition "NanUe
and the Birds: CM 22 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 224-
26,229-31.
86 MATTHEW T RUTZ
27-28: The last sign looks more tike GUR than
SI, tbough tbere is no other SI sign preserved
elsewhere on the present tablet; cf, GUR in line
22. It should be noted that GUR and SI are differ-
entiated in the omen tablet from Haft Tepe, see
Herrero and Glassner, irAnt 28 (1993) 132. An
analogous orthogtaphy in the extispicy ihasu)
omens from Susa suggests the present interpreta-
tion: GAL-sf {MDAl 57, 3:5).
27: The writing IN.NU is employed in the Susa
divination corpus {MDAl 57, 7 rev. 5-7).
28: The syllabic writing hii-sa-ki is attested in
Susa {MDAl 57, 7 rev. 5-7)."
30: The published OB exemplar of solar eclipse
omens contains the same apodosis, but there it
corresponds to an omen for IV/- (Dietrich, WZKM
86[1996[ 100:11),
31: If only the scribal notation is to be re-
constructed in tbe break, then a plausible inter-
pretation of this apodosis is: [ 3[+4 KI EDIN
^us-ta-al-p(P-a[t], qaqqar sen u.staffxit "the terrain
of the steppe will be destroyed;" note KUR KI
A.DAM.MES-a i-ka-ha-dn {MDAl 57, 6 i 38).
Alternatively, KI.EDIN might be construed as
a back-formation from Sum. an-edin, but the
broken context makes tbis already tentative pro-
posal highly uncertain. Another possible recon-
struction is: [URU'^-*"" EDIN ^m-ta-al-pd}-t[u^X
alu sent ustaljxitu "[the city] (and) the steppe will
be destroyed;"' or [URU''^^-^' KI EDIN Uis-ta-ah
pd^-a\t\, alu itti seti ustalpat^'^[the city[ along witb
the steppe will be destroyed." For the EDIN sign
in the corpus from Susiana and elsewhere, .see
A. Cavigneaux and F. AI-Rawi, "Liturgies exorcis-
tiques agraires (Textes de Tell Haddad IX)," ZA 92
(2002) 38; cf. the Middle Assyrian form in BM
121034:6', Rochberg-Halton, AfO Beih. 22, 278.
III. Simanu
32: In contrast to URI in line 18, "Akkad" is
written a-de-ga^'.
34: This interpretation is tentatively based
on the sense of ra^u "wrongdoing, violence"
(CAD R 69a).
35: See the note to line 30.
36: Gontrast witb SEG.MES TA AN-me-ma GAL
{MDAl 57 7 rev. 31). The reading of the logo-
graphic combination A.ZI.GA in tbe Susa corpus
is confirmed by tbe gloss A.ZI.GA""'' (MDAl 57, 6
i 26; W, Farber, Review of MDAl 57, BiOr 34
[1977] 341).
37: The writing ES-^DIS/DIS is difficult to
interpret: 30,4 = 34 or 120? Regardle.ss, based
on the parallel, 30.4 must be a cryptograpbic
writing for the DN Enlil, albeit not one attested
in i.NAM.gis.hur.an.ki.a (GT 25, 50 + CT 46,
54), where the only equation is 50 = Enlil. See
A. Livingstone, Myatical and Mi/tholot^ical Ex-
planatory Works of Assyrian and BahyUmian
Scholars (Oxford: Glarendon Press, 1986), 30,
54; CTMMA 2, 54 rev. iii 4'; also note EAE 24(25)
III 65 (van Soldt, PIHANS 73, 36); Ea 2:I76b-c
(MSL 14, 255) and Aa 11/4:203, 27 {MSL 14, 285).
On the reading of the second element in 30.4, see
M. Stol, "Quelques nombres en ecriture cunei-
forme," NABU 1996/73, 65, with previous litera-
ture. Two fragments from Susa, MDF 27, 233 and
234, point to the likelih(M)d of locating the numeric
writing 30.4 in the scribal milieu of Susa, but the
interpretation of these texts is uncertain as well.
They may be copies of some variant tradition
of Syllable Alpbabet A in wbich the entries re-
ceived consecutive numbers, see L. E. Pearce,
"Tbe Number-SvUabary Texts," /AOS 116 (1996)
453-74, esp. 461 with n. 31 (however, read MDP
27, not MDAl 57). The entry 3.20 iugal {MDP 27,
233 rev, 1') may provide tbe most compelling clue
as to tbe origin of the perplexing writing 30.4 for
Enlil, Tbe significance of tbe sequence 9 19 12 is
uncertain in the MB diagnostic extract PBS 2/2,
104:12 (GBS 3424A), edited most recently by
N. P Heeik'l, Babylonisch-assyrisclie Dia^iwstik,
AOAT 43 (Munster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2000), 99-
101. The cryptogtaphic writing 20.1 = Anu in
certain Seleucid colophons may be comparable,
see E. Leichty, "The Golophon,"' in fjoin the Work-
shop of the Chicago Assijtian Dictionary; Studies
Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim, eds. R. D. Biggs
and J. A, Brinkman (Ghicago: The Oriental In-
stitute of the University of Ghicago, 1964), 152-
53, but cf. Hunger, AOAT 2, 4-5. Finally, the
most complete of the Late Babylonian number-
s\llabaries, CTMMA 2, 54, also contains an lui-
paralleled writing MIN,30 or 120.30 = '^'en-lil
CTMMA 2, 54 rev, iii 7', with tbe comments by
L. Pearce, CTM'iA 2, p. 227. The divine-determi-
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
native is absent in UM 29-15-393:40-41 as well,
but compare lines 16,18, 55,63, and 83.
38: Attested only in tbe present tablet (lines 38.
45, 48, and 91) and MDAI 57, the sequence GIM
MA MU SU is difficult. According to Labat, GIM
is most often DIM = epesjt, banu "to do, make,
build" in tbe Susa omen cot ptts (MDAI 57, p. 4),
Labat thus transcribes the sign combination
GIM MA MU SU with DiM,MA MV-su =
'diinmu sumi-Su "le nom en est "tnalefice," taking
DIM.MA as a loan word akin to and an abbre-
viation of NIG.DIM.DIM.MA = Ppistu "pratique
magique, malefice" {MDAI 57, 8:3, with p, 191),
The same expression is also attested in MDAI 57,
8:21, 26, 32, and rev. 39 (physiognomic omens,
obv. ktirciru-disiiixse, rev. re^etu). In the first of a
series of articles on skin disorders ("Hauterschein-
ungen") in cuneiform divination and medicine,
Barbara Bot k has re-edited and translated portions
of MDAI 57, 8 obv., see B. Bock, "Hauterschein-
ungen in altmesopotamischer Divination und
Medizin, Teil 1: Das kiirarn-MaK AuOr 21 (2003)
162-65, Like Labat, Bckk transcribes the sequence
in question DIM.MA MU-su, however, she inter-
prets this expression as a writing of bdni .snniisti
"Schatfung seines Namens" (Bock, AuOr2\ |2003|
164-65). Under closer scrutiny, the evidence
behind Bock's cited parallels {CAD B 88a) is not
convincing. The phrase fmnii Hunuija ajipears in
a series of divine epithets, tbe first of three con-
secutive participial phrases: EN ill bell bdnu
suniiya I nasir riapistiya nuisabsii zeriya "Incan-
tation: My god! My master! Creator of my (good)
name! Protector of my life! He who brings my
seed into being!" (W. G. Lambert, "Dingirsa.dib.ba
inv.mMions: JNES [1974] 276: 40-41), Tbu,s, the
translation "St hafiung seines Namens" is mislead-
ing, regardless of the complexities surrounding tbe
interpretation of 'name" in tbis and related con-
texts (other examples ate fottnd in CADS/3 293).
Bocks interpretation bdni sumisu would, then,
seem to require the translation "the creator of his
'name' (has/will) ..," with the resulting action im-
plied in eacb instance.
To return to tbe data from Susa, furtber attesta-
tions of GIM MA MU SU are found in MDAI 51,
9:15, rev, 5, 34, 35 (teratological omens. Izbu,
Summa siruiistu), all wrttten GIM MA MU NI,
87
confirming that SU in tbe otber examples (in-
cluding tbe present text) is tbe third masc. sing,
genitival pronominal suffix; and MDAI57., 10:8,18,
22, rev. 5, 13 (teratological omens. Izbu, Stinima
.saljitu). As in UM 29-15-393, the phia,se GIM MA
MU-sw constitutes the entire apodosis in each of
the examples from Susa, Unfortunately, none of
the passages in the Susa tablets has a close parallel
preserved in the first-millennium omen corpora.
The chapters dealing with the /curorw-disease
are, unfortunatelx. poorly preserved iti the first-
tnilletmittni physiognomic omen compendia (Bock,
AuOr 21 |2003[ 163-64). leaving MDAI 57 8
essentially without comparanda, see B, Bock, Die
babylonisch-aHsyrisclw Morphoskopie, AfO Beih,
27 (Vienna: Iastitttt fiir Oricntalistik der Universi-
tat Wien, 2000), 13,28,310, The .situation is hardly
better in the case of tbe teiatological omen com-
pendia: MDAI 57, 9:14-15, contrast TCS 4, 2:47'
and, with a different formulation, rCS4,10:7'-8';
MDAI 57, 9 rev. 33-35, contrast TCS 4, 3:68-72
and, with a different formulation, TCS 4, 17:39'-
41'; MDAI 57, 10:5-8, cotitrast TCS 4, 22, but tbere
are textual problems with first-millennium Izbu
here. In any event, the parallels between OB I/.bu
and the first millennium series are rather |>oor iti
general (Rochberg, Fs. Leiclity, 342).
Because of tbe overall stability of the textual
traditions behind EAE 33-35, UM 29-15-393 now
provides the basis for an interpretation that is
more plausible tban those su^ested by Labat and
Bock. Indeed, a compari.son of OB (BM 22696) and
first-millennium bmar eclipse omens (EAE 17)
underscores the stability of the traditions in ques-
tion (Rochberg, Fs. Leichtyy 345),
Based on inferences from the parallel Hrst-
millennium sotirce.s, a more likely reading is
GINj-j/ia (or /c(m-?Ma/GIM.MA) MU-5ti = kima
smnisu, meaning "likewise/similarly (ts line/entry
(i.e,, omen apodosis)," in other wortls "ditto," Under-
stood thus, this vexing expression was simply a
means of indicating tbat the apodosis of a given
line was identical to tbat of tbe previous line.
The logographic writing GIN7 = kima is known
among the ometi compendia from Siisiatia, e,g.,
MDAI 57, 4:28, 30, 32-42; 7 rev. 33; Herrero and
Glassner, IrAtit 28 (1993) 27-28, No, 207:9-26 =
Danesbmand, jCS 56 (2004) 13-14, lines 15-32;
88 MATTHEW T RUTZ
Biggs and Stolper, HA 77 (1983} 157:10. MU =
suinu with the approximate sense of "line, item,
entry" is amply attested {CAD S/3 296-97). In
this respect GlN7-/»fl MU-s» is similar to expres-
sions such as SU.BI.CIN7.NAM, SU.BI.AS.AM, and
KIMIN, none of which is employed in UM 29-15-
393 or the wider omen corpus from Susiana.
Simply min is employed among the school texts
from Haft Tepe (Herrero and Glassner, irAnt 31
[1996[ 79, No. 282:5, 80, No. 284:5}. A peripheral
innovation like kniia .HUinlsu is not sntprising,
since we tind Ug. mtn rgm = matnu ligmi in the
UM 29-15-393:37-38 Date
30.4 fe-rp-e/KUR KUR x[...]
ma MU- .VH[ [TII/211
For lines 44-45: A strong parallel occurs in the
omens for IV/16 and IV/21, where the first two
UM 29-15-393:44-45 Date
3.20 ELAM-A/ me-ii[i-ra immai] IV/16
ma MU-s« IV/21
For lines 47-48; Since the apodosis was missing
already in the Vorlage of UM 29-15-393, it is im-
possible to say whether EAE 33 maintains an
older tradition. Moreover, because there is no ptib-
lished manuscript of EA?2 33 for this section, it is
necessarv to make a somewhat infelicitous com-
UM 29-15-393:47-48 Date
he-pi
V/1
MU-su V/9
For lines 90-91: As with lines 47-48, the
Vorlage of UM 29-15-393 was broken at line 90.
Nevertheless, the manuscript from Nimrud [CTN
UM 29-15-393:90-91 Date
Xl/1
XI/9
western periphery, see Ug. Izbu, KTU'^ 1.103 -t-
1.145 = RS 24.247+:6,18 (Pardee, RSOu. 12, 534).
A survey of the evidence for the present argu-
ment is as follows.
For lines 37-38: The omens for 111/16 and III/
21 are not well preserved, but the end of III/21
{ACh. Samas 10:43) is suggestive when compared
with 111/16, siuce nakaru and kum are likely alter-
nate renderings of KUR in the ACh. passages. Cf,
Proto-Aa 82:1-3 {MSL 14,92}; Aa 1/6 1-4 {MSL 14,
225); Ai. I iii 58-65 {MSL 1, 11); also Izbu Com-
mentary 245 (JCS 4, 219):
EAE 33 {ACh. Samas 10:40, 43)
u\-sa-an'ua
apodoses in EAE 33 are nearly identical.
EAE 33 {ACh. Samas 10:58, 61)
LUGAL ELAM me-si-ra IGI: LUGAL gu<-f/-/> ina
[LUGAL ELA[M me-si-ra \Q\-ma \.. ]
parison with EAE 31 (i.e., DIS ina '"NE UD.l.KAM
AN.GEfi 20 GAR}. It should be noted, however,
that there are instances when the two different
eclipse formulations present identical apodoses
for identical days of the month (see Table lj.
EAE 31 [ACh. .S«//(a,s 8:59-60)
•'ISKUR GIG.MES GALME : G\}-su SUR-([.s SUB)
SUB1.AS.[AM1
4, 6) is suggestive in that the apodoses for XI/1
and XI/9 are identical there:
EAE 35 {CTN 4, 6 ii 1-2)
Cf. EAE 31: ACh. Samas 9:42-43 //
AC/!.S»/j;j/. 31:53-54
GA[N1.BA 'DUs LUGAL' UG7
GAN.BA DUg LUGAL UC7
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 89

To return now to MDAl 57, 8, based on the evi-
dence outlitied above, lines 2-3 would tben imply
tbat an outbreak of the kurdrwdiaense on a man s
front would have Hie same result as ati outbreak
on his back: ne-en-me-el-su I: LU I,IGI-mar(AL)
"that man will experience distres.s/ptotit(?)" (see
Bock, AwOr 21 |2003| 164). The ancient ortho-
graphic and U'xemic tension nenmelu < nelmenu
or nSnielu is not surprising, given the formal simi-
larity of the two words and the resulting wordplay
that is possible in passages sticb as nelmensu
immar : ncnte\lsii imniar] (CT 38, 21:81, Siimma
alu 15, cited CAD N/2 155; cf. S. M, Freedman, //
a City is Set on a Heigbt. Volume /, OPSNKF 17
iPhiladelphia: The University of Pennsylvania
Museum, 1998], 234-35). Despite the first-
millennium parallel, which reads IGI-»iar,
Labat's correction is perhaps unnece.ssary:
I,IGI-a/ = inaltal.. though the verb amdru is ex-
pected with this idiom.
Although the (umulative evidence points to the
soiutioti proposed here, due caution is warranted
when using later textual material to recon.struct
older traditions. Nevertheless, tbe overall textual
stability of at least parts of the celestial ouicn tra- A, Finet (Brus.sels: Institut des Hatites Etudes de
dition ftirnishes a reasonably sound basis for in-
ferring tbe correct interpretation of this crux, cf.
F. Roc hberg, "Goiitinuity and Ghange in Omen Lit-
erature," in Munuscula meso]X}tamica: Feaischrift corpus are Sum. e-NAM ^ Akk. ELAU-ti {MDAl
fiir Johannes Renger. eds. B. Bock, E. Caiicik-
Kirschbaum, and T Rithter, AOAT 267 (Munster:
Ugarit-Verlag, 1999), 416-19.
IV Du'Qzu
39: The combination SAG,IS appears as a vari-
ant of SAG.US = kayamanu "constantly" in EAE
29(30) la 4 (van Soldt 1995: 115. MS E:10'),
40; The writing I§TAR(U.DAR) is attested in
the divination corpus from Susiana (MDAl 57, 7
rev. 17-hS; 8:10^ 18^ Herrero and GIa.ssner, IrAnt
28 119931 127, No. 207:4, 6, 8 = Danesbmand, JCS
56 |2004| 13:10, 12, 14). Tbe divine determinative
is also absent in lines 37 and 41, but note lines 16,
18, 55, 63, and 83. The interpretation of AS here
is difhcult to reconcile with the first-millennium
parallels: ."io-lim DINGIR, with the variant di-nam. panam i,SH "it has a surface/front," is explicated
AS could be: sisitiL tanuijatit.. ikkillu. rigmu Izi in A/;B 3, 82:12-18 (cited AHir 820),
E 227-31 [MSL 13, 191), Aa II/2 Gommentary A
rev. 17'-23' (MSL 14, 275); or pusqu. dannatu] KA
nil Commentary A rev. 7' {MSL 14, 274; CAD P
543-44). Alternatively, AS cotild he an ttnortho-
graphic writing for AS = arratu [CAD A/2 304).
Note AS = amkku. harhurn. inursu, di^u. Ji(,s-
aatu. busuttu {Emar 6/4, 564 i \'~4'}, see A. W.
Sjcibcrg, Some Emar Lexical Entries," Fa. Leichty.,
402-3.
41: See the note to line 37; there are tiny marks
atop each wedge in 30.4. Broken writings like
)i-MAN-|na[ = utianna appear in the corpus
from Susiana, for instance: /-TIL {MDAl 57,
3:45); /-GIN {MDAl 57, 5:17); /-TUKU-r«, /-ZAH,
y-GAZ-,s((, i-TUKU-/», i-Z\-a {MDAl 57, 9:1, 3,
7-11); /-BA.TIL/US (Biggs and Stolper, RA 77
|1983| 155:3); and the most glaring example fa-
as/ta-GAKCAR-an {MDAl 57, 1 i 23-24), Gom-
parable apodoses are attested in Sitsa as well
{MDAl 57 4:12, with p. 104; 10:35, 38, 41, 43).
For additional attestations of tem nidti in Mesopo-
tamian omen literature, .see J. Bottero, "Lr pouvoir
et .ses limitatious d'apres les textes divinatoires,"
in La voix de Vopposition en Mesopotamie, ed.
Belgique. 1974), 145-49.
43: See the note to line 32.
44: The writings of Elam in the Susa literary
57, 1 iv 7, 9), ELAM-^/»( {MDAl 57, 6 iv 2), and
ELAM'-' {MDAl 57,6 iv 5, 7); note also elam-ma""
in a school text from Haft Tepe (Herrero and
Glas.sner, IrAnt 31 |19961 76, No. 270:8).
45: See the note to line 38.
46: The scribal note jxinum gamir"{he surface/
fiont side i.s complete" probabl\ refers to the fa( t
that the text of the Vorlage was intact up to line
45. since the first notation /if-;;('"break" occurs in
the next line (line 47). Every subsequent line
(except lines 95-96), where preserved, similarl\'
documents a broken source manu.script. It is likely
tbat /if-/;/'should be reconstructed in the lacunae
of UM 29-15-393:47-103. Ctiriotislv, lines 48, 95.
and 96 do not bear the note he-pi, but lines 95-96
are clearly not complete. A similar expression,
90 MATTHEW T RUTZ
VAbu
48: See the note to line 38.
50: Perhaps restore sa-al-ha-ta-nu-{um) KUR/
MUL-(mtf MAS.ANSE ZAH). Note the relation-
ship fonnulated in DIS 20 ina KAxMI-.V(i '^sal-bat-
a-nu im-hur-sii MAS.ANSE Z|AH[ ACh. Samas
13:31 (r//c/.v girri). Commonly written ''UDUIDIM
in the first millennium (Horowitz, MCS, 153), ref-
erence to Mars also occurs in the OB solar eclipse
tablet: '^sa-al-ba-ta-nu-um (Dietrich, WZKM 86
[1996] 101:26-27). There appears to bave been
a connection between Elam and the portentous
planet Mars in the learned scribal milieu of first-
millennium Mesopotamia, see F. Reynolds,
"Unptopitious Titles of Mars in Mesopotamian
Scholarly Tradition" in Intellectual Life of the
Ancient Near East, ed. J. Prosecky, RAI 43 (Prague:
Oriental Institute, 1998), 352, 354-55.
51-52: Without significant duplicates, tbe in-
terjiretation of tbese lines is unclear.
53: See tbe note to line 27 above.
VI. Ululu
55: Based on the parallels, the expected formu-
lation should be Adad rigimsu inaddi "Adad will
thutider;" see Scbwemer, Wettergottgefitalten, 691- "eclipse" (Rochberg, Fs. Leichty, 342-43) are
94. The reading of the sign after IM is by no means
obvious. SILA = ka4 ^ GU^ = rigmu = GU - KA is / an-ta-lii (MDAI 57, 6 ii 44), AN.TAL.LU / an-
a possibility, though the sbape of tbe SILA sign in
lines 6-7 is PAP+DIS versus AS+DIS here. Never-
theless, tbere are other instances of apparent
internal paleographic variation in this source,
for example, ITI (line 14, 32, 76, 83 versus 47),
IM (lines 8, 55, 79, 87, 105 versus 4, 8, 41, 60,
63), AL (line 31 versus 50), and NE (lines 14,
32 versus 43, 47). On the poorly .studied phe-
nomenon of internal paleogtapbic variation, see
the remarks by M. Krebernik, 'Ein ki-''utu-Gebet
aus der Hilprecbt-Sammlung," ZA 91 (2001) 240-
41; Schwemer, ZA 94 (2004) 75-79. Another pos-
sibility is to read AS-i-DIS as GIS', since rigmu from nant women
this same expression is written GIS in EAE 22 I
§IV 5 and its commentary (Rochberg-Halton, AfO
Beih. 22, 256 n. 7, 272); see also Aa III/l Commen-
tary A:32 [MSL 14. 324). Another unusual writing
UGU = rigmu is attested at Susa and elsewhere
{MDAI 57,10:2; Farber, GMS 3, 253 n. 37; CAD R
329b lex.).
56: The signs are clearly gir-ra-AB, which is
to be read gir-ra-tum. Tbis scribal error was
probably conditioned by tbe graphic similarity of
g/KHA-gunu)-ra-f«m to ha-ra-ab, which tbe scribe
had encountered previously (lines 11,24).
Lower Edge
57: Tbe scribes count,fifty-fivelines, is correct
for the obverse (bere lines 1-56), less tbe scribal
note pa-nu-um ga-mi-ir (here line 46).
Notes: Reverse
61: Note tbe con.struction A.AB.BA hi-sib-m ZAt|
in EAE 22 I §IV 5 (IV/2I), Rochberg"-Halton, AfO
Beih. 22, 256.
VIl. Tasritu
63: Probably restore merely tbe phonetic com-
plement, thus [R[A<-is>. Note the examples from
Susiann (Biggs and Stolper, RA 77 [1983[ 159:7);
see also Schwemer, Wettergottgestalten, 691-94.
65: A variety of writings of antalu I attalu
known from the Susa divination corpus: AN.TA.LU
tal-lu (MDAI 57, 6 iii 23). AN.T[AL].LU / an-
t\al\-Iu {MDAI 57, 6 iv 3), ANTA.LU / an-ta-lu
(MDAI 57. 7:25', 44, rev. 28), compare AN.TA.LI /
an-ta-li {MDP 18, 258:7', Rochbeig-Halton. AfO
Beib. 22, 271). See also the introductory comments
on lines 18-103 above.
IX. Kisllmu
81: A similar apodosis, with tbe same orthog-
raphy as UM 29-15-393, is attested in EAE 22 I
§V 3 (V/16): e-ii-a-tu^ sa Sk-si-na SVB-di-a "pteg-
will miscarry" (Rochberg-Halton. AfO
Beih. 22, 257, with 272 for the Qatna MS rev. 5).
X. Tebetu
84: Perhaps reconstruct [AB.SIIN-m i-\ma-al-ti]
{CADS/2 328) or [KUR me-s]i-ra i-[mor|.
 TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA
XI. Sabatu
91: See the note to line 38,
93: The teconstniction is difficult. For D[A[M RI,
perhaps restore line 93: IDIM D[A1M <3,20>-n
<it-ta-na-a-a-ak> "an important person will flag-
rantly fornicate with the kings wife,"
Golopbon
105: The line counts of colophons do not always
correspond with what is represented on the tablet
itself (Hunger, AOAT 2,2), In this case it is curious
tbat the scribe's provisional counts "fifty-five" (line
57) and "forty-six" (line 104) total only 101 lines.
It is possible to reach 106 by incorporating the
scribal notations, including the colophon. Tbe
erased sign at the end of tbe line may well have
been GABA.
106: There is a growing liody of secondary lit-
erature on the form and function of the writing
board, le^u, an important, if archaeologically
underrepresented scribal medium (Frame and
George, iraqQl [2005[ 282-83, with previous lit-
erature; see also Fincke, AfO 50 [2003-2004] 124-
29). Writing boards were lighter and easier to
transport than clay tablets, so it comes as no sur-
prise that the Vorlage o'i UM 29-15-393 traveled
from Susa in tbis way. A number of scholarly
tablets from Assyria were copied from writing
boards (O. Pedersen, Archives and Libraries in the
City of Ansur: A Survey of the Material from tiie
German Excavations, Part //, Acta Universitatis
Upsaliensis, Studin Semitica Upsaliensia 8 [Upp-
sala: Uppsala University, 1986}[, 48; Fincke,
AfO 50 [2003-2004[ 128), and first-millennium
solar eclipse omens copied ftom writing boards
are known from Nineveh (AAT 31:6'-7', K,8086:
AA7'31:5', K.10084) and Uruk {UCP9/9, pi, 10:10',
improved readings in Weidner, AfO 22 [1968-
19691 68 n, 13; see also Weidner, AfO 14 [1941-
1944[ 177), Although the normative writing is
MUS.EREN''' "Susa," tbe writing MUS.SES'^' does
occur in Middle Elamite texts. A non-lapidary
example appears in a Middle Elamite tablet in
the British Museum (Walker, ban 18 [1980[ 78,
BM 136847 obv. 7, with pi. Ib), where the second
sign in this combination is SES, cf. M.-J. Steve,
91
Syllahaire elainite: histoire et fxileographie, GPOA
ll/l (Neuchatel: Recherches et Publications, 1992),
130-31. No. 541. where it is cited as EREN. It is
worth noting that BM 136847, probabl)' from Susa,
may be the fragment of an Elamite "literary com-
mentary or an omen text" (Walker, Iran 18 [198()[
76). Compare MDAl 53, 4:5 (Humban-ninnena);
11:3?, 6 (Silhak-Insusinak). In Mesopotamia
proper the original writing appears to bave been
MUS.SES {ATU 3, Gities 30. p. 147). FREN mid
SES were clearly differentiated in ED, albeit
minimally, see M. Krebernik, "Die Texte aus Fara
und Tell Abu Salablh," in Sjxituruk-Zeit und Friih-
dynastische 7A'it. Mesopotamien: Annaherungen 1,
eds. P Attingei- and M. Wiifler, OBO KiO/l (Frei-
burg, Switzerland: Universitatsverlag Freiburg;
Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998), 279-
80. Although the readings SES and EREN are
evidenth- distinguished in Proto-Ea 516-16b {MSL
14, 52), tbe signs are not remarkably well defined.
3N-T 563 {= UM 55-21-347. MS Bb.T\pe I) rev, xi
36-38 complicates matters furtber:
se-[esl EREN
s(i-ki-inl EREN
e-[re-e]n SES
Tbe other source. 3N-T 91 lc rev, (= UM 55-21-396,
MS Ks, Type II/2), is legible, but the relevant lines
are badly worn and of little u.se for paleography,
Tbe second sign in MUS,EREN'*' SH-u-5u-um,
Proto-Diri Oxford 462 {MSL 15, 47), is not clear
in the copy (OECT 4, 153 ii 11) and so may merit
further examination with these paleographic
nuances in mind. Decisive differentiation, how-
ever, appears in Diri Bogazkoy 5:4-5 {MSL 15, 92,
MS G, KW3 3.98:4-9). Homonymy may have led to
the orthographic convergence of the ,vw5w-plant
and the toponym Susa: GIS.(ZA.MUS.)SKS = sfiSu
"sfmi-planr (CADS/3 385-86) and MUS.SF.S^' =
susuni I sfisiti "Susa" (P. Steinkeller, "Sumerian
miscellanea," A»Or 2 [19841 139-40; J.-M. Durand,
"T^gur'''," NABU 1988/34, 23). Note .su-u-su GIS,
MUS.(DI).SiG.LAM, Diri 2:254 (MSL 15, 128-29,
MSS A and S13), where SIG.LAM = SES, see the
comments bv Krebernik, OBO 160/1, 283 n. 519.
92 MATTHEW T RUTZ

Obv. Rev.
UM 29-15-393

Noter The photofjraphs of UM 29-15-393 were produced b\- the Uni\(T.sit\- of Pennsylvania Museum and AW included here by the
kind permi,ssion ol' the Museum. It is a pleasure to arknowledfic- thi- follow in^ inHi\ iduals for their assistiincc with these images:
Richard Zettler; Francint' Sarin and Jennifer Chiappardi (University Museum Phnto Studio): as well as Al(.'.ss;indro Fezzati and
Kri.-itiiie Paiihi.s (University Mu.seuin Archives),
TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 93

UM 29-15-393 Detail (Obverse, Top)

94 MATTHEW T RUTZ

UM 29-15-393 Detail (Obverse, Bottom)

TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION BETWEEN BABYLONIA AND SUSA 95

UM 29-15-393 Detail (Reverse, Top)

96 MATTHEW T RUTZ

UM 29-15-393 Detail (Reverse, Bottom)

 LOVE REJEGTED: SOME NOTES ON THE
MESOPOTAMIAN EPIG OF GILGAMESH
AND THE GREEK MYTH OF HIPPOLYTUS
Fumi Karahashi (University of Pennsylvania)
and Carolina Lopez-Ruiz (The Ohio State University)
1 am inigiity among men and tiiey iionor me hij many names.
Scholars have long puzzled over why, in Eurip-
ides' Hippoiytus, the fatal end of the hero is
brought about by Poseidon's bull as the last blow
in a chain of tragic events triggered by the youth's
spurning of the goddess Aphrodite. Despite an
increase in Near Eastern and Greek comparative
work in recent decades, a striking parallel to this
story seems to have escaped the eye of classicists
so far We are referring to the well-known Near
Eastern myth in which a similar rejection by a
mortal man of the goddess of Love, Ishtar, leads
to the hero having to confront a celestial bull.
This myth is most clearly enunciated in the epic
narrative of Gilgamesh, passed down from the
Sumerians to the Assyrians and Babylonians. This
epic was probably the single best known story in
the ancient Near East and had a proven track
We are deeply thankful to T. Collins, C. A. Faraone, P Jones,
A. Kaldellis, T Sharlach, and T. P J. van den Hout for their in-
sightful comments and suggestions.
1. Aphiodites words in Euripides' Hippoiytus 1-5 (Grene
and Lattimore 1955). Subsequent e.xcerpts of Hippohjtus will
also be cited from this translation.
97
I am called the Goddess Ctjpris:
All tiiose tiiat live and see tiie ligiit of sun
From Atlas' pillars to tiie tide of Pontus
Are mine to rule'
record of jumping from one cultural setting to
another, even across different languages. Even
though in Euripides' tragedy the bull is not sent
at the direct request of Aphrodite (rather it is
Theseus, Hippolytus's father, who asks for it), the
coincidence of these specific elements at the two
ends of the story is remarkable; in both stories
a man who spurns the goddess of love ends up
having to face a bull sent by another god.
The connection that we are about to propose
should be seen against the background of the flour-
ishing cultural exchange between the ancient Near
East and the Greek world during the Late Bronze
Age (in the Late Helladic or Mycenaean period in
Greece) and subsequent centuries, which climaxed
during the so-called orientalizing period of the
mid-eighth to the mid-seventh centuries B.C. (see
e.g., Burkert 1992; Morris 1992; West 1997).^
2. For the interaction between the Near East and Creece
in the Mycenaean period,see the articles in Cline and Hanis-
Cline (1998). For the centuries following the Mycenaean period
down to the Archaic period in Creece (ca. 1200-479 B.C.), see
JCS 58 (200fi)
98 FUMI KARAHASHI AND GAROLINA LOPEZ-RUIZ
Decades of comparative research have made it
clear that Greek poetry and myth share numerous
motifs with the literature of the Near Eastern
cultures with which the Greeks were in contact for
hundreds of years before we even have written
testimonies of Greek literature.
Although there are many other examples, one
of the most striking cases is the close parallel
between the Hurro-Hittite Song of Kumarbi and
Hesiod s Theogony. Both deal with the succession
to divine kingship: the former, from Alalu, to
Anu, Kumarbi, and finally Tessub, and the latter,
from Uranos, to Kronos, and Zeus (West 1966;
1997: 276-305).=^ Some motifs of the Gilgamesh
story also found a way into Greek literature. M. L.
West has shown that some aspects of the story
of Achilles in the Iliad reveal very suggestive
parallels with the story of Gilgamesh (1997: 834-
47). For example, both Achilles and Gilgamesh
have a divine mother; Achilles is as devastated by
the death of his best friend Patroclus as Gilgamesh
is by the death of Enkidu; Patroclus appears in a
dream to Achilles, tries to embrace him but cannot,
whereas Gilgamesh does embrace Enkidu, who
comes up from the netherworld and tells him
about the conditions of the dead. Both Achilles
Snodgrass (1980),Osborne (1996), and Boardman (1999). For a
critical discussion on the history of scholarship pertaining to
the relationship between Classical studies and the neighboring
cultures of Europe and the Mediterranean and the political
and ideological conditions that determined the changing ten-
dencies, see Bernal (1987). His work Black Athena (1987,1991)
no doubt provoked positive and negative reactions among
Classicists and scholars of the ancient Near East, which in any
case opened up a healthy discussion and a more open forum
for this kind of study. Among other works that have marked the
field of east-west connections are Astour (1967), Gordon (1962),
Dodds (1951), Kirk (1970), Burkert (1979), and Penglase (1994).
New voices are continuously added to this multidisciplinary
academic trend, such as Bachvarova (2002), Haubold (2002-
2003), and others. A new but perhaps too "vague" concept that
is guiding some of the comparative works lately is that of
"areal feature" or "areal diffusion" (see Watkins 2001; Bach-
varova 2002: 5), as an alternative for the "diffusion" or "borrow-
ing" scheme. For this concept applied to Sumerian religion,
see Michalowski (1998).
3. A more detailed study of the connections between Near
Eastern and Greek cosmogonic and theogonic motifs and the
cultural contact underlying those connections is forthcoming
in a monograph by Lopez-Ruiz.
and Gilgamesh cherish the recollection of shared
hardship. Achilles through the extraordinary
meeting with Priam and Gilgamesh through the
meeting with Ut-napishtim learn the human con-
dition. As for the Huwawa episode, some scholars
(Forsyth 1981: 17; Lord 1990: 374-76) compare it
with the Polyphemos episode in the Odysseij, and
recently B. Gufler (2002) has shown its close re-
lationship to the Perseus-Gorgon myth."*
In the following pages, we will first outline
the Ishtar-Gilgamesh episode as recounted in
Tablet VI of the Akkadian Gilgamesh Epic (Stan-
dard Babylonian version = SB) and Euripides'
tragedy Hippolytus, and then focus on several
motifs that suggest that a Near Eastern theme
ultimately lies behind the version of the Greek
myth used by Euripides.
Gilgamesh Epic Tablet VI
Tablet VI of the Gilgamesh Epic begins with a
scene in which Ishtar, watching Gilgamesh wash-
ing himself and putting on clean clothes, falls in
love with him and proposes marriage: "You shall
be my husband, and I your wife!" (VI 9 atta lu
mutl-ma anaku lu assatka)? Until recently, it was
not clear whether a similar motif was also to be
found in the Sumerian poem Gilgamesh and the
Bull of Heaven., due to the corruption and frag-
mentary state of the text (Gavigneaux and Al-Rawi
1993). Now, however, A. George has been able to
show, on the basis of a newly discovered tablet.
4. For an iconographic representation of the killing of
Gorgon by Perseus that is clearly modeled on the slaying of
Humbaba by Gilgamesh, see Burkert (1992: 86). Parallel motifs
and roles between Gilgamshs journey for quest of immortality
and Odysseus's wandering and between Shiduri, a tavern-
keeper living by the seashore, for Gilgamesh and Girce and
Galypso for Odysseus (Lord 1990: 375; West 1997: 402-37;
Abush 2001) have been pointed out. See George (2003: 54-
57), for his criticism of West (1997).
5. Abusch (1986: 148-61) posits that this unilateral marriage
formulation and the accompanying offers promised by Ishtar
suggest that Ishtar was inviting Gilgamesh to become her
husband in the nethei-world. His analysis has been criticized
by Vanstiphout (1990: 48, n. 13) and most recently by George
(2003: 471, n. 98). For this line, see aLso Gooper (1993: 83-84,
n. 16).
 LOVE REJEGTED
that the goddess Inanna indeed did also propose
marriage in the Sumerian composition (2003: 472):
"O Gilgamesh, may you be its lord, let me be its
lady!" (SG 2652/2 obv 6 ''bil-ga-mes [zaj-re^ [u-mlu-
un-bi de-men Iga-e] ga-sa-an-bi de-men)."
To Ishtar's dismay, Gilgamesh rejects her love,
listing the unruly, undomestic, destructive, and
chaotic characteristics that make her unsuitable
for marriage (Frymer-Kensky 1989; Bahrani 2000;
2001) and reminding her of her unfortunate lovers,
including Dumuzi and the gardener IsuUanu,
whom she loved with tragic consequences (George
2003: 473-74).
Insulted and enraged by Gilgameshs scornful
comments, a weeping Ishtar ascends to heaven
and complains to her father Anu and mother Antu.
Although her father reminds Ishtar that it was she
who provoked Gilgamesh (VI 89), she neverthe-
less demands that Anu send the Bull of Heaven
to punish Gilgamesh. Otherwise, she threatens, she
will raise the dead so that they will overwhelm
the living.'^ Anu reluctantly gives Ishtar the Bull
of Heaven, which causes havoc in the city of Uruk
until Gilgamesh, with Enkidu's help, kills it.
Hippolytus
Unlike his father Theseus, Hippolytus is not one
of the more popular figures in Greek literature
and figurative arts. Most of what we know about
Hippolytus comes from the late-fifth-century B.C.
tragedy by Euripides that bears his name.* Eurip-
ides portrays Hippolytus as an impeccable youth
of outstanding beauty and virtue, who is pas-
sionately dedicated to hunting and thus devoted
to the patron goddess of this activity, the maiden
Artemis. He decides to renounce sexual pleasure
and boasts of his chastity, which he flaunts as a
sign of his strength and of devotion to his patron
6. We follow George's interpretation that the pronoun
"its" stands for E-anna, lnanna's temple at Uruk.
7. The motif of the threat of the risen dead from the Nether-
world is a well-known topic in Babylonian literature and the
threat is traditionally Ishtars to make (George 2003: 474-75).
8. First perfomied in 428 B.C. For a brief introduction to the
play, see Grene and Lattimore (1955: 158-60); see also below
n. 9.
99
goddess. The tragedy begins by telling how Hip-
polytus s arrogant rejection of the natural pleasures
of love deeply wounds the pride of Aphrodite, the
Goddess of Love. Aphrodite decides to prove her
power and avenge his offense against her by
means of a plot that will end in the tragic death
of both Hippolytus and his stepmother Phaedra.
Aphrodite causes Phaedra to be possessed by a
burning desire for her stepson Hippolytus while
his father and her husband Theseus is away from
home. Phaedra, unable to contain a passion that
would disgrace her children and husband, decides
to kill herself. Her nurse, in a desperate attempt to
prevent her mistress's death, reaches Hippolytus
and tries to persuade him to comply with Phaedra's
desires. The nurse's unfortunate intervention only
outrages Hippolytus, however, and he angrily con-
fronts Phaedra. Driven by fear that Theseus will
find out and that her honor and that of her children
will be compromised, Phaedra hangs herself as she
had intended, but before doing so she writes a
tablet slandering Hippolytus and accusing him of
raping her.
The aim of tragedy is served, Theseus returns
from his journey to find this shocking scene and
interprets Phaedra's body and farewell note just
as she intended. Hippolytus, keeping his vow, re-
fuses to reveal the truth to Theseus and humbly
accepts the exile to which his father condemns
him. He takes his chariot and rides along the coast
from the royal abode in Troezen. Theseus, not con-
tent with exiling his son, calls upon his father,
the god Poseidon, to grant him one of the three
wishes long ago promised to him {Hipp. 887-990).
Theseus prays that Poseidon will send a beast
against Hippolytus to kill him that very day. An
odd episode then follows in which a roaring bull
comes out from a huge wave and causes Hippo-
lytus's horses to go mad. The bull charges after the
chariot team and during the pursuit the reins get
caught in a tree branch. The chariot and its chari-
oteer are smashed, first against the tree and then
against a pile of rocks nearby. The mysterious
pursuer vanishes, and Hippolytus lies between life
and death until he is brought by servants to his
father who, having learned of his son's innocence
from Artemis's intervention, is given a chance to
100 FUMI KARAHASHI AND CAROLINA LOPEZ-RUIZ
bid farewell to his son and reach some reconcilia-
tion with
Main Parallels and Further Connections
These brief sketches of the Ishtar-Gilgamesh
episode and of Hippolytus show that both stories
share the same basic framework. In both, the
Goddess of Love is directly rejected and offended
by the hero and seeks to punish him, and the pun-
ishment takes the form of a bull that is sent by a
god one level above her in the divine hierarchy
and which comes from a primordial-cosmic ele-
ment, either sky or sea. These main features apart,
many details differ, and some pieces of the scheme
have been transformed or substituted by others in
the Greek version to fit into different traditions.
This is, of course, only to be expected from two
literary works so distant in space and time, belong-
ing to different genres and responding to different
sites of cultural production. In what follows, we
will comment on the main similarities and differ-
ences between the stories and at the same time
point out other, more subtle, connections between
them.
The Proposal
Although the Near Eastern derivation of Aphro-
dite as goddess of love has been widely accepted,'"
9. Euripides wrote two versions of Hippolijtus. The earlier
one, now lost, apparently focused more on the shameless
behavior of Phaedra. The later version, which is our text,
presents Phaedra's passion as a sickness induced by Aphro-
dite and aggravated perhaps by Hippolytuss chastity. Sophocles
also wrote a Phaedra (only a summary tells us about its con-
tent) and, much later, Seneca wrote a play on the same topic.
In both later versions, the first depiction of Phaedra prevailed
(Ganz 1993: 286-88). For other sources for the myth in an-
tiquity see Gantz (1993: 285-88).
10. Already in Herodotus (1.105) Aphrodite was given a
Phoenician origin. For an extensive work on the origins of
Aphrodite, see Budin (2003), who argues that the goddess was
introduced into Greek culture by the Phoenicians in the Early
Iron Age. (The name "Phoenicians," as used by ancient sources,
included a variety of other peoples of the Late Bronze Age,
including Syrians, Amorites, and Canaanites; see especially
Budin's chapters 9 and 10.) For an overview of the mythical
and cultic aspects of the goddess in Greek religion, see Burkert
(1985: 152-56) and Penglase (1994: chapter 7), who argues for
Mesopotamian influence on the Greek goddess.
Ishtar and Aprodite play quite different roles in
our stories. In the Gilgamesh Epic, Ishtar herself,
charmed by Gilgamesh's physical beauty, falls
in love with him and proposes marriage to him
directly.^' In contrast, we find in Hippolytus an
aloof Aphrodite who has no direct contact with the
hero but meticulously plans vengeance because she
is offended by his disrespectful attitude towards
her and by his devotion to chastity, hunting, and the
goddess Artemis. Aphrodite plays with love from
a distant height, using Hippolytuss stepmother
Phaedra:'"
But for his sins against me
I shall punish Hippolytus this day.
I have no need to toil to win my end:
Much of the task has been already done
(...) Phaedra saw him
and her heart wasfilledwith the longings of love.
This was my work {Hipp. 21-23, 26-28)
The Rejection
Why does Gilgamesh reject Ishtar's offer of
marriage? In an anthropological explanation,
W. Burkert (1992: 99) postulates that "Gilgamesh's
rejection of Ishtar corresponds to the hunter's
taboo: It is sexual restraint that ensures a suc-
cessful hunt. Hence the denial of love causes the
bull to appear.""' Although the same principle
comes to play a role in both Gilgamesh's and
Hippolytus's reaction.'"* Gilgamesh, in other re-
11. The motif of marriage proposal by a goddess or a female
of high status who falls in love with a handsome male is also
found in Greek literature. The closest parallel can be found in
the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite: Aphrodite falls In love with
Anchises, the beautiful Trojan hero, and proposes a marriage,
promising a lavish dowry (/j. Aphr. 53-142; for the story's con-
tinuation see further below). Another example is tbe Nausikaa
episode, where Nausikaa, looking at the cleaned Odysseus,
wants to marry him (West 1997: 413). Book 5 of the Odyssey
also comes to mind, where the goddess Kalypso offers Odysseus
an immortal life by her side.
12. Farnell (1970: 66) has suggested that "Phaedra" is one
of the names of Aphrodite. This suggestion would reinforce
the thematic resonance and coherence of the "hero-goddess"
confrontation in Hippolytus.
13. For the connection between sexuality and hunting see
Burkert (1983: 58-72). On Hippolytus especially pp. 60-61 with
n. 12.
14. See n. 21 further below.
 LOVE REJEGTED
spects, seems to be quite the opposite of Hippo-
lytus. He is not a hunter but a king who, during
his immature youth, misbehaved and oppressed
his city, Uruk (SB Tablet I 63-72; Old Babylo-
nian version Tablet P 159-160).'^ As A. George
(2003: 7) puts it, Gilgamesh "tyrannized his people
with his excessive appetites for sex and play." He is
far removed from the chaste figure of Hippolytus.
B. R. Foster (1987: 22, 36) writes that Gilga-
meshs rejection of the sexual advances of Ishtar,
here a personification of unproductive attraction
to the opposite sex, affirms and asserts the unity
of his relationship with Enkidu and his own
self-identity, which marks the beginning of self-
knowledge. H. L. J. Vanstiphout (1990: 48, n. 13,
62-65) takes Gilgameshs rejection as a refusal to
submit to the Sacred Marriage Ritual,"' to which
Ishtar has invited him in quite outspoken terms,
and grounds his refusal in his exclusive friend-
ship for Enkidu: "He refuses to allow social and
cultural strictures to control his life and that of
his friend." However, this reasoning, whether it
implies a homosexual relationship between the
two or not,'^ does not seem tofitwith Gilgameshs
catalogue of her mistreated former lovers and
final argument in the form of a rhetorical ques-
tion, "Will you treat me like them?" (SB Tablet
VI 79).
Z. Bahrani (2001: 153), focusing on Mesopota-
mian views of feminine sexuality and its poten-
tially destructive power, argues that the hero is
afraid of being destroyed as a result of the seduc-
tion, like the rest of Ishtars lovers: "Her frighten-
ing aspect is often the threat of sexuality joined
with death" (Bahrani 2000: 99).'^ This point is
explicitly dealt with in the Greek Aphrodite-
15. For the miicli-debatecl issue of Gilgamesli's abuse of
powei, see Geoi-ge (2003: 448-49), which summarizes the past
discussion with refei'ence.s. See also George (2003: 13), for a
reference to some kind of game, and George (2003: 167-69), for
an implication of droit de .seigneur
16. For the sacred marriage ritual, see Cooper (1993); most
recently, Jones (2003).
17. For the implications of homose.xuality in the Gilgamesh
Epic in particular and in Mesopotamia in general, see Gooper
(2002).
18. Bahranis comments on Groneberg (1986) and Harris
(1990-1991) are in Bahrani (2000).
101
Anchises episode,'^ where, unlike Gilgamesh,
Anchises falls in love so passionately with the
seducing Goddess (disguised as a mortal woman)
that he does not even care about death. But when
Aphrodite reveals herself after they have slept
together, the hero fears the disastrous conse-
quence, and implores her not to make him im-
potent {h. Aphr. 185-190).
In addition to fearing the tragic consequence
of amorous relations with Ishtar, Gilgamesh seems
to detest her because she has caused death and
suffering among mortals, especially heroes like
him. But why exactly does Hippolytus reject
Aphrodite? Ghastity as a superior value for the
hunter and the fear of the loss of power and
strength that inevitably follows sexual inter-
course with a woman/goddess is a core motif of
the tragedy of Hippolytus.^" His chastity and his
devotion to Artemis inevitably lead him to despise
Aphrodite and he gives vent to this feeling in a
misogynous speech {Hipp. 615-668) in which he
describes women as a curse for the human race.^'
Many other voices referring to the destructive
power of love are also put in the mouth of the
chorus and of the other characters at several points
of the drama. Artemis speaks ill of her rival Aphro-
dite as she reveals to a dying Hippolytus who is
to blame for his disgrace:
Art.: Cypiis, the worker of mischief, so contrived
Hipp.: Alas, I know the goddess who destroyed me!
Art.: She blamed your disrespect, hated your chastity
Hipp.: She claimed us three as victims, did Cypi is ...
{Hipp. 1400-1403)
As we have already suggested, chastity is not
the issue in the episode of Ishtar-Gilgamesh
19. For the first half of the story, see above n. 11.
20. The idea that se.xual intercourse is inevitably debili-
tating for men seems to be widespread in Greek thought, as
it already appears in Pythagorean philosophy (West, 1971: 160
with n. 1). West (1971: 161 with n. 2) also suggests that the
same idea is behind Hesiod s description of high summer as
the season when women are most attractive and men in turn
weakest {Works and. Days 586, echoed by Spartan archaic poet
Alcman in fragment 347.4).
21. "Women! This coin, which men find counterfeit! Why,
why. Lord Zeus, did you put them in the world, in the light of
sun? If )'ou were so determined to breed the race of men, the
source of it should not have been women...."
 102 FUMI KARAHASHI AND CAROLINA LOPEZ-RUIZ
confrontation.^^ However, both Gilgamesh and
Hippoiytus act similarly from the fear that the
Goddess's love might impede their own way of
life or cause their destruction.^''
The Punishment
In the Gilgamesh Epie, Ishtar begs her father
Anu to send the Bull of Heaven^"* to punish the
hero. Anu reluctantly accedes to the demand of
Ishtar^^ and sends the animal down from the sky.
Incidentally, her attitude and mood—that of an
offended capricious girl who seeks help from her
powerful father—is mirrored in the Iliad when
Aphrodite, wounded by Diomedes, goes up to
complain to Zeus and Dione, asking for revenge
(5.352-430). Dione is the feminine form of Zeus's
name (Genitive Dios), exactly as Antu is for Anu
(Burkert 1992: 96-100, with n. 5; West 1997:
361-62). In the story adapted by Euripides, in
contrast. Aphrodite acts as a self-sufficient goddess
and plots her own vengeance through the tragic
love of Phaedra toward her stepson Hippoiytus.
Hippolytus's punishment is two-fold. He is
exiled from Troezen (southeast Argolis across
Athens in the Saronic Gulf), and receives a further
punishment, which comes from the god Poseidon.
Carrying out Theseus's moral imperative to punish
his son thoroughly, Poseidon sends the bull up
22. The motif of sexual intercourse affecting the hunter's re-
lationship with animals rather fits the Enkidu-Prostitute epi-
sode: Enkidu, created to become the companion of Gilgamesh,
has sex with a prostitute, and after that the animals run away
from him (Westenholz and Koch-Westenholz 2000). A similar
motif can be found in the Hurro-Hittite tale of the hunter
Kessi who, after marrying a beautiful woman, stopped going
to the mountains to hunt (HofFner 1998: 87-89).
23. Cooper (2002: 82, n, 56) cites E. Neumann's interpreta-
tion (1954: 63) of the conflict between a conscious masculine
ego and the all-powerful Great Goddess.
24. The Bull of Heaven might be associated, in the later
astronomical tradition, with the constellation Taurus; see
Hunger and Pingree (1999: 105), Horowitz (2005: 176).
25. She makes it clear that if her wish is not fulfilled, she
will bring up the dead (see above n. 7). The reverse threat is
made by the Sun-god Helios in the Odyssey (12.382-83): that is,
if Zeus does not punish Odysseus's men for eating his divine
cattle, he will leave the upper world and shine over the dead
(Burkert 1992: 96-100 with n. 5; West 1997: 417),
from the sea. For the passage to parallel the
Gilgamesh episode exactly. Aphrodite, called "the
daughter of Zeus," should have asked Zeus for a
celestial bull. It is, however, Theseus, not Aphro-
dite, who implores his father Poseidon {Hipp.
1315-1319) for the hero's punishment. As we
have already mentioned above, this scenario is
strange because "it does not usually take two gods
to kill a man" (Burkert 1979; 112). Aphrodite did
not need Poseidon or the bull to destroy Hippo-
iytus if she wanted, neither did she ask for it. As
we pointed out at the beginning of this paper.
Aphrodite seems content with punishing Hippo-
iytus by ruining his reputation in the eyes of his
father; she does not ask for the hero's death and
neither does Euripides connect Aphrodite with the
request for the bull to appear. The fact that these
elements are present in the same story and in-
directly linked by the chain of events suggests
that the motif of the Love goddess and the bull
punishment belonged together in some versions
of the myth, some of which might have been much
closer to the "original" Ishtar-Gilgamesh story.
Proof of this is the above-mentioned episode of
Aphodite and Diomedes in the Iliad, which seems
to reflect a different part of the same narrative in
a more archaic source, namely. Homer. In that
version we have precisely that part of the epi-
sode that is missing in Euripides' version; in the
Iliad Aphrodite does ask her father to avenge her,
and the equivalence of the gods Zeus and Dione
with the Mesopotamian counterparts Anu and
Antu, as already noted, is perfect. The parallel is
incomplete, however, for in the Homeric version
there is no celestial bull sent to punish the goddess'
offender. This is one example of the selection
and adaptation of specific elements from a Near
Eastern-derived story to complement, enrich, or
adorn a given Greek myth or epic narrative.
In order better to understand how the bull
fits into Hippolytus's story, a brief summary of
the background of Theseus, which links him to
Poseidon and the bull, is necessary. Poseidon is pri-
marily the god of earthquakes (hence his epithet
"shaker of the earth") and of the waters, namely,
rivers, springs, and especially the sea, and also of
horses. He is certainly an especially important
 LOVE REJECTED
deity at Knossos in Crete tind also in Troezen
(Hippolytus's cult place), in addition to Athens
itself and other places in Creece.^*' Tradition
tells us that, although Theseus is the son of the
Athenian king Aigeus, his real father is Poseidon
(Cantz 1993: 248)." He, in turn, begets Hippo-
lytus with an Amazon (which explains the lad's
devotion to Artemis, the hunting maiden goddess).
Theseus's most famous exploit is perhaps his
journey to Crete in order to kill the Minotaur, who
devours seven maidens and seven youths every
nine years brought from Athens by command of
the legendary king Minos of Crete.
Minos was born from the union of Zeus and
the Phoenician princess Europa, whom he had
kidnapped while disguised as a white bull and
brought to Crete. (Minos was therefore himself
the son of a bull of quite heavenly nature.)^** At
one point, Minos prayed to Poseidon to be sent a
bull from the sea in order to make a sacrifice in
honor of the god. Minos, however, liked the animal
so much that he kept it, disregarding his promise
(Apollodorus Library 3.1.3-4; another version in
Diodorus Siculus 4.77.1-4). Poseidon, then, sent a
punishment that, again, involved an unnatural love.
He made Pasiphae, Minos's wife, fall passionately
in love with the bull. The outcome of this union
was the Minotaur, half man, half bull, whom
Theseus ultimately killed with the aid of Ariadne,
Minos's daughter.^'' This Theseus-Minotaur epi-
26. For Poseidon, see Burkert (1985: 136-39).
27. For the versions and sources for Tlieseuss exploits and
tlie story of Minos and the Minotaur, see Gantz (1993: chapters
8 and 9). For a work on Theseus and his role in the Athenian
imagery, see Calanie (1996).
28. S. Moi-ris (1992: 176 with n. 108) notes that the couple of
Phoenician Europa and the Bull Zeus might be equated with
the Canaanite/Syro-Palestinian Baal (storm god represented
as a bull) and Anat. The storm god Baal is al.so said to have
mated with a cow in the Ugaritic te.xts (Parker 1997: 148
with n. 170), and in the Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos
Ashtarte "placed upon her own head a bull's head as an em-
blem of kingship" (1.10.31; see Attridge and Oden 1981: 55).
As for Minos himself, Morris also points out several features
that portray him as an oriental king rather than a Greek one
(1992: 177). The divinely sanctioned kingship and the power
to sit as a judge are some of them.
29. The Minotaur was also connected in some traditions to
the bull of Marathon against whom Theseus (and in another
story l-lerakles) fought (see Gantz 1993: 263).
103
sode itself vaguely reminds us of that of Cilga-
mesh and the Bull of Heaven, in which the Bull
is successfully destroyed by the hero and his
helper Enkidu.^"
There is a crucial reference from a later author
that might reinforce this connection. Apollodotos
gives us the important detail that the actual name
of the Minotaur (literally "the bull of Minos") was
Asterios, that is, "heavenly," "starry," "celestial."^'
This may suggest that the oriental tradition of
Bull of Heaven was taken in, merged with a pre-
existing mythology of the Poseidon-bull, and thus
moved into his domain. The closest association of
Poseidon with bulls near the sea is in Odyssey 3.
4-8, where Nestor and his troops are said to make
a sacrifice of nine black bulls to him on the sea-
shore. Also in Archaic Creek poetry, we find that
Hesiod calls Poseidon "the bull-like {taureos)
We believe that the bull's involvement in Hippo-
lytus's punishment is not accidental. Hippoiytus's
rejection of Aphrodite, which echoes Gilgamesh's
rejection of Ishtar, and Hippolytus's connection
to Poseidon through his father Theseus, probably
invited the bull into the Creek myth. These ele-
ments of the story were linked through Theseus's
marriage to Phaedra (sister of Ariadne, Theseus's
30. The earliest iconographic representation of the "royal"
bull hunt is found on a cylinder seal from the Uruk period
(Watanabe 2000: 1151). We would like to mention, in passing,
the widespread practice of bull-leaping practice in Anatolian
and Mediterranean culture.s. For Anatolia, see Soysal (2003).
For the bull-leaping ritual and painting from the Minoan
period at Knossos in Giete, see Burkert (1985: 36-40). A fresco
painting of bull-leaping scene in the Knossos style is found
in Tell el Dab^a in the Nile delta (a Hyksos fortre.ss at Avaris;
Bietak 1996).
31. Apollodorus Lihrartj 3.1.4. This name is associated
with the legendary Gretan king that married Europa, thus
becoming a foster father of Minos. It seems possible that this
Asterios might be an "alias" for the bull-Zeus who mated with
Europa and that the Monitaur was another manifestation of
Zeus (Galame 1996: 210; West 1997: 451). Galame sees in the
creature a more recent form of the bull-god venerated
originally in Grete (1996: 210-13). See also there the com-
parison with other Egyptian and Ganaanite figures (Galame
1996: 233). For the possible West Semitic origin of the figures
and names of Europa and Asterios, see West (1997: 451-52)
and references there.
32. Hesiod S/i/eW, 104.
104 FUMI KARAHASHI AND CAROLINA LOPEZ-RUIZ
helper in his fight against the Minotaur, and so
sister of the Minotaur as well), who falls in love
with his son Hippolytus.
Gilgamesh and his companion Enkidu skill-
fully destroy the Bull of Heaven sent by Anu at
Ishtar's request. Hippolytus, on the contrary, is
utterly defeated and destroyed by the beast sent by
Poseidon at Theseuss request, which is planned
by Aphrodite.''^
Conclusions
Although the motif of a powerful woman or
goddess becoming angry and vengeful when re-
jected by a man of inferior status appears to be
universal, the use of a bull as the means of pun-
ishment certainly is not. That is, the similarity
between crucial elements in the structure of both
stories, linking the conflict and its ultimate con-
sequence, is too specific and too strange to be
purely coincidental: a goddess of Love rejected
by a mortal man, leading the hero to confront a
bull sent by another male god from a place that is
not the animal's normal habitat (i.e., the heavens
or the waves). We believe that applying the com-
parative method is justified in explaining how this
extraordinary punishment of Hippolytus for his
rejection of Aphrodite came into the composition,
especially when taking into consideration the cul-
tural climate of the eastern Mediterranean during
the Late Bronze Age and the first half of the first
millennium B.C.
As we have suggested above, Hippolytus's story
is strongly connected with Crete through his father
Theseus. After all, Theseus, Poseidon, and bulls
are all related to Crete. Crete, in turn, was one
of the most fertile soils for Oriental and Hellenic
hybridization from the earliest times, as we can
tell by archaeological and historical records. Ad-
mittedly, there is a discouraging chronological, geo-
graphical, and cultural gap between the original
versions of the Gilgamesh Epic and the classical
Athenian tragedian Euripides. The chronological
gap, at any rate, is required by our argument, for
33. The connection of Hippoiytuss myth and hero cult with
horses, and the tradition that Hippolytus came back to life must
be treated separately.
only in the long passage of undocumented centu-
ries could the elements of the original Near East-
ern story have been divided from each other and
redistributed among different tales in the Greek
tradition (e.g., in Homer, Hesiod, and Euripides),
taking on new narrative meanings and legendary
associations. We are not trying to postulate a di-
rect link between the two sources. On the con-
trary, the specific narrative and tragic use of
these motifs by Euripides can only be explained
in Euripides' own terms through a close reading
of his plays, and it is very doubtful that the trage-
dian would have been at all aware of the arcane
origins of these peculiar aspects of what he prob-
ably regarded as (one version of) a local myth
that inspired his tragedy. It is precisely the distance
between our sources, and nonetheless the aston-
ishing similarity of the motifs, that make the case
interesting. This parallel is one of many tokens of
a complex exchange of ideas taking place at least
a millennium prior to Euripides between Greek-
speaking peoples and their Levantine neighbors
many of which have surfaced in preserved clas-
sical sources, even if it is impossible to trace with
any precision the moment or way in which the
interference between the stories happened.
At most, we can postulate that the myths of
Theseus and Hippolytus might have taken shape
under the influence of the Mesopotamian motifs
of Ishtar-Gilgamesh-Anu-the Bull of Heaven.
The Theseus-Poseidon-Minotaur story echoes
that of Gilgamesh-Anu-the Bull of Heaven, and
the Aprodite-Hippolytus confrontation that of
Ishtar-Gilgamesh. Hippolytus's tragedy is built
upon his filial relation to Theseus, who killed the
"celestial" Minotaur (created as a punishment of
Minos by Poseidon) and married one of Minos's
daughters, Phaedra, who, in turn, fell in love
with Hippolytus. The bull of Poseidon, in turn, is
somehow a reflex of the Minotaur. Hippolytus's
punishment is, seemingly inevitably, inflicted by
a bull sent by Poseidon, as if, by a certain circular
logic to the killings, the god was making up for a
long unpaid family debt Thus what has been
usually seen as an "oddity" in a fifth-century B.C.
Greek text might be now understood as a neces-
sary element tightly linking Hippoiytuss fate to
that of his family lineage.
 LOVE REJECTED
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 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESGAPE:
GRIME AND PUNISHMENT
AGGORDING TO A DOGUMENT
FROM NEO-BABYLONIAN URUK
Kristin Kleher (Universitat Wien) and Eckart Frahm (Yale University)
The image of a prison depends on the viewei.
A citizen who believes in law and order sees it
differently than an inmate. In the atieietit Near
East, Sumerian poets regarded the prison as a
divinely authorized institntion that would help a
culprit undergo a personal transformation in order
to become a useful member of societ) again. The
mytliologieal composition "Nungal iu the Ekur"
portrays the prison as the womb of the goddess
Nungal, from whi(h the prisoner emerges reborn.'
Nungal, the divine prison warden, claims; "My
house is built upon pity; I am the mistress who
i. Tbe tnr>st iceent edition of tbe Niingal hymn is Attinger
(2003), Earlier treatments of key passages of the text are pro-
vided by Frymer (1977) nnd Civil (1993). For tbe idea of the
reborn piisoner, see especially I. 103 of the hymn: e-gn|Q Iu si
s:\ mu-nn-ii-TU hi lul nui-un-te-en-te(-en) "'My house helps a
truthful man to be relHirn, but annihilates the liar."" A similar
concept underlies an Ass\ro-Ba!)\loni;in ro\al ritual jK'ifonned
in tbe moutb of Tasritu: The king bafi to spend the rnglit fiom
the seventh tcj the eigbtb day of tbe montb in a leed hut rep-
resenting a pri.son, to emerge from it jiistiheH and trans-
formed the next morning. The ritual, which is related to Bll
sald^ mt\ will be edited by C. Ambos in his forthcoming
monograph />r Ktinig im Gefangnis und die Alnvehr de.-i
Tntnif],i'istes.
109
! never saw a mnn who looked
With smh a wi.stfui eye
Upon that little lent of blue
Which prisoners tall the sky
Oscar Wilde, The Ballad of Reading Gaol
makes men live."^ Yet the reality of Mesopotamian
prisons was far grimmer than these lofty theolog-
ical justifications implied.' In the Old Babylonian
letter AhB II, 83, a prison inmate who maintains
his innocence writes that he is starving and sick,
and calls his place of detention a hit dannatim.,
"house of hardship."
In this article, we will edit and rliscuss a text
that provides new infonnation on incarceration
in first-millennitim Mesopotamia. The prison
tnentioned in the text was patt of the t ultic infra-
structure of the Babylonian goddess Istar; it was
situated within the Eanna precinct in the city of
Uruk. This san( tified environment, whi( h recalls
the spirit of the Ntmgal hymn, seems to have
failed, however, to make a lasting impression on
2. (^-gii[() Sa-ne-sa^ mu-iin-dii niii In t"il-til-nu'-en (Nimgal
Hymn. 1. 83).
3, On Mesopotamian pri.sons, sec Seouilaire (1989). C^asini
(1990), Steinkeller (19911. Sa.ssmannsbaii.sen (2001: 176-77),
and, for tbe Nfo-Balnlonian period in paitieular, Oelsner,
Wells, and Wunsch (2003: 967i aiul Klelx-r (2005); .see at,so the
disenssion below. On the history of tbe prison in general, see
MoiTisiind Rotbman (19951. Tbe classical mcKJern stndy of the
social functions of imprisonment and otber ptuiisbments is
Foucnult (197,5),
.K:S ^H
110 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM

PTS 2185 Obverse

PTS2185Rever.se
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESCAPE 111

the prisoner whose fate the text diseloses. Instead 7 \^tak]-lak'Uwa^-^i7i-nin '"GAL-E-fci/-// i-dwku
of becoming a better man during the tiine he spent 8 '(/^ na-hal-kdt-ti ul-tu E.AN.NA is-ku-nu-ma
behind bais, the captive, in tr\ing to regain his 9 f(|/|-/(Y u-ru im-(ju-tam-ma (jah-li-sii i.'i-hi-ir
freedom, committed another grave crime, one that HI d\r\-ka-nis ^a-mi-ra-a-' A-sii sd ^ku
prompted the drafting of our tablet.
'.vii-w/n-''AG a-na '''S
12 '"^/P-(-;)i •«/ FJ.AN.NA ii ^"¥.N"''''-pi-(p'-
The Text
13 .sd E.AN.NA (V/-'/w'-(i hini-ma a^-htt-nu bi-iii-
PTS 2185 was acqnireH on the antiquities ua'an-^i-m\a\
market in the early years of the twentieth cen- 14 nu-hal-Ut U uu-^hir-ra-am^-uia nid-dak-ka
tur\. The tablet is housed in the Special Collections
of the Princeton Theological Setiiinary Library, edge
and measures 88 x 58 x 21 nini.' Its origin from 15 '''30-MU u ^''EN""''pi~hin-ne-e-ti is-me-su-nu-
the Eanna archive in Urtik can lie inferred from t\u\/tW\
its contents and its affiliation with other Princeton 16 'SUM-na-SES SES-.sw-jn/ a-iia hul-lul id-di-
texts that belong to the same archive. We publish mi'niS-Su-nu-t\u\/t\u\
the tablet with the kind pe!Tnis.sion of the director
of the Oversees Collection of the Princ eton Theo- rev.
logical Seminary, Robert Benedetto." 17 u^_mu sd i-bailu-U_u ih^-lxi-^ku-iui^-.si-*ini
IS a-nfl'V-'-/'''''""EN.MESpii-f/|('-ne'l-'(
obv. 19 i-huim-di-nu-u.s'^ ki-U la i^-tah-ku-hiu 12
1 SU|M-nfl-SES A-sii i,sVi' 'suum G UD
4-KAM ,sd '"SE a-ua mwsi 20 El.fAN'.NA i-nam-di-hui^ DIS-CM
2 lUZj.TUR""'^" ^d nap-ta-nu m ''GASAN-.vd- [Sd-ni\-i
Vm\}Q}' sa a-nat-a-ki-tn^ 21 ^"niukiuuu ^ha\-Ua-tii^ A-sti '-s'd' ^su-Ua-a A
3 \mi\-su-u ina sa-ar-ti is-ri-iq-ma '''AMAR,
UTU-MU-DU '"za-ku-ic(/ 22 \'Ba!assu\ 'A-.vu fid ''"AMAR.UTU-'MU-DU
r''A|G-'SUR' (/ 'AD-GLNA ^"GKL-qa-na-a- AI 'DU-e,s-DINGIR
ta-an-iiu sd LUGAL 23 I'.. ,l-'x A-su scV 'SES.MES-'e-o A' 'DILI-SUR
\a-na '|""130l-MU ''V/('-/-;>i sd E.AN.NA id-di- 24 ['.. .1-fx' A-su '.sd' 'x-'x-x-x(-x)' A "x-x(-x)'
25 I'.. .l-'x' A-su ' ,s-d' 'Nl'CDU '"A-(/-i taO LUGAL
\ma' hif kif-lli'- E.AN.NA i-sah-bat-su-ma 26 r...|-'x"i A-.s-(/ ,sd "MU'-GIN ''".vn-.sd-nn
UD15-KAMsd"'GU4 LUGAL
27 I'...l-'x' A-su sd '"'AG-PAB' A ""SANGA-
4, While the obverse of the Inhlel is rather well preserved,
its reverse is badly tlamajjed and ditfieiilt to copy; renewed 28 ['/Va/»V/wj)/j-'SES' A-sii sd '"'AG-
collation mif^ht result in better readinjis.
5. K. Kleber read and copied PTS 2185 in April 2tK)6 durjujj A'''30-TI-iER'
a stay at the Seminary funded by the Gerda-Henkel-Stiitunn 29 I'...I 'x' A-su sd "ARAD-''m'-?in) A '''AG-
(Diisscldorfl. In Jiuic, K. Trahm collated the tablet, especially SES,'ME-T1N-//'
its badly damaged reverse, and prepared the hniil rupv. Fnihm
wrote Ihe inlroduetion and most of the pbilolojiital (ommen- 30 |"I71-JH1M-|MU|-'UR11 A-.S'(/ I,SV/' ' D U M U - " ' E N -
tary, while Kleber i.s respousible lor tbe general remarks on dan- A' '''AG-',sar-/j/i-|DIN|GIH.ME
the te\l. The edition and translation are a joint effort. We owe 31 '"UMBISAG ""'AG-Din-|SESi 'A'-,s(i sd
many thanks to M. Jursj wbo, a.s always, helped with useful
sugge.stions and criticism. Klebers part of the article was
written under the niispices of the START project "Eeoiiomic
Hi.story of Babylonia in the First Milleiiiiiuin HC'," funded b\' edge
the Fonds /ur Fiirdenmn der Wissenschal'tticben Forschunn
(Vienna) under tbe direction of Prof, Jursa. Our special thanks 32 UNUG"^' '"GU4 UD 20 1 LAL-KAM MU '34'-
are due tct Kennelh ilenke, who helped make our stay in KAM
Print eton botb prodm tive and enjoyable.
33 ''AG-NIGDU-URl LUGAL TIN.TIR"'
112 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM
'•^During the night of the 4th da\ of Addaru
(XII), Nadin-ahi, son of S(/m-Nabn, stole with
criminal intent a duck from the saoied meal of
the Lacly-of-Uruk, which had been taken to the
Akitn house.
'^"**Marduk-sumu-ihTii, the zazakkn-o^ciii\,
Nabu-etir and Abu-ukin, the royal rah qaunati-
ofiicials., gave him (Nadin-ahi) to |Sln|-^icldiii, the
resident {(jipu) of Eanna, .so that he would detain
him \in the] prison of the Eanna temple.
"-"On the 15th day of A\-\ aru (II), he (Niidin-ahi)
killed Taklak-ana-lnnin.. the prison warden, and
tried to climb out of the Eanna (precinct), but fell
from the roof and broke his hip.
'""'^Afterwards, Amira^. son of Kurbanni, and
Mannu-aki-NabCi, son of S(/m-Nabu, spoke to
Sin-iddin, the resident of Eanna, and to tbe l?il'
piqitti-oHicvAs of Eanna as follows: "Give us our
brother. We will restore his health, then charge
(him with bis crime) and give (him back) to you."
'•'^"*Sin-iddin and the bsl-piijitti-ofhcmh listened
to them (and) gave them their brother Nadin-ahi,
so they could restore his health.
''''^"On the day when his health is restored, they
will bring him (back) and give him to the resident
and the /.j^/'/j/c/iY/Z-officials. If they do not bring
him, they must pay 12 uiinas of silver to the
Eanna. One (brother) guarantees for the otber.
"'IWitnesses): Balatu, son of Sulaya, descendant
of Arad'..., ""|Balassu|, son of Marduk-sumu-ibni,
descendant of Eppes-ili, "[.. .| ..., son of Ahhe^a,
descendant of Edu-etir. "^|...] son of de-
scendant of ..., -''I..]..., son of Kudurru, royal
reservist, "*'|...] ..., son of SH?/((/-ukin, royal susdnu,
''[.. .| ..., son of Nabu-n3sir, descendant of Sangii-
Istar-Babili, ^'^[Nabu-bani|-ahi, son of Nabu-bal-
assu-iqbi, de.scendant of Sin-leqi-unninni, "''1.. .|
...., son of Arad-lnnin, descendant of Nabu-ahhe-
uballit, ^'Innin-[.sumu|-usur, .son of Mar-Bel-dan,
descendant of Nahu-sarhi-ili.
^'Scribe: Nab{i-bani-|ahi|, son of Arad-Nabfi,
de.scendant of Sahit-gine.
^2-^Umk, 19th day of Ayyaru (II), 34th year of
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon.
Philological Commentary
1. The first three lines of the tablet were already
published by Beaulieu (2003: 167-68). Beaulieu
assumes tbat su-uiu in \su-uin''\\Cj is a phonetic
spelling of the logogiam SUM = nadCinu. and reads
the name Iddin-Nabu. This interpretation is not
completely implausible, but such a spelling would
be virtually unique in Neo- and Late-Babvlonian
onomastics. It seems more probable to assume that
the first element of the name is West Semitic and
may represent the Semitic word for "name."'' Tbe
fact that no ancestors name is given for Nadin-
ahi indicates that he did not belong to one of the
leading families of Uruk.
2. Beaulieu (2003: 121) has shown that tbe
name Beltu-sa-Uruk was functionally equivalent
with that of Istar of Uruk in tirst-millennium Uruk
theology." The Akitu hou.se of Istar was situated
outside Uruk, at a distan{ e of about three hundred
meters northeast of tbe city wali."*
3, Besides \na\-su-u, "was taken," a re.storation
of \is\-iiu-u, "(which) be took," could be considered
as well. Because of Nadin-ahis apparently modest
family background, not compatible with someone
who would hold a significant cultic position and
deliver sacred meals, it is, however, unlikely that
he brought the duck to the Akitu hou.se bim.self.
Tbe writing ^"za-ku-ku must be a misspelling of
^"za-za{k]'ku. The scribe may have bad in mind
that one syllable of tbe word occurred twice, but
he mistakenly chose to repeat the last syllable in-
.stead of the first.'' On the duties of the zazakku-
official, and the individuals who held tbis office,
see Dandamaev 1994 and tbe discussion l)elow.
Marduk-sumu-ibni is otherwise uuknowii.
6. See Zadok (1977: 65-66), wild other cxamplrs t'lir the
name type S»»i-DN. There is a problem wilh this inlerpretu*
tioii as well: In contrast to Ani(>rit<' ;iiul N(-o-Ass\riiiii, Nen-
iind Late Babylonian nornialK- renders West Seiriitic Isl not
as <N> but iis <s>. Yet, as poinled out to us by Hun Zadok (pers.
communication), the initiiil .sibilant of km "name" was appar-
enth' pronounced in moie ihan one way among West Semites
residing in .md around Babylonia, whi{ h may account for the
uiiiisiial spelling provided in our text.
7. For (he food offerings ihe deity received, see Beanlieii
(2003: 1.59-70).
S. For information on il.s tnx hitectiual layoul and religions
signiiicance, see Falkenstein (1941). Fongratz-l,cist{'ii (1994:
42-47), and Kose (t998: 27-89), During the Neo-Babylonian
period, Unik had only one .\kihi house, while there v\ eie t\\ o
in Seleiieid times.
9. For other late misspellings of zuzakkn izo-zak-za-ku and
^":xik-za-ku). sc-e CADZ, 76a.
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESGAPE
4. On the functions of tbe rab qannati official,
see below. The term is used bere as a composite
noun, with the pittral ending -aniiu (< anu)
attached to its second element.'*' Neither of tbe
two office holders mentioned in this line seems to
be attested in other Eanna tablets.
5. Tbis is the earliest teference to Sin-iddin as
resident Ujipu} of Eanna published so far. How-
ever, BM 114638 (26.1.30 Nbk) shows that his
incumbency had started already four years
earlier. On new data for the officials of Eanna, see
K. Klebers fortbconiing dissertation on the re-
lationship between the Eanna temple and the
royal admitiistration,
6, The restoration at the beginning of the line
is conjectural; the traces before E.AN.NA are very
faint and may well represent not |/| / but a different
sign, Tbe present ten.se form isablmt is surprising,
but can perhaps be e.xplained by interpreting the
pbrase as a final clau.se." Nadin-ahi tries to escape
from his imprisonment on 15.11,34 Nbk., that is,
two months and eleven days after he committed
his crime, and four days before the present docu-
ment was drafted,
7, Tbe name Taklak-ana-Innin is so far un-
attested in tbe Neo-Babylonian text corpus,
but no otber reading comes to mind. Few Neo-
Babylonian names end in -Innin, among them
the wcll-attesttd Arad-lnnin and the ratber un-
common Iddin-lnnin and Ahiilap-lnniii., none
of which fits the traces on the tablet. Tbere are,
however, many Neo-Babv Ionian attestations of
the name forms Ana-DN-takldk, Atkaiana-DN
and Ana-^DN-atkal.^~ Neo-Ass\rian eponyms of
the ninth and eighth centuries bore the names
Takldk-ana-bcli. Takldk-a}ia-lH~liija. and Takldk-
ana-sarri (Millard 1994: 123). A full prosopog-
rapby of tbe prison wardens of Neo-Babylonian
Uruk is provided at the end of this article.
In spite of tbeirgraphemic realization, the verbs
i-du-ku and is-ku-nu-nta (in 1.8) must be singular
10, Nntr that the indi\i(liiiili/in^i; plural ctiHint:; -^>iu is
normally attiiched to nKisriiliTif nianis only, svf GAG. ^ 6li,
11, For the Hiuil (liiiicnsioris of the sviitiijrina ipni.s/iptanis/
parisi'tiui) ijKtrras.. see Strcck (1995; 242 n. 546) and GAG,
§ 158-159,
12, Tnllqvist
113
forms, since it is unlikely that some anonymous
forces helped Nadin-ahi to escape from the
prison. Streck (2{K)1: 78-80) pnnides nuiiieroiis
examples for the use of CV-CV instead of CVC
signs to expre.ss closed syllables in Neo-Babylonian
ortbography.
8. Because the sentence would othei^wise make
no .sense, the substantive nabalkattu (see CAD
N/1, 9-10) must mean "scaling" in this passage
and not, more .specifically, "ladder."
9. This is apparently the first attestation for a
broken hip in a Bab\ Ionian or A.ssyrian text; see
CADQ, 10-11.
10. ^a-)ni-ra-a'' is a West Semitic name, probably
to be connected with Aramaic '^aivird,' blind."'^ A
less likely explanation of the name would be to
regard it as a combination of Arabic H;M(/" "com-
mander"'^ and the Aramaic emphatic ending a.
Note that the name of Amlra^s father, Kurbunni,
is Akkadian.'^
11. Apparently, tbe scribes first idea was to
write hnan-nu-ki-i, but after beginning to produce
the Kl sign, traces of which are still \ isible on tbe
tablet, he changed his mind and wrote ^niannii-
a-ki-i instead.
13. It is interesting to note that Amira-' and
Mannu-aki-Nabu, when appealing to the Eanna
authorities,call Nadin-alji their "brothtM." altboitgh
only Mannu-aki-Nahu has the same fatlu r as the
culprit,
14. Tbe petitioners ask for a temporary release
of Nadin-ahi to re.store his health ibidhitti), and
promise that afterwards they wottid charge him
witb bis crime and return him to the Eanna au-
thorities. For the formal accusation the "brotbers"
are supposed to prodttce. the judicial tertn barn
III D is used. This word, w hich is w ell attested in
Old Babylonian, Middle Babylonian, and Middle
Assyrian texts, but is rare in first millennium
documents, means, a( cording to CAD B. 127b.
13. See Zmlok (1977: 125, 151, 340). We arc indchtcd tii
R Zaclok tor suj^gestinn this interpretation to ns
14. Cf. the personal name Anilni, horn li\ the i'litlui (if a
t-aravaiiraidt-rinS/VA 1. 175: 4; sec P/VA I/I." 101,
15. For ;i (liscus.'iion of the rtyinolo(i\ ol' Kiirhaniiii/i (which
means cither "cloil" or "blessing."" oi- is iin ithbri'viation of a
name of the type KtirlKnini-DN "Blrss me, DNPj.see FNA 2/1,
640,
114 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM
"to establish the true legal situation (ownership,
amounts, liability, etc.) by a legal procedure in-
volving an oath," In ottr text, nubirrainma may
signify that the brothers promise to convince
Nadin-ahi to confess his crimes fnlly.'^
The singular suffix pronoun -ka in niddakka
ohviously refeis to the <iipU] the hel piqinefi.. ap-
proached by the petitioners as well (1. 12), are not
explicitly addressed in the direct speech.
15. Again, a singular form, isme, is used although
the conesponding subject includes not only the
qlpu., but also the bei piipneti.
19. The traces in the second half of the line
are very faint, and the reading "^12 ina-na KU.
BABBAR^ must be regatded as tentative.
20. For tbe guarantee clause putu nakX typical
of bail protocols, and an overview of the Eanna
tablets belonging to this text category, see van
Driel (1998; 74). The teading is not completely
certain, but is plausible in the present context,
21. The family name at the end of the line re-
mains unclear to us; neither a reading ''^ARAD^-
''fNIN.UL' nor 'rARADi-'"U.GURi can be easily
reconciled with the traces.
22; The name is restored after YBC 4122 (un-
publ.), which documents that ^ha-lat-su \-su sd
'•'AMARUTU-MU-DU A 'DU-f.v-DlNGIR (II. 3-4)
owes barley to the Eanna temple. The tablet dates
to an unknown year of Nehuchadnezzar.''
23. For the reading of 'DILI-SUR as edu-efir (not
^ds'sur), see Borger, MZL, 283-84 (with further
literature).
24, A reading ''SIG^-Za' (kindly sitggested to
us by C, Wunschj is not completely incompatible
with the traces at the end of the line, but the con-
16. That su(b confessions were deemed important in hrst
tnillenninm Babylonian lawsuits (an be infeired. for f'xaniple,
from a Hellenistic judicial "cbronicle," published b\'Joannes
(20(K)). about tbe treatment of several individuals charged with
stealing temple propeily in Babylon. Mo.st of tbem were burnt
after tbey bad confessed their crimes under torture, but one
defendant, who did not confess, stayed alive until be eventually
died in prison. The text does not nse hdru D to describe the
aet of eonvictinfj tbe thieves, but kdiiti D, whieh is frequently
attested with Ixim D in other judicial texts.
17. YBC 4122 is a eop\- of an orifjinitl document that was
apparently badly damaged. The year date was already broken.
and the tablet renders it as MU '"'" '^^''-KAM •'AG-NiCDU-URI,
dition of the tablet precludes a definite solution.
On the hypocoristic name Damqiya, and the names
it might have been derived from, see Ktimmel
(1979:83).
25. kutallu (pi.: kutallatu) "reservists" ate
attested elsewhere (see CAD K, 606a), but we
ktiow of no (tther references to a kiital sarri.
26. A reading '^NUMUN-GIN' iZeru-ukln) is
feasihle as well, .susdnu, a designation for horse-
trainers or grooms in Neo-Assyrian texts (see Fuchs
1998: 108-11), became a title of myal deptities and
of other officials in the Neo-Babylonian period
(CADS, 379a).
28. Nabu-bani-ahi, son of Naht"i-balassu-iqbi and
descendant of the Sin-Ieqi-unninni family, was a
sctibe. Also known as Baniya, be is attested in
documents from I'ruk dating from 33 Nbk to 9
Nbn; see Kitmmel (1979: 119,132).
30. An Innin-sutnu-usur son of Mar-Bel-dan
is attested in numerous Eanna texts"* as a pre-
bendary who receives masmrtu allocation.s. In
AUWE 8, 10, dated 4 Nbn, he is mentioned with
his family name (Innin-sumu-usur / |.. .| / Nabu-
sarhi-ili). Note that a reading Uia-nu^ instead of
^dan^ is not excluded.
31. The name of the scribe is lestorcd after
GC 1,233 and 261, GG 2,140, YOS 6, 10. and PTS
2573, 3015, 2467, and 2405 (unpubl). His brother
Balatu (Kiimmel 1979: Ul, 131,153) was a scribe
as well.
32. The Babylonians regarded the 19th day of
the month as "the day of the wrath of Gula" (see
Ijvingstone 1999: 134-35), which may explain the
complicated writing 20 DIS LAL (for LAL DIS)
"20 minus 1": Perhaps the scribe did not want to
write the inauspicious number 19. The year date is
damaged, but since a certain Kudunanii is attested
as prison warden in Uruk from 19.IX.34 Nhk until
30.V37 Nbk (see below), a reading "36" instead of
"34" is unlikely.'^ The Jitlian date that corresponds
to 19.11.34 Nbk is June 14, 571 FU:. (Parker and
Dubberstein 1956: 28).
18, E,g.. NCBT 105 (38 Nbk), PTS 29.56 (40 Nbk|JAA'£S21,
63-64.no,21 (Ami),A[AVE5,133 (Ami), PTS2411 («Nhn),and
YOS 19, 213 113 Nbn).
19. Tbere is thus far no evidence that theoHieeof the rah hit
kfli was beld b\' more than one infli\ idual at the sainc' lime.
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESCAPE
General Remarks on the Text
Both formally and in content., PTS 2185 is a
rather unusual text. Bail protocols are well attested,
bttt are almost always short and laconic. PTS
2185, however, explains in considerable detail
the history of the case, combining elements of a
court protocol and a guarantee cast as a dialogue
("Zwiege.spriK'hsurkiinde"). Two guarantors ask
Eanna ottitials to entru.st Nadin-ahi into their
custody until he recovers from his injury, This
request is granted despite the severe crime.s that
Nadin-ahi has committed, cHtnes othei"wise rarely
attested in the judicial tiles of the Eanna temple;
a theft from the inner parts of a temple, homicide,
and an attempted prison escape.
The Theft
The theft of consecrated food from the inner
parts of a temple—in this case ftom the sacred
meal of Beltu-sa-Uruk in the Akitu hou.se—is not
a mere pilferage of something to eat. Entering the
abode of a deity withoitt authorization was con-
sidered a sacrilege that resulted in cultic pollution,
an offense that was widely feared.^" In the per-
ception of the Babylonians, disturbante.s of the
cultic order caused di\ ine anger, which in turn had
negative consequences for the city or the country
as a whole.
We are not informed how Nadin-ahi managed
to enter the bit akUi at night. But there is evidence
that otlier thefts tVoni the sanctuary occurred
because it was not always well guarded. The
document YOS 7, 89'' reports that Anu-nadin-
sumi/Istar-ah|]e-iddinAtinnu, the prebendary gate-
keeper of the Akitu house, had abandoned his post
20. See YOS 7, 20, where the iissembty reports to the royal
commissioner of Eanna [b^t jnqitti) that a Sirku had entered
a sanctuary without permission to Ho so: "Wflsin/ .'iirku ^
Bpltuka-Vruk ^'musaijljirii so i)aln inn miiljhi taix' '"sa
Askayitu ina i Ix^r unii iiillatii ^"rahitii ana ildui sa Esagil
Ezida -'liainli ii Barsip ilcruii "Nilsini. an oblate of the Lady-
of'-Uiuk and agent of the ^ate. entered, mo.st Si\( rilcniously,
in the Kist doiible-houi of the day. (itiriti^, the pnic<'s.sioii of
Urkayitu. (into the presence ot) the gwis of Esagil and Ezida
(of) Babylon and Borsippa."
21. Edited bv Beaiilien (2003; 170-71).
115
and disappeared, and that several bronze objects
were .stolen wbile the sanctuary was without a
guard,--
Larceny and embezzlement of temple property
frequently preoccupied the Eanna court assembly.
The penalty was a thirty-fold replacement of the
stolen goods, the ancient fine known already from
§ 8 of the Laws of Hammurapi."^ The misappro-
priations mo.stly took piace out.side the temple; the
.stolen goods were tools, animals, or agricultural
products belonging to tbe goddess.""* A few texts
report thefts from the more profane parts of
the temple precinct, such as storage areas, work-
shops, or the cash-box at the entrance.^'' Judicial
documents concerning thefts from inner parts of
shrines are rare in the Eanna archive.^" Unfortu-
nately, none of the relevant texts records a verdict,
but the transgression of cultic taboos was certainly
an aggravating factor"'
22. Tbe Satatiimii of Eanna tht'retipon ;ippointi-il ;i sirkii
to guard tbe Akitu housr, a.s we leitrn as the text ('(»ntinues.
i.iiter. the eousin of tbe escaped gatekeeper ref|ii('sted tbe
gatekeeper preliend Iroin tbe sataiiiiiui. wbo granted it to him.
At this p<iint. the text ini'iiniis us about tlie piel>en<hiiv duties
of agatekeeijerof the Akitu bouse: 'PNl isataiiunu} PN2 '^ana
massarti ii atfiti ittii hit akiti ''^iiviid iia])ta>iu ina i>it akfti
ana stihti ^"uqarral) put massarti .sa bit akfti ua.si ^'aklu u
mkarii ana siii>li iifanah '~it kiirintitiialii so atuli PN2 ik\kai\
"PNl (the administrator of Eannal appointed 1*N2 (tbe cousin
of the former gatekeeper) for the watrb and tbe prebendary
duty of gatekeeper in the .-\kitu Imuse. ih- will offer the
siKritifial meal on the altar. lie will bear tbe responsibihty
for tbe watcb in the Akitu botise. PN2 will partake of tbe bread
and beer offered on the altar, and of the ratiotis of the gate-
keepers prebend."
23. Fordiseussion and ;i collection of eases,see San Nicolo
(1932).
24. Another tbeft of Huck.s is recortlecl in a doi ument piih-
lisbed by Figulla (1951). in tbis eii.se. laborers working on a
canal bad killed two living diieks from a potilti\' yard of tbe
temple for later consumption. Tbe tine imjjosed on tbem was
to supply sixty clucks.
25. YOS 7, 42 I20.1V5 Cyr) and YOS 7 78 (17.1.8 Cyr). edited
by San Nicolo (1933).
26. YOS 7, 20; YOS 7, 170: YOS 15. 10 (to b<' piibliUied
sbortly),
27. The discrepancy between § 6 and § 8 CH has led to tbe
explanation tbat tbe death penalty of § 6 eonterned the tbeft
of more valuablr goods iKoscbaker 1917: 74|, or as Pet.scbow
put it, of res sacrac. in op]K>sition to tbe )*'.v profaiiaj' treated in
§ 8 (Petscbow 1965: 149-'). But namkurn means "[wssessionfs)"
in general, and so San Nicolo 1933, 328 held tbat § 6 only re-
flects an older stage of law. Tbere is, however, clear evidence
116 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM
After the theft, Nadin-ahi was in the hands
of three royal officials, the zazakku and two rah
(jouudti. The zazakku was one of the highest
otficials in the Neo-Babylonian empite, PTS 2185
is the only attestation for Mardttk-sumu-ibni as
zazakku. Five other 2;a;.o/c/fw-officials are known
by name: Bel-tibalIit/Nabt''i-baIa.ssii-iqbi/Eppes-ili
(8-10 Nbn), Nabu-zeru-ibni (16 NbnJ, Remut (17
Nbn), Ina-Ese^a (Nbn), and Kudurru. Tbe latter
is tnentioned in two unpubli.shed Babylon docn-
ments, wheie he is in charge of transferring
several criminals to the bit kill (Peder.sen 2005:
189 and 191). Besides dealing with prisoners, the
responsibilities of the ^oj^a/f/c((-official included
constrnction and repair work in temples, the
safet\' of the divine statues, offerings to the gods,
valuables belonging to tbe tetnples, and the pre-
bendary personnel."''
The invoh'ement of the two royal rab qannati
is more difficult to account for PTS 2185 is the
first text that explicitly states that two men could
hold this office at the same time. CADQ, 85a ttans-
lates rab qannati as "overseer of the cattle pens,"
a rendering that is based on the assumption that
qannatu derives from qannu C "cattle pen." This
derivation is doubtful, however, and does not
help to explain the duties of the rab qannati
offi(ial. The title is not frequently attested, VS20,
55 mentions sheep that are paid as a fine isartu)
for tbe execution of Ihc dciith pfn;ilt\ for (hefts from inner
parts of tbe temple in documents from Inter periods. Astro-
nomical diaries imd i\ cbronicle from Ihe Hellenistic }K-riod
list instances of sacrilegious crimes, mostly tbelts (perhaps
once sorcery), and report that the accused were imprisoned
and tortured, and if convicted punished hy burning. .\ gokl-
.smith who had not confessed died in pri.son, and hi.s body was
burnt afterward.s. Tbe relevant materiul is collected and dis-
cussed by Joiiiines (2000). Tbe lack ()f evidence from tbe Neo-
Bahyhmian pcriiKi makes il, unfodunately, diHicult lo judge
v\ hether .such puni.shments were a continuation of a l<mg-
standing practice or a revival of some older procedures Ibat
bad fallen out of use.
28. For the office of the zazakku in general, and the first
three office-holders, see Dandamaev (1994). Remut's part in fbe
gathering (»f tbe cult .statues in Babylon in face of tbe Persian
tbreat in 17 Nbn is cle.scribed by BeauMeu 1993. The zazakku
Ina-Ese^a witne.s.se.s the installment of prebendaries, .see Sim
Nirolo (1935, 27). See also MacGinnis (1996).
to a rab qa}>nati, and then refers, in broken con-
text, to a prison warden, A similar case is reported
in NBG 4575; A rab qannati takes sheep ina piski,
i.e., as a tine for a previous w rongdoing of someone
else. YOS 19, 93 tnentions a rab qannati of the
oblates {sirku), and in YOS 17,359, the rah qanndti
Nergal-tisallim/Nabu-sumu-ibni grants the release
of a washer on bail, Obviouslv, the rub qannati had
something to do with criminals and their punish-
ment. Our text adds to the evidence, but does not
clarify the exact nature of this offi(e.
It is interesting to note that Nadin-ahi v\as ini-
tially in the hands of royal officials, most likely
because the severity of his crime touched upon the
interests of the state. Then he was handed over to
the temple for imprisonment, A parallel to this
sequence can be found in YOS 7, 106, wbere the
\ice-governor of the Sealand isanfi) transfers
responsibility over a detainee in the prison of the
Lady-of-Uruk to the satammu of Eanna,
It has been argued tbat tbere were no prison
sentences as such in the ancient Near East,"'' but
there are indications that long-tenii imprisonment
existed,^" We cannot decide whether Nadin-ahi
was sentenced to a prison term or a high fine that
he was unable to pay, whereupon he was incar-
cerated and forced to work otf his debt. It is also
possible that his case had been pending and that
a new "round" of investigations or court proceed-
ings was still to come.
29. San Nicolo (194,5: 1-2). Imprisonment can usualK- be ex-
plained as detention for investigation (lor example in YOS 3.
96) or debt-related confinement (YOS (i. 219), But see Wells (in
Oelsner, Wells, and Wun.sch 2003: 967j, who does not exclude
thai prisons were used for punishment.
30. Nadin-a^i had been imprisoned for two and a bail'
months when he tried to escape. Incarcenition over a period
of eight months is attested in tbe dossier concerning lnnin-
zf-ru-ihni/lna-te,si-etir(7'CL13, 154,YOS7. l,'")2,anilYOS7, 146).
wbi(li will be treated elsewbere by K. Kleher. These long
periods point to the existence of prison sentences. The Old
Babylonian letter CT 2, 19 iAhB II. 83) seems to refer to de-
tention as punishment as well. Note, in addition, that Nabu-
sumu-ukin, a son of Nebuchadnezzar II who may have been
identical witb the later king Amil-Marduk, indicates, in a prayer
to Marduk (Finkel 1999). that he was incareeiated by his father
for a considerable amount of liTne. Yet tbe treatment fif political
])ri.soners was certainly quite different from tbat of common
criminal.s.
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESCAPE
The Homicide
Neo-Babylonian jiidit iai documents concerning
crimes that go beyond property matters are rare.
They inclnde onl\' ii few texts that record a \erdi( t.
There are several tablets that document testimo-
nies of witnesses in the process of litigation, but
tbe major disadvantage with these texts is tbat one
cannot tell whether the accusations recorded were
actually ])rovcn or whether they would bave been
dismissed in the (mostl\' unknown) outcome of the
case.
PTS 2185 provides an tinusual amount of f;K tual
information. Nadin-ahi had twice been caught red-
handed. Hence we can be sure tbat we are dealing
witb a theft, an attempted flight, and a homicide
that actuallv took place. There aie two otber late-
Bab\Ionian judicial documents tbat deal with accu-
sations of homicide: BM 46660" und Nbk 365. In
botb (ase.s, the accusers still ha\e to prove the guilt
of the accused party.
In YBC 6932, GimilluAnnin-sumu-ibni, the rent
farmer of Eanna. is accused of having hired an
assassin.'- The intended victim, Shi-sarru-u.sur. tbe
royal commissioner of tbe temple, is still alive
after the hearing—the assassination had obviously
not been carried out.
The penalt>' for bomic ide in the Neo-Babylonian
period is unknown.^' In BM 46660 and Nbk 365,
a compensatory payment {)iapsati PN salamu) is
claimed. Nbk 365 indicates tbat an intervention
of the court was not obligatory if tlie accuser was
able to prove the homicide, and tbe accused agreed
to pay the compensation,^^ In the ca.se of the death
of an Eanna official, however, the assembly of
31. KdiU'd by VVuns.'h (2002).
32. The tablet has been edited by Jnrsa (2004). .\ siniikir
case, which took pliice in C-irak. is dwnmented in the letter
NCBT 59. to be piiblisherl by E. Frahm and M. Jiirsii in ;i
forth( oniin^j YOS vdliinie.
33. On hciniiciiie in eai lier |)ri icnis ol' tlu- iiiicicnt Nmr F.^asl
and in the law coll eel inns, sec Alstt-r (1993-1997) and the rele-
vant entries in Westbrook (2(K)3).
34. Nhk 365; .V7; tlinii sa tiatlika so dikii itiiya la tadahhuh
anUku napsdti sa <iallika iisallamka "Do not brinji i\ lawsuit
against me with respect to your slave who was killed. I will
cnmpen.sate yon for tbe life of vonr slave."
117
Eanna certainly had to be invoKed, perhaps even
a higher court.''"'
Nbk 365 is the case of a murdered slave \\lio.se
purchase price constituted the compensation for
bis killing. We do not know^ the compensation re-
cjuired after the death of a free person, nor do we
know what happened if the convict was unable
to pa\; Wunsch (2002: 361) holds that the convicts
economic background and descent were i))obabl\
taken into cMin.sideration.
Guarantees often inclnde tlu' guarantor's
promise to pay the debt if the debtor does not
appear, or a tine in the case of ciiminal affairs.
That our text determines a fine of twelve minas
of silver^*' in case the brothers fail to hand Nadin-
ahi over to the authorities may be significaut. The
.same amount is mentioned in YOS 19.66. but the
text gives no reason for the suret\. Twelve minas
is also the sum that the decurion of TEBR 44 has to
pay as compensation if he reciiiits certain bowmen
for a campaign." Taken together, the textual evi-
dence so far available is too anecdotal to allow
for Hnal conclusions on the penalty for bcnnicide
in the Neo-Babylonian period.
The Attempted Esca})e from the Pri.son
Tbere is one otber tablet fidm the Eanna tiles
that records an escape from jail: the document
YOS 7, 97, writteu on 19.IX.0 Cam (January 529).^^
In this text, the prison warden Nanaya-ahu-
iddin/Arad-Nabu testifies against two pri.soners,
Nargia/llu-gabru and Samas-bel-kullnti/Laba.si,
who attempted to escape during the night and
3.5, TCL 12, 117 deals wilh a man who thrc:itened a royal
otHfial of Eanna with a dagger. He is hnnif^hl to trial before
the assembly, where the dajif^er is wrapped up ant! sealed,
most likely to remit the case iinH the corpus delicti to a higher
(perhaps royal) eourt.
36. The two verticals of thf nnnibei' 12 me .scpurated bv an
unusually wide space, hence the reading is not bcvinul doubt.
37. A dossier from .Sippar thnt wiii be edited by C. Waer-
zeggers indicates that a wealMu' |)frsoii had lo pa\ KiM. minas
of silver as a compensntion to kct-p his arm. w In* h would other-
wise tMM'Ut oir. We do iml know whi( h crime he had conunittecl.
38. Kdited by San Nicolo (1945), most rccenth translated In
Joannas (2000a'; 210-U).
118 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM
release their fellow inmates. They struck down a
prison officer and tried to cut a hole into the wall
of the building by means of iron shears smuggled
into tbe prison by a female slave of Samas-bel-
kullatis fatber. When the attacked guard raised
the alarm,'^^ the prison warden came and pre-
vented the prison inmates from escaping, YOS 7,
77, a document drafted about ten montbs earlier
(27,XII.8 Cyr), provides information on tbe con-
ditions that bad driven Sama.s-bel-kuliati to this
desperate attempt to escape from his confinement.
Bound in fetters, be was put to work in the kings
cow sbed,^" and his brother Anu-z€ni-subsi'*' was
beld responsible to make sure that tbe convict not
spend bis time in the tavern instead.
.42
Frison(s) and Imprisonment in Eanna*''
We do not know much about tbe conditions in
Late Babylonian prisons.*^ Some texts mention
detained women,^'* and there is ample evidence
tbat prisoners were put to work. It was an old
tradition in the ancient Near East that inmates
had to grind ilour, and this also applied to the
prisoners of Eanna, There are several references
to the allocation of grain to tbe prison warden,
and many texts that record deliveries of flour by
39, Z. 17ff: Bitia terdu ki iskun Nanaya-aha-iddin ana
muhhini i-te-ri-bi "When Bitia cried out in protest, Nanaya-
ahu-iddin turned against us," For the meaning of lerdii "Pro-
testgesohrei"see Jursi) (2000),
40, YOS 7, 77; 2-3; (PN) ,va ina nemen sahtti-ma ana liabasi
sa tilmi ana hit alpi .«/ .wm ana .Aiiii-zeru-sulm iiadna "(PN)
who is bonnd in fetters and j^ivcn to Anu-zeni-suKsi to chop
straw in the king's cattle pen,"
41, Curiously, this is the same man who is inter accused, in
YBC 6932, of knowing about Gimillu s alleged plan tn hire an
assassin.
42, The hit kili (never i>it sibitti) of Eanna served as a
prison of the temple. The pahu'e had its own pri.son. Creditors
could hold dehtors or mcmhers of (heir fiimilics in private
detention. See Oclsner, Wells, and Wunsch (200.3: 967).
43, The Old Babylonian letter CT2, 19 {AbB II, 83), quoted
at the beginning of tbis aillrle, ilbistnites the hardships some
prisoners experienced, BIN 1, 36 and 49 are letters of impris-
oned UiTikeans who report to be in shackles.
44, YOS 3. 96, NBC 4732 refers to women conhned in a
private house.
tbis official.'*^ Prisoners were also engaged in otber
manual work for tbe temple, sometimes outside
tbe prison itself, as in YOS 1,11 (the kings stable)
or YOS 17, 343, where a detained person (1 ^"sab-
tu) and several leather workers receive barley.
Most likely, tbis captive was put to work in tbe
leatber industry. It is unclear wbetber convicts
were chained while staying in the pri.son, but
they probably were wben being allowed outside.
Bail protocols sometimes emphasize tbe return of
the shackles together with the (tcmporarilv) re-
leased delinquent,""'
The prison {bit klli) of Eanna was apparently
built of mudbrick, otherwise the men mentioned
in YOS 7,97 could not have hoped to cut a breach
into its walls by means of a small tool. In PTS
2185, Nadin-ahi scales a wall of the temple pre-
cinct but falls from tbe roof. He probably tried to
cross one of tbe enclosure walls of Eanna, whicb
were casemate walls with a row of roofed rooms,
A royal .storehouse isutummu) in Eanna is
mentioned in YOS 7, 88 as a place where an
oblate isirku) is kept in fetters. Text 22 in Jursa
1997 (13.1.18 Nbk) refers to a delivery of five
sutu of dates to sirkus wbo are detained in the
bit kare C"si-rak sab-tu-tu sa ina E CUR7,MES).
Only tbree days later, on the 16tb of Nisannu,
the same amount is given to "confined workers'"
(ERIN.ME sab-tu-u). without specification of the
locality,"'' Cimiilu/Ardia, an official who was re-
sponsible for the preparation of rations of pro-
cessed foodstuffs for workers, especially date-beer,
.sometimes received grain to be ground into flour,
perbaps again in the bit kare. In GC 1,219, iron
fetters are handed over to him. It has been argued
tbat tbe bit AY;n" was a (enter for the production
of goods, including tbe foodstuffs that were con-
sumed by tbe temple workforce, like beer, flour,
and bread (Kleber 2005: 309-10). It is not clear
where tbe bit kare was located, only that it
was separated from the Eanna archive and the
4.5, See Kleber (2005: 293-94). and the prosopographv of the
prison governors given below.
46. YOS 19,66. BM 114441. NCBT 524,
47, GCl, 16 (6,1.18 Nbk).
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESCAPE 119

cetilral storeroom.s. It could liavf.' been one of the
courtyards within the walled temple precinct, or
.situated somewhere else in town, It is possible
that Hour was ground in two places, in the bit
kare and in the bit klli, or. that the bit kili was
part of the bit kare ox situated nearby within the
enclosure walls of Eanna. The hit karevo\\\d have
Ix'en it wot king pla(e from whete tlie prisoners re-
turned to the bit kili at night. But the bail protocol
NCBT 524, which states that a sick delinquent is
kept in fetters in the bit kare, speaks in favor of a
pemianent detention there.
The release of debtors or criminals when
someone served as a surety was rather common.
It allowed that person to generate lesources to
pay off debts or fines. Iu PTS 2185, the reason
for Nadin-ahis temporary release is his injur>;
BM 114441 and NCBT 524 are other examples of
guatantees for sick prisoners, Su< h arrangements
were in agreement witb tbe interests of the in-
stitutions that kept the prisoners. They did not
want the prisoners to die, but they were also
not interested in feeding them when they v\ere
too sick to work.
Jttst as iti ottr document, guarantors often were
relatives. Social control and the liability of the
famiK were supposed to deter the accttsed from
fleeing. If the guarantor failed to produce the
convict when summoned, he was made liable for
the debt, or. in case of ( riminals waiting for their
trial, had to pay a significant fine.

Table 1, Prosopography of Prison Wardens {rab bit kili) Known from the Eanna Archive.
name in orTicc Uxt date lille con lex I
(Amel-Nanilya) 13.1,3? NCBT 1032 13,1.3? |NpI| flour
possibly rab bit kili INplI GC2, 19 ll.XII.8Npl - flotu'
INpIl NCBT 906 not dated - flour
Amurnt-|x| 11- 1.9 Npl GC 2, 60 IM 1-9 Npl ibk flour
Nabt't-ahu-iddin 2I.VI2Nbk YBC 9657 21,V12Nbk ibk barle\
|Tak|lak-ana-Innin? -15,I[.34 Nbk PTS 2185 19.11.34 Nbk ibk is killed
KudurrSmt/Nergal- iaiX.34^'- NCBT 1023 19.IX.34 Nbk rbk barley for flour
iddin
30.Y37 Nbk GC1,89 29,IX.36 Nbk -
flotu"
NCBT 822 28.X.36 Nbk -
flour (with his son
Innin-sumu-itsur)
PTS 2142 17.XII.36 Nbk - flour
GC 1,120 8.1,37 Nbk ibk flour
GC 1,156 30,V37 Nbk rbk floui'
GCU91 ll-H.Xl.30-f||Nbk - floui" (with his sou)
Ina-,siIIi-Nergal 2O.VII,38 Nbk- EHE 458"*' 20-fj |,VII,38Nbk rb\k\ flour
LVIILl Ami c:c 1.160 13.VIL39Nbk rbk barley
NCBT 708 16.ll'(?).40Nbk - flour

48. This cnrrects Kleber (2tK)5: 293), where, hased on ;in errnncdus notiitimi of the ve:ir in GC 1, 91. lii.s period in
given as 31 lo 37 Nbk.
49. Emended, the copy hiis "'(ii(7-frissii-''l5.
 120 KRISTIN KLEBER AND ECKART FRAHM

NCBT 2336 21.V40Nbk - bread

AUWE 5, 1 21.11.40 Nbk - Hour
GC 1,137 7.V11.40 Nbk - flonr
PTS 2956 2.VIII. 40 Nbk rbk barlev for Hour
GC 1,147 17.IX.40 Nbk - flour
NCBT 123 l.X,40 Nbk - flour
NCHT136 7.X.40 Nbk - flour
NCBT 128 9.X.40 Nbk - Hour
GC 1,106* 15.XI.40 Nbk - barlev a-na ma-'dak-ii
'"*/jirt-*gi|.ssu -''u.gur
CC 1, 105 30.Xl.40 Nbk - flour
NCBT 811 12.XII.40 Nbk - flour
CC 1,203 7.1.41 Nbk - floui" from prison
GC 2,149 10.V41 Nbk - flour
CC 1,150 11.IX.42 Nbk - flour
CC 1,158 \0+ X .11.43 Nbk - barlev for flour
AUWE 5,154 l.VIlI.l Ami rbk receives wool for a
KUR.ra-garnient
GC 1,151 2. INbk - flour
NCBT 965 l.XI.[| - flour
Kttlbibti 8.V1I.3- SCI 8.VI1.3Nbn flour
8.10.9 Nbn YOS 19,157 21.XI.7Nbn rbk barley
CC 1, 263 1.1X.9 Nbn flour
CC 1,401 8.10.9 Nbn - flour
CC I, 300 [1,10.9 Nbn - flour
YOS 3,113 tiot dated (letter) barlev for grinditig flour
Istar'-resu^a 15.I.ll[-H|Nbn GC 1,318 15.1.11[+l Nbn rbk silver as ration for vear
11 Nbn
Nanava-idflin/ (20.1. 14 Nbn) YOS 6,149 201,14 Nbn ' responsible for prisoner
At ad-Nan a va
10.Vin.15 Nbn- YOS 19, 296 1O.V1II.15 Nbn rbk receives iron fetters
25X15 Nbn AnOr 8, 36 15.IX.15 Nbn rbk retitrns iion fetters
YOS 6, 237 25.x. 15 Nbn rbk delivers baskets
Nanav a-ahti-iddin/ 19.IX.0a Kam YOS 7, 97 19.1X.0aCam rhk prison revolt
Arad-Nabu
TEBR 56 ! rbk flour
Nanava-eres 2.Vni.5 Cam AnOr 9, 9; 14 2.VIII.5 Cam rbk rations
 A NOT-SO-GREAT ESCAPE
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2000 Une cbronique judiciaire d'epoque beilenis-
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Jursa, M.
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Kleber, K.
2005 Von Bierproduzenten und Geiangnisatil.se-
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Ko.schaker, P
1917 Rechlsrer^li'ichoule Sliidien zur Gcsetz^,e-
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MacGinuis, J.
1996 A Further Note on the zazakku. NABV
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1994 The E)xmyms of the Assyrian Empiie .9/0-
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 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN
BERICHT BM 55466+

johannen Koch (Rothenburg o.d.T.)

A. Datiernng 25 '^Sal-bat-a-nu u ''xx.\ en""'^ ni-.sir-tum sd mdt

Elam-ma'''
26 nim dib'"'"'SAG.ME.GAR »''Utuen""' hii-sir-
/. NachlK'sserung
tiim H{V mat Uri'"
Mit meinem in JCS 56 erscbienenen Beitrag, 27 '.sn-/
,,Ein astralmythologischer Bericbt aus der Zeit der
Diado{ henkiimpfe" (Koch 2004) konnte erstmals folgerichtig
nacbgewiesen werden, daf^ die vom gejointen
Text BM 55466+55486+55627 fur Babylon iiber- 25 Mars und Mond, Herren des Geheimnis.ses
lieferten, in den Mythos vom Kampf Marduks von Elam,
gegen Tiamat/Qingu eingebetteten Geschehnisse 26 oben passierten, (auch) Jupiter nnd Sonne,
datierbar sind: obv. 24-27 liefern dazu eine Herren 'des Geheimnis.ses von' Akkad,
Dt'izu-Mars-ZMond- sowie eine Dijzu-Jupiter-/ 27 'unten' passierten,
Sonne-Passage, obv. 16 mit rev. 16 eine Simanu-
Mondeklip.se und obv. 11-12 die Begleiterschei- zu iibersetzen ist, findet si( h mein Datierungs-
nungen dieser Ekiipse. lbre astronomische Aus- befund:
wertung fiihrte in das 13. Jabr der Seleukiden-Ara,
d. i. julianis(-b 299/298 v,Cbr. [Koch (2004: 110-15), Duzu-Mars-/Mond-Passage - 17 VII 299 v,Cbr.,
Dank der inzwi.schen berithtigten Lesung von
Zeile obv. 27:' Duzu-Jupiter-Sonne-Passage = 30 VII 299 v.Gbr,

27 '.S zusatzlich bestiitigt, wie aus na{bstebeuder

Tabelle (s. dazu Koch 2004: 111, Tafeln I und II)
27 'unten^ passierten , . , ,
ersicbtlicb ist,^ die auch jetzt wieder a Leonis
also nicht:

27 'su.nigin'dib""',.. 2, Legende:
\ = ekliptikule Lange eines Cestim.s.
27 'gemeinsam^ passierten . . . (Kocb 2004: 107 P = ekiipttkide Breite eines Gestirns.
und 110), ta = frtgliciier Aufgang eines Gestinis, tu = taglieher Unter-
gang eines Gt'stirns.
h = Hohe des Gestirns iibcrl + i b/w. nnteri-) Babylons i lori-
weshalb jetzt obv. 25-27: zont,
n\, = seheinbare visuelle Groiie eines Gestirns,
1. J, Oelsner. Brief vom IB 11.200,3. Jahreszahlen in juliiuiiseher Ziihiung,

123
124 JOHANNES KOCH

(Regulus) als passiertes, im Fall von BM 55466+ vertretendes Gestim einbezieht:'

die ..Dynastie Babylons" (pa/«(bal) e"") stellar

Datum Uhrzeit Gestirn X P Helligkcit In h

17 VII 299 v.Chr. 20''23'" Mond 143.57° -2,99° 6% 20''23"' -0.22°
Mats 138.25° + 1,12° 99% 20''26"' +0,45°
a Leo 125,19° +0,38° m,.+1.35 19''39*" -8.78°
ta
30 VIT 299 v.Chr, 4'\50'" Jupiter 128,97° +0.83° 100% 5''07'" -3,72°
Sonne 128.42° 5''04'" -3,55"
a Leo 125,19° +0.38° m,,+1,35 4"50"' +0,07°

2. Ninurta's "A«/gang" von BM 55466+ obv. 24-27—damit aber auc h erst

nach dem heliakischen Aufgang des Sirius^—
Wie es aussieht, entschied sich Babylons poli-
berichtet findet, kann rev. 25 nur von ""''gag.si.s^s
ti.sches Geschick in den Monaten und Wothen
Hcheinlxirem akiomjchischen Aufyaitg, gehandelt
des 13. Jahres der Seleukiden-Ara. Das daz,u von
haben, dem, wie MULAPIN I iii 8--9 lehrt, in der
BM 55466+ beschriebene astronomische Ge-
assyrisch-babylonischen Astrallehre grofie Be-
schehen war fur das Mesopotamien des 1. vorchr.
deutung zukam:
Jahrtausends einmalig. Dies unterstreic ht weiter-
hin BM 55466+ rev, 25, wo von Ninurtas .,Auf-
gang" die Rede ist: 8 ,., ""''gag.si.sa ina li-la-a-ti
9 igi,la-7;ia 2 ma,na eu.ntin ii^-me 4 ma.na
25 as-sii ^Nin-urta a-se... en,nun gig

25 weil Ninurta aufgeht... 8 .., '""'gag.si,s^ (wird) am Abend

Nach K 128, 12 und K 9490 rev. war astraler
Vertreter Ninurtas das Gestirn "'"'gag.si.sa gewe-
sen, von MUL.APIN 1 ii 6 auch als sil-ta-hu ur.sag
gai-w '^Niii-urta = .jder Pfeil des groften Kriegers
Ninurta" ausgewiesen (ahnlich K 128,8). '""'gag.si.sa
wiedenim war mit Sirius = a Canis Maioris gleich-
gesetzt worden''. Da sic h der Hiuweis auf Ninurtas
,,Aufgang" aber erst nach den Duzu-Ereignissen
Ini varlirgenrlen Beitrag ,sind alle ekliptikalen Langpn
der Gestirne unter Beriicksifhtigiinp; von J, P. Britlon's
Formel: X = 3.08° + 0.013825° x absolute .[ahrcszahl (in
astroiKuni.scher Ziihliiiifr), tlif Hein .Wmidcrn" des Niillpiinkts
der babylonischeii Ekliptik Recliniing tiiigt (299/98 v.Chr.: X =
+ 7,20°), nichl jedoch die ekliptiktilen Breiten, da iineiheblich,
berechnet und notiert; s. d^zu Rochherg (1998: 19-20) und
Koch (2004; lIOn.31),
3. S. zu BM 5,5406+ obv. 16 und 27 MUL.AP1N I i 9; s.
weilerhin Koch (2004; 111-12, §4 b).
4. S. King (1896; no. ,50, 113-15): Burrows (1924:33-40);
(1950; no, 212 I nnd 111 Aj; Koch (1989; X: 69-74).
9 sichtbar; 2 Minen Tagwacbe. 4 Minen Nat ht-
wache.
Der .scheinbare akronychische Aufgang des
Sirius und damit—gemiil'i BM 55466+ rev, 25—
Ninnrtas .Aufgang" faud It. Uruk-S(hema in 13
SA am Kislimu 22 - 02 I 298 v.Chr, statt (Sachs
1952; 109).
Dieses Ergebnis findet sich sogar durch ein
Tagesdatum bestatigt. das auf der Tontafel gluck-
lichei'weise von Zerstoruug verschont geblieben
ist, BM 55466+ rev, 25-26 uberliefert;
25 as-sii '*Nin-i(rta ase as-sii an-hii-i^
26 \ka-a'm?\a qah-bu-n ki ezen nam.nar sd ud
5, Niich dem in der SA giilligen iintl pniktiziertcn Unik-
Sfhema fand der heliiiki,s( he Anfjjjinig des Siriu.s in 13 SA am
Duzii 2 = JLilianisch 19/20 VII 299 v.Chr. slatt. s. d;izn Sachs
(1952; 109); Parker wilh Dubberstein (1956: 37, Tabelle).
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN BERICHT BM 55466-1- 125

25 Weil Ninurta aufgeht, (und) weil sie h'i' 3 und Qingu fanden sich ein. Dies (weil); A!t-
26 |e^lr beim Musikfest des 17'. ^ Tages 'am vordern entspricht Tebetu entspricht Meer',
Nachmittag' sagen |.. .| (was sitli auf) Tiamat (hezieht)... ^

Oem ,,Aufgang" Niniirta's vom Kislimu 22 ging
demnach ein ,,17. Tag" vorau.s, an de.ssen Nach-
niittag eine Art Festival veranstaltet und dabei
auch des kurz hevorstehenden Ninurta-Aufgangs
gedacht wurde. Dann mufi aber besagter ,,17. Tag"
der vorau.sgelaufene Kislimu 17 = julianis{h 28
XII 299 v.Chr. gewesen sein. Nach dem Uruk-
Schema Hel in 13 SA dieses Datum mit dem Tag
der Winter.wnnenwende 7.usammen (Sachs 1952;
109), woraus sich erklart, warum gerade diesor
Tag mit einem nachmittiigigen Festakt begangen
wurde.
3. Tappattu
Nach allem kann—uunmehrsogar auf zweitem
Weg (s. dazu Koch 2004: 110, §3)-der bis dato
nur in BM 55466-H und (lessen Duplikat BM
35188+'' vorgefundene Monatsname '^'tap-paf-
tu^^' dem babyloniscben Kalender zugeordnet
werden. Die Antwort erbringt BM 55466+, durch
BM 35188+ erganzt, jedoch nicht ersetzt!, in den Kalender dem 10. Monat Teln-tu der 9. Monat
Zeilen rev. 2-3:
2 ana mnh-hi ''Amar-Utu du'" ina qaq-qar
"'Uap^-p\at-tu^ ip-hu-ru a|b'.bi Ti-amal\
3 u '^Qin-gu ^u-ti: ab.bi : '*'ab : ab.ba Ti-amat
2 Zu Marduk-Amar-Utu gingen sie in den
Tagen des 'Tap'p[attu. (Denn) die Altjvor''-
dern Tiamat|
Dagegen hatte das Duplikat BM 35188+ zu
Zeile 2'":
2 ana lunh-hi''Sii du*"'ina "ab ...
2 Zu Marduk-Sii gingen sie in den Tagen des
Tebetu ...
Mit Marduks Titcl- und Fuiiktionswechsel:
''Amar-Utu —» ''St'i war somit zugleicb ein
Monatsweehsel einhergangen; Tappattu —* Te-
betu. Nach BM 55466+ rev. 2 war Marduk in
seiner Ftmktion des ''Amar-Utu noch im Tappattu,
na( h BM 35188+ in seiner Funktion des ''Su erst
im Tehotu um Zuwendtuig gcgen die Tebetu-
Bedrohung der ^Altvordern" (rev. 3: Analogie-
Schlufe!) angegangen worden (s. dazu auch untcn
B 4 c). In BM 35188+ war also zwar vom .sclbcn
Anlafi wie in BM 55466+, doch nicht vom selben
Monat, vielmebr vom Folgemonat die Rede ge-
wesen. B(kanntlicli liff nun im babylotiischen
Kislimu voraus. Der Monatsname '" fap-ixit-tu^ war
folglich Zweitname des 9. babylonischen Monats
Kislimu gewesen.
B. BM 55466+, das Duplikat BM 35188*
und F. Reynolds'
Im Jahr 1999 erschien F. Reynolds" Translitera-
tion und Ubersetzung von 12 Zeilen eities aus

6. Fiir tiie Krliiiibnis der Piihlikntion der Images dev ge-
jointen Tafel BM 3r}lH8 + BM .'j.'j5.')l iii 6'~I9' sfi an dieser
Stelle den Trustees of Tlie British Museum lierzlicli gedankt,
(;ic-i('her Dank tjilt fiir die—nllcrdings von gewissen Irriingcn
und Wirninjjen l>egleiteU—Uberinittliing hesagter Iiimges dem
Keeper Dr. C. H. K Walker, in/.\\is<hen ini Bulicstiind. Mrs. L.
Baylis imd dem .'Xdininistratdr Mr i.. Olemcnt.s.
Kine Tnuisliteration samt Ubers<'t/iuig von 12 Zt'ilen des
Dupiikiits BM .'3.~))88+ wurde der Fachwelt erstmiils durcli
Reynolds [1999; 369-78), vorgestellt. Zu F. Reynolds' Ergeb-
nis.sen und Deutimg .s. iinten Teil B.
7. BM r>54fi6+ obv. 33, rev. 1-2. I'x BM 3.51S8+ re\. 1.
a. S. dazu unten B 1 c.
9. Anders Reynolds (1999; 370-71);
2 ana iniih-hi ''j7M/f(/H/c(aniar.utu) illiku(gen''") ina <j(iq-<iai
"'7>fop/i(ab) if}-i]u-nt = a[Kbi ti-ai>iat]
3 u ''qhr^ti sii-ti = aiihi = "'Tel>eiu{i\h} ^ lanitti'{(ih.[y,\}
li-atnat...
2 they advanced against Marduk, they assembled in the
region of Tebftu ('"abi; |tbe Fnthers| {a\b'-hi\] meitiis
Tiamatl
3 and Qingu; Ihe Fathers (ab-bi) is the same us Teb?tu
("ab), wbifb i.s the same as tbe Sea (ab.ba) jmeitningi
Tiftmat... s. dazu iinten B 3 d.
10. s. dazu IU'\n<.l(is (1999: 370); .Textual Variants" zu 2,
126 JOHANNES KOCH

Fig, 1. BM 35188-
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN
BM 55466-^ und dem Duplikat BM 35188+ kom-
binierten Textes samt Deutung." Text wie auch
Konzept Her Deutunp; batten bercits der Dis-
sertation der Autorin zugrunde gelegen. Diese
hatle nSmiicb, wie sie wahnte, die interessante
EntdcckuTig gematbt, dafi mit BM 55466+ wie
Duplikat BM 35188+ der Mvtbos vom Kampf
Marduks gegen Ti5mat/Qingu astronomisc-b-
astrologiscb im Rabmen eines ,^elebrten Kalender-
textes" (,,Iearned calendar text"} nacbgezeichnet
worden war. Mit dieser Hypotbese war fVeilioh
F. Reynolds in Textbearbeitung wie Auswabl der
Belege festgelegt,
Kami F. Reynolds" Hypothese uberzeugen?
1. Transliteration
a) BM 55466+/BM 35188+ rev. 2: F Reynolds
tiansliteriert; 2 ''»t«rY/»/i:(amar.utu). Solcbei^weise
soil ofFenbar zusammengefafit werden, was
BM 55466+ mit dem Namen ''Amar-Utu nnd
das Duplikat BM 35188+ mit der Bezeicbnung
''Si'i als Titel Marduks iiberliefert.'^ Aber; Mit
Marduks Titel '^Amar-Utu verband die Tradition
der assyriscb-babyloniscben Astrallebre die Vor-
stellung von des Gottes SelbstoH'enbarung im in
der Tagesddmnierung sicbtbaren Jupiter.''* Wenn
BM 35188+ rev. 2 bingegen Marduks Titel ''Su
favorisierte, muft dies einen anderen Grund
gebabt baben (s. dazu unten B 4 d). Auf eine aus
BM 55466+ nnd BM 35188+ /comfcmierte Trans-
literation ist ft)lg!icb tunlicbst zu verzicbten.
b) BM 55466+ rev. 2: F. Reynolds erkennt am
Zeilenende noch; 2 ina qaq-qar'^'^tap^-plat-tu^].
c) BM 55466+ rev. 4; F. Reynolds nimmt von
der in BM 55466+ unterschiedlichen Schrei-
bung der Determinative der Gestirnsnamen
keine Notiz. Das ware belanglos, wenn nur eine
II. s. diizu oben n. 6. Zu mi^int'm liftlaiiern ist niiv erst
iiiicli Pnlilikiitioii inciiies .-\iifs;i(/,es .,Kiii iislnilinstholo^risclier
Bericht iius der /eit der Diadorheiikiimpfe" utif Hinwfis von
Dr. N. R Ileclsf'l, KuiHX'cht-Kiirl.s-l'niversitat Heidelherji;. Miwie
von Prof. Dr. J. Oeisner. t,eipzi^, denen ich herzlichcn Dank
sage, F. Reynolds" Artikel bekunnt geworden.
t2. Reynolds (1999: 37{)); Te.xtual Varianis 2 C .s. dazu auch
unten B 4 e.
13- S. da/ti K<K'h (2004: 113 nnt TUI. 44 luid 45).
BERIC:HT BM 55466+ 127
Scbreibvariante des Detenninativs mui begegnen
wiirde. Aber: In BM 55466+ rev. 4 und offensicbt-
licb aucb in rev. 6'"' wurde niul zum Steinuamen
mas anders gescbrieben als zu den sonst mul-
determinierten Sternnamen des Textes. Dies ist
nur so zu erklaren, daft das in rev. 4 und wobl
aucb in rev. 6 gescbriebene Determinativ im
Unter.scbied zu Sternbildern ein Sternzf/c/u'Ji
der babyloniscben Ekliptik kennzeiehnete,''' In
BM 55466+ hat man es also mit mul als Determi-
nativ konventionell gebrau( liter Sternnamen, mit
mul als Determinativ ..modemisierter" Gestirns-
bezeicbnungen und niit nu'il als Determinativ
eines Sternzeicbens zu tun,
d) BM 55466+ rev. 5: F. Reynolds litst-witb-
tigster Ertrag ibrer Arbeit an den Texten—die
Zeile BM 55466+ rev. 5, erganzt durtb das Du-
pHkat BM 35188+; 5 ipus'iduY" fi-amat u 'hpngi
ana is-ten^'' itturu{g,ury"-uia i-pa-ra-as}'
e) BM 55466+ rev. 12; F Reynolds iiest ziitref-
fend; 12 tu-Ui^-am-tu^ (anders Kocb 2004: 108 nnd
114).
2, Astronomika
a) BM 55466+ rev. 2: F Reynolds transliteriert
und tibersetzt BM 55466+/BM 35188+ rev. 2:
2 ana muh-hi ''»iarf/(v/c(amar.utu) ilUkui^im)^"
ina (ja<i<iar '^'tcbetiinh) ...
2 tbey advanced against Marduk, tbey assem-
bled in the region of Tebetu ... (Reynolds
1999: 370),
und kommeiitiert;
...The .region of Telif tu' and the ,region of tbe Goat-Fish
Constellation' |bt'zogen aiif rev. 3-4| are both areas in
the night sk\. The technical temi qaqqaru signifying an
14. J. Oelsner. Brief vom 21.12.200.'"i.
15. Korh f2OO4: 109 mit n. 221. Die .^ummarii's" der Astro-
noinical Diaries hvU'f^vn. (\a\\ die 7^)(\hi\iZ4-irhen in Biihyloiiien
M'hon sril dem 5. J;ilnhiinr!erl v.Chr. in Cehriiuch wai'en. .s.
dazu J. Sachs und Hungei' (1988: ab. nn, 463).
16. Berithtigte Sthreibiing na<h N. P HecKel, Brief vnm
12.12.2005.
17. Anders Kwh (2004: 108 und 120-21).
128 JOHANNES KOCH
area in the night sky is attested elsewhere" (e,g,, CAD,
Q 121 qaqqaru A 5 b: Rochberg-Halton, 1988: 10-11,
2S5, 287),
...The region of Tebetu was probabl\' tbe area \isible in
Tehetn wbere astroiogital omens concerning that montb
were manifested," (Reynolds 1999: 371)
Aber, ina qaq-qar ''',.. diente in der assyrisch-
babylonisc'ben Astrallebre nie zur Bezeicbnung
eines ..area in the night sky." Dafiir ziistandig war
aussehlie^lieh, wif gerade F. Rochberg aufgezeigt
hat, das Formular; ina qaq-qar MUL .,. = ,,in tbe
region of star.,." (Rochberg-Halton 1988: 10).
b) BM 55466+/BM 35188+ rev. 4. 6, 9, 10: F.
Reynolds sieht im Cebraiifh der Kiirzform "'"'mas
anstelle des vollen Sternnamens '""^suhurmasu
(Ziegenfisch) ein Indiz fiir die Vei"wendung des
Gestirnsnamens zur ..representation of Tiamat"
(Reynolds 1999: 273).
Aber, Kurzformen fiir Sternbild- und Stern-
zeiobonnamen waren seit dem 5. Jabrhundert
v.Cbr, in babylonischen astronomischen und as-
trologischen Texten gang und gabe.'^
c) BM 55466-H rev. 9: F, Reynolds transliteriert
und ubeisetzt BM 55466+/BM 35188-^ rev. 9:
9 ana muh-hi ""''c7T2;i(udx) u ""''/jagn(adda) ina
lib hi '^
9 tbis is said in reference to tbe She-Goat Con-
stellation and tbe Corp.se Constellation within
tbe Goat-Fish Constellation ...
ina l)b-bi i.st somit dun b ..within" (Reynolds 1999:
371) = ,,innerhalb von ,.," wiedergegeben, Aber:
Ware F, Reynolds" .,witbin" zutreffend, hiitte man
in Babylonien das Sternbild Lyra mit Teilen des
Sternbilds Hercules wie aucb das Sternbild Del-
phinus im Stembild Capricomus belindlich ange-
nommen. Eine derart astronomisch indiskutable
Sichtweise ist allerdings selbst F. Re\nolds nicht
gebeuer (Reynolds 1999: 374), weshalb sie sich
18, S, z, B, Sachs und Hunger (1988, 1: 17-19); Rochberg
(1998: 29. 32]. Bezrichnpndf-m't'ise lafei F RfvnoH.s beide
Pubiikationen bibiiographisth uiiberiicksichtigt. Zur Datierung
von BM 55466+ s, oben A 1 tinci tinten B 3.
kurzerhaud in ein ..abstract sense" des Textes
fliichtet (Reynolds 1999: 375). Desbalb: ina lihhi
batte in den Texten BM 55466+ und BM 35188+
die Bedeutung ..bei Gegenwart von " Nur so
macben Aussagen wie in BM 55466+ obv. 11-12
und eben auch in BM 55466+/BM 35188+ rev. 9
astronomiscb Sinn (s. dazu Koch 2004: 113-14.
§§5a,2.1 und5a.2.2).
d) BM 55466+ rev. 25: F. Reynolds ordnet den
bier vom Text erneut''* benannten Gott Ninurta
synkretistiach Marduk zu (Reynolds 1999: 375,
376). Aber: Ninurta hatte in BM 55466+ mit
Marduk nichts zu tun. Vielmehr ging es, wie
auch der Konte.xt BM 55466+ rev. 22-28 bezeugt,
um das fiir die assyrisch-babylonische Astral-
lehre wichtige Geschehen des in der Abenddam-
merung .scheinbaren akronycbiscben Aufgangs,
d. i, des letzten sichtbaren Aufgangs des stellaren
Vertreters Ninurtas an Bab\lons ,Abendhimmel
.s^ = Sirius = a Canis Maioris.""
3. Datierung
a) F Reynolds halt beide Texte, BM 55466+ und
BM 35188+, fur Kopien (Reynolds 1999: 373,376).
Welcher Zeit sie diese Kopien zuordnef. ist unklar,
Sind sie einerseits: ..as parallel to tbe Babylo-
nians' portended conflict with foreign invaders,"
deiiniert, werden sie andererseits aucb mit: ..an
astrological omen of a Elamite invasion," in Ver-
bindung gebracbt und damit mit: ..the Elamites,
sometimes paired with the Assyrian.s, called
Subarians,, ,. as destructive invaders of Baby-
lonia and removers of Marduk s statue" (Reynolds
(1999:369).
Ist folglich als Datierung an cine Zeit vor
dem neubab\Ioniscben Reicb gedacht? Aber:
F. Reynolds nimmt weder von L, W. King's"' nocb
von B. Landsbergers (1923: 43 = 69) Argumen-
tation Notiz, die beide den Text BM 55466 +
der Seleukiden-Ara zugeschrieben hatten, Dazu
19. Ninurta Hndet .sich, von F, Reynolds UTibt'riicksichtij);t,
bereits in BM 55466+ rev. 22 und 23 ei-wiihnt,
20. S. dazu oben A 2; s, weiterhin MUL.APiN ! ii 6 mil
MUL.APIN 1 iij 8-9; s. auSerdeni Koi h 11989: 69-74).
21. King (1902: Appendix III: pis. 1..XVI1-I.AXI1. 208-209).
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN BERICHT BM 55466-
kommt weiterhin, daft BM 55466+ astronomisch
zweifelsfrei auf 13 SA. d, i. 299/298 v,Chr. zu
datieren ist (s. dazu auch oben A 1). Und schliefe-
lich Hel, wie es aussieht, BM 55466+ in eine re-
staurative Phase, in der neben ..modernisierten"
Gestirnsbezeichntingen auch auf konventionelle
Sternnamen zuriU kgc^gtilfen wutde,^^
b) F, Reynolds spricht von ,,F^lamites" und
,,Elamite invasion" (Reynolds 1999: 369). Aber,
A.strologisch-geographi.sche Nomenklatur, iiber
lange Zeitlaufte gewachsen,"^ verstand die in
BM 55466+ obv. 9, 22. 25. 29 angesprochenen
,,Elamier" und „Elam" ganz allgemein als Feind
in/aus Ost,
c) BM 55466+ rev. 25-26; F Reynolds iguoriert
mit Nitutrtas synkretistischer Fehldeutuug dessen
in rev. 25 avisierten Aufgang, der sich dort nach
MUL,APIN I iii 8-9 mit dem scheinbaren akro-
nychiscben Aufgang von Nintutas astralem Ver-
treter ""''gag.si.s^ = Siritis vollzog (s. oben A 2 und
B 2 d).Atilierdem, F. Reynolds iibersieht auch die
mit Ninurtas Aufgang gekoppelte. gtiicklicher-
weise von Zerstorung vet.schont gebliebene
Datierung aus rev. 26:
26 ud 17"'"" (nakiu,sigi
26 17'. I Tag 'am Nachmittag'.
Auf Grund des Ablaufs der bis dahin berichteten
Vorkomrnnisse imd dank des Urtik-Schernas ist fiir
13 SA (s. oben B 3 a) dieser ..17, Tag" kaleuda-
risch gesichert zu bestimmen: Kislimu 17. womit
zeitgleich das Wintersolstiz zusammeufiel, das—
wiederum It, rev. 26—nac hmittags tnit einem
,.Mnsikfest" (ezen nam,narj begangen wurde (s.
dazu wiederum oben A 2). Der scheinbare akro-
nychische Aufgang des Sirius fand datin 5 Tage
nach Kislimu 17 = Kislitnu 22 statt.-""
22, S. dimi Sarlis und Hunger (1988, I: no. -277 |332|);
Rochberg (1998: ()n;s. auch Koch (2004: 109-10),
23, S. dazu z. B. R(ichbei>;-Halton (1988; 51-.'55|.
24, S. Sachs (1952; 109). Fublikation von F. Reynolds biblio-
graphisch nicht beriickskhtigt. Naturlich waren die Daten
des Uruk-S(hema.s ideale Kalenderdaten, da sie nun einmal
Daten eines Schemas waren, Aber es waren Daten, die die
Datierung des babylonischen n'al existif>i< nden Kalenders
129
d) BM 55466+ obv, 33, rev. 1-3. 25-26: Ledig-
lich nebenbei, in einer Fuf:>note, setzt F Reynolds
den in BM 55466+ uud BM 35188+ vortindlichen
Monatstiamen Tappattu mit dem 10. balnloni-
schen Monat Tebetu gleich (Reynolds 1999: 372
n. 1), Aber: Ein Beweis fc-'hlt Es gibt nicht einmal
den Hinweis auf B. Landsbcrget\ der als erster die
Gleichung Tappattu = Tebetu erstellt hatte (Lands-
berger 1923: 43 = 69-70). Dagegen ist der Verweis
auf ,.the nomen tappattn"' mit der Bedeutung
..female friend, female colleague"^^—wohl in An-
spielung auf Tiilmat—im vorliegetideu Zusam-
menhang wettlos, Denn (s. dazu auch oben A 3);
• es gab keinen Tebetu genannten Bereic h am
babylonischen Nachthitnmel (s. oben B 2 b);
• astronomisch beditigte Datierutig war, wie
z.B, die A.stronomical Diaries zeigen, der
Schaltung des babylotiischeti Kalcndcrs und—
seit der Seleukiden-Ara—dem Uruk-Schetna
uiiterwoifenr^
• Wintersolstiz und Ninurtas .Aufgang" Helen
in 13 SA It. Uruk-Schema in den 9. babylo-
nischen Monat Kislimu (s. oben B 3 c);
bestimniten. Die Ashvtwinical Diaries lassen vcnnuten. dafe
diese IHealdaten wcnigstens sponuli.scli mit dfn Ergcbnissen
der I linnnelstjeohaclitung vcrglichen w urdcu, s. z, B. Ditirit'S 1,
no, -281 obv, 12' und rev. 1, Tatsiidilich waren Winl( rsolstiz
und scheinbarer akronvchischer Aufgung des Sirius in 13 SA
auch bei berechneter astronomischer Datiening in den 9,
babylonischen Monat Kislimu = '^^tajyjxit-iu^ gefallen. wie
folgender Vergleicli zeigt;
llniksrhema
Wintersoistiz
SA 13 Kisllmn 17 = 28. Dozember 299 v. Chi.
Scheinbarcr akrmiyc hischer Anlgang (,.Opposition") des Sirius
SA 13 Kislimu 22 = 2. .lanuar 298 v. Chr.
Berechnete Dalierunfsen
Wintcnolstiz.
25. Df'zember299v.C:br,
Scheinbarer akronychi.M'her Aufgang (..Opposition") des Sirius
29./30. De/.cmber 299 V. C:hr
Qiifllcn; Sachs (1952; 109. Tabcllc]: Parker with Dubberslrin
(1956: 37,Tabcllc);Tn(kcrnum (1962; 1S4); Baehr (1935; E 10.
Tabelle),
25, Reynolds (1999: 372 n, I), tapjxittu hatte auRerdem ncx h
die Bedeutung ,.Nebenfrau," s. z. B. AHw 132! a.
26, S, oben n. 24.
130 JOHANNES KOCH
• BM 55466-f rev. 1 und 2 gehorten thematisch
zusammen, was die Monatsangabe '^'tap-pa-
tU4 .sowohl am Zeilenanfang von rev. 1 als
auch am Zeilenende von rev. 2 unterstreicht
(s. dazu oben B 1 c);
• BM 55466+fBU 35188-^ rev. 2-3 bandelte
von Unternehmungen in gleicher Sache in
aufeinanderfblgenden Monaten (s. dazu auch
unten B 4 c);
• tertium comparationis in BM 55466-H obv. 33
waren die Astronomika, welche die tjberlie-
ferung BM 5.5466-t- obv, 24-33 beherrschen,
nicht—wie etwa in KAV 218—Monat und
Gegen monat ^'
BM 55466-H obv, 33, rev, 1-3. 25-26 und Uruk-
Schema ergeben in summa; '^^tap-pa-tu^ = 9.
babylonischer Monat Kislimu (s. auch Koch 2004:
! §3).
4. Deutung
a) F. Reynolds transliteriert und tibersetzt BM
55466-^/BM35188+rev.3;
3 ab-bi = ti-amat
3 the Fathers {ab-bi) is the same as Tebetu {'*'ab),
wbich is the same as the Sea (ab.ba) (mean-
ing] Tiamat.
F, Reynolds versteht also die einzelnen Glieder
der Gleichung in rev. 3 als Gleichsetzungen (..the
same as ,.. ), Aber: Die Gleichung in rev, 3
bestand aus Analogien.~^ Analogie aber meinte
in der Astrallehre des antiken Mesopotamien
astrologisehe Ent.spreeliung. Das beweist sogar
BM 55466-*- selbst, allerdings erst in rev. 14-15,
doch dort von F. Reynolds nicht berucksichtigt;
14 gud u gir.tab HP ten su-u \.. .|
15 gir : zu-qa-qi-pu : gir lu-u : min ^al •'^pi
27. Anders J. Oelsner, Brief vnm 16.11,2005.
28. Zum Analogiednnken dps iintiken Mesopotamien und
Versuchen, iiber diese ,Denki'orm" binwegzukommeii, s. den
instniktiven Beitragvon HeeSel (2005; 1-22).
14 (Aber auch) gud und girtab (sind) 'ver'eint.
Dies (weil): |,,.]
15 gir entspricht Skorpion entspricht gir als Stier
(und) nochmals als '^St^'ier
Eine Gleichsetzung der Sternbilder Stier (gud)
und Skorpion (gir.tab) nach F, Reynolds: ,,the same
as..,'", ware astronomisch ein Unding. Nirgendwo
in der assyrisch-baby Ion iscben Tradition findet
sich denn auch eine derartige Behauptung, Um-
gekehrt gab es aber sebr wohl die astrologisehe
Entsprechung beider Sternbilder MUL.APIN I
iii 13 notiert:
13 dis mul.miil kur-n^a ""''gir.tab su-/)/
13 mul,mul geht auf und "'"'gir.tab gebt unter.
Astrologisehe Entspret hung von Stier und
Skorpion bestand somit bei zeitgleichem taglichen
Auf- bzw. Untergang. Daft MUL.APIN dabei von
den mul,mul = ,,Die Sterne" = r| Tauri (Plejaden)
spricht, ist kein Gegengrund, da die mul.mul
des babylonischen Fixsternhimmels als ,,Borste"
{zappu) des Stiers (gud = '""'gu4.an.na) immer auch
als pars pro toto begriffen wurden (s. dazu auch
Koch 2004: 116-17, §6.1|
BM 55466+ rev. 8 ist folglich zu iibersetzen:
3 Altvordern entspricht Tebetu entspricht
Metier ? (was sich auf Tiamat (bezieht)].
b) F, Reynolds macht das Sternbild '""'mas samt
Gleichung: '""'s«/iun7iasH(mas) ^ Tiamat = Tebetu
zum Zentnun ihrer Deutung (Reynolds 1999: 372).
Den Bezug zxxm 10, babyloniscben Monat Jf'hetu
stellt sie mit Hilfe von MUL.APIN I iii 7-9,
einer Morgenerst-Datierung, in Verbindung mit
MUL.APIN I iv 36 aus der Sternenliste des sogen.
,,Mondpfads" (kaskal ''.vi/i) her (Reynolds 1999:
371). Aber: Sie lafit dabei unerwabnt, daR sich
in MUL.APIN I iii 7-9 zwar das .,,ideal date of
heliacal rising" (Reynolds 1999: 371) des
Schwalbe-Sternbilds (" 'sim.mah) fiir Tebetu
notiert findet, nicht dagegen das des '""'.su/iur-
masu. Uberhaupt kommt ""^^suhurmasu als Ge-
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN BERICHT BM 55466-
stimsname im gesamten Compendium MUL.AP1N
nur zweimal vor: I ii 34 und I iv 36. Aucb die
Astronomical Diaries wufeten lediglich von
Einzelsternen, deu .sogen, ,,Normalslernen" de.s
Goat-fi.shs: p, 7, 5 und—in allerdings nur Aus-
nahmefallen—T Capricorni.^^
(') Hichtig ist, daft die Dutierungen der Stem-
bilder im a.stronomistheri Kompendium MUL,
APIN ^ideal date{s)" darstellten (Reynolds 1999:
371). Vermutlich stuft F. Reynolds auch deshalb
BM 55466-(- mit Dnplikat BM 35188+ als .calen-
dar" ein (Reynolds 1999: 369, 372 und 377). Aber:
Es geht in letzteren Texten nicht um Kalenda-
ri.sches, sondem um im Jahresverlauf 13 SA astral-
mythologisch genutztes, astronomisch-astrologisch
verwertetes und kultisch vollzogenes Geschehen:
• es giht die Uberlieferung von durchgeftihrten
Riten: obv. 24 und 28; rev. 1-2;
• es gibt mit obv. 25-27 die Uberlieferung
und Scbilderung historisch fixierbar astrono-
mi.scher Ereignisse;'^"
• In der SA regulierte das Uruk-Schema Da-
tierung und Schaltung des Kalenderjahres (s,
dazu oben B 3 c mit n. 52),
d) F. Reynolds versteht die in BM 55466-1-
rev. 1-4 und Duplikat BM 35188+ bericbteten
Unternehmungen und Ereignisse als nacb Ort
und Zeit identisches Geschehen:^'
1. In Tebetu (^''tap-pat-tti^}, when he performed
these rituals, wben [.. .|
2. they advanced against Marduk, they assembled
in the region of Tebetu ('"ab); [the Fathers]
{a.\b'-hi]) means |Tiamat]
29, s, tUizu Sachs und Hunger (1998,1; 18-19 mit 1. no. 291.
Comments: B rev. 15).
30, s, auch oben A 1; s. auRmtcm Ko(b (2(H)4: 110-13, 4 mit
5a2).
31, Reynolds (1999: 370-71:al.sTr:mslitt'r;ilion dieni i370|):
1 iria "'taj)-j>at-tU4 M nc-jK'-su aii-mi-iii ipus'idu)"'' ina lih-hi
M \x\\x \ \]
2 ana iimh-hi ''Hi«r(/i(/f(amar.utiii (//(^•»(gen)'" iiut iiaii-qcir
""/(•'/«'/((lib) ip-hu-ru = a\b-hi ti-a»ial\
3 Ii 'V/t»-gu .iicij = 'ab-bi' = "^tehght{ab) = f«mhi'(ab-ba) ti-amat
4 '""^ siihunuasl[m!\s} li-aiiiat jiu-uhri sattii^ ki-i i\z-z\i'-z\u''
X {x)| ifal-tU4
131
3. and Qingu; the Fathers (ab-fn) is the same as
Tebetu ('"ab). which is the same as the Sea
(ab.ba) |meaning| Tiflmat. In the region
4. of the Goat-Fish Con.stellation, when Tiamat
of the army |stood| to do battle ... Aber: BM
55466+ und BM 35188+ bandelten hier von
nach Ort und Zeit g,etrennten Vorgangen:
• eine ,,regioTi of Tebetu ('"ab)" an Babylons
Nachthimmel gab es nicht (s. oben B 2 b);
• BM 55466+ rev. 2 hatte als Monatsangabe
am Zeilenende nicht Tebetu ('"ab), sondern
Iibereinstimmend mit Zeiienbeginn BM
55466+ rev. 1: "'tap-pat-tu^ (s, oben B 3 d);
• '^'tap-pat-tu^ tind '"ab (TebPtu) waren nicht
identische, sondern aufeinanderfolgende
Monate (s. oben B 3d);
• BM 55466+ rev, 4; ina qaq-qar "'"^mis Ti-amat
pu'ulyri, bezog sich nicht auf das Stornbild
"'"'mas, sondern auf den dem 10. babyloni-
schen Monat Tebetu zugeordneten Ekliptik-
ahscbnitt '""'m^s des babylonischen Zodiaks
(s. oben B 1 d).
Dies fiihrt zu folgenden Ubersetzungsvarianten:
1. Im Tappattu, wo er diesen Ritus durchfii'hrte'
[angesichts dessen,dafe .. .|
2. (BM 55466+) Zu Marduk-Amar-Utu gingen sie
in den Tagen des 'Tap'p|attu, fanden sich (doch)
die [Altvordern] |Tiamat|
3. (BM 35188+) Zu Marduk-Su gingen sie in den
Tagen des Tebetu, fanden sicb (doch) die |Alt-
vordernl |Tiamat]
4. und O'^K"-' ein. Dies (weil): Altvordern ent-
spricht Tebetu entspricbt Mejer'(was sicb auf
Tiamat (bezieht)|. Im Bereich
5. des Zodiakzeichens mas, (es vertritt) die Rats-
versammlungs-Tiamat, zum Kampf w'ie'' ,..
e) F. Reynolds gebraucht—animiert von den
sogen, .Zeichenlisten'?'"—Mardnks Titel ''Aniar-
Utu und ''Su unterschiedslos (s. oben B 1 b,), Aber;
Ubersehen bleibt so. daft BM 55466+ bereits in
obv. 13 Marduk als den ''Amar-Utu einfiihrte.
32. So iiiich .1. Oclsncr. Brief vom 10.11.2005.
132 JOHANNES KOCH

weil der Gott die WafTe a-bu-bu einsetzt. Und ubersetznngsbedingt, verlangen nat b Analyse und
BM 55466+ rev. 23-28 lebrt, da£ diese Waffe Diskussion.
a-bu-bu den Feind in Scbrecken versetzt, wenn
Ninurta, d. i, wenn dessen stellarer Vertreter Sirins
scbeinbar akronycbiscb aufgebt (s. oben B 3 c). LBM 55466+/BM 35188+ rev.5-6
Scbeinbarer akronycbiscber Aufgang eines Stems BM 55466-.- rev. 5:
findet aber in der Abenddiimmerung statt (s. dazn
z. B. Weigert und Zimmermann 1974: 36 b). Es war 5 Ti-amat it '^Qin-gi ana is-ten
somit nur konsequent, wenn BM 55466+ immer
nur von Marduk als dem ''Amar-Utu, d. i. als dem 5 Tiamat und Qingu vereinten sicb,
in der Tagesdiimmerung in Jupiter begegnenden
Gott spracb, nie dagegen von Marduk als dem ''Su. am ladierten Zeilenende mit:
Wenn scbon einmal ein anderer Tite! fiir Marduk
Verwendung fand, dann ''En: BM 55466+ rev. 25
und 27. Umgekebrt konnte dann freilicb aucb in
der Parallelstelle des Duplikats BM 35188+ die und die Horner |.. .|
Abkebr von ''Amar-Utu zugunsten ''Sus kein Zufall
gewesen sein. Sollte es sicb jetzt um den kulmi- zu erganzen (Kocb 2004: 108), ist nicbt b;
nierenden Hypsoma-fitpitergehandeh baben?^'^ da das Duplikat gur""^'ma mit

i-pa-ra-as
C. Neuiskeilen
Zwei Defizite meines Aufsatzes: ,,Ein astral- weiterfubrt. F Reynolds transliteriert und iiber-
mytboiogischer Bericbt aus der Zeit der Diado- setzt desbalb BM 55466 + /BM 35188+ rev. 5-6
cbenkampfe," das eine erganzungs-, das andere (Reynolds 1999: 370 und 371):

5 ti-amat u '^qin-gi ana i^-ten^" i

33. In BM 5.5466+ genossen die Hypsomata beachtliche i-pa-ra-as
Aufmerksamkeit: obv. 28-32. S, dazu Koch (2004: 7. 122-28); s. 6 a-ha-mes in-nam-mar-ru-'...
aufeerdeni Koch (2000/2001: 46-71), Vorbehaltlicli kiinftigen
Quellenmaterials seien im folgenden die Daten des I. Still-
.stands des Hypsoma-Jupitrrs in 13 SA notiert. 5 Tiamat and Qingu become one and sbe makes
Legende: s, oben n. 2. tbe decision.
13 SA: Kislimu = 11./12. Dezember 299 v.Chr. - 7./8. Januar 6 Tbey are seen togetber....
298 v.Chr.. Tebetu = 8./9. Januar 298 v.Chr. - 8./9. Februar 298
v.Chr. Parker with Dubberstein's (19.36) Tabellenwerte sind,
weii fur MitU'rnacht berechnet, um -1 Tag korrigieii. Aber: Die Ubersetzung: ..sbe makes tbe decision,"
Kulmination des Mypsoma-Jupiters in Ortszeit Babylon. bezogen auf Tiamat. .stimmt nicbt nur mit der de-
Jupiler Soiiiif tailliert vorgenommenen Bes{breibuiig: gur""^-rtm.
Dalum Vhrzeil -I h Hfliillkeit h i'}xi-ra-as nicbt iiberein, sie macbt im Zusammen-
l3JKn.299vChr. 4''31'" 149.04° +73.12° 99% -29.87
(l.SlilK land) bang mit dem Kontext aucb keinerlei Sinn. Zu
12.1.298 v.Chr. 2''27" 147.47° f 73.73° 100^ -58.62 ubersetzen ist vielmebr:
17.L298 v.Chr. 2''()6"' 146.98° +73.92° -62.95
22. [.298 vChr. ,1,44,,, 146.43° +7410° -6710
l2.I1.29Sv.Chr. 143.76= +74.97' m)% -72.78 5 Tiamat nnd Qingu wurden vereint, und dann
Quellen; Parker with Dubberstein (1956; 37, Tabetle); Tucker- unterbraob sie (es);^^
man (1962: 184): I^nleStar Pro.
Jupitcrs aus dem 1. Stillstand riicklaittige Hewegung war .34, Insofern sind alle davon betroffenen AusfUhrungen in
iiber Tebetu-Mitte 13 SA hinaus norh derart geriiigfiigig Koch (2004: 120-22. §6.6 mit Tabelle XII} hiiifiillig geworden.
gewesen, dafi der Planet durchaus fiir .stationar, H. i. t'iir im 35. S. dazu oben n. 16.
llypsoma betindlich, hatte angesehen wcrdrn knnnen. 36. S. AHw 831 zu jxtmsii I C 6.
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN BERICHT BM 55466+ 133

Sie wurden (aber wieder) miteinander a) Heliakische Unter- und Aufgange zu Babylou
gesehen bei optimalen Sichtverbaltnissen:

Gibt es dafiir eine astronomische Erkliirung? Stern hel. Untergang hel.

Richtig i.st sicherlicb, dafe sich die Angabe: i-pa- a Delphini 04.01.298 v.Chr. 07.01.298 v.Chr.
ra-as auf Tiilmat bezogen hat. Dann ist aber als 3 Delpbini 04.01.298 v,Chr 06,01,298 v.Chr,
niic hstes zu fragen. was astronomisch mit ^unter-
brecbeti" gemeint gewesen sein konnte: b) Heliakiscbe Unter- imd Aufgange zu Babylon
bei normalen Sicbtverbaltnissen:
• taglicher Unter- und Aufgang eines nicht Stern hel. /(('/. Aufgang
/.irkumpolaren Gestirns? Allerdings: Der a Delphini 29,12.299 v.Cbr, 15.01,298 v,Cbr.
tagli(he Unter- und Aufgang des stellaren 13,01,298 v.Chr.
[3 Dc'lpbini 29.12.299 v.Chr,
Vertreters Tiamat.s (""''adfi = Delpbinus) hatte
auch den tiiglicben Unter- und Aufgang des c) Heliakiscbe Unter- und Atifgiinge zu Babylon
stellareu Vertreters Qiugu's ('""'uz = a Lyrae) bei erschwerten Sicbtverbaltnissen: (bohe Luft-
einbezogen;'*' feucbtigkeit)
• stationarer Stillstand eines Gestirns? Aller-
dings: Im fraglicben Zeitraum (rev. 1-4: Stern he /. Vntergang hel. Auf,
Tappattu/Tebetu 13 SA = 11/12 XII 299 - a Delphini 23, 12.299 v.C:ht, 22.01 ,298 v,Chr.
8/9 II 298 v,Cbr.)^" kam es zu keinem .statio- P Delphini 23, 12.299 v,Chr 20.01 ,298 v.Chr.
nSren Stillstand eines Delpbinus-Sterns (s.
dazu Tuckerman 1962: 184). Natiirlicb konnten diese Dateu im konkreten
• heliakisches Verschwinden und Wiederer- Fall fiir die Himmelsbeobacbtung variieren, z. B.
scbeinen eines Gestirns? Lt. Berechnung wenn das Wetter umschlug. So konnte etwa P
des Amsterdamer Astronomen T. de Jong Delpbini witterungsbedingt bereits um 23. De-
tielen—bei BfMiicksicbtiguug aucb bester wie zember als beliakiscb untergegangen gegolten
erscbwerter Sicbtverhaltnisse—fiir Babylon haben, ware dann aber infolge inzwi.schen opti-
die heliakischen Auf- und Untergange (\vi maler Sicbtverbiiltnisse im heliaki.sc hen Aufgang
Sterne a und p Delphini stcts in besagtes am darauf folgenden 6, Januar und damit bei
Zeitintervall TappattuATebetu 13 SA, Hier T h'iden heliakischen Er.s(heinuugen aussclilicKlith
de Jong's Ergebnisse:'^'' im 9. babyloniscben Monat Kislimu (Tappattu)
13 SA zu beobacbten gcwe.sen, Oder umgekehrt:
57, 7.1] dfn stellaien Vertretem von Tiamat und Optimale Sicbtverbiiltnisse hatten die Bcobac h-
Koch (2004: lll-12,§r),;i,;3), tung des heliakischen Untergangs des P Oopbini
38. KiK'h (2(K)4: 12()l s. diizn mich Wukvv witb Oitl am 4, Januar zugelassen, docb witterungsbedingt
(1956:37,Tah('lle), Daiiach: 13 SA Kislimu I = 11/12X11299
v,Chr., 13 SA Ji'hHii 1 = 9/U) I 298 v.Chr,, 13 SA Siibatu 1 = 8/
ware es zur Beobachtung des heliakiscbcn .Auf-
9 11 298 v.Chr. gangs dann erst am 20. Januar gekommen. In
39. T, dp Jong, email vom 30.11,2005. k b danke an dieser dif^sem Fall batten sicb also die heliakischen Er-
Slelle HeiTii Prof, Dr, T, de Jonff, Astronomiral Institute ^Anton
Piinnekoek," University of Amstenl;ini. dessen vveitvolle Hilfe
scheinungen des Sterns vom 9. babyloniscben
miraul' Irciindiic be Knipfcliliinti viin Drjolui Steele, Univer-
sity of l^uiliiun, Ijcrcil.s im Mai 200,") ;iiiUil:ili( b eines anderen
s ziileil geworden war, nut's her/.lic bsle tiir das j^roB-
Entpenenkommen. als der Kxperte tiir Ccstirnseiseliei-
nunjien der Antik(\ mir die Daten der heliakisehen Anf- und presenl at similar elevation alonf; tbe hori/nn." und: ..tirsi and
UntergSnge der Delpliini-Sterne a und (i in 13 SA tiir Biibylon last visibility of Delpbinus star.s not known to be regularly
bereehnet und verl'iinbar gemacht ?,u haben. und dies trotz observed by Babylonians," BM ,55466+ mit Duplikat BM
seiner Bedenken, daft ..heliacal risinj:; and .setting of such 3518S+ sind indes Zeugen. daK das Sternbild Delpbinus fiir
weak stars very inconspit uous and dittii iilt lo observe in viev\ Balnlons Himmelsbeobatbtcr astraliiu/thohi^iscli irie astro-
of presence of a multitude (tens) of otber .slars alreadv/slill Interesse gewe.sen war.
 134 JOHANNES KOCH
Monat Kislimu (Tappattu) his in den 10, baby-
lonischen Monat Tebetu 13 SA hingezogen.'*" Bei-
spiele beliebig fortsetzbar,
Selbstverstandlich entziehen sich die Witte-
rungsverhaltnisse der Monate Kislimit (Tappattu)
und Tebetu 13 SA heutiger Kenntnis. Es kann
daher auch nicht entschieden werden, welche
Erinnerutig als zuverlassiger gelten kann; die
des Textes BM 55466+ rev, 2 von einem heliaki-
schen Aufgang des Tiamat-Gestirns Delphinus
im Tappattu oder die des Dtiplikats BM 35188+
von eitiem solchen erst itn folgenden Tebetu—dort,
um sich der Zuwendung Marduk-Amar-Utu s, hier,
um sich des Beistands Marduk-StVs zu versichern
(s, dazu oben B 1 a und B 4 d).
2. BM 55466+ obv. 16. 24. 27 und 28 a
So zutreffend es ist, daft eine Ubersetzung von
BM 55466+ obv. 24:
24 ina "'su sd ne-pe-su M sa-kap '"kur ina e^'
i-pu-us
durch
24 Itn Duzu fiihrte er zur Abwehr von Babylons
Widersacher einen Ritus durch (so Koch 2004;
107) der konkreten Ortsbestimmung;
ina
in Babylon
nicht gerecht wird,^' so grammatisc h mehrdeutig—
mit entsprechenden Ubersetzungsvarianten—ist
der Satz in Zeile 24 gerade auch der Ortsbestim-
mung wegen 42
Ubersetzungsvariante 1:
24 Im Duzu fiihrte er zur Abwehr des Wider-
sachets einen Ritus in Bab\ Ion durch.
40, ,s, diizu oben n. 38.
41, J. Oelsner. Brief vom I6,11,2O{)5; eben.so N. P. Heefiel,
email vom 02.02,2006.
42, N. P. Heetlel. email vom 02.02.2006. Herrn Dr. Hceliel
sage ich an dieser Stelle fiir die mir zu BM 55466+ obv. 24
freundlic'bstgewiihi-te Disknssion besten Dank.
Diese Variante ist durch BM 55466+ obv. 28 a
gestutzt, da hier ausdnicklich von der Durchfiih-
rung des nam,bi'u,bi-Rituals ,,in der Stadt," v^enn-
gleich ohne Angabe des Oitsnamens, die Rede ist;
28 nam.biir.bi ina uru i-te-pu-us
28 das nam,bur,bi-Ritual fiihrte cr in der Stadt
durch.
Ubersetzungsvariaute 2;
Sie bietet sich bei lexikaler Auswettung an*^:
sakap nakri ,,erscheint oft als eine so feste Ver-
bindung, daR man in Erwagung ziehen konnte,
zu iibersetzen;
24 Im Duzu fiihrte er das Ritual ..Abwehr des
Widersachers" in Babylon durch.
Dann ware sakap nakri quasi der Titel des
Ritus'"" gewesen.
Ubersetzungsvariante 3;
24 Im Duzu fuhrte er einen Ritus zur Abwehr
des Widersachers in Babylon dun h,
Hier hatte der Abwehr-Ritus einem Gegner ge-
golten, der sich Babyinns bemiichtigt und unter-
tan gemacht hatte. Allerdings; Fur diese Variante
spricht bestenfalls, daf^ It, BM 55466+ obv, 16
und 27 nicht um den Sturz und Untergang eines
Regenten, .sondern um die Veranderung bzw.
uberhatipt Beendigung von Bab\lons .,Dynastie"
{fxdu{\yA\}'*'') gefurchtet wurde, Freilich, an welche
Dynastie Babylons war gedacht worden?—Viel-
leicht war aber, was sicb in BM 55466+ obv, 16
und 27 als Sorge um die Dynastie Babylons spie-
gelt, einfach das Bangen um Babylons Zukunft,
die Furcht vor politischem, kulti.schem nnd wirt-
schaftlichem ,Aus" der Stadt gewesen, Jtist in jene
Zeit Hel jedenfalls das Gruudungsdatum von Se-
leukeia am
43. 7,. B,..A//u- lOIl: sakapiil 4,
44. N. P Heeliel, email vom 02,02,2006.
45, S, dazu z, B. AHw8\7. jwlii B 3 b,
46, S, dazu z. B. Kinder und Hilgemann (1964: 69); Daniel
(1977: 415, sub "Se ukeia-Ktesipbon").
 NEUES VOM ASTRALMYTHOLOGISCHEN BERICHT BM 55466+ 135

Referenzen
Baehr, U,
1935 Tafel der jiihrlichen Auf- und Untergiinge von
20 Stemen. AHtrouoini.Hclw Ahhandlxmfifiu Er-
ganziingsliefte zu cleii Astronontischeu Nach-
richU'u. B(i. 9, Nr. 5, Kif I; Dnick von C Schmidt, LodcStar Pro
Inhaber Georg Oheim,
Burrows, E,
1924 Hvinn to Ninurta as Sirius fK 128),/HAS Cen-
tenary supplement: 33-40.
Daniel, G.(ed,)
1977 Enzyklopcidie der Ardidologic. London: Ref-
erence International, 1977. Lizenzau.sgabe fiir
Miinfred Pawlak VVrlagsgeseliscliaft nibli,
Herrsching, 1986, fiir die enveiterte deutsche
Ausgabe by Gustav Lubbe Veriag GmbH, Ber-
gisch Cladbach, 1980.
Gossmann, F,
1950 FiinicUiriuin Bai>]i\o)iuinn (xler die siinicrisch-Rnchberg-Ualton, F.
Ixilniloiiisclieii SU'niiiaineu. Siimerisches Lexi-
kon 2/4. Rom: Verlag des Papstl. Bibelinstituts.
Heefeel, N. R
2005 Stein, Pflanze und HDIZ, Ein neuer Text zur
^medizinischeii .'Vstroiogie." Orientalia 74.t:
1-22,
Kinder, H,, und Hilgemann, W. (eds,)
1964 dtv-Atlas zur Wclt^cschichtc. Bd, 1: Von den
Anfiingi'n bis zur hraiizi>sischen Recolutifm.
Miinehen: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag.
King, L, W,
1896 Babylonian Magic and Sorcery, being J^he
praijers of the lifting of tlie hand" London:
Lir/.ar and Co,
1902 The Seven Tablets of Creation or the Baby-
lonian and Assyrian Le^fnds concerniitf:, the Turkerman, B,
Creation of the World and of Mankind, Vol. I.
Etiglish TranslatioHH. etc. London: Luzac
and Co.
KwhJ,
1989 Neue UnterHUclumgcn zur Topogyaphie des
iKibylonischen Fi.xstrnthinimcLs. Wiesbaden: Weigert, B. A, und Zimmermann, H.
Harrassowitz.
2000/ Neues von den babylonischen Planeten-
2001 Hypsomata. WO 31: 46-71.
2004 Ein astralmythologi.scher Bericht aus der Zeit
der Diadochenkampfe. jCS 56: 105-26.
Landsberger, B.
1923 Ein astralmythologischer Kommentar aus der
Spatzeit bab\lonischer Cielehrsamkeit. AfK 1:
69-78,
1994 W. C. Annaia, LodeStar lW^\ Pitt.sburgh:
Zephyr Services,
Parker. R H.. with Dubberstein, W H,
1956 BahijUmian Chronology. 626 BC-A.D. 75.
Pi'ovidence: Brown University Studies, Vol. 19.
Reynolds, F,
1999 Stellar Representations of Tiamat and Qingu
in a Learned Clalendar Text. Pp. 369-78 in
iMiigua^es and Cultuies in Contact^ ed. K. van
Lerberghe und G, Voet. Orientalia Lovaniensia
Analecta 96. Uitgeverij Peeters en Departe-
meiit Ooster.se Studies, 1999.
1988 AsjKX'tH of Babylonian Celestial Daination.
The Lunar Eclipse Tablets of Euuma Anu
Eiilil. AfO Beiheft 22, Horn: Ferdinand Berger
& Snhne.
Rochberg, F,
1998 Babylonian Horoscopes, Tran.saclions of the
American Phihwoiihical Society 8H.l\ 1-164,
Sachs, A. J,
1952 Sirius Dates in Babylonian Astronomical
Texts of the Seleucid Period, jCS 6: 105-14.
Sachs, A. J., und Hunger, H.
1988 Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from
Babylonia, Vol, I: Diaries from 652 B.C. to
262 KC. Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen
Akademie der Wis.senschaften.
1962 Planetary, Lunar, and Solar PositimiH 601 B.C.
to A.D. I at Fivi'-day and Tm-day Intervals..
Memoirs of the American Philosophical So-
ciety 56. Philadelphia: American Philosophical
Society,
1974 ABC der Astronomic, 4. Aufl, Hanau/Main:
Werner Dausien.
 HITTITE FRAGMENTS OF THE STATE
HERMITAGE MUSEUM (ST PETERSBURG)

Alexei Kassian (The Oriental Institute of the Russian State Utiiversity

for the Humanities, Moscow)

In 1921 and 1925. V K. Silejko reported on thirteen fragments will be available in the next
fourteen cuneiform fragments from Bogazkoy be- version of Dr, S. Kosak's electronic Konkordanz
longing to the N. P Likhacev collection and pro- (http://lietbiter.not/).
vided transliterations and translations of eight The three small fragments that were not in-
tablets.' Some years later, A. Gdtze published cluded in VjBt>7^ are given below.
ten of the Likbacev fragments as VBoT 3-12.^
In Soviet times tbe Likhacev collection was
dispersed among several Ru.ssian museums, and Vs. 9
all trace of the fourteen fragments was lost. It was
known, however, that some of tbe.se fragments
were included in the cuneiform collection of the
State Hermitage Museum (St. Petersburg).
During the snmmer of 2006,1 spent a few days
in tbe Herinitage Mu.seum and managed to find
all but one of the Likbacev Bogazkoy fragments.
The fourteenth could not be located, and we are
left only with Silejkns description (IRAIMK 4:
324): "black cla\, right edge, the remains of 8 lines,
corroded by salt." It is unlikely that this piece will
ever be found. I am very grateful to Dr. Natalia
Koslova, custodian of the cuneiform collection of
the State Hermitage Museum, for her kind per-
mission to work on the tablets, to photograph
and publish some of the fragments, and for gen-
eral assistance of every kind. Photographs of all

LErmitage 15595
1. See 7Mpi.ski VostDchnoff) Oldpleniia Black clay; two-sided; right edge. CTIi 832.
Russkogo Arkhcohfiichi'skofio Obsliclwstva iZVOIRAO] 25 obv.'' rev."^
(1921) 77-S2; hvi'stiia Ros.siisktti Akadeinii hli>Hi Malrriiiinoi
Kultury I IRAIMK) 4 (19251 318-24. Nott- tluit tlu- triinsliler-
I' ...| 'X.MES'' 2' ...!-';/'
ation oi' No. VIl Rs. wa.s erroneously plateti under No. 1 (to- 2' ... x-zi 3' ,. ,1 X .
gether with proper No, I) in IRAIMK 4. 3' ,., X
2. As noted in the preface to the preface to VBoT, Gtitze
niiulf hi.s the hanti copies on th€' b;i,sis ol' photographs pro-
4' ... -zi 4' ...\
vided by Silejko, using also the inrorniatiun from IlLMMK 4 5' ,.. 5' .. .| KAM'
andZVO/flAO25. 6' ...

137 JC:S 58 (2006)

138 ALEXEI KASSIAN

«*1

u'

2. Ermitagel5597 3. Ermitage 15602

Black clay; left edge; small signs; unusual drawing Black clay; rigbt edge near; probably New Script.
witbin text. Omen? Festival?
3' .. ]-is A-NA x\... 2' ../-f'SAR/ia-xi-...
4' .. .]-x-kdn mi-i-U'[-... 3' .. .-]a / -h\a''-az- zi fvacat)
5' .. .]-X'Zi'ma[...
6' ...\{-)li-i\... 4' .. .]-a- UD.KAM-f/ ^MUNUS" | - . . .
T .. \-\-in\... 5' ... -j]a--at-ta-a-\...

Table 1. Concordance of the various numbers used in previous publications,

togetber witb tbe contemporary Hermitage inventory nnmbers.

VBoT Likbacev nos. according to VBoT Silejko {IRAIMK 4) Hermitage inventory nos.

3 1 I Hermitage 15649
4 4 IV Hermitage 1.5601
5 5 V Hermitage 15593
6 13 (see ZVOIRAO 25) Hermitage 15634
7 7 VII/I Hermitage 15650
8 2 II Hermitage 15604
9 6 VI Hermitage 15648
10 3 III Hermitage 15594
11 9 IX Hermitage 15603
12 14 (cited in ZRAJMK 4, 318) Hermitage 15609
VIII Hermitage 15602
X Hermitage 15597
XI Hermitage 15595
XII Not found